William of Tyre•HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM
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Rebus igitur in urbe sic dispositis, de communi decernunt consilio, ut dominum Constantinopolitanum imperatorem per nuntios suos sollicitent, quatenus juxta pacta quae cum eis inierat, eis auxilium in propria persona non differat ministrare; sed proficiscentes Hierosolymam, sicut tenebatur ex promisso, mature subsequatur; alioquin pactorum seriem negligenti, ipsi nullatenus vellent se obligatos teneri. Electi autem sunt ad id muneris prosequendum viri nobiles et clarissimi, dominus videlicet Hugo Magnus, domini Philippi Francorum regis frater, et dominus Balduinus Heumaucorum comes: quorum alter irruentibus in itinere hostibus, comparere desiit, cujus usque hodie dubius est exitus, aliis dicentibus eum in acie cecidisse, aliis ab hostibus captum et mancipatum vinculis, in ulteriora deductum Orientis, asseverantibus. Dominus vero Hugo Magnus irruentium insidias declinans hostium, ad imperatorem pervenit incolumis, ubi insignibus gestis ejus multam nubem induxit, et titulo generis derogavit non modicum.
Therefore, with matters thus arranged in the city, by common counsel they decree to solicit the lord emperor of Constantinople by their envoys, that, according to the pacts which he had entered into with them, he not defer to minister aid to them in his own person; but, they setting out to Jerusalem, as he was bound by his promise, he should swiftly follow after; otherwise, if he should neglect the series of the pacts, they for their part would by no means wish to be held as obliged. Now there were chosen to prosecute this charge noble and most illustrious men, to wit Lord Hugh the Great, brother of Lord Philip, king of the Franks, and Lord Baldwin, count of the Heumauci: of whom the latter, enemies rushing upon him on the way, ceased to appear, whose outcome is doubtful to this day—some saying that he fell in the battle-line, others asserting that, seized by the enemies and made over to chains, he was led into the farther regions of the East. But Lord Hugh the Great, avoiding the ambushes of the assailing enemies, came to the emperor unharmed, where, by his notable doings, he brought on a great cloud and not a little derogated from the title of his lineage.
Now, since on the expedition he had performed many things excellently, whence he had procured for himself an immortal fame, in that legation he denigrated his merit, when, the business having been completed, he neither delivered replies to those who had sent him, nor cared to return. And this offense in him was so much the more notable, the more he himself was more illustrious in lineage: for according to the word of our Juvenal:
Suscitata est itaque, ex causis occultis, statim urbe capta et consummata victoria, postquam res jam erant in tranquillo collocatae, tanta clades in populo, ut vix aliqua praeteriret dies, in qua triginta vel quadraginta non efferrentur funera; ita quod de populo supererat, jam quasi penitus deleretur. Qua lue pestifera et contagione, cunctos longe lateque indifferenter involvente, vir vitae venerabilis et immortalis memoriae, dominus Ademarus Podiensis episcopus viam universae carnis ingressus est, atque cum gemitu et lacrymis et intimis omnium suspiriis, tanquam pater et praecipuus plebis universae moderator, in basilica beati Petri, in eo loco ubi lancea Domini reperta fuisse dicebatur, cum multa sepultus est honorificentia. Ejusdem cladis acerbitate Henricus de Ascha, vir et generis titulo et strenuitate commendabilis, apud castrum Turbessel consumptus est, ibique sepultus.
Thus there was stirred up, from hidden causes, immediately the city having been captured and the victory consummated, after affairs were already settled in tranquility, so great a calamity among the people that scarcely any day passed on which thirty or forty funerals were not carried out; so that what remained of the people was now as if being utterly effaced. By which pestiferous plague and contagion, enveloping all far and wide without distinction, the man of venerable life and immortal memory, Lord Adhemar, bishop of Le Puy, entered the way of all flesh, and, with groaning and tears and the inmost sighs of all, as a father and principal moderator of the whole populace, in the basilica of blessed Peter, in that place where the Lord’s lance was said to have been found, was buried with much honor. By the bitterness of the same disaster Henry of Ascha, a man commendable both by the title of his lineage and by strenuity, was consumed near the castle Turbessel, and was buried there.
But also Rainardus of Amesbach, a knight equally and most illustrious both in hand and in blood, fell by the same mischance, buried in the vestibule of the basilica of the Prince of the apostles. The female sex likewise there, almost in its entirety, perished by the same plague, such that within a few days nearly 50,000 failed. Of so great an evil, certain persons curious about this, wishing to assign causes, disagreed among themselves; some saying that this happened from certain occult passions of the air; others, however, assigning this as the cause: that the people, harassed for a long time by the bitterness of famine, after they had reached an abundance of food, taking foods with excessive avidity, seeking to redeem past deficiencies, were bringing upon themselves the cause of death by immoderate gluttony.
Interea vero tum cladis effugiendae gratia, tum assumptae peregrinationis intuitu coepit vociferari populus, et instanter acclamare, ut ad iter versus Hierosolymam, cujus causa venerant iterum principes se accingerent, et Domini praeirent exercitui, causae principali, quae omnes de regionibus suis exciverat, satisfacientes. Qua ex causa principes convenientes in unum, super hac populi postulatione tam favorabili et exauditione digna, deliberationem ingressi sunt, in qua alius sic, alius aliter afficiebatur: quibusdam enim id videbatur expedientius, ut statim sine dilatione iter arriperent, et populi satisfacerent desideriis; quibusdam vero ob instantis fervorem aestatis et aquarum penuriam, et populi famis acerbitate diutius afflicti debilitatem, et equorum defectum, usque ad clementioris initium temporis et Kal. Octobr.
Meanwhile, indeed, both for the sake of escaping the disaster and with a view to the assumed pilgrimage, the people began to vociferate and to acclaim urgently, that toward the journey to Jerusalem, for the sake of which they had come, the princes should again gird themselves, and go before the army as lords, satisfying the principal cause which had called all out of their own regions. For which cause the princes, convening into one, entered into deliberation concerning this petition of the people, so favorable and worthy of a hearing, in which one was affected thus, another otherwise: for to some it seemed more expedient that immediately without delay they should seize the journey and satisfy the desires of the people; but to others, on account of the fervor of the present summer and the penury of waters, and the debility of the people long afflicted by the bitterness of famine, and the defect of horses, to wait until the beginning of a more clement season and the Kalends of October.
it seemed the journey should be deferred, so that in the meantime, with horses newly acquired and the old refreshed, with the people also restored by provisions and rest to their pristine state, and the strength of all repaired, they might be able to rise again stronger to the labor of the journey. At length the latter opinion pleased all, and until the pre-stated time, by common connivance a recess was adopted. But meanwhile, both that they might avoid the peril of the impending disaster, and find elsewhere a greater abundance of necessaries, the princes were divided from one another, on this condition: that without delay they would return at the appointed time.
For Bohemond, descending into Cilicia, took the cities of Tarsus, Adana, Manistra, and Anavarza, and, guardians having been deputed, claimed the whole region for himself. Others also, scattered through the neighboring cities, apart from the crowds, were indulging themselves, attending to their horses and to themselves. Many likewise, both from the commoners and from the more noble, were hastening in rivalry to lord Baldwin, the duke’s brother, to Edessa—over which he presided—in order that they might merit to receive something from him, the Euphrates having been crossed.
Accidit autem per eosdem dies quod Rodohan Halapiensium princeps, cum quodam de suis satrapis, qui castello Hasarth praeerat, contraxerat inimicitias; eoque odium inter eos pervenerat, quod, convocata ex universis sibi subditis regionibus militia, castrum praedictum obsederat. Videns autem praesidii dominus, quia non facile nisi per auxilium Francorum, domino potenti et irato posset resistere, missa legatione ad ducem Godefridum per quemdam Christianum fidelem suum, missis muneribus, ut ejus sibi facilius conciliaret gratiam, ejus amicitiam postulat; servitium suum cum devotione spondet, indissolubili nexu foederis ei se cupiens obligare; et ut verbis ejus pleniorem haberet fidem, et nulla ex parte de ejus promisso dubitaret, filium suum ei destinat obsidem, orans et petens, ut a praesenti eum solvat periculo, condignam pro meritis tempore opportuno retributionem percepturus. His et hujusmodi vir venerabilis persuasus, praedicto nobili amicitia foederatur, in suam eum gratiam recipiens, missoque nuntio, fratrem suum Edessanum comitem cum militaribus copiis ad se praecipit evocari, ut amicum obsidione soluta expediat.
Now it happened in those same days that Rodohan, prince of Aleppo, had contracted enmities with a certain one of his satraps, who presided over the castle of Hasarth; and the hatred had come to such a pitch between them that, the militia convoked from all the regions subject to him, he had besieged the aforesaid fortress. But the lord of the garrison, seeing that he could not easily withstand a lord powerful and enraged, save by the aid of the Franks, sent an embassy to Duke Godfrey by a certain Christian, his faithful man, with gifts sent to conciliate his favor the more easily, and he asks his friendship; he pledges his service with devotion, desiring to bind himself to him by an indissoluble bond of treaty; and that he might have fuller trust in his words, and in no respect doubt his promise, he dispatches his son to him as a hostage, begging and petitioning that he would release him from the present peril, being destined to receive in due season a condign retribution according to his merits. Persuaded by these and suchlike things, the venerable man is bound in friendship with the aforesaid noble, receiving him into his favor; and, a messenger being sent, he commands that his brother, the Count of Edessa, be summoned to him with military forces, that he may extricate his friend by dissolving the siege.
Hardly had the aforesaid Rodohan sat encamped around the castle Hasarth for five days with his expeditions, when behold, Duke Godfrey, with a great multitude both of his own faithful and of friends whom he had invited to pursue the plan, having gone out from Antioch with a strong hand, was hastening vigorously to those parts to succor his friend. But those who had been sent by the aforesaid noble man to the lord duke, seeing that they had accomplished all things prosperously and according to their desires, obtaining for their lord a more abundant grace in the duke’s sight, since they themselves in their own person were in no way able to render their lord better informed about the matter (for the hostile army had so on all sides walled in the castle that neither an entrance nor an exit lay open to anyone), sent out two doves, most excellently trained to carry out that task, to whose tails they tied little letters containing the series of their legation, by which they might instruct their lord more diligently concerning all these things which they had obtained. These, restored to their liberty, returning in a moment to the place whence they had been brought out, were seized by their keeper and likewise trainer, and the little pages, unbound, were presented to the lord.
Interea cum jam diei unius itinere dux cum suo comitatu processisset, occurrit ei frater ejus cum tribus millibus virorum fortium, et armatorum optime: quo cum plena charitate et pietatis affectu benigne suscepto, propositi pandit seriem, et gratiam quam cum praedicto nobili vero contraxerat, aperit diligenter: quae omnia frater approbans, ante omnia monet, ut quoniam ejus vires, ad tantam obsidionem violenter dissolvendam, non videbantur posse sufficere; antequam procedat, principes qui apud Antiochiam remanserant in suum evocet auxilium, ut confidentius valeat in facto procedere. Acquiescens ergo dux fraternis monitis, missa legatione, dominum Boamundum, dominumque Tolosanum comitem multa precum exorat instantia, et sub obtentu fraternitatis invitat humiliter, ut sibi pro amico laboranti, opem ferre non differant, vicem condignam tempore accepto recepturi. Invitaverat autem eos et prius, antequam urbem egrederetur, et multum amice illorum sibi postulaverat suffragium; sed invidiae stimulis agitati, eo quod praedictus vir nobilis, ducis prius quam suum expetierat adminiculum, eum sequi detrectaverant: at nunc iterata vocatione commoniti, videntes quod non possent cum sua honestate ducis preces non admittere, convocatis copiis dominum ducem secuti, ejus se expeditioni sociaverunt.
Meanwhile, when now, with a day’s journey, the duke had advanced with his retinue, his brother met him with three thousand stout men, most excellently armed; whom, being benignly received with full charity and a disposition of piety, he unfolds the series of his plan, and carefully discloses the favor which he had contracted with the aforesaid noble; all of which the brother approving, before all else advises that, since his forces did not seem able to suffice for so great a siege to be violently dissolved, before he proceeds he should summon into his aid the princes who had remained at Antioch, that he may be able to advance more confidently in the deed. Therefore acquiescing in his brother’s monitions, and sending an embassy, he implores with much urgent entreaty Lord Bohemond and the Lord Count of Toulouse, and under the plea of brotherhood humbly invites them not to delay to bring help to him, laboring for a friend, being to receive a condign return at an accepted time. He had invited them also before, before he went forth from the city, and had very amiably requested their suffrage for himself; but, agitated by the goads of envy, because the aforesaid noble had sought the duke’s aid before their own, they had refused to follow him. But now, being admonished by a repeated summons, seeing that with their honor they could not reject the duke’s prayers, having called together their forces and following the lord duke, they joined themselves to his expedition.
After they had come together with one another, they all amounted to about thirty thousand fighters. Rodohan, however, although he was said to have forty thousand Turks, nevertheless, distrusting his strength and fearing the arrival of our men, whom he knew through his own scouts would be at hand shortly, dissolved the expedition and returned to Aleppo. Meanwhile, our army, unaware of Rodohan’s flight, still continued the begun march, and many men of both orders from Antioch were following from afar, that they might associate themselves with the legions as they set out; but not a few, by chance, descended into certain ambushes of the enemy, which they had zealously laid out in front, being far separated from the preceding column, as we have said. The Turks, vastly superior both in craft and in strength, overmastered them, and, after taking some captive, slew very many of them.
After this became known to the duke and the other princes, desisting from the journey undertaken, they unanimously pursued the aforesaid malefactors, and before they could withdraw into their own retreats and find their accustomed by-ways, they met them by chance: receiving them with swords and rushing upon them more spiritedly, they shattered them in a moment; and, having recovered our men whom they were leading off captive in fetters, with very many of them slain and countless taken prisoner, they put them to flight, almost wiped out to utter extermination. Now these were from the chosen militia of the oft-named Rodohan, of his familiars and domestics, about ten thousand. This done, our army, returning again into one, reached the place destined with victory: to whom the lord of the garrison, with three hundred horsemen, coming forth, in the sight of all the legions, with head bowed and knees fixed in the earth, first to the duke, then to the other princes, rendering great thanks with much devotion, bound and delivered himself as faithful to the Christian princes by bodily oaths proffered before all the people, asserting that from their favor and services no day, no mishap, would ever tear him away forever.
Dux ergo videns adhuc praedictam in urbe regnare pestilentiam, et cladem magis ac magis in populo dominari, fratris acquiescens petitionibus, qui eum praesens quam intime rogaverat, ut in suam descenderet regionem, ibique Augusti fervorem et pestilentis aeris declinaret malitiam: assumpto familiari comitatu, et indigentium maxima manu, ut eis in necessariis charitative provideret, in terram fratris descendit, in finibus Turbessel, Hatab et Ravandel habitans, regione tota pro suo utens arbitrio, et fratris saepius habens praesentiam. Accidit autem, dum moram ibi faceret, quod regionis incolae, et maxime viri religiosi, qui in monasteriis, quae illinc erant plurima, graves de Pancratio et Covasilio ejus fratre in ejus praesentia fundebant quaestiones. Erant autem hi duo fratres, Armenii natione, viri praeclari, sed subdoli supra modum; habentes in ea regione municipia, de quorum munimine praesumentes, regionis habitatores, et maxime monasteria, gravibus et indebitis molestabant exactionibus; processeratque eo usque eorum temeritas, quod etiam domini comitis Edessani nuntios cum muneribus ad fratrem directos, dum adhuc obsidio circa Antiochiam perseveraret, in itinere spoliare praesumerent, et destinata domino duci munera, domino dirigerent Boamundo ut ejus sibi adversus comitem Edessanum conciliarent gratiam.
Therefore the Duke, seeing that the aforesaid pestilence still reigned in the city, and that the calamity more and more held sway among the people, complying with his brother’s petitions—who in person had most intimately entreated him to descend into his own region and there to decline the fervor of August and the malice of the pestilential air—having taken up a familiar retinue and a very great band of the indigent, that he might charitably provide for them in necessities, went down into his brother’s land, dwelling within the borders of Turbessel, Hatab, and Ravandel, using the whole region at his own discretion, and having the presence of his brother frequently. It happened, however, while he made a stay there, that the inhabitants of the region, and especially religious men—who in the monasteries, of which there were many in those parts—were pouring out grave complaints in his presence about Pancratius and Covasilus his brother. Now these two brothers, Armenians by nation, were men distinguished, but crafty beyond measure; having in that region municipia (fortified towns), and presuming upon the muniment of which, they harassed the inhabitants of the region, and especially the monasteries, with heavy and undue exactions; and their temerity had advanced so far that they even presumed to despoil on the road the messengers of the lord Count of Edessa, sent with gifts to his brother while the siege still persisted around Antioch, and to direct to lord Bohemond the gifts destined for the lord Duke, that they might conciliate his favor for themselves against the Count of Edessa.
Therefore, the complaints having been heard, and moved by just indignation, he sent fifty from the number of his own horsemen, and, with the people of the region, he violently broke their strongholds and, having broken them, threw them down to the very ground, that he might in some measure check their intolerable insolence. The Duke, then, sojourning in those parts, almost all the greater men of our army, but of the common folk countless numbers, that they might find some solace against the impending straits of poverty, were flocking eagerly to the aforesaid lord count; and especially from the time when the garrison of Hasarth, which was positioned in the middle of the road, had come into our favor. He received them all with such honor and rewarded them with such liberality that even they themselves who had come for this very purpose marveled.
Factum est itaque quod nostrorum turbis ad urbem saepe dictam confluentibus, tanta erat in ea Latinorum multitudo, quod civibus jam inciperet esse molestum: frequentes enim eis in hospitio suscepti inferebant molestias, supra modum in populo dominari volentes. Jamque civium consilio nobilium, quorum beneficio tantam urbem acquisierat, minus et minus utebatur. Unde vehementi indignatione adversus eum suosque succensi sunt, poenitentes admodum, quod eum sibi praefecissent; timentes, una die, ab eo cui nihil sufficere videbatur, bonis omnibus spoliari.
It came to pass, therefore, that as crowds of our people were confluent upon the oft-mentioned city, so great was the multitude of Latins in it that it began to be vexatious to the citizens: for, frequently received by them into hospitality, they were bringing annoyances, wishing to dominate among the people beyond measure. And now he was making use less and less of the counsel of the nobles among the citizens, by whose beneficence he had acquired so great a city. Whence, inflamed with vehement indignation against him and his men, they were very repentant that they had set him over themselves; fearing that, in a single day, by him to whom nothing seemed to suffice, they would be despoiled of all their goods.
A conspiracy therefore having been made with the neighboring princes of the Turks, they began to treat how lord Baldwin might either be slain by a sudden accident, or at least be driven from the city. And that they might be found readier for this purpose, they had deposited their treasures and all their substance through the neighboring castles and cities with their familiars. And while they were handling this matter more frequently with full solicitude, it came about that, by the report of a certain man who abounded toward that same lord in very much sincerity of faith and love, a discourse of this kind reached him; and finding for this matter many arguments worthy of faith, he sent a numerous band of his satellites, and ordered that all those murderers be seized and bound in chains.
At length, the matter having been more fully understood through the confession of those same men, he ordered the princes of that faction to be blinded; but others, who had offended less, with their goods confiscated, he made exiles from the city; while the substance of others he attached to his own treasury (aerarium), and, the dwelling in the city mercifully granted, he punished them only pecuniarily. Whence, having taken up an amount to twenty thousand pieces of gold, he disbursed stipends with much liberality to those who had come to him, and by whose aid he was subjecting to himself cities and neighboring municipalities; and upon both the citizens and the adjacent peoples, by his name alone, he inflicted fear. Whence also many were thinking with all solicitude about his extermination; so that his father-in-law, fearing lest, on account of the residue of the dowry which he had promised with his daughter and had not yet paid, he should suffer grave inquisitions, secretly fled into the mountains, where he had his garrisons.
Erat porro in eadem regione nobilis quidam, genere Turcus, Balas nomine, eidem comiti confoederatus, qui aliquando Sororgiae dominus fuerat, ante illum Latinorum frequentem accessum comiti plurimum familiaris. Hic videns quod circa eum comitis amor intepuerat, sive rogatu civium, sive propria ductus malitia, accessit ad eum orans et petens ut unicum, quod ei supererat praesidium, veniens ipse in propria persona, susciperet: asserebat enim, sibi ejus gratiam sufficere, et pro multa haereditate reputari. Uxorem autem ac liberos, et omnem substantiam suam in urbem Edessanam asserebat se velle introducere: multum enim contribulium suorum indignationem fingebat severeri, eo quo Christianis factus esset familiaris.
There was moreover in the same region a certain noble, by race a Turk, named Balas, allied to the same count, who had at one time been lord of Sororgia, before that frequent influx of the Latins, very familiar with the count. This man, seeing that the count’s love toward him had grown tepid, whether at the request of the citizens or led by his own malice, approached him, begging and asking that the single presidium which remained to him, by the count’s coming in his own person, he would take up; for he asserted that the count’s favor sufficed for him and was reckoned as a great inheritance. Moreover, he asserted that he wished to introduce his wife and children, and all his substance, into the city of Edessa; for he was feigning the indignation of his fellow-tribesmen to be very severe, because he had become familiar with the Christians.
Persuaded by these words, the count appointed a day, that, upon arriving at the place, he might satisfy his will. But on the appointed day, taking with him two hundred horsemen, he came to the place designated beforehand by Bala, who went before. Now Balas had secretly pre-secured the town, introducing one hundred Turks, strong in strength and very well equipped with arms, who lay hidden in the garrison in such a way that none of them appeared.
When therefore they had taken position before the little town, he asked the count to enter the castle with a few intimates, lest perhaps, if that whole multitude were admitted, he himself should sustain some loss in his substance. And already he had well-nigh persuaded everything to his wish, when certain men—nobles and circumspect men who were about him—somehow presaging treachery, held him back, as it were by force, when he wished to enter, rightly holding the man’s malice as suspect, and judging it safer that this first experiment be carried out through other persons. To whose prudent counsel the count acquiescing, he ordered twelve of his own, most robust men and excellently armed, to enter into the garrison; but he himself outside, in a place quite near, sat down quietly with the rest of the militia, until he might behold the outcome of the matter with eyewitness assurance.
Those, however, who had entered, experienced upon themselves the fraud and malice of the iniquitous traitor: for the Turks—one hundred of whom we have foretold—having come forth from their hiding-places, armed to the nail, violently seized the horsemen who had been lured aside, wishing to resist, but in vain, consigning them to chains.
Quo cognito, comes pro suis fidelibus, quos ita fraudulenter amiserat, tristis admodum et maxime sollicitus, accedens propius ad praesidium, coepit Balas diligenter commonere; et sub obtentu juramentorum, quae illi de observanda fidelitate exhibuerat, attentius convenire ut, sumpta immensitate pecuniae, quos proditiose ceperat, restitueret; negavit penitus, nisi ei Sororgia redderetur. Comes autem videns quod non proficeret; erat enim praesidium in excelsis rupibus situm, arte et viribus insuperabile, reversus est Edessam, suorum aegre ferens captivitatem, et fraudem quam pertulerat animo revolvens anxietate nimia. Praeerat autem praedictae urbi Sororgiae, quidam Fulbertus Carnotensis, vir in militaribus negotiis expertissimus, centum expeditissimos sub se habens equites.
When this was learned, the count, on behalf of his faithful men whom he had thus fraudulently lost, very sorrowful and most solicitous, approaching nearer to the stronghold, began diligently to admonish Balas; and under the pretext of the oaths which he had exhibited to him for the observance of fidelity, to press him more attentively that, upon taking an immense sum of money, he would restore those whom he had treacherously seized; he utterly refused, unless Sororgia were returned to him. But the count, seeing that he was not making progress—for the stronghold was set on lofty crags, insuperable by art and by force—returned to Edessa, bearing with difficulty the captivity of his men, and revolving in his mind with excessive anxiety the fraud which he had endured. Now over the aforesaid city of Sororgia there presided a certain Fulbert of Chartres, a man most experienced in military affairs, having under him one hundred most expeditious knights.
This man, discovering the trick which his lord had suffered, and wholly commiserating him, burned in spirit how he might avenge so great an injury. Whence, on a certain day, ambushes having been set in a place opportune for that, before the oft‑mentioned town, as if about to drive off plunder, he with a few men zealously came near, in order that they might pursue him; but those who were in the municipality, seeing that he was driving off booty from the pastures, seizing arms, in rivalry chased him in flight beyond the ambushes which he himself had set. Whereupon, strength being resumed, and those who had lain hidden breaking out, rushing upon them, with some slain and others scarcely having a refuge in the town, he seized six of them alive; in exchange for whom, a compensation having been arranged, after a short interval of time, he received just as many of his own. Four, however, of those same, deceiving their guards, slipped away and returned to their liberty; but the two who remained of their number the wicked and impious man ordered to be beheaded.
Whence it came about that from that day lord Baldwin declined the friendship of the Turks, and held their faith utterly suspect: which he straightway showed by an evident argument. For in the same region there was a certain man of the same race, by name Balduc, who had sold to the same count, for a price intervening, the city of Samosata, ancient and most fortified. This man was bound by compact to transfer his wife and children, and his whole household, into the city of Edessa; but seeking crafty occasions, he deferred fulfilling the purpose, seeking an opportunity for malice. He, having come in to him in the accustomed manner and alleging frivolous causes of delay, lest he should suffer something similar from him, was ordered to be beheaded.
Interea vero dum circa Turbessel dux moram faceret, et haec circa partes Edessanas agerentur, comes Tolosanus cum suo comitatu et multo pauperum populo egressus Antiochia, ne interim otiosus torpesceret, Albaram urbem munitissimam in Appamiensi provincia constitutam, ab Antiochia quasi duorum dierum itinere distantem, obsedit, et obsessos in ea cives violenter compulit ad deditionem. Urbe vero capta, et adjacente sibi cum universis suburbanis subjecta regione, quemdam Petrum Narbonensem genere, de suo comitatu, virum honestae conversationis, et valde religiosum, in ejusdem loci elegit episcopum; cui statim dimidium civitatis et universi contulit territorii, Deo gratias exhibens, quod per ejus operam et studium Oriens episcopum haberet Latinum: qui Antiochiam ut suae consecrationis munus susciperet, de mandato comitis profectus, pontificalis adeptus est plenitudinem potestatis. Postmodum vero Antiochena ordinata Ecclesia, per dominum Bernardum ejusdem civitatis patriarcham Latinorum primum, suae metropolis in eamdem Ecclesiam transtulit dignitatem, suscepto ab eodem pallii genio, factus archiepiscopus.
Meanwhile, indeed, while the duke was making delay around Turbessel and these things were being transacted in the Edessan parts, the Count of Toulouse, with his retinue and a great people of the poor, having set out from Antioch, lest in the meantime he grow torpid in idleness, besieged the most fortified city of Albara, situated in the Apamean province, lying at about a two-days’ journey from Antioch, and violently compelled the citizens besieged therein to a surrender. The city, in truth, having been taken, and the region adjacent to it with all its suburbs brought under subjection, he chose as bishop of that same place a certain Peter, by birth a Narbonensian, a man of honorable manner of life and very religious; to whom forthwith he conferred half of the city and the whole of the territory, giving thanks to God that through his effort and zeal the East should have a Latin bishop: who, having set out to Antioch by the mandate of the count in order to receive the gift of his consecration, obtained the fullness of pontifical power. Afterwards, indeed, the Antiochene Church having been ordered, through lord Bernard, patriarch of that same city, the first of the Latins, he transferred the dignity of his metropolis into that same Church, and, having received from him the insignia of the pallium, was made archbishop.
At that same time there was with the lord Count of Toulouse a certain nobleman named William: he, when the city of Antioch had been broken open, by a fortuitous chance had taken the wife of Acianus, prince of the Antiochenes, together with two little grandsons by his son Samsadolus, and was keeping them with him in chains; for whose ransom the aforesaid Samsadolus gave to the above-named noble man an immense sum of money, the mother together with the children being restored to their former liberty. At that same time too, a huge multitude of men from the Teutonic kingdom, from the parts of Ratisbon, to the number of about 1,500, having sailed prosperously, had made landfall in the port of Saint Symeon; and all of them within a short time were consumed by the same disaster. For three consecutive months up to the Kalends.
Kalendis autem Novembribus, cum jam sicut ex compacto tenebantur omnes principes, qui cladem evitantes ab urbe secesserant, essent reversi, capta jam, ut praemisimus, Albariensi urbe, de communi consilio, Marram urbem munitissimam, ab Albara octo distantem milliaribus, ne nil interim ageretur, expugnare proponunt; non enim poterant vociferantis populi, et iter versus Hierosolymam expetentis clamorem tolerare. Praeparatis igitur necessariis, die constituta profecti sunt, ut proposito satisfacerent, comes Tolosanus et Flandrensis, comesque Northmannorum; dux etiam et dominus Eustachius ejusdem frater et Tancredus, una cum illis supranominatam urbem obsidione vallaverunt. Erant autem cives ejusdem loci superbi admodum, et prae multitudine divitiarum arrogantes; eoque maxime, quod semel in quodam conflictu, multos de nostris occiderant; unde adhuc apud se gloriabantur, nostrum contemnentes exercitum et principibus irrogantes convicia.
On November 1, when now, as by compact, all the princes who, avoiding the disaster, had withdrawn from the city had returned, with the city of Albara now taken, as we have premised, by common counsel they propose to assault the very strongly fortified city of Marra, eight miles distant from Albara, lest in the meantime nothing be done; for they could not endure the outcry of the vociferating people, who were demanding the march toward Jerusalem. Therefore, the necessaries having been prepared, on the appointed day they set out, that they might satisfy the purpose: the Count of Toulouse and of Flanders, and the Count of the Normans; the duke also, and Lord Eustace his brother, and Tancred, together with them surrounded the above-named city with a siege. The citizens, however, of that place were very proud, and arrogant by reason of the multitude of riches; and especially because once, in a certain conflict, they had killed many of ours; whence they still boasted among themselves, despising our army and hurling insults upon the princes.
But they even fixing crosses upon the towers and walls, with spittings and certain other excessively opprobrious modes, were inflicting contumely upon our men. Wherefore, with greater emotion and vehement indignation, as much as the pain of sacrilege could inflame them, attacking the city with continuous assaults, if they had had a supply of ladders, on the second day on which they had come up to the same, they would have broken in the city by violence. At last on the third day, Bohemond arriving with greater forces, from that side of the city which had remained un-besieged, continued the siege; after whose arrival, after several days, our men, indignant that they were being kept there so long to no purpose, weave hurdles, and raise towers, and set up wooden projectile engines, and, impatient of delay, strive to assail the city more protervly.
Accordingly, the rampart having been leveled with much labor, our men strove to undermine the wall; but those who were within, resisting with all their forces, were hurling stones, fire, and hives full of bees, and quicklime as well, with as much urgency as they could, to drive them from the wall; yet by the virtue and mercy of God, they could injure none of ours, or only a few; and our men pressed the more vehemently, assailing the city on every side, the more they observed the citizens failing and their efforts being emptied. And when the assault had been continuous from the first twilight of day until the setting sun, with the citizens wearied by continual toil and now resisting with less care, ladders having been applied to the wall, our men forcibly climb the walls. Among them a noble man from the bishopric of Limoges, Guilferus, surnamed “of the Towers,” was the first to scale the wall; several following him occupied certain towers of the city; but to proceed in the same action and to claim the whole city for themselves, the night, rushing on at an untimely hour, forbade.
Postponing the business, however, until the following day, our knights and the bands of the magnates, so that at first light they might return to the selfsame task, kept vigils all night around the city, lest an exit should lie open to the enemies. But the indomitable plebs, wearied by long labors and vexed by the bitterness of long-continued famine, seeing that none of the enemies appeared upon the ramparts, that the city as a whole was resting without noise, entered the city without the knowledge of the chiefs; and finding it empty, secretly and without din they seized all its spoils. For the citizens had betaken themselves into subterranean caverns, to look to their safety, if only for a time.
But when morning had come, the princes arose, and obtaining the city without battle, they carried off from there few spoils; learning, however, that the citizens had hidden themselves in subterranean lairs, with fires applied and smoke more copiously sent in, they compelled them to surrender; and, violently dragged out from there, they partly cut them down with swords, partly consigned them to fetters. There died there lord William, of good memory, the bishop of Orange, a religious man and fearing God. The duke, however, when for fifteen days he had made a stay there with others, drawn by private affairs with the Count of the Flemings, returned to Antioch.
Per idem tempus videns dominus Godefridus Lotharingiae dux, quod populus ad proficiscendum se accingeret et principes ad id ipsum invitaret instantius, proposuit, priusquam a regione illa discederet, fratrem videre et ejus colloquio recreari. Profectus ergo cum familiari comitatu, in fratris regionem descendit: quo viso, completisque pro quibus ierat negotiis, et sumpta licentia, Antiochiam, ad caeteros principes, qui eum exspectabant, revertebatur. Cumque jam urbi per sex vel quinque milliaria esset proximus, accidit quod in loco herbido et amoeno satis, secus fontem, qui dulces et perspicuas emanabat aquas, ipsa loci facie ad id invitante, descendit ut cibum sumeret; dumque in eo sociorum ferveret intentio, et aptus pro loco et tempore prandii fieret apparatus, ecce repente de carecto paludis, quae loco illi erat contermina, hostium equites ad unguem armati, super convivantes irruunt.
At the same time, seeing that the people were girding themselves to set out and that the princes were inviting to that very thing more insistently, Lord Godfrey, duke of Lotharingia, resolved, before he should depart from that region, to see his brother and be refreshed by his colloquy. Setting out, therefore, with a familiar retinue, he went down into his brother’s region; and when he had seen him, and the affairs on account of which he had gone were completed, and leave taken, he was returning to Antioch, to the other princes who were awaiting him. And when he was already within six or five miles of the city, it happened that, in a grassy and quite pleasant place, beside a spring which was sending forth sweet and pellucid waters—the very face of the place inviting to it—he dismounted to take food; and while the intent zeal of his companions was hot upon it, and an apparatus apt for the place and the time of luncheon was being made, behold, suddenly from the reed-bed of a marsh which bordered that place, enemy horsemen, armed to the fingernail, rush upon those feasting.
The duke, however, and his own men, before the Turks approached them, had snatched up their arms while mounted on their horses: whence it came about that, an engagement having been joined between them, with the Lord’s grace going before, the duke proved superior, so that, many being slain, he drove the rest to flight; and thence he withdrew into the city with glory.
Capta ergo civitate praedicta, orta est inter dominum Boamundum et Tolosanum comitem grandis controversia. Comes enim Albariensi episcopo eam dare proposuerat; Boamundus vero eam civitatis partem quam occupaverat, pro comitis arbitrio episcopo nolebat concedere, nisi comes eas quas ipse apud Antiochiam possidebat, prius ei resignaret turres. Tandem vero neglecto negotio quod apud Marram gerebatur, dominus Boamundus cum indignatione reversus est Antiochiam, ubi expugnatis turribus quas Tolosani comitis munitas detinebant satellites, ejus inde violenter dejecit familiam; et sic universam absque consorte possedit civitatem.
Therefore, the aforesaid city having been captured, a great controversy arose between Lord Boamundus and the Count of Toulouse. For the count had proposed to give it to the bishop of Albara; but Boamundus was unwilling to grant to the bishop, at the count’s discretion, that part of the city which he had occupied, unless the count should first resign to him the towers which he himself possessed at Antioch. At length, however, the business which was being conducted at Marram having been neglected, Lord Boamundus returned to Antioch in indignation, where, the towers having been stormed which the retainers of the Count of Toulouse were holding fortified, he violently cast out from there his retinue; and thus he possessed the whole city without a partner.
The Count, however, seeing that his rival had withdrawn, and that he could at his free discretion dispose of the captured city, bestowed it, as he had previously proposed, upon the Albarian bishop. But while he was arranging with that same bishop how, with guards deputed from both orders, they might preserve the city unharmed from enemies, the people, sensing this, began to take it exceedingly hard; and to complain among themselves that the princes were contriving delays, and for each city taken were stirring up among themselves litigations and wranglings, so that their principal purpose seemed altogether neglected. Wherefore, coming together with one another, they ordained among themselves that, with the Count absent for whatever cause, they would raze the city, lest from hereafter it should afford any impediment to their vows.
Contigit vero interea, quod convenientibus apud Rugiam, quae quasi in medio inter Antiochiam et praedictam Marram sita est, principibus, ut ad vociferationes populi, super itinere deliberationem haberent, comes vocatus illuc pervenit. Ubi dissentientibus ab invicem, nihil consonum, nihilque utile de proposito constitutum est: ubi dum comes moram faceret, populus qui apud Marram relictus fuerat, nacta occasione ex comitis absentia, multum prohibente et renitente plurimum praedicto episcopo, turres et moenia dejecerant funditus, ut comes rediens, ulterius innectendi moram ex eo causas non haberet. Redeunte vero comite, tristis admodum pro casu, qui acciderat, videns tamen populi voluntatem, factum prudenter dissimulavit.
It happened meanwhile that, when the princes had assembled at Rugia, which is, as it were, in the middle between Antioch and the aforesaid Marra, so that, in answer to the people’s vociferations, they might have a deliberation about the journey, the count, having been summoned, arrived there. There, as they dissented from one another, nothing consonant, and nothing useful regarding the proposed plan, was established: and while the count was lingering there, the people who had been left at Marra, having seized the occasion from the count’s absence, although the aforesaid bishop was much forbidding and very greatly resisting, had cast down the towers and walls utterly to the foundations, so that, when the count returned, he might no longer have causes for weaving delay any further on that account. But when the count returned, very sad indeed on account of the mishap that had occurred, yet seeing the will of the people, he prudently dissimulated the deed.
The people nevertheless pressed on more protervially, praying and asking that he would present himself as a leader to the people of God for the accomplishing of the journey begun; otherwise they would set some one or other of the soldiers over themselves, to be in command of their army, and to go before them in the way of the Lord. Moreover, in that same army there was such a bitterness of famine that, aliments failing, many, contrary to custom, putting on the spirits of wild beasts, turned themselves to the eating of unclean animals. It is also said—if indeed it is lawful to believe—that many, because of want of provisions, fell so far as to eat human flesh; but neither was disaster lacking among the people, nor could it deservedly be lacking, where the wretched plebs was nourished with such unclean and pestilential foods (if indeed they are to be called foods, which are taken contrary to nature).
Nor indeed had that want, so great and of such a kind, which had afflicted the people, been momentary nor for a little time; but for about five weeks, or more, around that city which they were striving to take by storm, they had made delay with this peril. And there had failed there, not only by the chances of war but also by various infirmities, illustrious and noble men; among whom the adolescent of most perfect disposition, Engelrand, son of Lord Hugh, Count of Saint-Pol, seized by a strong sickness, closed his last day.
His omnibus vir inclytus et insignis dominus comes Tolosanus, mente anxiatus et spiritu, infra se ipsum fluctuabat dubius; nam et periclitantis populi eum affligebat molestia, et fatigabat necessitas; et itineris desiderium, quo tam majores quam minores succensi erant, ita ut etiam cum clamoribus assiduis et frequenti contestatione id importunius exigerent, requiem penitus denegabant. Volens igitur utrique morbo congruum aptare remedium, certus tamen quod alii principes eum in hac parte sequi nollent, ut populo vociferanti et suae satisfaceret conscientiae, diem ad iter aggrediendum populo praefixit quintumdecimum, et ne medio tempore fame, quae nimis invaluerat, populus periclitaretur, assumpta parte militiae, et de turbis pedestribus his, qui videbantur validiores, parte reliqua infra urbem relicta, in terras hostium descendit, ut vitae necessaria plebi quocunque periculo procuraret. Ingressus igitur cum maximo comitatu, regionem hostium opulentissimam, effractis municipiis pluribus, et succensis suburbanis aliquot, greges inde retulit et armenta, servosque et ancillas et alimentorum ingentes copias, ita ut usque ad satietatem plenam, jejunus et esuriens reficeretur populus; et sociis qui apud Marram urbem tuentes remanserant, portiones pro sorte virili deputarent.
At all this the renowned and conspicuous man, the lord Count of Toulouse, anxious in mind and spirit, wavered within himself in doubt; for both the vexation of the people in peril afflicted him, and necessity wearied him; and the desire of the march, with which both the greater and the lesser were inflamed—so that even with assiduous outcries and frequent remonstrance they demanded it the more importunately—utterly denied him rest. Wishing, therefore, to fit a congruent remedy to each malady, yet certain that the other princes would not wish to follow him in this matter, in order to satisfy the vociferating people and his own conscience, he fixed for the people the fifteenth day for undertaking the march; and lest in the meantime the people be endangered by the famine, which had grown too strong, taking with him a part of the soldiery, and from the foot-crowds those who seemed the stouter, the remaining part being left within the city, he descended into the lands of the enemy, that he might procure the necessities of life for the common folk at whatever peril. Having entered, therefore, with a very great company, into the most opulent region of the enemy, with several towns broken open and several suburbs set on fire, he brought back from there flocks and herds, and male and female slaves, and huge supplies of food, so that even to full satiety the fasting and hungry people was refreshed; and to the allies who had remained guarding at the city of Marra, portions were assigned according to each man’s lot.
Accordingly, having returned, the count began to seethe with uncertainty what he should do, as the people were crying out again that the day appointed for undertaking the march was now pressing and spurned all delays. But seeing that the people were fostering an honorable cause, and that he could no longer endure their insistence, although he was alone and none of the princes had decided to follow him, with only his own comitatus, the city having been set on fire and reduced to cinders, he undertook the journey. And seeing that he did not have many knights, he asked the bishop of Albara to set out with him; who, kindly admitting the count’s entreaties, set a certain noble man—namely William of Cumliac—over his affairs with seven knights and thirty footmen. He, in bona fide and full devotion, conserving the possessions entrusted to him, within a few days had in place of seven knights forty, and in place of thirty footmen he had received eighty or more, multiplying his lord’s property to an immense degree.
Therefore, on the appointed day, seizing the journey he set out, waiting for none of the others. Now there were in his retinue about 10,000 men, of whom scarcely 350 were knights. To him as he was departing, the Count of the Northmen and Lord Tancred, each with 40 knights and a numerous band of foot-soldiers, aggregated themselves, showing themselves companions on the march, undivided.
Setting out, however, they found on the journey such opulence of resources that the people needed nothing further. For, passing through Caesarea, Hama, and Emesa, which in the vulgar appellation is called Camela, they obtained from their princes both guidance and safe-conduct, and a market of vendible goods on the best conditions; moreover, very many gifts in gold, silver, flocks and herds, and victuals of every kind, from the municipals and townsmen through whose borders they passed, so that they might spare their region. And thus day by day their army was increased, and advanced into a better state, abounding in the necessary things to complete sufficiency.
Even of horses, of which they had suffered the greatest indigence, they procured for themselves a vast multitude, both gratis and for a price, such that before they convened with the remaining princes, they had a thousand and more, the prior ones excepted, in their own army. At length, when they had advanced for several days, pursuing an inland route, it was decreed by common counsel that they should return to the maritime shore, so that they might more easily be instructed about the state of the remaining princes, whom they had left behind in the Antiochene borders; and that from the ships which were coming up by sea from Antioch and Laodicea they might obtain the commerce of necessary things.
Fuerant sane toto illo itinere, ex quo a Marra discesserant, eis cuncta satis prospera, nisi quod saepius circa expeditionis novissima, praedones quidam occulte consueverant irruere; et de senibus et valetudinariis, qui exercitum non poterant aequis subsequi passibus, nonnullos interimebant aut captivabant, quorum fraudibus comes argute obvians, praeeuntibus exercitum domino Tancredo, domino quoque Northmannorum duce Roberto, una cum Albariensi episcopo, ipse cum quibus viris insignibus et egregiis post exercitum remansit in insidiis, ut praedictis malefactoribus, qui proficiscentem exercitum pone sequebantur, ut incautos opprimerent, tempore occurreret opportuno. Factumque est ut more solita irruentibus maleficis, comes e latebris egrediens, eis se daret obviam; et repente irruens prosterneret universos, equos eorum et spolia, et de captivis aliquot, cum multa laetitia in expeditionem referens. Ab ea die tute et sine difficultate incedebat populus, rebus necessariis affluenter abundans; nec fuit in omni regione quam praeterierunt proficiscentes, a dexteris vel a sinistris civitas ulla, vel municipium, cujus cives exercitui et ejus ducibus non dirigerent munera; foedus non impetrarent a transeuntibus et amicitiam: excepto uno, cujus habitatores de sua multitudine et loci praesumentes munimine, nec forum eis obtulerunt rerum venalium, nec impetrato foedere, ducibus miserunt exenia; sed junctis agminibus nostrorum expeditioni conati sunt impedimentum praestare.
Indeed, on that whole journey, from the time they had departed from Marra, all things had been sufficiently prosperous for them, except that rather often, toward the latter part of the expedition, certain marauders had been accustomed to rush in covertly; and from among the old men and the infirm, who could not follow the army with equal steps, they would kill or take captive several. To their frauds the count, meeting them shrewdly—while lord Tancred, and likewise lord Robert, duke of the Northmen, together with the bishop of Albara, were leading the army on ahead—himself, with certain distinguished and select men, remained behind the army in ambush, so that he might at an opportune time fall upon the aforesaid malefactors, who were following behind the departing army in order to crush the unwary. And it came to pass that, when the evildoers rushed in according to their wont, the count, coming out of his lairs, went to meet them; and suddenly charging, he laid them all low, bringing back into the expedition with much rejoicing their horses and spoils, and some of the captives. From that day the people advanced safely and without difficulty, abounding in necessary supplies in overflowing measure; nor in the whole region which they passed through as they set out, on the right or on the left, was there any city or municipality whose citizens did not send gifts to the army and its leaders, and did not obtain from the passers-by a pact and friendship: except one, whose inhabitants, presuming upon their multitude and the fortification of the place, neither offered them a market of saleable goods, nor, even with a treaty obtained, sent gifts to the leaders; but, their columns being joined, they tried to furnish a hindrance to our expedition.
Seeing which, our men, kindled with just indignation, rushed upon them with one accord; and in a moment, their companies being broken up, and several taken captive, they violently broke open their town; and, driving off their flocks and herds, and even the horses that were being fed in the subjacent pastures, and plundering all their substance, they led them away with them. Now there were in the same army envoys of the neighboring princes, sent for this purpose, to obtain peace. These, seeing the strength and boldness of our men, returned to their own, that they might secure full peace for their lords, so that those who had sent them might be more fully instructed about our manners and fortitude; but soon they were returning with horses and other gifts.
Est autem Archis una de urbibus provinciae Phoenicis, ad radices Libani, in colle sita munitissimo, quatuor aut quinque a mari distans milliaribus, longe lateque diffusa, optimi soli, et glebae uberis habens planitiem; cui etiam et laetissima non desunt pascua, et aquarum commoditates viventium. Hanc, ut veterum habent traditiones, Aracheus septimus filiorum Chanaan fundasse dicitur, et de suo nomine Arachis dixisse; sed postea corrupto nomine, Archis dictam fuisse. Circa hanc, ut praemisimus, nostri castra locaverunt sua, non casu fortuito; sed quorumdam ex nostris, qui in vinculis hostium detinebantur, litteris et exhortatione commoniti.
Now Archis is one of the cities of the province of Phoenicia, at the roots of Lebanon, set on a most strongly fortified hill, four or five miles distant from the sea, spread far and wide, having a plain of the best soil and of fertile glebe; to which, moreover, there are not lacking most luxuriant pastures, and conveniences of waters for the inhabitants. This, as the traditions of the ancients hold, Aracheus, the seventh of the sons of Canaan, is said to have founded, and to have called Arachis from his own name; but afterwards, the name being corrupted, it was called Archis. Around this, as we have premised, our men placed their camp, not by fortuitous chance, but admonished by the letters and exhortation of certain of our own who were held in the bonds of the enemy.
For there were in the Tripolitan city, which is a most noble city situated on the shore of the sea, lying six or five miles distant from Archis, several of our people who were violently detained in it. From the beginning of the Antiochene siege, and especially after the city had been completely subdued, our men began, that they might procure victuals for themselves, want compelling, imprudently to go around the regions, and to expose themselves of their own accord to the surrounding enemies for prey. Whence it had come about that there was scarcely a city or town which did not have captives from our people; after the same fashion, in the city of Tripoli, of which we have premised, more than 200 of our men were detained in the same condition.
Those of our men who understood our arrival signified to the princes that they should by no means depart from Archis, but should gird it with a siege; for thus they could either take the city within a few days, or else from the Tripolitan king, that they desist from the siege, extort an infinite sum of money and obtain the liberation of their captive brothers. And so it was done; for immediately, drawing near to the city, with the camp placed closer they encompassed it with a siege: both to attempt that which had been intimated to them, and to await the remaining princes, whom they believed would follow them in the near future.
Egressi autem de castris eisdem equites centum, cum peditum ducentorum duobus manipulis; et Raimundum Pelet secuti, usque ad urbem Antaradon, quae vulgari appellatione Tortosa dicitur, ab obsidione viginti vel amplius distantem milliaribus, ut experirentur si quid sibi necessarium et usui futurum reperirent, pervenerunt. Est autem Antarados civitas in littore maris sita, juxta se insulam habens modicam, quasi per duo distantem milliaria, ubi antiqua et per multa saecula insignis civitas, Arados nomine fuit. Hujus Ezechiel propheta memoriam facit, ad principem Tyri dirigens sermonem, ita: Habitatores Sidonii et Aradii fuerunt remiges tui (Ezech.
But a hundred horsemen went out from the same camp, with two maniples of two hundred footmen; and, following Raymond Pelet, they came as far as the city Antaradon, which in the common appellation is called Tortosa, lying at a distance of twenty miles or more from the siege, to test whether they might find anything necessary for themselves and likely to be of use. Now the city of Antarados is situated on the shore of the sea, having near it a small island, at about two miles’ distance, where there was an ancient city, distinguished for many ages, by the name Arados. Of this the prophet Ezekiel makes mention, directing his discourse to the prince of Tyre, thus: The inhabitants of Sidon and of Arad were your rowers (Ezek.
27, 8). And the same below: The Sidonians and the Aradians were your rowers (ibid., 11). And from whose name also the aforesaid city received its name, so that it was called Antarados, because it was set opposite to the aforesaid Arad. Each of these is situated in the province of Phoenicia, and one and the same founder of both cities was Aradius, namely, the youngest by birth of the sons of Canaan, son of Cham, son of Noah. Accordingly, the aforesaid part of the lord of Toulouse’s army, approaching this city, began to assault the city more keenly; but as the citizens resisted quite spiritedly, they could not make much progress in its storming, and with night rushing on, they put off the business to the following day, so that, after receiving their comrades who had resolved to follow them, when morning was made they might rise stronger to the same task.
But indeed the citizens, fearing lest greater forces should approach that night, which at length they would be unable to resist, went out of the city with their wives and children and household, and betook themselves to the neighboring mountains, that by flight they might consult for safety. Our men, moreover, at earliest dawn encouraging one another, unaware of the occurrence which had happened in that night, so that they might continue yesterday’s work and arm themselves to assail the city, drew near at close quarters; and finding it empty, they entered unafraid and steadfastly, discovering it overflowing with victuals and spoils. Whereupon, laden even to the utmost satiety, they returned to the camp, informing their comrades in order of all that had meanwhile happened, and gladdening the whole army with their own success.
Interea circiter Kalendas Martias, populus, qui Antiochiae remanserat; videns praefixam ad iter aggrediendum imminere diem, dominum Lotharingiae ducem Godefridum, dominum quoque Robertum Flandrensium comitem, et alios principes multa coepit urgere instantia, ut iter arriperent; et eis volentibus voti consummationem adimplere, ducatum praeberent. Praetendebant et domini comitis Tolosani, ducis quoque Normannorum, et domini Tancredi fidem et constantiam, et admirabilem gratiam quam plebi Dei exhibuerant, eos jam per dies multos in via Domini fideliter praecedentes. His et hujusmodi persuasi principes antefati, compositis sarcinis et necessariis ad iter praeparatis, assumpta secum universa tam equitum quam peditum multitudine, quibus cordi erat et in proposito versus Hierosolymam proficisci, in Kalendis Martiis apud Laodiciam Syriae quasi ad viginti quinque millia virorum fortium et armatorum convenerunt, praedictos principes secuti.
Meanwhile, around the Kalends of March, the people who had remained at Antioch, seeing the day fixed for undertaking the march to be imminent, began to press with much urgency lord Godfrey, duke of Lotharingia, lord Robert, Count of Flanders, and the other princes, that they should seize the journey, and, since they were willing to bring the vow to consummation, that they should provide leadership. They also put forward the faith and constancy of the lord Count of Toulouse, the Duke of the Normans, and lord Tancred, and the admirable favor which they had shown to the people of God, they already for many days faithfully going before on the way of the Lord. Persuaded by these and suchlike considerations, the aforesaid princes, baggage arranged and the necessaries for the march prepared, taking with them the whole multitude both of horsemen and footsoldiers, to whom it was at heart and in purpose to set out toward Jerusalem, on the Kalends of March at Laodicea of Syria assembled to about 25,000 strong and armed men, following the aforesaid princes.
But the lord Bohemond, too, with his retinue, escorted them even to that place; yet he could neither set out with them nor make a longer stay there, lest perhaps he might seem to neglect Antioch, recently captured and with enemies surrounding, rashly or, for a time, left unobserved; nevertheless, mindful of the fellowship and favor which he had contracted on the way of the Lord with the other nobles, he escorted them as far as the aforesaid place, displaying with ready devotion whatever of service and humanity he could, so that he might imprint a deeper memory of himself upon those departing. Therefore, having greeted the princes, and, with much groaning and sighs, having taken leave, he returned, that he might exercise diligent care of the city entrusted to him, the people being left at Laodicea. Now Laodicea is a noble and ancient city, situated on the shore of the sea, which, having faithful inhabitants, alone of the cities of Syria was subject to the jurisdiction of the emperor of the Greeks.
To this place there had arrived with the same fleet a certain Guinimer, a Boulognese, whom above we recalled to have made landfall with a fleet at Tarsus in Cilicia, when the lord duke’s brother Baldwin had occupied it. And when he, imprudently, without having assembled forces, undertook to assault it and to mancipate it to his dominion, he was taken by the citizens and consigned to prison with almost all his retinue. This man, because he had come from his father’s land, and at the aforesaid Tarsus had been for his brother’s utility and honor, the lord duke asked to have restored to himself from the praeses of the city and the primates of the place; who, not daring to gainsay the duke’s word in any respect, restored to the duke the aforesaid Guinimer, with all his companions and the fleet which they had brought in. The duke, setting him over his own fleet, ordered him to follow at equal pace as he advanced overland: and so it was done.
Egressus igitur Loadicia Syriae praedictus exercitus, receptis his quos in eadem urbe repererant, et qui ab Antiochia et Cilicia et urbibus finitimis, causis familiaribus et occupationibus domesticis detenti, tardius egressi fuerant, oram legentes maritimam, ad urbem Gabulensem, quam vulgari appellatione Gibellum dicunt, quae a praedicta Laodicia duodecim distat milliaribus, pervenerunt. Ubi cum per aliquod temporis intervallum castris in gyrum locatis urbem obsedissent, is qui civitati praeerat, principis Aegyptii procurator (nam haec prima de urbibus maritimis Aegyptiorum erat sujecta potestati) aureorum sex millia duci obtulerat, insuper ingentia munera, si ab obsidione desisteret; quem, tanquam sordidorum contemptorem munerum, cum flectere nequivisset, ad alia se convertens studia, legatos de quorum fide praesumebat et industria, ad comitem direxit Tolosanum, praedictam pollicens pecuniam, si eum a ducis manibus posset expedire. Ille autem, ut dicitur, clam oblata sumpta pecunia, confinxisse dicitur, quod infinita hostium multitudo a tractu descenderet Persico, propositum habens eas injurias ultum ire, quas Persarum populus sub duce Corbagath passus fuerat apud Antiochiam, et quod non inferius priore bellum parabatur redivivum: et super his omnibus nuntios se dicebat recepisse fide dignos, de quorum verbo nullatenus esset ambigendum.
The aforesaid army, therefore, having set out from Laodicea of Syria, after taking back those whom they had found in the same city, and those who, detained by family causes and domestic occupations, had set out more slowly from Antioch and Cilicia and the neighboring cities, coasting the maritime shore, arrived at the city of Gabul, which in vulgar appellation they call Gibellum, which is distant 12 miles from the aforesaid Laodicea. Where, when for some interval of time, with the camps placed in a circle, they had besieged the city, he who presided over the city, the procurator of the Egyptian prince (for this was the first of the maritime cities of the Egyptians subject to their power), offered to the duke 6,000 pieces of gold, and, in addition, enormous gifts, if he would desist from the siege; and when he could not bend him, as a contemner of sordid gifts, turning himself to other endeavors, he sent legates, in whose fidelity and industry he presumed, to the Count of Toulouse, promising the aforesaid money if he could free him from the duke’s hands. He, however, as it is said, having secretly taken the money that was offered, is said to have fabricated that an infinite multitude of enemies was descending from the Persian tract, having the purpose to go avenge those injuries which the people of the Persians under the leader Corbagath had suffered at Antioch, and that a war no inferior to the former was being prepared anew; and over all these things he said he had received messengers worthy of faith, about whose word there was by no means to be doubted.
Therefore, with a legation sent through a venerable man, the lord Bishop of Albaria, and letters dispatched, he very anxiously solicits the lord duke and the count of the Flemings that, the siege being lifted, they not defer to hasten, but meet the common perils with fraternal compassion. They, indeed, when they heard the necessity of the brothers and the danger said to be impending, walking in simplicity of spirit, the siege straightway lifted and the journey quickened, passed the city Valenia, which is situated beneath the town Margat, on the shore of the sea; then Mareclea, which is the first of the cities of Phoenicia to present itself to those coming from the North, [and] Antaradus, which in the vulgar appellation is called Tortosa, which likewise is one of the cities of the above-named province, similarly established on the shore of the sea, they reached. Finding it void of inhabitants, they admired the vicinity of the island which from the West lies opposite to the same city, where also they had found several of our ships placed in a convenient station.
Whence, following the short-cuts, within a few days they halted before the city of Arscense with all their multitude. Lord Tancred, meeting them, explained step by step the count’s whole fraud; wherefore also they encamped apart, far from the tents of those who had gone before. But the count, seeing that the mind of the other princes had been alienated from him, by sending gifts strove to reconcile them to himself.
Whence it came about that, after a small interval of time, the princes having been reconciled to him, except for lord Tancred, who was stirring up grave questions against him, the expeditions gathered as one body around the city. And though the count, before the duke’s advent, had already for many days there uselessly consumed his effort, there was hope that at the advent of the remaining princes the city could easily be overmastered, and the labor of the besiegers be consummated with the desired end; but it befell contrary to hope. For neither earlier nor later did the people have the Lord propitious in that deed; for as often as they tried to assail the city, and raised themselves to various devices of harming, so that either they might * drive to cast down the wall, or commit assaults against it, so often new impediments occurred, and all their endeavor was evacuated, their works were frustrated, the expense was wasted: so that it was given to be plainly understood that in that work the divine favor had withdrawn itself from their efforts.
Indeed the people were being slain, and noble and preeminent men were uselessly lying low. There fell there noble and preeminent men, by a miserable accident, each by the cast of a stone: Anselm of Riburgismont, a man strenuous in arms and perpetually worthy of memory; and Pontius of Baladun, a noble man and a familiar of the lord Count of Toulouse.
Propterea et populus invitus ibi detinebatur, cui erat in proposito iter inceptum consummare: unde nec operam dabat cum studio, nec multam in facto impendebat sollicitudinem, maxime autem post ducis adventum; etiam qui cum comite Tolosano advenerant ejus familiares et domestici, se subtrahebant ex industria, ut comes affectus taedio, aliorum principum vias sequeretur, qui etiam inviti et compellente comite contra conscientias detinebantur.
For that reason the people too were being detained there against their will, whose purpose was to consummate the journey begun: whence they neither gave effort with zeal, nor expended much solicitude on the deed, and that especially after the duke’s advent; even those who had come with the Count of Toulouse, his familiars and household, were withdrawing themselves on purpose, so that the count, affected by tedium, might follow the ways of the other princes, who also, unwilling, and with the count compelling, were detained against their consciences.
Renovata est ibi quaestio de lancea, quae apud Antiochiam reperta fuerat: utrum ea esset, qua de latere Domini sanguis et unda profluxit; an res esset commentitia. Dubitabat enim valde super hoc populus; sed et majores penitus fluctuabant incerti; aliis dicentibus quod vere ipsa esset, quae Domini cruore maduerat, ejus latus aperiens, et per inspirationem divinam in consolationem plebis revelata; aliis asseverantibus, quod versutiarum Tolosani comitis esset argumentum, et gratia quaestus adinventio ficta. Hujus autem dissensionis auctor erat praecipuus quidam Arnulphus, domini Normannorum comitis familiaris et capellanus; vir quidem litteratus, sed immundae conversationis et scandalorum procurator; de quo in sequentibus multa dicenda occurrent.
There the question about the lance was renewed, which had been found at Antioch: whether it was that by which from the Lord’s side blood and water flowed forth; or whether it was a commentitious thing. For the people were greatly doubting about this; and the great men too were utterly wavering, uncertain; some saying that truly it was the very same which had been soaked with the Lord’s gore, opening his side, and revealed by divine inspiration for the consolation of the plebs; others averring that it was a contrivance of the wiles of the Count of Toulouse, and a feigned invention for the sake of gain. Now the chief author of this dissension was a certain Arnulf, a familiar and chaplain of the lord Count of the Normans; a man indeed lettered, but of unclean conversation and a procurer of scandals; about whom, in what follows, many things to be said will occur.
And when for a long time among the people this contradictory discourse on the matter was circulating, he who asserted that that revelation had been made to himself, in order to make faith for the people and remove all ambiguity, ordered a copious pyre to be kindled, promising that, with the Lord as author, by a sure experiment through fire he would make faith for the incredulous, that nothing fabricated, nothing adumbrated by contrivance had intervened in that deed; but that by divine revelation alone, for the knowledge of men and for their consolation, the whole had been procured. Accordingly, the pyre being lit, very abundant, whose conflagration’s fervor could even terrify those standing around, the whole people assembled from the greatest to the least, on that Friday which precedes the holy Pasch of the Lord, on which also the Savior of the world is read to have suffered for our salvation, so that it might have full experiment of so great a matter. Now the one who was of his own accord about to undergo so perilous an examen was said to be Peter Bartholomew, a cleric indeed, but moderately lettered, and, so far as pertains to judging by human estimate, he seemed a simple man; who, when a prayer had been made in the sight of the surrounding legions, taking with him the aforesaid lance, passed through the fire, so far as it appeared to the people, unscathed.
But this deed of his not only did not amputate the question, but rather suscitated a greater one; for within a few days he departed this life, the occasion of whose hastened death, since the man had previously seemed healthy and full of life, some asserted to be the attempted fire-trial, saying that in it, as a patron of fraud, he had incurred the cause of death. Others, however, said that he had escaped from the fire sound and unharmed; but that, once he had come out from the flame, crowds, rushing upon him for the sake of devotion, had pressed him down and crushed him to such an extent as to administer the end of life. And thus the matter, which had come into doubt and received no decision, introduced a greater ambiguity.
Per idem tempus legati nostri qui, invitantibus Aegyptiis, qui ad obsidionem Antiochenam missi a calipha Aegyptio venerant, ut praemisimus, descenderant in Aegyptum, post annum quo tam violenter quam dolose detenti fuerant, ad principes, qui eos miserant, sunt reversi; venerantque cum eis Aegyptiorum principis legati, verba deferentes multum ab his quae prius attulerant, dissimilia. Cum enim multa prius obtinere laborassent precum instantia, ut nostrorum principum contra insolentiam Turcorum et Persarum haberent gratiam et auxilium; nunc mutato cantico, pro summo beneficio se arbitrabantur nostris indulgere, si Hierosolymam ducentos aut trecentos simul permitteret inermes accedere et completis orationibus redire incolumes. Quod verbum nostri principes pro ludibrio habentes, praedictos nuntios redire compulerunt, significantes quod non secundum propositas conditiones particulatim illuc accederet exercitus; sed junctis agminibus Hierosolymam proficiscerentur unanimes, regno ejus periculum illaturi. Hujus autem mutationis causa fuerat quiddam, quod ex nostra victoria, quae apud Antiochiam acciderat, habuerat ortum.
At the same time our legates, who—at the invitation of the Egyptians who, sent by the Egyptian caliph, had come to the siege of Antioch, as we have premised—had gone down into Egypt, after a year during which they had been detained as violently as deceitfully, returned to the princes who had sent them; and with them there came legates of the prince of the Egyptians, carrying words very dissimilar from those which they had brought before. For whereas previously they had labored much, with the urgency of prayers, to obtain that they might have the favor and aid of our princes against the insolence of the Turks and Persians; now, with the tune changed, they considered that they were indulging our men with a supreme beneficence if he would permit two hundred or three hundred at once, unarmed, to approach Jerusalem and, their prayers completed, to return unharmed. Which proposal our princes, holding as a mockery, compelled the aforesaid messengers to take back, signifying that not according to the proposed conditions would the army go thither by parts; but with the columns joined they would set out unanimously to Jerusalem, about to bring peril to his kingdom. The cause, however, of this change had been something that had taken its rise from our victory which had occurred at Antioch.
Now, with the Turks being so imperiled there, thus through all the Orient their sword was broken; and the lofty glory which had been theirs was turned into confusion, so that wherever they had dealings with other nations, in every place they would succumb, and in every conflict they would carry off the worse tally. According to that their condition, with the kingdom of the Egyptians gaining strength over them, by the hand of a certain man, whose name was Emireius, commander of the soldiery of the king of the Egyptians, they had lost Jerusalem, which thirty-eight years before the Turks had violently snatched from those same Egyptians. Whence it came to pass that the enemies whom previously they had shuddered at as the stronger, now, seeing them, through the work of our men, cast down and—with their forces shattered—set in the depths, they were despising our help, which before they had sought all too urgently.
Advenerant praeterea Constantinopolitani imperatoris legati, multum conquerentes de domino Boamundo, qui contra legem pactorum et exhibiti tenorem juramenti Antiochiam praesumebat detinere; allegantes in conspectu principum, quod domino suo praebitis corporaliter juramentis, omnes qui per eum transierant, tractis sacrosanctis Evangeliis, promiserant quod neque de oppidis, neque de civitatibus aliquam, quae de imperio ejus fuerant, usque Hierosolymam, detinere praesumerent, sed ea capta, ejus imperio resignarent; de reliquis vero habitae conventionis partibus, nullam omnino habebant memoriam. Certum est autem, quod id inter eum et principes, apud Constantinopolim convenerat; sed in fine conventorum fuerat annexum, quod ipse cum omni suo comitatu, et ingentibus copiis eos deberet sine dilatione subsequi, et auxilium in suis necessitatibus ministrare. Quibus de communi principum consilio responsum est, quod imperator pacta conventa prior violaverat; unde merito et ab his quae juxta legem pactorum sibi poterant competere, casum patiebatur.
Moreover there had arrived the legates of the Constantinopolitan emperor, greatly complaining about lord Boamund, who, against the law of the pacts and the tenor of the oath exhibited, was presuming to detain Antioch; alleging in the sight of the princes, that to their lord, corporal oaths having been rendered, all who had passed through by him, with the most holy Gospels drawn forth, had promised that neither of the towns nor of the cities—any which had been of his empire—up to Jerusalem, would they presume to detain, but, these once taken, they would resign them to his empire; but as to the remaining parts of the convention that had been held, they had no memory at all. However, it is certain that this had been agreed between him and the princes at Constantinople; but at the end of the agreements it had been annexed that he, with all his retinue and with huge forces, ought to follow them without delay and furnish aid in their necessities. To whom, by the common counsel of the princes, it was answered, that the emperor had first violated the agreed pacts; whence deservedly also he was suffering a loss of those things which according to the law of the pacts might have been competent to him, a falling-away he was undergoing.
For it is inequitable that good faith be kept to him who strives to act contrary to the pact. For although he was held bound by compact to our princes, that, the armies having been convoked, he would straightway follow them; and that by sea with ships he would cause continuous commerce to be furnished to them, and would command an abundance of things for sale to be exhibited along the whole journey, he fraudulently neglected to fulfill both, although without difficulty he could have consigned both to effect. Wherefore, as to what had been done concerning Antioch, since they seemed to have done it by right, they wished it to remain ratified and unshaken, that he should possess it by hereditary right in perpetuity, to whom it had been conceded by common liberality. Moreover, the envoys of the same emperor pressed, wishing to persuade that the arrival of the same emperor, which on the Kal.
they promised that he would be present in July, that the army should wait, promising that he would give to each of the princes enormous gifts; and that to the plebeians, with much liberality, he would also bestow stipends, whereby they might be honorably sustained. Upon which, holding deliberation, they disagreed among themselves. For the Count of Toulouse judged it useful that the advent of so great a prince be awaited, whether because he thought it would be so; or because on that occasion he strove to detain the princes and the people, until he could vindicate for himself the city which he had besieged.
For he reckoned it shameful and ignominious, if he should so manifestly defect from his purpose, not being able to fulfill the desire. To others, however, the opposite opinion seemed far better, namely that they should press on with the journey begun, and happily consummate the vow for which they had borne so many labors: for they judged it more advantageous to decline the emperor’s frauds and his wiles, which they had more than once experienced, lest they again entangle themselves in his labyrinths and his meanders, from which thereafter they would not be able to be disentangled easily enough. Therefore there burst forth contention among the princes, and their desires agreed in almost nothing.
Whence also he who presided over the Tripolitan city, although earlier he had offered an infinite sum of money so that, the siege being lifted, our expeditions might migrate from its borders, when the schism that had arisen among the princes was learned, not only refused to give the money previously proffered, but proposed of his own accord to go out to meet our men and to try conclusions with them. It came about, moreover, that by common counsel, the bishop of Albara being left, and certain other powerful men, in the siege to guard the camp, the princes, a battle having been proclaimed, the battle-lines drawn up and disposed in fitting order, direct their columns toward Tripoli: upon arriving there, they find the governor of the same place, with the whole multitude of citizens both of horse and of foot, outside the city, where, their columns ordered in like manner, they were intrepidly awaiting our arrival. For since for two months and something more the Count of Toulouse had consumed his effort uselessly in the aforesaid siege, and had not advanced anything, the Tripolitans had begun to contemn them, and to hold our army less and less in suspicion, as if, having been made degenerate from that virtue which they had previously heard of, they were suffering in themselves a defect of their accustomed strenuity.
After they had come to the city, and our men were given to behold the legions of the enemy drawn up against them, they at once charged more boldly; and with the cohorts of the foe broken at the first assault, they forced the enemies, turned to flight, to withdraw in rivalry within the city by their impetuous pressing, with seven hundred of their number slain by the sword; of our men, however, three or four are said to have fallen. There they celebrated Easter, on April 10.
Obtenta igitur victoria, in castra iterum reversi sunt, ubi nihilominus vociferari et acclamare coepit populus universus, ut, illa perniciosa obsidione dimissa, versus Hierosolymam, quo eorum omnino festinabat desiderium, iter arriperent; obtinuitque proterva instantia populus, ut incensis castris, dux et Flandrensium comes, nec non et Normannorum comes, sed et Tancredus, populo satisfacientes, invito et plurimum retinente comite Tolosano, obsidionem deserentes, versus Tripolim, tanquam iter continuaturi, expeditiones direxerunt. Erantque in eo facto procliviores, qui ab initio praedicti comitis castra fuerant secuti ita ut eum deserentes, praedictos principes certatim sequerentur: quo intellecto, videns quod neque precibus neque pollicitis eos revocare poterat, faciens de necessitate virtutem, alios secutus est, licet invitus. Cumque vix quinque milliaribus progressi, ante urbem Tripolitanam castrametati essent, ejus loci praeses, qui Egyptii caliphae in ea regione procurabat negotia, deposita illa tali arrogantia, qua prius cum nostris principibus de pari posse contendere arbitratus fuerat, cognoscens seipsum, missa legatione a principibus, obtinuit ut, datis quindecim millibus aureorum, insuper etiam muneribus in equis, mulis, sericis et vasis pretiosis, et restitutis universis quos de nostro populo detinebat captivis, a sibi commissa discederent provincia; ac tribus, quibus praeerat civitatibus, Archis videlicet, Tripolis ac Biblio cum suis pertinentiis parcerent transeuntes.
Therefore, victory having been obtained, they returned again to the camp, where nonetheless the entire people began to vociferate and to acclaim that, the pernicious siege dismissed, they should seize the road toward Jerusalem, whither their desire was altogether hastening; and by headstrong urgency the people prevailed, so that, the camps set aflame, the duke and the count of the Flemings, and also the count of the Normans, and Tancred as well, satisfying the people, with the count of Toulouse unwilling and striving greatly to hold them back, abandoning the siege, directed their expeditions toward Tripoli, as though they would continue the journey. And in that deed those were more inclined who from the beginning had followed the camp of the aforesaid count, so that, deserting him, they eagerly followed the aforesaid princes; which being understood, seeing that he could recall them neither by prayers nor by promises, making a virtue out of necessity, he followed the others, though unwilling. And when, scarcely five miles advanced, they had encamped before the city of Tripoli, the governor of that place, who was managing the affairs of the Egyptian Caliph in that region, laying aside that arrogance by which previously he had thought he could contend as an equal with our princes, recognizing himself, sent an embassy to the princes and obtained that, with fifteen thousand gold-pieces given, and in addition with gifts in horses, mules, silks, and precious vessels, and with all the captives of our people whom he was detaining restored, they should withdraw from the province committed to him; and that, as they passed by, they should spare the three cities over which he presided—namely Archis, Tripoli, and Byblos—with their appurtenances.
He sent, moreover, flocks and herds, and an abundant supply of victuals, lest by reason of want of provisions they should be compelled to despoil the suburban districts and to bring trouble upon the tillers of the fields. He also summoned certain faithful Syrians, inhabitants of Mount Lebanon—which overhangs those cities on the eastern side, very lofty and stretching its ridges on high—as from prudent men and knowing of the places, who had come down to them rejoicing, that they might discharge the affection of fraternal charity; and from them they sought counsel by what way toward Jerusalem they might proceed more safely and more commodiously. They at length, with good faith weighing the routes that led thither, both as to commodiousness and as to shortness, finally commended to them the maritime way, that they might follow the more direct route, and that the solace of their ships, which were following the army as it set forth, might not be lacking to them.
Now in our fleet there were not only the ships of Guinemer and his associates, who, as we have premised, had come down from Flanders, Normandy, and England; but also the vessels of the Genoese, the Venetians, and the Greeks, which, laden with wares for sale, frequently came up from Cyprus, Rhodes, and other islands, and they brought much consolation to our legions. Therefore, having taken on guides for the journey, both from the aforesaid faithful men and from the household of the prince of Tripoli, coasting along the maritime shore, with the ridges of Lebanon on their left, and passing Byblus, they encamped above the bank of a river, near a place whose name is Maus, where for a day, covering the feeble crowd and those who could not follow so swiftly, they had rest.
Die demum tertia ante urbem Beritensium, secus fluvium, qui juxta urbem labitur, castrametati sunt: ubi, a praeside loci, ut satis parcerent et arboribus, data pecunia et victualibus ad sufficientiam ministratis, nocte quieverunt una. Sequenti vero die Sidonem pervenientes, secus fluenta, aquarum commoditatem secuti, locaverunt tabernacula. Ubi, nescimus qua fiducia, qui urbi praeerat nostris principibus nullam exhibuit humanitatis gratiam; sed de viribus praesumens suis, exercitum nostrum aggressus est molestare: in quo facto non multum successit ei prospere.
At last on the third day they encamped before the city of the Berytians, beside the river which flows near the city: where, by the governor of the place, that they might spare even the trees, money was given and victuals supplied to sufficiency, and they rested one night. But on the following day, coming to Sidon, they set their tents along the streams, following the convenience of the waters. There, we know not with what confidence, he who presided over the city showed our princes no favor of humanity; but presuming upon his own forces, he set about to harass our army: in which deed there did not befall to him much prosperous success.
For when certain of ours rushed upon them, who, provoked by their raids, could no longer dissemble, with several of them slain, they compelled the rest to withdraw within the city; whence it came about that they spent that night in the camp, their annoyances ceasing, with all tranquility. But when morning had come, that the people might be somewhat refreshed, they resolved to make a delay there, sending out from the army certain more expeditious men, to gather from the adjacent towns what was necessary for sustenance: who, flocks and herds and a huge supply of victuals having been brought in, all returned safe, except for a certain noble man, namely Walter of Verra, who, while the others were returning, going on to more distant parts that he might collect greater booty, carried off by a doubtful lot, ceased to appear, all taking very hard his uncertain outcome. On the following day thereafter, having sped through places rocky for the greater part, by flatter places, leaving on the right the ancient city of Sarepta of the Sidonians, nurse of the man of God Elijah, and the river crossed which runs down the midst, they reached the illustrious metropolis of that region, Tyre, the most ancient domicile of Agenor and Cadmus; where, around that excellent and through the ages admirable fountain of gardens and well of living waters, having encamped, in the suburbs lying widely open and filled with much convenience, they rested one night: then, day restored, girding themselves again for the journey, the straits having been surmounted which lie very perilously between the jutting mountains and the sea, they again descended into the plains which are subject to the city of the Acconenses.
Where, near the city, along the river which glides past the same city, they encamped; receiving gifts from the procurator and the citizens, they had commerce in commodities for sale on good terms; moreover, he became familiar and a friend to our princes, promising that if, after Jerusalem had been taken, within a space of 20 days they could stand firm in the kingdom without contradiction, or overcome the forces of the Egyptians, he would surrender the city of Acre (Accon) to them without any difficulty. Thence indeed they advanced, leaving Galilee on the left, and, between Carmel and the sea, arriving at Caesarea, the metropolis of Second Palestine, which by its ancient name is called the Tower of Strato, they encamped along the river which flows down from the marshes adjacent to that city; where also they celebrated the holy day of Pentecost on May 29, being scarcely two miles distant from the aforesaid city.
Thence, after the third day, resuming the labor of the journey, leaving on the right the maritime places, Antipatris and Joppa, through a widely spreading plain, passing through Eleutheria, they came to Lydda, which is Diospolis, where even to this day the glorious sepulcher of the distinguished martyr George is shown, in which, according to the outer man, he is believed to rest in the Lord. Its church, which to the honor of the same martyr the pious and orthodox prince of the Romans, the Augustus, lord Justinian of illustrious memory, had ordered to be built with much zeal and ready devotion, the enemies, on hearing of our coming, had shortly before leveled to the ground, fearing lest the beams of the church, which were of great loftiness, they might wish to convert into machines and engines for storming the city. Moreover, having learned that nearby there was a certain noble city, by name Ramula, they sent ahead the lord count of the Flemings with five hundred cavalry, to feel out the minds of the citizens and to test what plan they had: who, approaching the city more closely, seeing that no one came out to them, entered the gates, which they found standing open, discovering the city utterly empty.
For in the night which had preceded, upon learning of our arrival, departing with their wives and children, and their entire household, they had left the city empty: which, a messenger having been sent back at once, the count, informing the legions, advised that they should hasten to approach the city. But they, their prayers completed according to custom, approaching the city, with every convenience of grain, wine, and oil, there spent a continuous three days, appointing as bishop to the same church a certain Robert, Norman by stock, from the bishopric of Rouen, to whom they granted both cities, namely Lydda and Ramla, with the adjacent suburbs, to be possessed by perpetual right, dedicating with all devotion the firstfruits of their labors to the illustrious martyr.
Interea Hierosolymitae, de nostrorum adventu nuntiis edocti frequentibus, scientes quod omnis quae advenire dicebatur multitudo, speciale et praecipuum haberet civitatem illam obtinendi propositum, quanta possunt diligentia, quanta valent sollicitudine, urbem communire satagunt; victui necessaria, armorum genera quaelibet, ligna, ferrum et chalybem, et quaecunque obsessis solent praestare praesidium, corrogare, et in urbem inferre, studiis se invicem provenientibus, contendunt. Sed et princeps Aegyptius, qui multo labore eodem anno, Turcorum expulso principatu, praedictam urbem receperat, comperto quod ab Antiochia noster discesserat exercitus, quanto poterat studio, turres reparari praeceperat et moenia. Civibus ut eorum sibi et fidem conciliaret et gratiam, de proprio aerario cum multa liberalitate ministrari praecipiens stipendia, tributorum et vectigalium praestationes remittens in perpetuum: qui tum ut vitae consulerent et saluti, tum ut tantae libertatis sublimarentur privilegio, regiae satagentes parere voluntati, convocatis vicinarum urbium civibus, viris fortibus et industriis, et armatis, optime, urbem communierant diligenter.
Meanwhile the Jerusalemites, taught by frequent messengers about the arrival of our men, knowing that all the multitude said to be coming had this city as their special and chief purpose to obtain, strive to fortify the city with as much diligence as they can, with as much solicitude as they are able; the things necessary for victual, every kind of arms, wood, iron and steel, and whatever are accustomed to afford a safeguard to the besieged, they endeavor to collect and to bring into the city, their efforts mutually furthering one another. And the Egyptian prince, who in the same year, with the principate of the Turks expelled, had recovered the aforesaid city, having learned that our army had departed from Antioch, had commanded, with as much zeal as he could, that the towers and the walls be repaired. To win for himself both the loyalty and the favor of the citizens, he ordered stipends to be supplied from his own treasury with much liberality, remitting in perpetuity the payments of tributes and customs; and they, both that they might look to life and safety, and that they might be exalted by the privilege of so great liberty, being eager to obey the royal will, with the citizens of the neighboring cities—brave and industrious men, and well-armed—having been called together, had very diligently fortified the city.
Moreover, all likewise assembling with one mind in the atrium of the temple, which was very spacious, so that they might forestall and cut off the arrival of our people, they decreed that, with all the faithful who were inhabitants of that city slain, they would demolish to the foundations the church of the Lord’s Resurrection, and tear up from it root and branch the Lord’s Sepulchre, lest on account of those places or for the sake of prayer the people of the faithful should henceforth propose to approach or to frequent the city. But at length, on learning that by this they would kindle greater hatreds of our peoples against themselves and more vehemently provoke their own destruction, changing their counsel, after violently extorting from them all the money and whatever they seemed to possess, they took 14 thousand gold coins, both from the patriarch, who at that time presided over the city, and from the people of the city, and from the adjacent monasteries: whence it was necessary for that same venerable man to sail to the island of Cyprus, in order that he might have from whence he could pay so great a sum of extorted money (for the patrimonies of all did not suffice for that), and that he might in some way console his own want and the poverty of the plebs, to beg there from the faithful the suffrages of alms and pious largess, which he might send for the sustenance of life to the battered and hungry plebs of God who dwelt in Jerusalem and in its borders. Nor did even this seem sufficient to them, but, all goods having been extorted from the plebs through interrogations and grievous torments, with only the old men and sickly women and little children excepted, they drove all the others out of the city: who, hiding in suburban hamlets until the arrival of our people, expected death daily, not daring to enter the city; but not even outside, among a pursuing populace, was safe rest granted to them, the inhabitants of the places holding all their efforts suspect, and harrying them with unclean and intolerable angaries.
Moreover, at the same time, in the same God‑beloved city, there was a man of venerable life and distinguished for faith, by name Gerald, who presided over that xenodochium, of which we have spoken above, in which the poor who came to the city for the sake of prayer were given lodging, and took some refreshment suited to place and time. Believing that he had some deposit of monies, and holding him suspect lest, at the arrival of our people, he might contrive something harmful to them, they subjected him to chains and beatings, such that, by twisting the joints of his hands and feet, they shattered them, and rendered the greater part of his limbs useless.
Consummato igitur ibi triduo, custodibus ibi aliquot deputatis, qui munitiorem ejusdem civitatis partem ab hostium tuerentur insidiis, summo diluculo ad exsequendum se accingunt propositum. Unde, assumptis itineris ducibus, viris prudentibus, et locorum peritis, pervenerunt Nicopolim. Est autem Nicopolis civitas Palaestinae: hanc, dum vicus adhuc esset, sacer Evangeliorum liber appellavit Emmaus, beatusque Lucas evangelista hanc dicit ab Hierosolymis distare stadiis sexaginta.
Therefore, when the three-day period there had been consummated, with several guards there appointed, who might defend the more fortified part of that same city from the enemies’ ambushes, at the very dawn they gird themselves to execute their plan. Whence, having taken guides for the journey, prudent men and experienced in the places, they arrived at Nicopolis. Now Nicopolis is a city of Palestine: this, while it was still a village, the sacred book of the Gospels called Emmaus, and blessed Luke the evangelist says that it stands distant from Jerusalem by sixty stadia.
About this Sozomen in the sixth book of the Tripartite History speaks thus: The Romans, after the devastation of Jerusalem and the victory over Judaea, called it Nicopolis from the event of the victory. Before this city, at the trivium, where Christ with Cleophas after the resurrection is known to have walked, as though he were going to another village, there is a certain health-giving spring, in which the passions (ailments) of men are washed away, and other animals likewise, detained by diverse languors, are cleansed: that this so comes to pass, it is handed down that on a certain journey Christ appeared at the fountain with his disciples and washed his feet; whence the water was made a medicament for diverse passions. The aforesaid historiographer thus discourses about the castle Emmaus: There they spent that night tranquil, amid an abundance of waters and a plenty of things necessary for sustenance; where, about the middle of the night, a legation of the faithful who were dwelling in the city Bethlehem came to Duke Godfrey, praying and asking with much urgency that he would direct thither some part of the militia. For with enemies coming together from all the neighboring towns and suburban places, they were hastening to Jerusalem, both that they might protect the city and that they themselves also might find in the city counsel for their safety.
But the aforesaid faithful were afraid lest, as they approached their parts, they might cast down the church, which at great price they had very often from those same enemies ransomed, that it might not be cast down. Therefore, the petition of the faithful brethren having been heard and received with an affection of piety, selecting from their number a hundred expeditious horsemen, to the aforesaid place, that they might bring help to the faithful, the duke bids them hasten; to whom Lord Tancred was given as primicerius and consort of the journey; who, with guides being inhabitants of that place, at the very dawn arrive at the destined spot; where, by the citizens with hymns and spiritual songs honorably received, as the people and clergy ushered them in, entering the church—the lodging of the happy puerpera—and the Savior’s manger, in which the food of the happy animals rested, they beheld with blessed eyes. There also the citizens of the same place, for the immensity of joy and exultation, singing votive songs to the Lord, as a sign of victory, set Lord Tancred’s banner over the church.
But indeed those who had remained in the army, out of desire for the journey, knowing that the venerable places were situated nearby, for the love and reverence of which they had endured so many labors, so many perils already in the third year, passed the night sleepless, with ardent vows beseeching the dawn, that they might behold the happy closure of their journey, and be able to gaze upon the blessed consummation of so long a peregrination. It seemed to them that the night prolonged its courses beyond the usual, and improperly usurped for itself a portion of the light to come; and every delay seemed dangerous to burning spirits, and was abominable, according to what is wont to be said proverbially: To a desiring mind nothing is hastened enough; and likewise this: By delay the vow had grown.
Postquam autem in castris cognitum fuit quod Bethlehemitarum nuntios dux nocte illa susceperat, et de suis in eorum subsidium praemiserat quosdam, non exspectata procedendi licentia vel opportunitate, qualem lux exoriens iter agentibus solet ministrare, intempestae noctis silentio, excitantibus se mutuo plebeis et moram arguentibus, invitis principibus, surrexerunt iter arripientes. Cumque processissent aliquantulum, vir quidam nobilis et strenuus, Gastus Biterrensis, assumpto sibi triginta expeditorum equitum comitatu, ab exercitu separatus versus Hierosolymam, aurora jam illucescente, coepit contendere, ut si quas extra urbem gregum aut armentorum reperiret copias, eas secum in expeditionem deduceret. Cumque jam urbi esset proximus, juxta votum occurrerunt ei animalia, quibus pauci praeerant pastores, qui, visa nostrorum militia, in urbem perterriti aufugerunt.
After it was known in the camp that the leader had received messengers of the Bethlehemites that night, and had sent ahead certain of his own to their subsidium, not waiting for leave to proceed nor for the opportunity such as the rising light is accustomed to furnish to those on the march, in the dead silence of night, the plebeians mutually rousing one another and blaming delay, and the princes unwilling, they rose up, seizing the road. And when they had advanced a little, a certain noble and strenuous man, Gaston of Béziers, taking to himself a company of thirty expeditious horsemen, separated from the army and began to press on toward Jerusalem, with the aurora now beginning to shine, in order that, if he should find any supplies of flocks or herds outside the city, he might lead them with him for the expedition. And when he was already near the city, according to his wish, animals met him, over which a few shepherds were set, who, at the sight of our soldiery, fled in terror into the city.
But Gastus meanwhile, leaving the animals without guards and dragging them along with him, was returning to the army; when behold, at the cry of the shepherds the Jerusalemites, roused and seizing their arms, eager to forcefully call back the booty that had been driven off, raced in pursuit of the departing man. But the distinguished man, fearing the multitude of the pursuers, abandoned the booty, and consulting his safety by fleeing, halted with his company on the summit of a certain hill; and while he there awaited the outcome of the affair, lo, through the valley lying beneath the same place, Lord Tancred, with the aforesaid hundred horsemen, returning from Bethlehem, was hastening to the army; to whom the aforesaid noble man, meeting them, unfolded in order the mishap that had befallen him. Accordingly, their columns having been joined, they followed, by a reversed route, those who were leading the booty back; and before they withdrew into the city, suddenly rushing upon them, after many had been slain and the rest had been turned to flight, violently carrying off the booty once more recovered, they returned to the army with much joy. And when they were asked whence they had procured that booty, answering that they had carried it off from the Jerusalemite field, at the name of the city for which they had borne so many and such great labors, unable, because of the fervor of devotion, to restrain tears and sighs, they cast themselves prone upon the ground, adoring and glorifying God, by whose gift it comes to pass that He is worthily and laudably served by His faithful; and who deigned kindly to hear the vows of His people, that according to their desires they might merit to arrive at the longed-for places.
Whence having advanced a little, beholding from nearby the holy city, with groans and sighs poured forth for spiritual joy, the foot-soldiers, and with their feet for the most part bare, pressing more fervently upon the journey begun, suddenly halted before the city, arranging the camp around in that order which was designated to each by the greater princes. It seemed to have been fulfilled, what had been the vaticination sent beforehand through the prophet, and the word of the Lord shown forth historically: Lift up, Jerusalem, your eyes, and see (Isa. 49, 18) the power of the king.