Iordanes•De summa temporum vel origine actibusque gentis Romanorum
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1 Vigilantiae vestrae, nobilissime frater Vigili, gratias refero, quod me longo per tempore dormientem vestris tandem interrogationibus excitastis. Deo magno gratias, qui vos ita fecit sollicitos, ut non solum vobis tantum, quantum et aliis vigiletis. Mactae virtutis et meriti.
1 I render thanks to your vigilance, most noble brother Vigili, because you have at last roused me—sleeping through a long time—by your interrogations. Thanks to the great God, who has made you so solicitous that you keep vigil not only for yourselves, but equally for others. Well done in virtue and merit.
2 For you wish to know the miseries of the present world—both when it began and what it has endured down to us—to be instructed; you will add, moreover, that I, for you, how the Roman commonwealth began and held and almost subdued the whole world and up to now holds at least in image, plucking little blossoms from the sayings of the elders, may briefly report: or also how the series of kings from Romulus and thereafter from Augustus Octavian has come down to the Augustus Justinian—although simply, yet in my own discourse I will unfold it for you. 3 Granted that what you admonish can suit neither my manner of life nor my expertise, yet, lest we oppose a friend’s petitions, in whatever way we were able, we have gathered things widely scattered.
And first, beginning from the authority of the divine Scriptures, to which it is fitting also to do service, and, running through the heads of families up to the flood of the world, we came down to the kingdom of Ninus, who, reigning among the nation of the Assyrians, subjugated almost all Asia; and thence as far as Arbaces the Mede, who, the kingdom of the Assyrians destroyed, turned it to the Medes and held it until Cyrus the Persian, who likewise, the kingdom of the Medes overthrown, transferred it to the Parthians; and from there up to Alexander the Great the Macedonian, who, the Parthians conquered, changed the commonwealth into the sway of the Greeks. 4 After these things, how Octavian Augustus Caesar, the kingdom of the Greeks subverted, brought it into the right and dominion of the Romans. And because before Augustus already for seven hundred years by the skill of its consuls, dictators, and kings the Roman commonwealth had subdued not a few things, taking its origin from Romulus himself, its builder, I have, in the 24th year of Emperor Justinian—although briefly—yet compiled this one very small booklet in your name, joining to it another volume on the origin and deeds of the Getic (Gothic) nation, which I had long since published for our mutual friend Castalius, to the end that, the calamity of diverse nations being learned, you may desire to become free from every hardship and turn to God, who is true liberty.
5 Therefore, reading both little books, know that for the lover of the world necessity is always imminent. But do you listen to John the apostle, who says: 'dearest, do not love the world nor the things that are in the world. Because the world passes and its concupiscence: but whoever will have done the will of God remains forever'. And be with your whole heart loving God and the neighbor, that you may fulfill the law and pray for me, newest and magnificent brother.
6 Romani, ut ait Iamblicus, armis et legibus exercentes orbem terrae suum fecerunt: armis si quidem construxerunt, legibus autem conservaverunt. Quod et ego, sequens eruditissimum virum, dum aliqua de cursu temporum scribere delibero, necessarium duxi opusculo meo velut insigne quoddam ornamentum praeponere. Cupio namque ad inquisitionibus amici fidelissimi, ex diversis voluminibus maiorum praelibans aliqua floscula pro captu ingenii mei in unum redigere et in modum storiunculae tam annorum seriae quam etiam eorum virorum, qui fortiter in re publica laboraverunt, gesta strictim breviterque collegere.
6 The Romans, as Iamblichus says, by arms and laws, exercising the orb of the earth, made it their own: with arms indeed they constructed it, but with laws they conserved it. Which also I, following a most erudite man, while I deliberate to write certain things about the course of times, have judged it necessary to set before my little work as a kind of insignial ornament. For I wish, in response to the inquiries of a most faithful friend, pre-sipping some little blossoms from the diverse volumes of the ancestors, according to the capacity of my wit, to bring them into one, and in the manner of a little history to gather, summarily and briefly, both the series of years and also the deeds of those men who labored bravely in the commonwealth.
7 Although I reckon that what is said may seem simple to the most learned, nevertheless I judge it will be welcome to those of the middling sort, while they both read brief things without distaste and perceive what they have perused without any cosmetic paint of words. From the origin of the orb and the first creation both of man and of the elements, and up to the deluge of the world, according to the words of the veridical legislator Moses, we have collected 2,242 years. In which years, the nature of men being still rude and simple, there were not kings, but the heads of families were in their own lineage.
9 Noe vero sexcentorum erat annorum, quando diluvium mundi crudelissima facinora expiavit. A cuius regimine vel ab ipso diluvio usque ad confusionem linguarum, que item ob delecta aedificantium turrem facta est in campo Sennahar, et usque Heber, in quo Hebreorum genus et lingua prisca remansit, quia nec in illa conspiratione interfuit, sunt anni dxxv per familias sic.
9 But Noah was six hundred years old, when the deluge of the world expiated the most cruel crimes. From his governance, or from the deluge itself, up to the confusion of tongues—which likewise was done on account of the misdeeds of those building the tower in the plain of Shinar—and up to Heber, in whom the race of the Hebrews and the ancient tongue remained, because he did not even take part in that conspiracy, there are 525 years by families, as follows.
A confusione ergo linguarum et primatu Heber, a quo Hebrei, et usque nativitatem Abrahae, quando et primus rex in mundo in gente regnabat Assyriorum Ninus anno regni sui xlii, supra scripto familiarum serie currentes, fiunt anni dxli sic.
From the confusion of languages and the primacy of Heber, from whom the Hebrews, and up to the nativity of Abraham, when also the first king in the world, in the nation of the Assyrians, Ninus, was reigning in the 42nd year of his reign, proceeding by the above-written series of families, the years come to 541 thus.
11 Simul ergo ab Adam et usque ad nativitatem Abrahae, id est ab ortu mundi et usque quadragesimo secundo anno regis primi Assyriorum Nini, ut superius diximus, per familias capitaque eorum fiunt generationes viginti, anni autem IIIcccviii, unde iam relictis familiis regum seriem persequamur et, sicut Eusevius vel Hieronimus, primum Assyriorum, deinde Medorum Persarumque et Grecorum currentes, ad Romanum quomodo delatum est vel quali tempore, latius, si dominus permiserit, exequamur.
11 Therefore, at the same time from Adam and up to the nativity of Abraham, that is, from the origin of the world and up to the 42nd year of Ninus, the first king of the Assyrians, as we said above, through the families and their heads there come to be 20 generations, and the years are 3,308; whence now, with the families left aside, let us pursue the series of kings and, as Eusebius or Jerome, running first through the Assyrians, then the Medes and Persians and Greeks, let us set forth more broadly how it was transferred to the Roman power, and at what time, if the Lord permits.
12 Origo ergo regum regnorumque antiqua Assiria nobis amplexanda est, in qua primus Ninus Beli filius, urbem sui nominis fabricans Niniven, regnavit an. xlii, ubi a primo anno ipsius Nini et usque in ultimum annum Thonos Concoloros, quem Greci Sardanafalum appellant, quem occidit Arbaces Medorum praefectus, regnum illud transferens in Medos, regnatum est a regibus trigenta et sex per annos mille ducentos quadraginta sic.
12 Therefore the ancient Assyrian origin of kings and kingdoms must be embraced by us, in which first Ninus, son of Belus, founding the city of his own name, Nineveh, reigned 42 years; where from the first year of that Ninus up to the last year of Thonos Concoloros, whom the Greeks call Sardanapalus—whom Arbaces, prefect of the Medes, killed, transferring that kingdom to the Medes—it was reigned over by 36 kings for 1,240 years, thus.
For at that very time the Greeks laid waste Troy; whence Aeneas, fleeing, came into Italy, joining himself also with Latinus, son of Faunus, grandson of Picus and great-grandson of Saturn, for the sake of affinity, having taken his daughter Lavinia as wife. And the united Phrygian and Italian peoples they named Latins. 39 And so already from then and thereafter, although in a very poor kingdom and a narrow place, which was called the Laurentian field, after Latinus Aeneas and his successors reigned, who were also called the Silvii and the Albans, from the city of Alba and from the posthumous son of Aeneas, that same Aeneas, who for that reason was called Silvius, because Lavinia, after the death of Aeneas, fearing the envy of Ascanius, secretly bore him in the forest and named him Aeneas Silvius.
Then indeed, after countless, so to speak, kings of the Laurentian place and Latium, the Silvii and the Albans, who ruled for 300 years in a part of Italy, although in the poorest manner, King Amulius had made his brother Numitor’s daughter, named Rhea, who was also called Ilia, a Vestal virgin. She, found pregnant, while she strives to excuse her crime, lied that she had been embraced by Mars. From her, when two twin boys were born, the king ordered them to be exposed.
52 Madidus ann. xl. Quo Medis regnante Iudeis regnabat Achas, Israhelitis alius Faceae. Annoque Madidi nono, septima Olympiade Romulus eiusque germanus, quos inter pastores diximus enutritos, collecta pastorum multitudine Romane urbis aedificia inchoaverunt suoque de nomine iunior, qui germanum peremerat, urbem vocari Romam praecepit.
52 Madidus, year 40. While he was reigning over the Medes, among the Jews Achas was reigning, among the Israelites another, Facea. And in the ninth year of Madidus, in the seventh Olympiad, Romulus and his own brother, whom we have said were reared among shepherds, with a multitude of shepherds gathered, began the buildings of the Roman city; and the younger, who had slain his brother, ordered the city to be called Rome from his own name.
Overleaping by a certain leap his acts and the series of his successors, I will run through the external realms, as I began, and when the occasion has presented itself, I will return to that order. Only, you who read, take note that from the origin of the world up to the rise of this great city there have been 654 years.
Thus the kingdom of the Medes, which reigned for 258 years, was broken up and transferred to the Persians, because Cyrus king of the Persians and Darius of the Medes, son of the above-written Astiages, being joined by kinship, were nephew and maternal-uncle; and rushing upon Baltasar, great-grandson of Nabochodonosor, king of Babylonia, that is, of the Chaldeans, they overrun his kingdom. And with Darius dead, Cyrus, having obtained both his own, that is, of the Persians, and that of his kinsman Darius, that is, of the Medes, together with that which he had taken captive—a third kingdom—very greatly exalted the nation of the Persians.
This Cleopatra indeed, whom the Roman leader Antony, taking up and joining to his own side, fought on behalf of against his own fellow citizens. Augustus Octavianus, overcoming him in contest on the Actian shore, brought it about that the two yoke-mates destroyed themselves, and their kingdom passed into the imperium of the Romans, where both up to the present, and even unto the end of the world, according to Daniel’s prophecy, the succession of the kingdom is owed. And it is to be kept in mind that from this point the Augustan power arises.
85 Augustus imperator, qui et Octavianus dicebatur, a quo posteri principes Augusti sunt vocati, tam cives patrios rebellans quam etiam gentes exteras superans, singularem sibi vindicat principatum, regnans per ann. lvi. Huius quadragesimo secundo anno imperii dominus noster Iesus Christus de sancta virgine natus, ut verus deus ita et verus homo, in signis et virtutibus ammirandis enituit anno ab origine mundi vd ab urbe Romae autem conditione anno dcclv.
85 The emperor Augustus, who was also called Octavian, from whom later princes were called Augusti, both fighting his native citizens in rebellion and also overcoming foreign nations, claims for himself the singular principate, reigning for 56 years. In the 42nd year of his rule, our Lord Jesus Christ, born from the holy virgin—true God and likewise true man—shone forth in signs and admirable powers, in the year 505 from the origin of the world, and, from the founding of the city of Rome, in the year 755.
86 And since you have decided to inquire into the order and acts of Roman affairs, and we have promised to respond briefly to your percontations, it is therefore necessary for us for the interim to omit those things which are said concerning the times of the emperor Augustus, and to retrace our steps again to the primordia of the city of Rome and to set forth the origin of Romulus, its founder, and at the same time to demonstrate to clarity the years and acts of his successors, the kings and the consuls, which are these.
87 Ab origine urbis Romae et usque Tarquinium regem cognomento Superbum, qui et expulsus est, numerantur anni ccxliii. Nam primus ille et urbis et imperii conditor Romulus fuit Marte, ut ipsorum verbis loquamur, genitus et Rea Siluia. Hoc de se sacerdos gravida confessa est.
87 From the origin of the city of Rome and up to King Tarquinius, by cognomen the Proud, who also was expelled, there are counted 243 years. For that first founder both of the city and of the empire was Romulus, begotten, to speak in their words, of Mars and Rhea Silvia. This the pregnant priestess confessed about herself.
Nor did rumor soon hesitate, when by the command of King Amulius, having been cast into the outflow with his brother Remus, he could not be extinguished, since indeed both Tiberinus checked the river, and the she-wolf, her whelps left behind, following the wail, moved her udder to the infants, and performed the office of a mother. 88 Thus, found near a tree, Faustulus, shepherd of the royal flock, bore them into a cottage and brought them up. Alba was then the head of Latium, the work of Iulus: for it had disdained Lavinium, of father Aeneas.
By then Amulius was already reigning as the seventh in the line of issue, his brother Numitor having been expelled; from whose daughter came Romulus. Therefore, straightway, at the first bloom of youth, he drives his uncle from the citadel and reinstates his grandfather. He himself, a lover of the river and the mountains, among which he had been reared, was planning the walls of a new city.
Thus, victor by augury, he raises the city, full of hope that it would be bellicose: this the birds accustomed to blood and booty were promising. For the protection of the new city the rampart seemed to suffice: while Remus was reproaching its narrowness, he leapt over it in a jump. It is doubtful whether by his brother’s order, he was slain.
He was certainly the first victim and consecrated the fortification of the new city with his own blood. 90 He had made an image of a city rather than a city: inhabitants were lacking. There was a place nearby: he makes this an asylum, and at once a wondrous multitude of men—Latin and Tuscan shepherds, even overseas Phrygians, who had come under Aeneas, and Arcadians, who had flowed in under the leader Evander.
The town of the Ceninenses was captured and sacked. Moreover, the king carried back with his own hands the spolia opima from King Agron to Jupiter Feretrius. To the Sabines the gates were betrayed by the maiden Tarpeia—not by deceit, but the girl had asked as the price of the affair for what they were bearing on their left arms, whether shields or bracelets, it is uncertain.
They, in order both to fulfill the pledge and to avenge themselves, buried her beneath their shields. Thus, with the enemies admitted within the walls, there was a fierce fight in the very forum, to such a degree that Romulus prayed to Jupiter to stay the foul flight of his men. Hence the temple and Jupiter Stator.
92 At last the carried‑off women, with torn tresses, intervened: thus peace was made with Tatius and a treaty (foedus) was struck. And a consequence followed, wretched to say, that the enemies, leaving their own seats, migrated into the new city and, with their sons‑in‑law, united their ancestral wealth as a dowry. 93 With the forces shortly augmented, the most wise king imposed this status of the commonwealth: the youth, divided by tribes, on horses and with arms, so as to keep watch against sudden wars; the counsel of the commonwealth should be in the hands of the elders, who, from their authority, were called Fathers, and on account of their age it was called the Senate.
94 With these things thus ordered, suddenly, when he was holding an assembly before the city at the Caprae Marshes, he was taken out of sight. Some think he was torn to pieces by the senate on account of a rather harsher disposition: but a storm having arisen and an eclipse of the sun offered the appearance of consecration. To this Julius Proculus soon gave credence, affirming that Romulus had appeared to him in a more august form than he had been: further giving the mandate that they should receive him as a numen; that in heaven he is called Quirinus: it was the gods’ pleasure that Rome should gain possession of the nations.
95 Successit Romulo Numa Pompilius, quem Curibus Savinis agentem ultro petiverunt ob inclitam viri religionem: ille sacra et caerimonias omnemque cultum deorum inmortalium docuit: ille pontifices augures salios ceteraque sacerdotia: annumque in xii menses, festos dies nefastosque discripsit. Ille ancilia adque palladium, secreta quedam imperii pignora, Ianumque bifrontem, Fidem pacis ac belli, in primis focum Vestae virginibus colendum dedit, ut ad simulacrum caelestium siderum custus imperii flamma vigilaret. Haec omnia quasi monitu deae egregiae, quo magis barbari acciperent.
95 Numa Pompilius succeeded Romulus, whom, residing at Cures among the Sabines, they sought unbidden on account of the man’s renowned religion: he taught the sacred rites and ceremonies and the whole cult of the immortal gods: he established pontiffs, augurs, the Salii, and the other priesthoods: and he divided the year into 12 months, and marked out festival and non-festival days. He gave the ancilia and the palladium, certain secret pledges of the imperium, and two-faced Janus, and Faith of peace and of war, and above all he assigned the hearth of Vesta to be tended by the virgins, so that, as a likeness of the celestial stars, the flame might keep vigil as guardian of the imperium. All these things as if by the monition of a distinguished goddess, that the barbarians might the more accept them.
96 Excepit Pompilium Numam Tullus Hostilius, cuius in honorem virtutis regnum ultro datum. Hic omnem militarem disciplinam artemque bellandi instituit. Itaque mirum in modum exercita iuventute provocare ausus Albanos gravem et diu principem populum.
96 Tullus Hostilius succeeded Numa Pompilius, to whom, in honor of his virtue, the kingship was given of its own accord. He instituted all military discipline and the art of waging war. And so, with the youth trained in a wondrous manner, he dared to challenge the Albans, a grave and long-time principal people.
But since, with equal might, in frequent battles both sides were being worn down, the war was sent into a compendium by the Horatii and the Curiatii, triplet brothers on this side and on that, and the fates of both peoples were entrusted to them. A two-edged and fair contest, and marvelous in the very outcome. For with three on that side wounded, and two on this side slain, the Horatius who remained—guile added to valor, in order to draw the enemy apart—simulates flight, and, assailing them singly as they were able to pursue, overcomes them.
Thus (a distinction otherwise rare) a victory was won by the hand of one man. Which he soon defiled by parricide. For he had seen his sister weeping, with the spoils of her fiancé indeed—but of an enemy—about her; he avenged with steel this so immature love of the maiden, for daring the laws—an impiety. But virtue carried off the parricide, and the crime was beneath his glory.
97 Nor was the Alban long in good faith: for in the Fidenate war he sent in aid according to the treaty: set in the middle between the two, they awaited fortune. But the crafty king, when he sees the allies incline toward the enemy, lifts their spirits, as though he had given the command. Thence hope to the Romans, fear to the enemies.
Thus the fraud of the traitors was ineffectual. And so, with the enemy conquered, he tore apart the breaker of the treaty, Mettus Furetius, bound between two chariots by fleet horses; and Alba itself, although a parent, yet a rival, he razed, when he first transferred all the resources of the city and the people themselves to Rome: precisely so that the consanguine city might seem not to have perished, but to have returned again into its own body.
98 Ancus deinde Marcius nepus Pompilii ex filia, pravo ingenio. Igitur et muro moenia amplexus est et influentem urbi Tyberinum ponte commisit Ostiamque in ipso maris fluminisque confinio coloniam posuit, iam tunc videlicet praesagiens animo futurum, ut totius mundi opes et comeatus illo velut maritimo urbis ospitio receperentur.
98 Then Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Pompilius through his daughter, of a crooked disposition. Therefore he both encircled the city-walls with a wall and joined the Tiber, as it flows into the city, with a bridge, and he established a colony at Ostia at the very boundary of sea and river—already then, clearly foreboding in his mind that it would come to pass that the resources and supplies of the whole world would be received there, as at the city’s maritime harbor.
99 Tarquinius postea Priscus quamvis transmarinae originis regnum ultro petens accepit ob industriam atque elegantiam, quippe qui oriundus Corintho Grecum ingenium Italicis artibus miscuisset. Hic et senatus maiestatem numero ampliavit et centuriis tribus auxit, quatenus Actius Nevius numerum augeri prohibebat, vir summus augurio. Quem rex in experimentum rogavit, fierine posset, quod ipse mente coeperat.
99 Tarquinius afterwards Priscus, although of overseas origin, seeking the kingship unbidden, received it on account of his industry and elegance, he indeed who, sprung from Corinth, had mixed Greek genius with Italian arts. He both enlarged the majesty of the senate in number and augmented it by three centuries, inasmuch as Accius Nevius was forbidding the number to be increased, a man supreme in augury. Him the king, for an experiment, asked whether that could be brought to pass which he himself had begun in his mind.
100 Nor was Tarquinius more ready in peace than in war: for he subdued the twelve peoples of Etruria by frequent arms. Thence the fasces, trabeae, curule chairs, rings, phalerae, paludamenta, the praetextae; thence the fact that one triumphs in a golden chariot with four horses, the togae pictae and tunicae palmatae—finally, all the ornaments and insignia by which the dignity of imperium stands out—were taken up.
101 Servius Tullius deinceps gubernacula urbis invadit, nec obscuritas inhibuit quamvis matre serva creatum. Nam eximiam indolem uxor Tarquinii Tanaquil liberaliter educaverat et clarum fore visa circa caput flamma promiserat. Ergo inter Tarquinii mortem annitente regina substitutus in locum regis quasi in tempus regnum dolo partum sic egit industriae, ut iure adeptus videretur.
101 Servius Tullius thereafter seized the helm of the city, nor did obscurity hinder him, although born of a slave-mother. For Tanaquil, the wife of Tarquinius, had liberally educated his exceptional nature, and, having seemed to see a flame around his head, had promised he would be illustrious. Therefore, at Tarquinius’s death, with the queen striving, he was substituted in the place of the king as if for a time; the realm, though gotten by deceit, he so managed with industry that he seemed to have acquired it by right.
102 From this man the Roman people were enrolled in the census, arranged into classes, distributed into decuries and collegia, and by the utmost skill of the king the res publica was so ordered that all the distinctions of patrimony, dignity, age, arts, and offices were entered into the registers, and thus the greatest commonwealth was held together by the diligence of the smallest household.
103 Postremus fuit omnium regum Tarquinius, cui cognomen Superbo ex moribus datum. Hic regnum avitum, quod a Servio tenebatur, rapere maluit quam expectare, missisque in eum percussoribus scelere partam potestatem non melius egit quam adquisiverat. Nec abhorrebat moribus uxor Tullia, que, ut virum regem salutaret, supra cruentum patrem vecta carpento consternatos equos exegit.
103 The last of all the kings was Tarquinius, to whom the cognomen “the Proud” was given from his manners. He preferred to seize the ancestral kingdom, which was held by Servius, rather than to await it; and, assassins having been sent against him, the power procured by crime he administered no better than he had acquired it. Nor did his wife Tullia shrink from such morals, who, that she might salute her husband as king, riding in a carriage over her bloody father, drove on the panic‑stricken horses.
104 But he himself, upon the senate with slaughters, upon the plebs with beatings, upon all with arrogance—which is more grievous to the good than cruelty—having raged, when he had wearied out his savagery at home, at last turned against the enemies. Thus strong towns in Latium were captured: Ardea, Ocricolum, Gavii, Suessa Pometia. Then also he was blood-stained against his own.
For he did not hesitate to flog his son, so that from this there might be credibility among the enemies for one pretending to be a deserter. 105 When he had been received at Gabii, as he had wished, and was consulting by messengers what he wanted to be done, he chanced to knock off with a little rod the prominent heads of the poppies; since by this he wished it to be understood that the principal men were to be slain, in his arrogance he thus answered, yet as they had perceived. 106 From the spoils of the captured cities he erected a temple.
Which, when it was being inaugurated, with the other gods giving way, a wondrous thing is said to have occurred: Juventas and Terminus stood fast. The contumacy of the divinities pleased the seers, since indeed they were promising that all things would be firm and eternal. But this was more dreadful: that, while they were constructing the temple, a human head was found in the foundations.
Nor did all doubt that the most beautiful prodigy promised the seat of empire and the head of the lands. 107 The Roman people endured the king’s pride so long as lust was absent; this importunity from his children they could not tolerate. When one of them had inflicted rape upon Lucretia, a most adorned woman, the matron expiated the disgrace with iron, and the imperium was abrogated from the kings.
108 Haec est prima aetas populi Romani et quasi infantia, quam habuit sub regibus septem, per annos, ut diximus, ccxliii, quadam fatorum industria tam variis ingenio, ut rei publicae ratio et utilitas postulabat. 109 Nam quid Romolo ardentius? Tali opus fuit, ut invaderet regnum.
108 This is the first age of the Roman people and, as it were, its infancy, which it had under seven kings, for 243 years, as we said, by a certain management of the fates, so various in character as the plan and utility of the commonwealth demanded. 109 For what was more ardent than Romulus? There was need of such a man, that he might seize the kingship.
110 And indeed the ornaments and insignia of Tarquin—how much dignity did they add to the sovereign people by his very departure? The census carried out by Servius, what did it effect, except that the Roman commonwealth came to know itself? Lastly, the inopportune domination of that Proud one did not profit a little—nay, even very much.
Thus indeed it was brought about, that the people, agitated by injuries, were inflamed with a desire of liberty. 111 And the royal domination having been changed, they betook themselves to the consular infulae; who, two by two, each year governing the commonwealth, in the following year were succeeded by others coming in, and knowing that they presided over the people only for single years, they dealt with others in such a manner as they desired those others to act toward themselves thereafter. 112 Which order held the privilege down to Augustus Caesar, through 916 men in the years.
458. For indeed it was for nine years without consuls, but only under tribunes of the plebs, and for four without judges.113 For after the kings had been driven out, for one year each of the senators held the commonwealth for five days apiece, and then, with two consuls created, Brutus and Collatinus, they preserved the order thereafter down to Pansa and Sergius through the years.
the previously noted. 114 And because I have guarded against the writing down of the names and acts of all the consuls being both a tedium to me and a weariness to you who read, prelibating some things therefrom I have forborne many, since I have learned that the work has already been well-nigh by several usurped and abridged.
115 Igitur primi consolum Brutus et Collatinus, quibus ultionem sui moriens matrona mandaverat, populus Romanus ad vindicandum libertatis ac pudicitiae decus quodam quasi instinctu deorum concitatus regem repente destituit, bona diripit, agrum Marti suo consecrat, imperium in eosdem libertatis suae vindices transfert, mutato tamen, ut diximus, et iure et nomine. 116 Quippe ex perpetuo annuum placuit, ex singulari duplex, ne potestas solitudine vel mora corrumperetur, consulesque appellavit pro regibus, ut consulere civibus suis debere meminissent tantumque libertatis novae gaudium intercesserat, ut vix mutati status fidem caperent alterumque ex consulibus Lucretiae maritum tantum ob nomen et genus regium fascibus abrogatis urbem dimitterent. 117 Itaque substitutus Oratius Publicola summo studio annisus est ad augendam liberi populi maiestatem.
115 Therefore the first of the consuls, Brutus and Collatinus—by whom the dying matron had mandated the avenging of herself—the Roman people, stirred to vindicate the honor of liberty and pudicity by a certain, as it were, instigation of the gods, suddenly deposed the king, plundered his goods, consecrated his field to their Mars, transferred the imperium to these same vindicators of their liberty, with both the law and the name changed, as we have said. 116 Indeed, it pleased that from perpetual it be annual, from single double, lest power be corrupted by solitude or by delay; and it named them consuls in place of kings, that they might remember they ought to consult for their fellow-citizens; and so great a joy at the new liberty had intervened that they could scarcely credit the change of state, and one of the consuls, the husband of Lucretia, solely on account of the royal name and stock, with his fasces abrogated, they dismissed from the city. 117 And so Horatius Publicola, substituted in his place, with the highest zeal strove to augment the majesty of the free people.
For he both lowered the fasces to it before the public assembly and granted the right of provocation (appeal) against those very men, and, lest the appearance of a citadel should give offense, he brought his projecting house down onto level ground. 118 But Brutus, indeed, was borne full-sail toward the favor of the citizens even by the disaster of his own house and by parricide. For when he discovered that his sons were eager about recalling the kings into the city, he dragged them into the forum, and in the midst of the assembly he struck them with rods and smote them with the axe, so that he clearly seemed, as a public father, to have adopted the people to himself in place of his children.
119 Liber iam hinc populus Romanus prima adversus exteros arma pro libertate corripuit, mox pro finibus, deinde pro sociis, tum gloria et imperio, lacessentibus adsidue usque quaque finitimis: quippe cum patrii soli gliba nulla sit, sed statim hostile pomerium mediusque inter Latium adque Etruscos quasi in quodam bivio conlocatus omnibus portis in hostem incurreret, donec quasi contagio quodam per singulos itum est et proximis quibusque correptis totam Italiam sub se redigerunt. 120 Nam Porsenna rex Etruscorum ingentibus copiis aderat et Tarquinios manu reducebat. Hunc tamen quamvis et armis et fame urgueret occupatoque Ianiculo in ipsis urbis faucibus incubaret, sustenuit, reppulit, novissimae etiam tanta admiratione perculit, ut superior ultro cum pene victis amicitiae foedera feriret.
119 From this point, now free, the Roman people snatched up their first arms against foreigners for liberty, soon for boundaries, then for allies, then for glory and empire, with the neighbors on every side continually provoking: since there is no clod of native soil, but at once a hostile pomerium; and, placed midway between Latium and the Etruscans as if at a certain crossroads, it would charge upon the enemy from all its gates, until, as if by a kind of contagion, they advanced man by man and, seizing each nearest neighbor, brought the whole of Italy under themselves. 120 For Porsenna, king of the Etruscans, was present with vast forces and was bringing back the Tarquins by force. Nevertheless, although he pressed them both with arms and with famine, and, the Janiculum having been occupied, lay brooding at the very throats of the city, it withstood him, drove him back, and in the end even struck him with such admiration that, as the superior, he of his own accord concluded treaties of friendship with those almost conquered.
121 For Mucius Scaevola, the bravest of the Romans, attacks the king by ambush in the king’s own camp. But when, his blow at the king’s purple-clad attendant having been frustrated, he is seized, he straightway thrust his hand into the blazing hearths and doubles the terror by a stratagem. “Lo, that you may know,” he said, “what a man you have escaped: we three hundred have sworn the same.” While, in a thing monstrous to say, this man stood undaunted, that man grew alarmed, as though the king’s hand were burning.
The king indeed, terrified by so many and so great prodigies of virtue, ordered them to be let go and to be free. 123 The Tarquins, however, fought for a long time, until Brutus with his own hand slew Arruns, the king’s son, and, over him, expired from a mutual wound, plainly as if he were pursuing an adulterer even down to the underworld.
Tibur, now suburban, and the summer delights of Praeneste, were being sought by vows publicly pronounced on the Capitoline: 125 the same then for Fesulae as recently for Carrhae; the same for the Arician grove as for the Hercynian forest; for Fregellae as for Caesoriacum; for the Tiber as for the Euphrates. The Curioli too—oh, for shame—having been conquered, were so very much a matter of glory that Gnaeus Marcius Coriolanus would put on the captured town to his name, as if it were Numantia or Africa. 126 There also exist spoils won from Antium, which Maenius fastened upon the platform of the Forum from the enemy fleet he had captured—if indeed that was a fleet, for there were six beaked ships.
But that number, in those beginnings, constituted a naval war. Yet the most obstinate against the Latins were the Aequi and the Volsci, and, so to speak, everyday enemies. 127 And these Titus Quintius especially subdued, that dictator from the plough, who in distinguished fashion rescued the camp of the consul Manlius, besieged and now almost captured.
he recovered the victory. It chanced to be the very season of sowing, when a lictor caught a patrician man, leaning on his own plow, in the very act of work. 128 Thence, having set out into the battle-line, so that he might not in any respect depart from the imitation of rustic labor, he sent them under the yoke in the manner of cattle; and the expedition finished, he returned to his oxen again, a triumphal farmer.
130 Galli autem Senones gens natura ferox, moribus incondita, ad hoc ipsa corporum mole, perinde armis ingentibus, adeo omni genere terribilis fuit, ut plane nata ad hominum interitum, urbium stragem videretur. Hi quondam ab ultimis terrarum oris et cingente omnia oceano ingenti agmine profecti cum iam media vastassent, positis inter Alpes et Padum sedibus, ne his quidem contenti, per Italiam baccabantur. 131 Tunc Clusium Tusciae urbem obsidebant, ubi pro sociis ac foederatis Romanus intervenit missis ex more legatis.
130 But the Gauls, the Senones, a nation ferocious by nature, unpolished in morals, and, in addition, by the very mass of their bodies and equally by huge arms, were so terrible in every kind that they clearly seemed born for the destruction of men and the wrecking of cities. These once, from the farthest borders of the earth, with the ocean girding all, set out in a huge host; and when they had already laid waste the midlands, with seats established between the Alps and the Po, not even content with these, they ran riot through Italy. 131 Then they were besieging Clusium, a city of Etruria, where, on behalf of allies and federates, the Roman intervened, ambassadors having been sent according to custom.
Then therefore that true Roman virtue appeared as never before. To begin with, the elders, who had enjoyed the most ample honors, gather in the forum; there, with the pontiff devoting them, they consecrate themselves to the divine Manes, and immediately, each having returned to his own house, just as they were in trabeae and in the most ample attire, they placed themselves in their curule chairs, so that, when the enemy had come, each might die in his own dignity. 133 But the pontiffs and the flamens, whatever most sacrosanct things were in the temples, partly hid away in great jars with the earth dug up, partly, placed upon wagons, they carry off with them to Veii: at the same time the virgins from the priesthood of Vesta, with bare foot, accompany the sacred things in flight.
Nevertheless, it is reported that Atinius, one from the plebs, took up the fugitives; who, after setting down his wife and children, received the virgins into the wagon. So much then also, in the last extremities, did the public religion surpass private affections. 134 The youth, indeed, which it is sufficiently agreed was scarcely a thousand men, with Manlius as leader, occupied the citadel of the Capitoline Hill, calling upon Jupiter himself as if present, that just as they themselves had run forth to defend the temple, so he would protect their valor by his own numen.
135 Meanwhile the Gauls were at hand and approach the open city. There, the praetextate elders sitting in their own curule seats—revered as though gods and genii—soon these same men, after it was clear that they were human, who otherwise deigned to return no answer, they slaughter in equal madness, and they cast torches upon the roofs and level the whole city with fire, sword, and by hand. 136 For 6 months (who would believe it of barbarians?) they hung about one hill, and not only by days but by nights too they tried everything; when, however, Manlius, the attackers coming up by night, roused by the honk of a goose, hurled them down from the topmost cliff; and, to take away hope from the enemy, although in the utmost hunger, yet for a show of confidence, he hurled loaves from the citadel. 137 And on a certain fixed day he sent down from the citadel, through the midst of the enemy’s guards, the pontiff Fabius, to complete the solemn sacrifice on the Quirinal Mount; and he, through the midst of the enemies’ missiles, returned unharmed by the aid of religion and reported the gods propitious.
138 Igitur pastorum quondam casa urbs enituit: post assertam a Manlio faciem restitutamque a Camillo acrius etiam vehementiusque in finitimos resurrexit. 139 Nec tamen contenti Romani suis eos moenibus expulisse. Cum per Italiam naufragia sua latius traherent, sic persecuti sunt, ductante Camillo, ut odiae nulla Senonum vestigia supersint.
138 Therefore the city, once a shepherds’ hut, shone forth: after its face had been asserted by Manlius and restituted by Camillus, it rose up again more keenly and more vehemently against its neighbors. 139 Nor yet were the Romans content to have expelled them from their own walls. While they were dragging their shipwrecks more widely through Italy, they pursued them, with Camillus conducting, in such a way that no vestiges of the Senones remained for hatred.
Once at the Anio they were slaughtered, when in single combat Manlius tore a golden torque from the barbarian among the spoils, whence he was also called Torquatus. 140 Again in the Pomptine territory, when in a similar fight Valerius, aided by a sacred bird perched upon his helmet, carried off the spoils, and he himself was called Corvinus. And likewise, however, after some years, Dolabella destroyed all their remnants in Etruria at Lake Vadimo, lest anyone exist from that nation who would boast that the Roman city had been set on fire by themselves.
141 With Manlius Torquatus turned from the Gauls, the Latins experienced him and were conquered. 142 And then the Savines, who had been allies in their war with Tatius leading, were subjugated by the consul Curius Dentatus, and their territories from the Varanian spring as far as the Adriatic Sea were laid waste with fire and iron, and he added such wealth to the Roman people that not even he who had conquered could himself estimate it.
143 Praecibus deinde Campaniae motus non pro se sed pro sociis Samnitas invadit. Omnium namque non modo Italiae tantum, sed pene toto orbe terrarum pulcherrima Campaniae plaga est. Nihil mollius caelo: denique bis floribus vernat.
143 Then, moved by the entreaties of Campania, he invades the Samnites not for himself but for his allies. For of all regions, not only of Italy alone, but almost in the whole orb of the lands, the most beautiful tract is that of Campania. Nothing is gentler in climate: indeed, it blooms twice with flowers.
Nothing more fruitful in soil: therefore it is said to be the contest of Liber and of Ceres. Nothing more hospitable with respect to the sea: here it has those noble harbors, Caieta, Misenus, Baiae warm with springs, the Lucrine and Avernus, certain mouths of the sea. Here are mountains friendly to vines—Caurus, Falernus, Massicus—and Vesuvius, most beautiful of them all, an imitator of Aetnaean fire.
Cities on the sea: Formiae, Cumae, Puteoli, Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Capua itself, the head of cities, once counted among the three greatest along with Rome and Carthage. 144 For this city, for these regions, the Roman people invade the Samnites—a nation, if you seek opulence, armed to the very circumference with golden and silver arms and with variegated vesture; if deceit, prowling with ambuscades in the forest-passes like a wild beast and with the treachery of the mountains; if rabid rage and frenzy, driven by sacred rites and by human victims to the destruction of the city; if pertinacity, the treaty broken six times, and made more high-spirited by the very disasters. Yet these, over fifty years, through the Fabii and the Papirii, the fathers and their sons, he so subdued and tamed, he so razed even the very ruins of their cities, that today Samnium is sought in Samnium itself, nor does the very material for twenty-four triumphs easily appear.
145 Nevertheless of the greatest note and illustrious was the calamity at the Caudine Forks, received from this people, upon the consuls Veturius and Postumius. The army, shut in by ambush within that pass, whence it could not escape, the leader of the enemy, Pontius, amazed at so great an occasion, consulted his father Herennius: and he, as the elder, had wisely advised that he should either send them all away or kill them; this man preferred to send them, stripped of their arms, under the yoke, so that they might be neither friends by a benefit and, after the outrage, more enemies. 146 And so even the consuls at once, magnificently, by a voluntary surrender, dissolved the turpitude of the treaty; and the soldiery, demanding vengeance, with Papirius as leader — horrible to say — with swords drawn were along the very road before the battle, and at the encounter he was the author that the eyes of all blazed against the foe.
There was immense terror at so many peoples at once and so great. Far and wide through Etruria the hostile standards of four columns were flitting. 148 Meanwhile the twin pass in the midst, previously plainly pathless, as if Calydonian or Hercynian, the terror was such that the senate gave warning to the consul not to dare to enter upon so great a peril.
150 Necdum Etrusco bello exempto mox sequitur Tarentinum, unum quidem in nomine, sed multiplex in victoriis. Hoc enim Campanos Apulos atque Lucanos et caput belli Tarentinos, id est totam pene Italiam, et cum his omnibus Pyrrum clarissimum Epyrotarum Greciae regem una veluti ruina pariter involuit, ut eodem tempore et Italiam consummaret et transmarinos triumphos auspicaretur. 151 Tarentus Lacedemoniorum opus, Calabriae quondam et Apuliae totiusque Lucaniae caput, cum magnitudine et muris portuque nobilis tum mirabili situ, quippe in ipsis Adriae maris faucibus posita in omnes terras Histriam Illyricum Epyron Achaiam Africam Siciliam vela dimittit.
150 And with the Etruscan war not yet cleared away, there soon follows the Tarentine, one indeed in name, but manifold in victories. For this war wrapped up the Campanians, Apulians, and Lucanians and the head of the war, the Tarentines—that is, nearly all Italy—and along with all these Pyrrhus, most illustrious of the Epirots, a king of Greece, in a single, as it were, ruin together, so that at the same time he both consummated Italy and inaugurated transmarine triumphs. 151 Tarentum, a work of the Lacedaemonians, once the capital of Calabria and Apulia and of all Lucania, notable for its size and its walls and its harbor, and also for its marvelous site—for, placed in the very narrows of the Adriatic Sea, it sends out sails to all lands, Histria, Illyricum, Epirus, Achaea, Africa, Sicily.
152 A theater, set for the prospect of the sea, overhangs the harbor, which indeed, by wretched cupidity, was the cause of all the calamities. By chance it was celebrating games, when, as they were rowing along the shore, they see the Roman fleet, and, thinking them the foe, they make mock indiscriminately and insult. “For who indeed, or whence, are the Romans?”
Not enough. An embassy was present without delay, bearing a complaint: this too they violate foully by an obscene and shameful-to-say contumely; and from this, war. 153 But the apparatus was horrific, since so many peoples at once were rising for the Tarentines, and Pyrrhus, more vehement than all, who, intending to vindicate the semi-Greek city with Lacedaemonian founders, was coming with the full forces of Epirus, Thessaly, and Macedonia, and with elephants unknown up to that time, by sea and by land, with men, horses, and arms, with moreover the terror of the beasts added.
154 At Heraclea in Campania and by the river Liris, with the consul Laevinus, the first battle took place; and it was so atrocious that Obsidius, prefect of the Forentan troop, having charged into the king, threw him into turmoil and forced him, with his insignia cast away, to withdraw from the battle. It would have been over, had not the elephants, the battle being turned into a spectacle, rushed forward.
At both the magnitude and the deformity, and at the new odor together with the hissing, the horses were thrown into consternation; and as they suspected the beasts, unknown to them, to be more than they really were, they produced rout and carnage far and wide. 155 Then in Apulia, near Asculum, the fighting went better under the consuls Curio and Fabricius — for by now the terror of the beasts had died out, and Gaius Numicius, a hastatus of the fourth legion, with the proboscis of one cut off, had shown that the beasts could die. And so javelins were heaped upon them, and torches hurled onto the towers covered the whole battle-lines of the enemy with burning ruins.
Nor was there any other end to the slaughter than that night broke it off, and the last among the fleeing—the king himself—wounded in the shoulder, was borne back by his bodyguards in his armor. 156 In Lucania the final battle on the Sybarite fields, as they call them, with the same commanders as above, but then a total victory. The outcome which valor was about to give, chance gave.
For when the elephants had been brought forward into the front line again, a heavy blow of a javelin driven at the head turned aside one of their calves, who, as it ran back through the slaughter of its own, was keening with a stridor; the mother recognized it and, as if she would avenge it, leapt out, then with her heavy mass threw into confusion everything around as though hostile: and so the same wild beasts who took away the first victory made the second equal, and handed over the third without controversy. 157 Nor indeed was the fighting only with arms and in the field, but also by counsels and at home, and even within the city, with King Pyrrhus. For after the first victory, once Roman virtue had been understood, he straightway despaired of arms and betook himself to deceits.
For he cremated the slain and treated the captives indulgently, and restored them without ransom, and, envoys having been sent into the city, he strove in every way that, a treaty having been made, he might be received into friendship. 158 But both in war and in peace, both abroad and at home, Roman virtue then approved itself in every part, nor did any other more than the Tarentine victory show the fortitude of the Roman people, the wisdom of the senate, the magnanimity of the commanders. 159 Nor did any other triumph enter the city more beautiful or more splendid.
Before this day it had seen nothing except the cattle of the Volscians, the flocks of the Sabines, the carriages of the Gauls, the broken arms of the Samnites. Then however, if you looked at the captives: Molossians, Thessalians, Macedonians, a Bruttian, an Apulian, and a Lucanian; if at the pomp: gold, purple, standards, painted panels, and Tarentine delicacies. But nothing did the Roman people gaze upon more willingly than those beasts, which they had feared, with their towers, who, not without a sense of captivity, with lowered necks were following the victors’ horses.
162 Postremi Italicorum in fidem venere Vulsini opulentissimi Etruscorum, implorantes opem adversus servos quondam suos, qui libertatem a dominis datam in ipsos erexerant translataque in se re publica dominabantur, sed hi quoque duce Fabio Gurgite poenas dederunt.
162 Last of the Italians to come into allegiance were the Volsinians, the most opulent of the Etruscans, imploring aid against their once-servants, who had raised the liberty given by their masters against them and, with the republic transferred onto themselves, were holding dominion; but these too, with Fabius Gurges as leader, paid the penalty.
163 Domita subactaque Italia populus Romanus Appio Claudio consule primum fretum ingressus est fabulosis fame monstris estuque violentum, sed adeo non est exterritus, ut ipsam illam ruentis estus violentiam pro munere amplecteretur, quod velocitas navium mari iuvaretur, statimque ac sine mora Hyeronem Syracusanum tanta celeritate devicit, ut ille ipse prius se victum, quam hostem videret, fateretur. 164 Duellio Cornelioque consulibus etiam mari congredi ausus est. Tum quidem ipsa velocitas classis comparatae victoriae auspicium fuit.
163 With Italy tamed and subdued, the Roman people, Appius Claudius being consul, first entered the strait, violent with monsters famed in fable and with its surge; but he was so far from being terrified that he embraced that very violence of the rushing tide as a gift, because the velocity of the ships was helped by the sea, and immediately and without delay he defeated Hiero the Syracusan with such celerity that he himself confessed himself conquered before he saw the enemy. 164 With Duellius and Cornelius as consuls he even dared to engage on the sea. Then indeed that very velocity of the fleet prepared was an auspice of victory.
For within the 60th day from when the forest had been felled, a fleet of 160 ships stood at anchor, so that they seemed not made by art, but, by a certain gift of the gods, trees converted into ships and transformed. The very form of the battle was marvelous, when these heavy and slow ships seized those swift and winged ships of the enemy. By far on their side were the nautical arts—wrenching aside the oars and making a mockery of the rams by flight.
For iron hands were cast and stout machines, much mocked by the enemy before the contest, and the foes were forced to decide the issue as if on solid ground. 165 Victorious therefore at the Liparae, with the enemy’s fleet sunk or put to flight, he celebrated that first maritime triumph. And what joy was there in this, when the commander Duellius, not content with a triumph of one day, throughout his whole life, whenever he returned from dinner, ordered torches to go before to give light and pipes to play before him, as if he were triumphing every day.
Before so great a victory, the loss of this battle was light: the other of the consuls, Cornelius Asina, was intercepted—having been called out by a feigned conference and thus overpowered—an object-lesson of Punic perfidy. 166 With Calatinus as dictator, he stripped almost all the Punic garrisons from Agrigentum, Drepanum, Panormus, Eryx, and Lilybaeum. There was once panic around the Camerinian pass; but by the exceptional virtue—valor—of Calpurnius Flamma, tribune of the soldiers, we escaped.
He, with a chosen band of three hundred, seized a hill occupied by the enemies and so delayed the foes, while the whole army might get away: and thus, with a most glorious outcome, he equaled the fame of Thermopylae and Leonidas—ours the more illustrious in this, that he survived so great an expedition and inscribed nothing with blood. 167 With Lucius Cornelius Scipio, when already Sicily was as it were a suburban province of the Roman people, the war spreading more widely, he crossed over to Sardinia and to adjoining Corsica, to Olbia. There, by the destruction of the city of Ateria, he terrified the inhabitants, and to such a degree did he purge the Carthaginians from every land and sea that now for victory nothing remained except Africa itself.
168 With Marcus Atilius Regulus as commander, the war was now sailing to Africa. Nor were there lacking those who, at the very name and terror of the Punic sea, lost heart: moreover, with the tribune Natio augmenting the fear, the commander, the axe drawn, by fear of death made audacity for sailing, threatening him unless he obeyed. Soon thereafter success was prospered by winds and oars, and so great was the terror to the Carthaginians at the hostile advent that Carthage was all but taken with its gates open.
169 The first proem of the war was the city Clypea: for as the foremost from the Punic shore it projects, as if a citadel and a lookout. Both this and more than three hundred castles were laid waste. Nor was there fighting with men, but with monsters as well, when, as if born for the vengeance of Africa, a serpent of wondrous magnitude vexed the camp pitched near Bracada.
170 But Regulus, conqueror of all, when he had carried abroad far and wide the terror of his name, and when he had either captured a great force of the youth and the leaders themselves or held them in chains, and had sent on ahead to the city a fleet laden with immense booty and heavy with triumph, was now pressing with a siege Carthage itself, the head of the war, and was clinging to its very gates. 171 Here fortune was turned a little, only so that there might be more insignia of Roman virtue, whose greatness is almost approved by calamities. For when the enemies turned to foreign auxiliaries, and Lacedaemon had sent them Xanthippus as commander, Regulus was defeated by a man most skilled in warfare, and there was a foul disaster, unknown to Roman experience: for the bravest imperator came alive into the hands of the enemy.
172 But he was indeed equal to so great a calamity; for he was broken neither by the Punic prison nor by the embassy undertaken: indeed he judged the opposite of what the enemy had mandated, that neither should peace be made nor the exchange of captives be accepted. But neither by that voluntary return to his foes nor by the ultimate, whether prison or punishment, was his majesty disfigured. Nay rather, by all these things the more admirable—what else than a victor over the victors, and even, since Carthage had not yielded, did he triumph over Fortune?
The Roman people, however, were much fiercer and more intent for the avenging of Regulus than for victory. 173 Therefore, with Metellus as consul, the Carthaginians conspiring more closely and the war returned into Sicily, near Panormus the Roman army struck down the enemies in such a way that they no longer even considered attacking that island. A vast argument of the victory was the captivity of about one hundred elephants.
Thus also he drove great spoils, as if he had captured that herd not by war, but by hunting. 174 Appius Claudius the consul was overcome not by enemies but by the gods themselves, whose auspices he had contemned; there immediately his fleet was sunk, in the very place where he had ordered the chickens to be thrown headlong, because fighting was forbidden by them. 175 Marcus Fabius Buteo struck down the fleet of the enemies, already in the African sea near Egimurum, sailing of its own accord toward Italy.
How great a triumph was then cut off by the tempest, when the fleet, driven by adverse winds, with opulent booty, by its own shipwreck filled Africa and the Syrtes, the shores of all empires, of peoples, and of islands. A great disaster, yet not without some dignity of the sovereign people, that the victory, intercepted by the tempest, and the triumph, perished by shipwreck. And yet, although the Punic spoils were floating along all promontories and islands, the Roman People even so triumphed.
176 with Lutatius Catulus as consul at last an end was imposed upon the war at the islands whose name is the Aegates: nor at any other time was there a greater battle on the sea: for there was present a heavy fleet, laden with supplies, with an army, with bulwarks and arms, and in it, as it were, the whole of Carthage—which very thing was its ruin. The Roman fleet was prompt, light, unencumbered, and in a certain camp-fashion, in the likeness of a cavalry fight, was driven by oars as if by oats; and for blows upon these or those, the mobile rostra presented the appearance of living things. And so, in a moment of time, the enemy’s ships, torn to pieces, covered the whole sea between Sicily and Sardinia with their own shipwreck.
177 Peracto si quidem Punico et nec dum quantulum respirato sequitur Liguricum. Nam Ligures hi imis Alpium iugis adhaerentes inter Varum Magramque amnem implicitos dumis silvestribus victitabant, quos pene maius fuit invenire quam vincere. Tuti si quidem locis et fuga durum atque velox genus ex occasione latrocinia magis quam bella faciebant.
177 With the Punic war indeed completed, and with not even the slightest breathing-space yet taken, the Ligurian followed. For these Ligurians, adhering to the lowest ridges of the Alps, lived between the river Varus and the river Magra, entangled in woodland brambles—whom it was almost a greater task to find than to conquer. Safe indeed by their places, and, tough and swift in flight, they practiced latrociny rather than war as occasion offered.
Therefore, since for a long time and much the Decilates, Oxuvii, Buriates, and Ingauni were eluding by the mountain-passes and paths, at last Fulvius fenced off their hiding places with fire, Bebius indeed led them down into the plains, and Postumius so disarmed them that he scarcely left iron with which the earth might be cultivated.
178 Post quos mox Galli. Insubribus et his Alpium incolis animi ferarum, corpora plus quam humana erant, sed experimento depraehensum est. Quippe virtus eorum sicut primo impetu maior quam virorum est, ita sequens minor quam feminarum.
178 After whom, soon, the Gauls. In the Insubres and in those inhabitants of the Alps there were the souls of wild beasts and bodies more than human; but by experiment it was apprehended. Indeed, their valor, just as at the first onset it is greater than that of men, so thereafter it is less than that of women.
Alpine bodies, reared under a humid sky, have something like their own snows: when soon they have grown warm in battle, they straightway go into sweat, and with slight motion they, as if by the sun, are loosened. 179 These men often, both at other times and with Brittomarus as leader, had sworn that they would not lay aside their belts before they had ascended the Capitol. And so it came to pass, and Aemilius ungirded them, conquered, on the Capitol.
And because their leader had devoted to his own Mars, as spoil from the Roman soldier, a golden torque, Jupiter intercepted the vow, and from the torques of Ariobistus himself and the rest of the Gauls, Flaminius set up a golden trophy to Jupiter. Their king too, Viridomarus, had promised Roman arms to Vulcan: the vows fell otherwise. For when he had been slain, Marcellus, for the 3rd time after father Romulus, suspended the spolia opima to Jupiter Feretrius.
180 Illyres autem, id est Veneti, seu Liburnes sub extremis Alpium radicibus agunt inter Arsiam Titulumque flumen longissimae per totum Adriani maris litus effusi. Hi regnante Teutana muliere populationibus non contenti licentiae scelus addiderunt. Legatos quippe Romanos, ob ea quae deliquerant iure agentes, ne gladio quidem, sed ut victimas securi percutiunt, praefectos navium igni conburunt idque quo indignius foret, mulier imperavit.
180 But the Illyrians, that is, the Veneti, or the Liburnians, dwell under the farthest roots of the Alps, between the Arsia and the Titulus river, spread very far along the whole shore of the Adriatic Sea. These, while Teuta, a woman, was reigning, not content with depredations, added crime to license. For they strike the Roman legates—who were acting by right regarding the offenses they had committed—not even with the sword, but, as sacrificial victims, with an axe; they burn with fire the prefects of the ships; and, that it might be the more outrageous, it was a woman who gave the order.
181 Post primum autem Punicum bellum vix quadriennium requies: ecce alterum bellum, minus quidem spatio — nec enim amplius xviii annos tenens — sed adeo cladium atrocitate terribilis, ut si quis conferat damna utriusque populi, similior victo sit populus ille qui vicit. Vrebat nobilem populum mare ablatum, raptae insulae, dare tributa quae iubere consueverat. Hinc ultionem puer Annibal ad aram patris iuraverat, nec morabatur.
181 But after the First Punic war, scarcely a four-year respite: behold another war, less indeed in duration — for it lasted no more than 18 years — but so terrible in the atrocity of the slaughters, that if anyone should compare the losses of both peoples, the people who conquered would be more like the conquered. It seared the noble people: the sea taken away, the islands snatched, to pay tributes which it had been accustomed to order. Hence the boy Hannibal had sworn vengeance at his father’s altar, and he was not delaying.
182 Therefore Saguntum was chosen as the cause of the war, as a city of Spain and opulent, and a great indeed but sad monument of fidelity toward the Romans. This city, which had been taken into liberty by a common treaty, Hannibal, seeking causes of new commotions, overthrew by his own hands and by the hands of his men, so that, the treaty being ruptured, he might open Italy for himself. The Romans’ religion of treaties is utmost: therefore, at the report of the siege of the allied city, mindful of the treaty struck with the Carthaginians as well, they do not immediately rush to arms, while they prefer first that inquiry be made in lawful fashion.
Meanwhile, now for nine months wearied by hunger, by machines, by steel, their loyalty at last turned into rage, they raise a monstrous pyre in the forum, then from above they destroy themselves and their own, with all their resources, by iron and fire. 183 Hannibal, the author of so great a disaster, is demanded. With the Carthaginians prevaricating, the leader of the legation said: 'what delay is there?' Fabius: 'in this bosom I carry war and peace; which do you choose?' As some shouted 'war'; 'war then,' he said, 'receive.' And, with the lap of his toga shaken out in the middle of the Curia, not without a shudder—just as if he quite literally carried war in his bosom—he poured it forth.
184 The outcome of the war was similar to its beginnings. For as if the final dread dooms of the Saguntines had entrusted to him, in that public parricide and conflagration, these inferial offerings, thus to their shades expiation was made by the devastation of Italy, the captivity of Africa, and the destruction of the leaders and kings who waged that war. Therefore, when once that grievous and lugubrious force and tempest of the Punic war moved itself into Spain and, by the Saguntine fire, forged the thunderbolt long since destined for the Romans, at once, carried along by a certain impetus, it broke through the midst of the Alps and descended into Italy from those snows of fabulous height, as if sent from heaven.
185 And the whirlwind of the very first impetus between the Po and the Ticinum detonated at once with a strong crash. Then, with Scipio as leader, the army was routed: the commander himself, wounded, would even have come into the hands of the enemies, had not his father, under protection, been snatched from death itself by his son, quite still in the praetexta. This will be Scipio, who grows to the ruin of Africa, destined to have a name from its ills.
186 The Trebia succeeds the Ticinus. Here the second tempest of the Punic war raged furiously, Sempronius being consul. Then the most crafty enemies, having gotten a cold and snowy day, after they had first with fires, and even with oil, fomented themselves — horrible to say — men coming from the south and the sun overcame us by our own winter.
187 Lake Tharsymenus was the third thunderbolt of Hannibal, with the general Flaminius. A new art of Punic fraud: for the cavalry, hidden by the lake’s mist and marshy brushwood, suddenly assailed the backs of those fighting. Nor can we complain of the gods: the swarms settling on the standards and the eagles unwilling to go forth had foretold the disaster impending for the temerarious leader, and a tremor of the earth followed once the battle line had been joined—unless that shuddering of the ground was made by the mere running to and fro of horsemen and men and by arms moved more vehemently.
188 The fourth, that is, almost the ultimate wound of the empire: Cannae, an ignoble village of Apulia, but it emerged by the magnitude of the calamity, and a nobility was won by the slaughter of sixty thousand. There, for the annihilation of the unlucky army, the leader, the land, the sky, the day—the whole nature of things—agreed together. Indeed, not content with feigned deserters, Hannibal—who soon fell upon the backs of those fighting—moreover, as a crafty commander on the open plains, having observed the genius of the place (namely that both the sun there is most keen, and the dust most abundant, and the east wind from the orient always, as if by appointment), so drew up the battle line that, with the Romans turned to face all these things, keeping the sky favorable he might fight with the wind, the dust, and the sun on his side.
And so two very great armies were cut down to the satiety of the enemies, until Hannibal said to his soldier, 'spare the steel.' 189 Of the commanders, the one fled, the other was killed—doubtful which with the greater spirit: Paullus felt shame, Varro did not despair. Proofs of the disaster: the Aufidus bloodied for some time; a bridge of corpses, by the command of the leader, made over the stream Vergellus; two modii of rings sent to Carthage, and the equestrian dignity assessed by a measure. 190 Then there will be no doubt that Rome would have had that as her last day, and that within the fifth day Hannibal could have feasted on the Capitol—as they report that that Punic man Maharbal said to Bomilcar—if Hannibal, just as he knew how to conquer, had known likewise how to use the victory.
But then indeed, as is commonly said, either the fate of the city destined to command, or his own ill mind and the gods averse from Carthage, swept him aside to a different course. 191 When he could have used the victory, he preferred to enjoy it; and, Rome left behind, he proceeded to Campania and Tarentum, where soon both he himself and the ardor of his army grew languid, to such a degree that it has truly been said that Capua was Hannibal’s Cannae. For indeed the Campanian suns — who would believe it — and Baiae warm with springs subjugated the man unconquered by the Alps and indomitable by arms.
The treasury was ailing: the Senate gladly brought its resources into the common stock, and they left for themselves no gold except what was in bullae and in individual rings. The equestrian order likewise followed the example, and the tribes, imitating the equestrian order; finally the tablets scarcely sufficed, the hands of the scribes scarcely sufficed, under the consuls Levinus and Marcellus, when the wealth of private persons was being carried back into the public. 193 But what, however?
What wisdom of the Centuries, when the juniors sought counsel from the seniors about electing consuls? Indeed, against an enemy so often victor, so crafty, it was necessary to fight not by valor only, but even with his own counsels; the first hope of the returning, and so to speak reviving, imperium was Fabius, 194 who devised a new kind of victory over Hannibal: not to fight. Hence for him the new cognomen, salutary to the republic, “Delayer”; hence that saying from the people, that he was called the shield of the imperium.
And so, throughout all Samnium, through the Falernian and Gauran passes, he thus macerated Hannibal, so that, since he could not be broken by valor, he was diminished by delay. 195 Then, with Claudius Marcellus as leader, he even dared to engage; he came to close quarters and drove him into his own Campania and shut him out from the siege of the city of Nola. He also dared, with Sempronius Gracchus as leader, to follow through Lucania and to press the rear of the smiter, although then, O shame, he was fighting with a servile army — for so many evils had driven them to this point — but, having been endowed with liberty, they made Romans out of slavery.
O horrible confidence amid so many adversities, O the singular mind and spirit of the Roman people. With affairs so straitened and afflicted that it ought to have doubted about its own Italy, nevertheless it dared to look in different directions; and while the enemy was flitting at its throat through Campania and Apulia and was already making Africa out of the very midst of Italy, at the same time it both held him off and was sending arms into Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, distributed through the orb of lands. 196 Sicily was assigned to Marcellus.
Nor did it hold out long: for the whole island was conquered in a single city. That great capital, and until that time unconquered—Syracuse—although defended by the genius of Archimedes, at last yielded. By no means did that triple wall and just as many citadels, that marble harbor, and the celebrated spring of Arethusa avail them, except insofar as they profited thus far, that the beauty of the conquered city might be spared.
197 Gracchus seized Sardinia. The ferocity of the peoples and the monstrousness of the mountains of the Insani — for thus they are called — were of no avail to them. There was savagery against the cities and against the city of cities, Caralis, so that the contumacious nation, cheap of death, might at least be tamed by a longing for its native soil.
198 Indeed, sent into Spain, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio snatched almost the whole province from the Punics. But, overwhelmed by the ambushes of Punic fraud, they had lost it again—though in great battles they had cut down the Punic power. Yet the ambushes of Punic fraud crushed the one with the sword as he was marking out the camp, and the other, when he had escaped into a tower, they overwhelmed, encircled with torches.
Therefore, sent with an army in vengeance for his father and paternal uncle, Scipio, for whom the Fates had already decreed a great name from Africa, recovered that bellicose Spain, noble in men and arms, that seminary of the hostile army, that already Hannibal’s instructress — incredible to say — the whole from the Pyrenean mountains to the Pillars of Hercules, to the Ocean. One would not know whether more swiftly or more felicitously. How swiftly, four years confess: how easily, even one city proves: on the very same day on which it was besieged, on that same day it was taken, and it was an omen of the African victory, that Spain’s Carthage was conquered so easily.
199 It is certain, however, that for prostrating the province there chiefly profited the general’s singular sanctity, since he would restore captive boys and girls of preeminent beauty to the barbarians, not even allowing them to be brought into his sight, lest he should seem to have tasted in any way of the integrity of virginity, even with his eyes. 200 Such were the Roman people’s deeds in the diverse parts of the earth. Yet not even for that reason could they dislodge Hannibal, clinging to the vitals of Italy.
Most things had defected to the enemy, and the most keen commander against the Romans was making use also of Italic forces and strength. By now, however, the Romans had shaken him out of most towns and regions. Already they had restored Tarentum; already even Capua—the seat, home, and second fatherland of Hannibal—was held, the loss of which gave the Punic leader such pain that from there he turned all his forces upon Rome.
201 O people worthy of the empire of the world and worthy of the favor and admiration of all men and of the gods! Driven to the utmost fears, it does not desist from its undertaking, and, though anxious for its own city, nevertheless did not omit Capua; but, with part of the army left under the consul Appius, and part following Flaccus in the city, absent and present at once it fought. 202 Why therefore do we marvel that, to Hannibal as he was moving his camp from the third milestone, the very gods again stood opposed?
For such a force of downpours was poured out at each of his movements, such a violence of winds arose, that the enemy seemed to be removed by divinity not from heaven, but from the very walls of the city and from the Capitol. And so he fled and yielded and withdrew himself into the farthest recess of Italy, though he had left so great a city unassaulted. 203 For indeed from Spain Hasdrubal, Hannibal’s brother, was coming with a new army, with new forces, with a new mass of war.
It would have been all over, beyond doubt, if that man had joined himself with his brother. But him too—only just after he had come down from the Alps and was pitching camp by the Metaurus—Claudius Nero, with Livius Salinator, utterly defeats. Nero had driven Hannibal back into the farthest corner of Italy; Livius had turned his standards to a completely opposite quarter, that is, into the very defiles of nascent Italy.
204 So great—namely, with all the soil intervening by which Italy is longest—by what counsel, with what celerity the consuls should have joined their camps and, with the standards brought together, crushed the unanticipated enemy, and that Hannibal did not perceive this being done, is difficult to say. Surely, when the matter was learned, and when Hannibal had seen his brother’s head cast before his own camp, 'I recognize,' he said, 'the infelicity of Carthage.' This was that man’s first confession, not without a certain presage of impending fate. 205 Now it was certain, even by his own confession, that Hannibal could be conquered.
But the Roman people, full of confidence from so many prosperous affairs, held it in high estimation to finish off the harshest foe in his own Africa. Therefore, with Scipio as leader, turned with its whole mass into Africa itself, it began to imitate Hannibal and to vindicate upon Africa the disasters of its own Italy. Which he—good gods!
Finally, now not from the third milestone, but he was shaking by siege the very gates of Carthage. 206 Thus it was brought about, that he wrenched Hannibal, clinging and brooding over Italy, away. There was not a greater day under the Roman empire than that, when the two greatest generals of all, both before and after, the one the victor of Italy, the other of Spain, with standards brought together at close quarters, arrayed their battle line.
But there was also a colloquy between them about the terms of peace. They stood for a long time, transfixed in mutual admiration; but when they did not come to an agreement about peace, the signals sounded. 207 It stands by both parties’ confession that neither could the battle-line have been better arrayed nor the fighting have been waged more keenly.
208 Post Africam iam vinci neminem puduit, sed aequo iure ubique subactae. Primum igitur Levino consule populus Romanus Ionium mare ingressus tota Greciae litora velut triumphanti classe peragravit. Spolia quippe Siciliae Sardiniae Africae preferebat et manifestam victoriam, quam nata in praetoria puppi laurus pollicebatur.
208 After Africa, now it shamed no one to be conquered; rather, everywhere they were subdued under equal law. Therefore, first, under the consul Levinus, the Roman People, having entered the Ionian Sea, traversed all the shores of Greece as though with a triumphal fleet. For it was bearing before it the spoils of Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, and a manifest victory, which the laurel born on the praetorian stern was promising.
Attalus, king of the Pergamenians, was present of his own accord in assistance; the Rhodians too, a nautical people, were present—these from the sea, the consul from the lands, was shaking all things with horses and men. 209 Twice defeated, twice put to flight was the king of the Macedonians, twice stripped of his camp, although nothing was more terrifying to the Macedonians than the very sight of the wounds, which gaped not from little darts nor arrows nor any Grecule steel, but, driven by huge pila and by gladii no less mighty, yawned beyond death. Indeed, with Flaminius as leader, the Roman people penetrated the previously pathless mountains of the Chaones and the river Saus, going through precipitous places, and reached the very barriers of Macedonia.
210 In Numidia tunc amici populi Romani regnabant. Sed Iugurtha contra se bellum movit Romanorum propter necem Aterbalae et Empsalae Mecipsae liberos expugnataque est primum a Metello consule, dehinc a Mario domita. Mauretaniam vero Buccho rex tuebatur.
210 In Numidia then friends of the Roman people were reigning. But Iugurtha brought upon himself a war with the Romans on account of the killing of Aterbal and Empsala, the children of Mecipsa, and it was first stormed by the consul Metellus, thereafter subdued by Marius. Mauretania, however, King Buccho was protecting.
211 But when the subjection of all the Mauri had been accomplished, King Juba—whatever had been the occasion of the battle—soon, perceiving himself overcome, drained poison and expired, and all Mauretania was subdued to the Romans. For Tripolis and both the Mauretanias, Sitifensis and Caesariensis, similarly to Roman law, touched by fear at the fate of the others, of their own accord subjected themselves.
212 Spanias quamvis, ut superius diximus, Saguntina cladis ab amicitiis Romanorum segregasset, Scipio tamen eos tam gratia quam virtute rursus Romanis coniuncxit rursusque resistentibus Sylla consul sedavit. Celtiberes similiter cum Numantinis adversus Romanos insurgentes Scipio iunior sedavit, conpescuit atque pene subvertit. 213 Cantabri et Astures confisi montium suorum munimine dum resistere moliuntur, plenissime demoliti sunt et in provinciam redacti, Tarraconenses Lysitani Gallicii Chartaginisii et Seticaniae contra promuntorium Africae sitae omnes uno pene proelio superatae et in provincias Romanas descriptae sunt.
212 The Spains, although, as we said above, the Saguntine disaster had separated them from the friendships of the Romans, Scipio nevertheless re‑joined to the Romans both by favor and by virtue; and again, when they resisted, Sulla the consul calmed them. Similarly the Celtiberians, together with the Numantines rising up against the Romans, Scipio the Younger settled, restrained, and almost overturned. 213 The Cantabrians and the Asturians, trusting in the fortification of their mountains, while they strove to resist, were most fully demolished and reduced into a province; the Tarraconenses, the Lusitani, the Gallicii, the Chartaginisii, and the Seticaniae, situated over against the promontory of Africa, all were overcome in almost one battle and were enrolled into Roman provinces.
214 Epyrotae, qui Inlyrico, quamvis cum Pyrrho rege suo contra Italiam conspirassent, tamen primum pace molliti, secundo et tertio rebellantes cum Achivis et Thessaliis edomiti Romano iugo subacti sunt. 215 Macedonia namque primum sub Philippum, deinde sub Perseo, tertio sub Pseudophilippo arma contra se provocavit Romana, oppressaque primo a Flamminio consule, secundo a Paulo, tertio a Metello superata colla submisit Romanaque provincia facta. 216 Illyriam autem Gentione suo rege Macedonibus auxiliantibus vicit Romanorum Lucius praetor et in provinciam redegit.
214 The Epirotes, who in Illyricum, although they had conspired with their king Pyrrhus against Italy, yet first were softened by peace, and, rebelling a second and a third time together with the Achaeans and Thessalians, were tamed and subjected to the Roman yoke. 215 For Macedonia, first under Philip, then under Perseus, third under Pseudophilippos, provoked Roman arms against itself; and, crushed first by the consul Flaminius, second by Paulus, third by Metellus, having been overcome it lowered its neck and was made a Roman province. 216 But Illyria, with Gentius its king, the Macedonians aiding, was conquered by the Roman praetor Lucius and was reduced into a province.
Curio first, as proconsul, subdued the Dardanians and the Mysians, and, first of all Romans, advanced as far as the river Danube and laid waste all its locales. The same Lucius, overcoming in contest the king of the Pannonians, reduced both Pannonias into a province. But the Amantini, who are settled between the rivers Saus and Draus, with their king slain, he on that occasion made the very region a Roman province.
217 Marcomanni namque et Quadi in illa Valeria, que inter Draum Danubiumque interiacet, ab eodem tunc ductore oppressi finesque inter Romanos et barbaros Augustas Vindicas per Noricum Moesiamque dispositae. Daces autem post haec iam sub imperio suo Traianus, Decebalo eorum rege devicto, in terras ultra Danubium, quae habent mille milia spatia, in provinciam redegit. Sed Gallienus eos dum regnaret amisit Aurelianusque imperator evocatis exinde legionibus in Mysia conlocavit ibique aliquam partem Daciam mediterraneam Daciamque ripensem constituit et Dardaniam iunxit.
217 For the Marcomanni and the Quadi in that Valeria, which is interposed between the Dravus and the Danube, were oppressed by that same leader at the time; and the frontiers between the Romans and the barbarians were disposed from Augusta Vindelicorum through Noricum and Moesia. The Dacians moreover, after these things, Trajan, with their king Decebalus conquered, brought under his imperium and reduced into a province the lands beyond the Danube, which have a stretch of one thousand miles. But Gallienus, while he reigned, lost them, and the emperor Aurelian, having recalled the legions from there, settled them in Moesia, and there he constituted, in some part, a Dacia Mediterranea and a Dacia Ripensis, and he joined Dardania.
218 Illyricum, however, with all things indeed conquered in its parts and limbs, has nevertheless been fitted to one single body, which has within itself 18 provinces, and they are the two Noricums, the two Pannonias, Valeria, Suavia, Dalmatia, Upper Moesia, Dardania, the two Dacias, Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaea, the two Epiros, the Praevales, Crete, altogether 18.
219 Thracias autem non aliter nisi occasio Macedonici belli fecit adgredere. Diri namque homines omniumque gentium ferocissimi sunt Thraces, quorum saevitiam pariter habent et Scordisci et Emimontii Asticique, ob quorum immanitatem Romani multa et gravia pertulerunt, crebrisque certatibus exercitus caesus. Ad postremum a Marco Didio et ipsi subacti, et loca eorum in provinciam redacta, iugum excepit Romanum.
219 But the Thraces were not approached otherwise than when the occasion of the Macedonian war made it to be undertaken. For the Thracians are dire men and the most ferocious of all nations, whose savagery the Scordisci and the Emimontii and the Astici likewise possess, on account of whose immanity the Romans endured many and grievous things, and in frequent contests the army was cut down. At last, by Marcus Didius they too were subdued, and their places, reduced into a province, received the Roman yoke.
220 For Marcus Drusus crushed them within their mountains, Minucius in their river Hebrus extinguished many of them and conquered. The Rhodopians were defeated by Appius Claudius, and the maritime cities of Europe, which once had been Roman and afterward had rebelled, Marcus Lucullus subjugated to the Romans: 221 to wit, being the first in Thrace to fight against the Bessi, he defeated those who were preeminent in fortitude and fame, and, warring down the Emimontii, he brought under Roman dominion Pulpudeva, which is now called Philippopolis, and Vscudama, which are called Adrianopolis. And likewise, taking also the cities which adhered to the Pontic shore, that is Apollonia, Galato, Parthenopolis, Thomos, Istro, and subjecting all the places up to the Danube, he showed to the Scythians the valor of the Romans.
222 Hactenus ad partes occiduas: nunc que in Eoa plaga acta sunt percurramus. Primum quidem in Asia locum Romani hereditario iure invenerunt. Nam Attalus rex amicissimus populi Romani humanis rebus excedens per testamentum suum Romanos suo in regno heredes constituit: quam pene non ante Romanus populus adiit, nisi et suo labore vicina loca cepisset, id est Lydia Caria Ellispontu utrasque Frigias.
222 Thus far as to the western parts: now let us run through the things that were done in the Eastern quarter. First indeed in Asia the Romans found a position by hereditary right. For Attalus the king, a most amicable friend of the Roman people, departing from human affairs, by his testament appointed the Romans heirs in his kingdom: which the Roman people had scarcely approached before, unless also by their own labor they had seized the neighboring places, that is Lydia, Caria, the Hellespont, and both Phrygias.
223 For Rhodes, a most renowned island and the metropolis of all the Aegean’s islands, together with nearly all the Cyclades, fearing Roman arms, had long since joined herself as federated to that people and was bestowing succor in the naval war. With these, Servilius, dispatched as proconsul, as if for a piratical war, nevertheless secured Pamphylia, conquered Lycia and Pisidia, and made them into a province. Bithynia, moreover, King Nicomedes, dying, by testamentary voice bequeathed to the Romans.
224 Gallogreciam autem, id est Galatiam, Syriaci belli ruina convoluit. Fuit namque inter auxilia regis Anthiochi: an fuisse cupidus triumphi Manlius Visus simulaverit, dubium est. Duobus itaque proeliis fusi fugatique sunt, quamvis sub adventu ostis relictis sedibus in altissimos se montes recepissent.
224 But Gallo-Greece, that is, Galatia, was swept up by the ruin of the Syrian war. For it was indeed among the auxiliaries of King Antiochus; whether Manlius Visus, eager for a triumph, simulated that it had been so, is doubtful. Therefore in two battles they were routed and put to flight, although, at the approach of the enemy, having abandoned their seats, they had withdrawn themselves into the loftiest mountains.
the Coloscobegi had occupied Olympus, the Tectosagi Magaba. On both sides, dragged down by slings and arrows, they surrendered themselves into perpetual peace: but they were bound in a certain remarkable way, when they had tried the chains with their teeth and mouth, when they had in turn offered their throats to be gagged. For the wife of Orgiacontes, having suffered rape from a centurion, by a memorable example escaped guard and carried back to her husband the torn-off head of the enemy adulterer.
225 Deiotarus, to be sure, a friend of the Senate, was set over Galatia. But after these things Caesar reduced them and made them into provinces. The Cappadocians also, established under King Epafras, first sought the friendships of the Romans through their legates; then, with King Acuriobarzanes succeeding and Mithridates having been expelled, they voluntarily surrendered themselves to Roman servitude, and they appellated their great city Mazaca “Caesarea” in honor of Caesar.
After these things, again under the emperor Claudius, their king Archelaus, arriving at Rome as if a friend of the Roman people and dying there, by testamentary utterance bequeathed Cappadocia to the Romans, and thus now wholly it was made into a province. 226 Pontus, conquered by Pompey along with its king Mithridates, also was made a province. Pylemenes, king of Paphlagonia, a friend of the Roman people, while he was being troubled by many, sought the aid of the Romans.
227 Hactenus intra Taurum: nunc ulterius transgrediamur et quae patriae aut quibus subiugantibus populo Romano coniunctae sint, memorabimus. Anthiocus Syriae fortissimus rex magnum apparatum belli contra populum Romanum commovit. xxx milia si quidem armatorum currusque falcatos quam plures, elefantos innumeros turritos et ad instar murale in acie ordine sitos.
227 Thus far within the Taurus: now let us cross further beyond and we will recount which homelands, or under what subjugators, have been joined to the Roman people. Anthiocus, the most mighty king of Syria, stirred up a great apparatus of war against the Roman people: 30 thousand indeed of armed men, and very many scythed chariots, elephants without number, turreted and set in the battle line in order after the manner of a wall.
Meeting him, Scipio, brother of Scipio Africanus, in Asia at the city of Magnesia, and with battle joined, Antiochus was defeated; and a treaty having been struck with the Romans, he departed from Asia and was permitted by decree of the senate to reign beyond Taurus, and it was granted that his sons, brought to Rome as hostages, after their father’s death should reign in their native place. 228 The Cilicians together with the Isaurians, having become pirates and often stirring up brigandage on the Great Sea, were defeated and laid low by the proconsul Servilius. This Servilius also was the first of the Romans to make the yoke of Taurus passable, and, triumphing on their spoils, he was called Isauricus and Cilicus.
Libya, that is, the Pentapolis, the whole was by that first Ptolemy conceded to the Romans under liberty; however, as they resisted, thereafter he subjected it to the Roman people according to Apion’s counsel. All Egypt was possessed by friends of the Romans, that is, the Lagids, through the Ptolemies. After these things, Cleopatra and Antony, vindicating a claim in their own right, lose both themselves and those things.
230 Montes vero Armeniae primum per Lucullum Romana arma viderunt, per quem et in Hosroine Saracinorum filarchi devicti Romanis se dediderunt. Mesopotamiamque idem ipse, Nitzebem quoque urbem invasit. Post quem Pompeius eadem loca ingrediens Romano confirmavit imperio.
230 The mountains of Armenia first saw Roman arms under Lucullus, through whom also in Osroene the phylarchs of the Saracens, defeated, surrendered themselves to the Romans. And the same man invaded Mesopotamia, and the city Nisibis as well. After him Pompey, entering the same places, confirmed them under Roman imperium.
232 Babylonii autem crebro concertantes sepenumero victi, numquam tamen ad integrum domiti sunt. Quos tamen primum Lucius Sylla proconsul sub Arsacem eorum regem devicit ab eoque rogatus per legatos pacem concessit. Secundo dum Lucius Lucullus a Pontico regno Tigranem Armeniae regem cum decem et octo milibus superatum expelleret, omnemque Armeniam invasam ad Mesopotamiam venit, ibi Nitziben cum fratre regis Parthorum cepit, aequa sorte Persidam cupiens devastare, nisi Pompeius a senatu directus ei advenisset successor.
232 The Babylonians, however, contending frequently and oftentimes conquered, were yet never entirely subdued. These, nevertheless, Lucius Sulla, proconsul, first defeated when they were under Arsaces, their king, and, asked by him through legates, granted peace. Secondly, while Lucius Lucullus, from the Pontic kingdom, was expelling Tigranes, king of Armenia, overcome with eighteen thousand men, and, with all Armenia invaded, came to Mesopotamia, there he took Nitziben along with the brother of the king of the Parthians, intending in equal measure to devastate Persia, had not Pompey, sent by the senate, arrived to him as successor.
233 Here indeed Pompey, coming straightway, soon, in a nocturnal battle in Lesser Armenia, rushing upon Mithridates, laid low 42 thousand of his armed men and set the camp ablaze. Whence Mithridates, fleeing with his wife and two satellites, came to the Bosporus and, held fast by excessive desperation, took poison. But when not even thus did death approach him, he asked one of the two satellites.
that he should kill him. 234 But Pompey, while he was pursuing the king of Greater Armenia, as to why he had furnished aid to Tigranes against the Romans, he in the city of Artaxata, laying aside his kingship, of his own accord offered his diadem to Pompey; but Pompey, led by piety, in turn granted to him to reign over Greater Armenia, taking away from him Mesopotamia and Syria and the part of Phoenicia with Armenia. For over the Bosporans and the Colchians Pompey set Aristarchus as king, and pursuing the Albanians he for the third time overcame Orodes their king.
236 His et aliis rebus in Syria bene gestis unius foedavit avaritia. Nam Crassus consul, dum Parthico inhiat auro, undecim legiones pene cum suo capite amisit. Cuius conspectu et filius hostilibus telis effossus et ipse peremptus caputque eius praecisum cum dextera manu ad regem reportatum ludibrium fuit neque indigno: aurum enim liquidum in rictum oris infusum est, ut cuius animus arserat auri cupiditate, eius etiam mortuum et exsangue corpus auro ureretur.
236 These and other things well carried out in Syria were stained by the avarice of one man. For the consul Crassus, while he gaped after Parthian gold, lost eleven legions and nearly his own head. Before his eyes his son was pierced by hostile missiles, and he himself was slain; and his head, cut off together with his right hand, carried back to the king, was a mockery—and not undeservedly: for liquid gold was poured into the gape of his mouth, so that he whose soul had burned with cupidity for gold, his body too, dead and bloodless, might be seared by gold.
237 Hac ergo clade Parthi altius animos elevantes per Pacorum ducem Syriam invadunt ducemque Labinium, quem dudum ceperant, exercitui praeponentes contra socios, id est Romanos in proelio dirigunt. Sed Ventidius Bassus Persas sub utroque duce Syriam populantes superatos effugat Labiniumque interfecit, Pacorum vero regium iuvenem telis undique circumseptum extinxit moxque caput eius dempto et circumlato per urbes que disciverant Syriam sine bello recepit. Sic Crassianam cladem Ventidius Pacori caput Labiniique morte pensavit.
237 Therefore, by this disaster lifting their spirits higher, the Parthians invade Syria under the leader Pacorus, and, setting the leader Labinius—whom they had formerly seized—over the army, they deploy him against the allies, that is, the Romans, in battle. But Ventidius Bassus, the Persians ravaging Syria under both leaders having been defeated, routed them and killed Labinius; and Pacorus, the royal youth, surrounded with missiles on every side, he extinguished; and soon, his head removed and carried around through the cities that had defected, he recovered Syria without war. Thus Ventidius balanced the disaster of Crassus by the head of Pacorus and the death of Labinius.
238 Nor even so was the Roman people content to consign to oblivion the Crassian demise, but it still raged against the Parthians. 239 For Marcus Antonius, having entered into Media, set arms in motion against them; where at first defeating them, thereafter, with two legions ruined by starvation and winter, he scarcely fled into Armenia with the Parthians pursuing, and there he was rescued. 240 Thereafter under Augustus Octavian, the Armenians, commixed with the Parthians, were more swiftly overcome by Claudius Caesar, the grandson of Augustus.
241 Sic quoque dum in partibus orientalium Romanus laborat exercitus, occiduae plagae infesti sunt. Norici in Alpibus Noricis habitantes credebant, quasi in rupes et nives bellum non posset ascendere: sed mox omnes illius cardinis populos Brennos Teutonios Cennos atque Vendilicos, per eodem Claudio Caesarem Romanus vicit exercitus. Quae tamen fuerit Alpinarum gentium feritas, facile est vel per mulieres ostendere, quae deficientibus telis infantes suos adflictos humi in ora militum adversa miserunt.
241 Thus also, while the Roman army labors in the parts of the Orientals, the occidental quarter is hostile. The Norici, dwelling in the Noric Alps, supposed that war could not climb onto crags and snows; but soon all the peoples of that quarter—the Brenni, Teutoni, Ceni, and Vendilici—were conquered by the Roman army through that same Claudius Caesar. What the fierceness of the Alpine nations was, however, it is easy to show even through the women: when missiles were failing, they hurled their own infants, dashed on the ground, into the opposing faces of the soldiers.
242 Nor, in no lesser degree than these, were the Illyrians likewise kindled with savagery. Against them Augustus himself, having gone forth from nearby, ordered a bridge to be made, by which to cross the waters. And while by the waters and by the enemies the soldiers were being thrown into confusion for the ascent, he himself seized a shield and was the first to enter the way.
Then, with the column in pursuit, when the bridge, undermined by the multitude, had collapsed, with his hands and legs wounded, more splendid with blood and increased by the very peril, he fell upon the backs of the foe. 243 The Pannonians, in truth, are walled in by two fierce rivers, the Dravus and the Savus. Against them he sent Duennius, who conquered them more swiftly than their rivers run with rapid course.
244 The Dalmatians likewise, dwelling together in the forests, were laying waste a very great part by brigandage: to tame whom he dispatches Vibius, who compelled the feral race to dig the earth and to refine gold from the veins. 245 But the Moesians—how fierce, how truculent they were? As one of the leaders, before the battle-line, after demanding silence, said, 'Who are you?'
The answer was: 'Romans, lords of the nations.' And he: 'so it shall be,' he said, 'if you conquer us.' But soon it came to war, nor were they able to hear the war-trumpet call: thus they were overcome by Marcius. 246 The Thracians, moreover, often before, yet then, with Romaetalca reigning over them, secede from the Romans for themselves. For he had accustomed the barbarians both to discipline and to military standards: but, thoroughly subdued by Piso, they showed rabid rage even in their very captivity: for, tugging at the chains with their teeth, with which they had been bound, they themselves were punishing their own ferocity.
247 Dacia too, situated beyond the Danube, and from there the Dacians more often crossing, with the bed of the Danube frozen, for thefts in Romania—he, with Lentulus sent, conquered, drove them out, and subjugated them. The Sarmatians also, through that same Lentulus, he drove beyond the Danube. They, where they dwell, have nothing other than snows and frosts and forests, and so great a barbarism is in them that they do not even understand peace.
248 Marmaridas vero et Garamantes in orientali hiemali plaga per Quirinum subegit. 249 Germanos Gallos Brittones Spanos Hiberes Astures Cantabros occiduali axe iacentes et post longum servitium desciscentes per se ipse Augustus accedens rursus servire coegit Romanisque legibus vivere.
248 The Marmaridae indeed and the Garamantes in the eastern hiemal region he subjugated through Quirinus. 249 The Germans, Gauls, Britons, Spains, Iberians, Asturians, Cantabrians, lying under the occidental axis and, after a long servitude, revolting, by himself in person Augustus, approaching, compelled to serve again and to live by Roman laws.
250 Cleopatra vero Alexandrinorum regina ex genere Lagidarum Ptholomeorumque successor prius contra viri sui Ptholomei insidias Gaium Iulium Caesarem interpellavit, qui ob stupri, ut perhibent, gratiam regnum eius confirmavit ipsamque in urbem cum magna pompa Alexandriae remisit regnare. Cassius Iudea capta templum spoliavit. 251 Occiso vero in curia Romae Caesare Octavianus nepus eius suscepit Angustus principatum, quem Antonius dum invideret nihilque laedere posset, urbem Romam ingreditur et ad partes Aegypti quasi Romanae rei publicae provisor accedit.
250 Cleopatra indeed, queen of the Alexandrians, a successor from the lineage of the Lagids and Ptolemies, first, against the plots of her husband Ptolemy, appealed to Gaius Julius Caesar, who, for the favor of a debauch, as they report, confirmed her kingdom and sent her back to the city of Alexandria with great pomp to reign. Cassius, with Judea captured, despoiled the temple. 251 With Caesar slain in the Curia at Rome, Octavian, his nephew, took up the principate as Augustus; but Antony, while he envied him and could do nothing to harm him, enters the city of Rome and goes over to the party of Egypt, as though a provisor of the Roman commonwealth.
When now, finding Cleopatra, widowed from her husband and reigning, and joining himself also with her, he began to prepare domination for himself, and, not quietly, but forgetful of the fatherland’s name, the toga, the fasces, he had defected entirely into that monstrosity, as in mind so also in spirit and in attire. 252 A golden staff in his hand, an acinaces at his side, a purple garment bound with huge gems. The diadem was lacking, so that the queen—and the king himself too—might enjoy it.
Hearing this, Augustus Caesar had crossed from Brundisium of Calabria into Epirus, to remove him from the tyranny he had undertaken. For Antony was already besieging the whole Actian shore with his fleets. But soon, when it came to battle and Caesar’s fleet began to throw Antony’s shipping into confusion, the queen, first, the leader of the flight, with a golden stern and a purple sail, put out into the deep.
For her beauty was within the princeps’s pudicity. Nor was she troubled about the life that was being taken away, but about a part of the kingdom. 254 When she despaired of this from the princeps and learned that she would be preserved for a triumph, having found the guard more incautious, she withdrew into the mausoleum of the kings, and there, clothed in the greatest adornments, as she was wont, on a throne packed with perfumes she placed herself beside her own Antony; and, with serpents applied to her veins, thus by death, as if by sleep, she was released.
Here is the end of the wars of Augustus Caesar, both with citizens and with foreigners. 255 Thus also Augustus Caesar Octavianus, than whom none of the emperors was more fortunate in wars nor more moderate in peace, was most civil in all things. He, from east to west, from north to south, and through the whole circle of the ocean, with all nations settled in one peace, himself then closed the doors of Janus 256 and, conducting the census at Rome with Tiberius, found the number of people to be four million three hundred seventy thousand, and he ordered that the whole world, pacified at the coming of Jesus Christ, be registered, and he reigned for years.
56. But in the forty-second year of his imperium the Lord Jesus Christ, from the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary, true God and true man, deigned to be born.257 For the remaining fourteen years after the Lord’s Advent in bodily presence, reigning in peace, he too held a singular Principate, and, leaving to posterity the same power of the imperium together with his own name of Augustus, he departed from human affairs, leaving Tiberius, his stepson, as successor.
259 Gaius Caesar cognomento Caligula regnavit ann. iii menses x. Hic namque Memmium Regulum coegit ut uxorem suam sibi loco filiae coniugem daret strumentaque matrimonii ut pater conscriberet. Haec et his similia perpetrans nec non et in templo Hierosolimitano Iovis statuam per Gaium Petronium statuens et in Alexandria Iudeos per Flaccum Avilium praefectum oppraemens postremo a protectoribus suis in palatio Romae occisus est anno aetatis vicensimo nono.
259 Gaius Caesar, by the cognomen Caligula, reigned 3 years 10 months. For he compelled Memmius Regulus to give his wife to himself as a spouse in the place of a daughter, and to draft the instruments of marriage as a father. Doing these and similar things, and also setting up in the temple of Jerusalem a statue of Jupiter through Gaius Petronius, and in Alexandria oppressing the Jews through Flaccus Avilius, the prefect, at last he was slain by his protectors in the palace at Rome in the 29th year of his age.
He led an army, and there, without any battle or bloodshed, within a very few days he received a very large part of the island into surrender. Moreover, he added the Orkney islands, situated beyond Britain in the ocean, to the Roman empire. And in the sixth month from which he had set out he marched back to Rome, and there he died at the age of 64.
For he lost two legions in Armenia together with the province itself at the same time, who, serving under the Parthian yoke, gave a grievous infamy to the Romans. 262 Alongside every crime and parricide that he had committed against his own parents, he added a deed: to set Rome on fire after the likeness of Troy; and, laying hands on the Christians, he stirred up a persecution and slew in the city the very doctors of the faith, Peter and Paul, affixing the one to the cross, punishing the other with beheading. And with the rule torn from him with such disgrace, Galba in Iberia, Vitellius in Germany, and Otho at Rome seized the imperium, and yet all perished by a swift end.
265 Domitianus frater Titi, filius Vespasiani, regnavit ann. xv m. v, tantaeque fuit superviae ut se dominum ab omnibus primum appellari praeciperet multosque nobilium exilio relegans nonnullosque occidens de substantiis eorum aureas argenteasque sibi statuas fecit. Manusque in Christianos iniciens, Iohannem apostolum et evangelistam, postquam in fervente oleo missum non potuisset extingui, Pathmo eum insulam exulem relegavit, ubi apocalypsim vidit.
265 Domitian, brother of Titus, son of Vespasian, reigned 15 years 5 months, and was of such arrogance that he ordered that he be the first to be called “lord” by everyone; and, relegating many of the nobles to exile and killing some, from their estates he made golden and silver statues for himself. And laying hands upon the Christians, John the apostle and evangelist—after he, having been sent into boiling oil, could not be extinguished—he relegated him as an exile to the island of Patmos, where he saw the Apocalypse.
267 Traianus pene omnium imperatorum potior regnavit an. xviii m. vi. Hic enim de Dacis Scythisque triumphavit Hiberosque et Sauromatas, Osroenos, Arabas, Bosforanos, Colchos edomuit, postquam ad feritatem prorupissent. Seleuciam et Tesifontem Babyloniamque pervasit et tenuit. 268 Nec non et in mari rubro classem, unde Indiae fines vastaret, instituit ibique suam statuam dedicavit et post tot labores apud Seleuciam Isauriae profluvio ventris extinctus est anno aetatis lxiii.
267 Trajan, superior to almost all emperors, reigned 18 years and 6 months. For he triumphed over the Dacians and Scythians, and subdued the Iberians and Sarmatians, the Osroenians, Arabs, Bosporans, and Colchians, after they had broken out into ferocity. He overran and held Seleucia and Ctesiphon and Babylon. 268 And likewise he established a fleet on the Red Sea, whence he might lay waste the borders of India, and there he dedicated his own statue; and after so many labors, at Seleucia in Isauria, he was extinguished by a flux of the belly in the 63rd year of his age.
270 Jerusalem indeed, calling it Aelia from his own name, he allowed none of the Jews to enter. For it is clear that he was envious of Trajan’s deeds, because, as he soon succeeded him, immediately, with no necessity compelling, recalling the army to himself, he left Mesopotamia and Assyria and Armenia to the Persians, constituting the river Euphrates as the boundary and terminus between the Parthians and the Romans. In his reign Aquila the Pontic translated the Scriptures from Hebrew.
272 Marcus Antoninus, qui et Verus, et Lucius Aurelius Commodus affinitate coniuncti aequo iure imperium administraverunt. E quibus iunior contra Parthos arma movens magna egit et fortia Seleuciamque urbem eorum cum quadringenta milia pugnatorum cepit, e quibus cum magna gloria triumphavit. Senior vero multis bellis sepe interfuit sepiusque per duces suos triumphum revexit, maxime de gente Quadorum.
272 Marcus Antoninus, who is also Verus, and Lucius Aurelius Commodus, connected by affinity, administered the imperium with equal right. Of these, the younger, moving arms against the Parthians, did great and brave deeds and took their city Seleucia with 400,000 fighters, over whom he triumphed with great glory. The elder indeed often was present in many wars, and more often brought back a triumph through his commanders, especially over the nation of the Quadi.
274 Helvius Pertinax maior sexagenario cum praefecturam ageret, ex senatus consulto imperator creatus regnavit m. vi. Hic etenim obsecrante senatu ut uxorem suam Augustam filiumque Caesarem appellaret, 'sufficere', inquid, 'debet quod ego ipse invitus regnavi, cum non merer.' Nimis aequissimus omniumque communis, quem Iulianus iuris peritus in palatio eius peremit ipseque postea a Severo occisus est.
274 Helvius Pertinax, older than sixty, while he was administering the prefecture, by decree of the senate was created emperor and reigned 6 months. For indeed, when the senate was beseeching that he style his wife Augusta and his son Caesar, “it ought to suffice,” he said, “that I myself have reigned unwillingly, since I did not merit it.” Very equitable and common to all, he was slain in his own palace by Julianus, skilled in law; and he himself afterwards was killed by Severus.
275 Severus genere Afer Tripolitanus regnavit an. xviii ultusque occisionem Pertinacis in Iuliano, se quoque Pertinacem appellavit. Hic etenim Parthos et Adiabennos contra Romaniam insurgentes mirabiliter superavit. Arabas quoque interiores ita cecidit ut regionem eorum Romanam provinciam faceret.
275 Severus, by lineage an African, a Tripolitan, reigned for 18 years, and, having avenged the killing of Pertinax upon Julianus, he also styled himself Pertinax. For this man wondrously overcame the Parthians and the Adiabeni rising against Romania. He likewise cut down the Inner Arabs in such a way that he made their region a Roman province.
Thus also, triumphing, he was called Parthicus, Arabicus, and Adiabennic. 276 In his reign, a certain Samaritan, Symmachus, having become a proselyte of the Jews, likewise translated the divine scriptures from the Hebrew speech into the Greek language and established his own edition. After him, following almost in the third year, Theodotion of Pontus likewise composed his own edition of the scriptures in the same work.
280 Alexander Mamae filius ignobilis fortunae existens adhuc iuvenis regni moderatione suscepit moxque contra Xersen regem Persarum arma arripiens mirabiliter de Parthorum spoliis triumphavit. Sub huius item imperio in Nicopolim Actiacam, id est Epiro, editio quae sexta dicitur divinarum scripturarum in dolio reperta est. Ipseque Mogontiaco tumulto occiditur militari, cui successit Maximinus ex corpore militari in regno.
280 Alexander, the son of Mamaea, being of ignoble fortune and still a youth, undertook the governance of the realm, and soon, taking up arms against Xerxes, king of the Persians, he marvellously triumphed with the spoils of the Parthians. Under his empire, likewise, at Actian Nicopolis, that is, in Epirus, the edition of the divine Scriptures which is called the sixth was found in a cask. And he himself was killed at Mogontiacum in a military tumult, and Maximinus from the military corps succeeded him in the rule.
281 Maximinus genere Gothico, patre Micca Ababaque Alana genitus matre, sola militum voluntate ad imperium concedens, bellum adversus Germanos feliciter gessit, indeque revertens, contra Christianos movens intestino proelio, vix tres annos regnans, Aquileia a Puppieno occisus est.
281 Maximinus, of Gothic stock, born of a father Micca and a mother Ababa, an Alan woman, acceding to the imperium by the soldiers’ will alone, waged war successfully against the Germans, and returning thence, initiating an intestine war against the Christians, scarcely reigning three years, was slain at Aquileia by Pupienus.
282 Gordianus ammodo puer imperator factus vix regnavit sex annos. Hic etenim mox Romae ingressus est, ilico Puppienum et Albinum, qui Maximino occidentes tyrannidem arripuissent, occidit, Ianumque geminum aperiens ad Orientem profectus Parthis intulit bellum, indeque cum victoria revertens fraude Philippi praefecti praetorii haut longe a Romano solo interfectus est.
282 Gordian, still a boy, having been made emperor, scarcely reigned six years. For indeed he soon entered Rome, and immediately he killed Pupienus and Albinus, who, having slain Maximinus, had seized tyranny; and opening the Janus Geminus, setting out to the Orient he brought war upon the Parthians, and thence returning with victory, by the treachery of Philip, prefect of the praetorium, he was killed not far from Roman soil.
283 Philippus in imperio impudenter ingressus est regnavit ann. vii. Hic etenim filium suum idem Philippum consortem regni fecit ipseque primus omnium imperatorum Christianus effectus est tertioque anno imperii sui festivitatem Romanae urbis, millesimo anno quod expleverat, caelebravit urbemque nominis sui in Thracia, que dicebatur Pulpudeva, Philippopolim reconstruens nominavit.
283 Philip entered upon the empire impudently and reigned for 7 years. For he indeed made his son, likewise named Philip, a consort in the rule, and he himself, the first of all emperors, became a Christian; and in the 3rd year of his reign he celebrated the festivity of the city of Rome, in the 1000th year which it had completed, and a city of his own name in Thrace, which was called Pulpudeva, reconstructing it, he named Philippopolis.
284 Decius e Pannonia inferiore Budalie natus occisis Philippis utrisque regnavit an. uno et mensibus tribus, armaque in Christianos erecta ob Philipporum nominis odium. Ipse bellantibus Getis cum filio suo crudeli morte occubuit Abritto.
284 Decius, from Lower Pannonia, born at Budalia, after both the Philips were slain, reigned for 1 year and 3 months, and he raised arms against the Christians on account of hatred for the name of the Philips. He himself, while the Getae were warring, together with his son met a cruel death at Abritus.
287 Valerianus et Gallienus, dum unus in Retia a militibus, alter Romae a senatu in imperio levarentur, regnaverunt an. xv. Valerianus si quidem in Christianos persecutione commota statim a Sapore rege Persarum capitur ibique servitute miserabili consenescit. Gallienus illius exitum cernens Christianis pacem dedit. Sed dum nimis in regno lasciviret nec virile aliquid ageret, Parthi Syriam Ciliciamque vastaverunt, Germani et Alani Gallias depraedantes Ravennam usque venerunt, Greciam Gothi vastaverunt, Quadi et Sarmatae Pannonias invaserunt, Germani rursus Spanias occupaverunt.
287 Valerian and Gallienus, while the one was lifted to imperial power in Raetia by the soldiers, the other at Rome by the senate, reigned 15 years. Valerian, indeed, with a persecution stirred up against the Christians, was immediately captured by Shapur, king of the Persians, and there grew old in miserable servitude. Gallienus, beholding his end, gave peace to the Christians. But while he was too wanton in his reign and did nothing virile, the Parthians laid waste Syria and Cilicia; the Germans and Alans, plundering Gaul, came as far as Ravenna; the Goths devastated Greece; the Quadi and Sarmatians invaded the Pannonias; the Germans again occupied Spain.
288 Claudius regnavit ann. i m. viiii, qui Gothos iam per xv annos Illiricum Macedoniamque vastantes bello adortus incredibili strage delevit, scilicet ut in curia ei cIypeus aureus et in Capitolio statua aurea poneretur. Occisusque Sirmium est.
288 Claudius reigned 1 year 9 months, who, having attacked the Goths—now for 15 years ravaging Illyricum and Macedonia—in war, destroyed them with incredible slaughter, namely, so that in the Curia for him a golden shield and on the Capitol a golden statue might be set up. And he was slain at Sirmium.
290 Aurelianus Dacia Ripense oriundus regnavit an. v m. vi. Qui mox Tetricum apud Catalaunos prodente exercitum suum Gallias recepit, expeditioneque facta in Danubium Gothos magnis proeliis profligavit cultoresque divini nominis persecutus est. Odenathus Palmyrenus ante ipsum collecta rusticorum manu Persas de Mesopotamia expellens ipse ea loca invaserat. 291 Quem uxor sua occisum Orientis tenebat imperium; contra quam expiditionem suscipiens Aurelianus apud Hymmas vicino Antiochiae superavit Romaeque in triumpho suo vivam perduxit, ac dehinc secundo arripiens expeditionem inter Byzantium et Heracleam in Caeno Frurio viae veteris occiditur.
290 Aurelian, originating from Dacia Ripensis, reigned 5 years 6 months. He soon, with Tetricus betraying his own army at the Catalauni, recovered the Gauls, and, an expedition having been made to the Danube, routed the Goths in great battles, and persecuted the worshipers of the divine name. Odenathus the Palmyrene, before him, having gathered a band of rustics and expelling the Persians from Mesopotamia, had himself invaded those places. 291 His wife, after he was slain, held the dominion of the East; against whom Aurelian, undertaking an expedition, defeated her at Hymmas near Antioch, and led her alive in his triumph at Rome; and thereafter, seizing a second expedition, between Byzantium and Heraclea, at Caeno Frurio of the old road, he was killed.
296 Dioclitianus Delmata, scribe filius, imperator electus regnavit ann. xx. Hic etenim mox in regno levatus est, ilico Aprum in militum contione percussit, iurans sine suo scelere illum Numerianum interemisse. Et mox in consortio suo Maximianum Herculium ascivit.
296 Diocletian, a Dalmatian, the son of a scribe, elected emperor, reigned 20 years. He indeed was soon raised to the throne, and immediately struck down Aper in an assembly of the soldiers, swearing that, without any crime of his own, that man had slain Numerian. And soon he enrolled Maximian Herculius into his consortship.
Maximianus, with the multitude of rustics suppressed, whom they call the Bacaudae, restored peace to the Gauls. 297 At which time Carausius, the purple having been assumed, had occupied the Britains; Narseus, king of the Persians, had brought war against the Orient; the Quinquegentiani had infested Africa; Achilleus had invaded Egypt. 298 On account of which Constantius and Galerius Maximianus are assumed as Caesars into the rule.
Of whom Constantius was the grandson of Claudius through his daughter, Galerius was born in Dacia not far from Serdica. And in order that Diocletian might also join them by affinity, Constantius took Theodora, the stepdaughter of Herculius, from whom also he begot six children; but Galerius took Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian, both repudiating their former marriage. 299 Indeed, the nation of the Carpi was then subdued and transferred into Roman soil.
Then indeed Diocletian, first of all emperors, commanded that he be adored as a god, and he inserted gems into garments and footwear and set a diadem upon his head, whereas before him all had only a purple chlamys, so that they might be distinguished from private persons, and were saluted as the other judges. 300 Accordingly, each of the princes having undertaken a campaign, Diocletian, the tyrant of Egypt having been defeated in the eighth month, subdued the whole province. Maximianus Herculius in Africa defeated the Quinquegentiani.
Constantius near the Lingones in one day struck down 60,000 of the Alamanni. 301 Galerius Maximianus, defeated in the first battle by Narses, ran, clad in purple, before Diocletian’s carriage. Stung by this shame, in the second engagement he fought manfully, overcame Narses, carried off his wives and children, and was received by Diocletian with condign honor.
302 After which victory, Diocletian and Maximian triumphed at Rome marvelously, with the children and wives of the king of the Persians going before them, and with that immense booty of diverse peoples. Thus also, the persecution against the Christians having been stirred up, Diocletian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
304 Iulianus apostata regnavit an. uno m. viii, relictaque Christianitate ad idolorum cultura conversus est multosque blanda persecutione inliciens ad sacrificandum idolis conpulit. Ipse si quidem vir egregius et rei publicae necessarius Parthis ingenti apparatu intulit bellum. Vbi proficiscens Christianorum post victoriam sanguinem diis suis votavit nonnullaque Parthorum oppida in deditione accepit multaque vi populatus est, castraque aliquandiu apud Ctesifontem habuit.
304 Julian the Apostate reigned 1 year 8 months, and, with Christianity abandoned, he turned to the cult of idols and, enticing many by a blandishing persecution, compelled them to sacrifice to idols. He himself indeed, a distinguished man and necessary to the republic, brought war against the Parthians with enormous apparatus. When setting out he vowed to his gods, after victory, the blood of Christians; and he received several towns of the Parthians in surrender and devastated much by force, and for some time he kept camp near Ctesiphon.
305 Whence, having gone out, led into the deserts by the deceit of a certain defector, when by the force of thirst and the ardor of the sun the army was on the point to perish, he himself, anxious amid such great perils, while he roves incautiously through the vastness of the desert, was met by a certain enemy horseman and, his groin pierced with a lance, perished in the 33rd year of his age. After him, on the following day, Jovian, primicerius of the domestics, was elevated to the kingship by the army.
He himself indeed was outstanding and similar to Aurelian in morals, except that some alleged that his excessive severity and parsimony were cruelty and avarice. Having left his brother as ruler of the East, he himself held the West. 308 While he was then reigning, another Valentinian, assuming tyranny in Britain, was crushed on the Continent.
Also at Constantinople a certain Procopius, rising against Valens and prevailing nothing, went out from the city, and, usurping in Phrygia Salutaris, was extinguished, and many of the Procopian party were slain and proscribed. Valens, persuaded and baptized by Eudoxius, bishop of the Arians, rises hostile against the orthodox. 309 Valentinian appointed his son Gratian emperor at Amiens, whom he had by Severa, his earlier yoke-mate, and against the Saxons and the Burgundians, who had first pitched camp with more than 80 thousand armed men along the margin of the Rhine, he moved the battle-array; but by sudden apoplexy and an eruption of blood he died at Brigetio.
310 Tunc Gratianus Valentiniano fratre de Iustina secunda uxore natu in regno consortem adsumit. Nam Valentinianus senior dudum laudante Severa uxore sua pulchritudine Iustinae sibi eam sociavit in matrimonio legesque propter illam concessit, ut omnes viri, qui voluissent, inpune bina matrimonia susciperent, quia ideo populosas fore gentes, quia hoc apud eos solemne est et multarum uxorum unus maritus auditur. 311 Acceptaque ergo, ut diximus, Valentinianus Iustina edidit ex ipsa quattuor filios, Valentinianum supra dictum imperatorem et Gratam Iustamque et Gallam.
310 Then Gratian took Valentinian, his brother, born of Justina his second wife, as a consort in the realm. For the elder Valentinian, with his wife Severa praising Justina’s pulchritude, joined her to himself in matrimony, and on account of her granted laws that all men who wished might, with impunity, assume double marriages, because thus the peoples would be populous, since this is customary among them and one husband is reputed to have many wives. 311 And so, having been received, as we said, by Valentinian, Justina produced from herself four children: Valentinian, the above‑said emperor, and Grata and Justa and Galla.
Of whom Galla, thereafter, Emperor Theodosius—Flacilla being deceased, who had borne Arcadius and Honorius—begot Placidia, who was the mother of the modern younger Valentinian, the emperor. But let us return to our subject. 312 Emperor Valens, a law having been given that monks should serve in the military, ordered those unwilling to be put to death.
At which time also Theodosius, later the father of Emperor Theodosius, and many nobles were killed by the insanity of Valens. Emperor Gratian laid low more than 30 thousand of the Alamanni near the town Argentarium of Gaul in battle, and he pacified the Gauls. 313 The nation of the Huns, rushing upon the Goths, subjugates certain of them, drives others to flight.
They, coming into Romania, having been received without the laying down of arms, through the avarice of the duke Maximus, compelled by hunger, were forced to rebel, and the Romans having been overcome in the encounter, they pour into Thrace. 314 Against whom Valens, compelled to depart from Antioch, sets out into Thrace, and there, a lamentable war having been joined, the emperor, wounded by an arrow, is carried into a most wretched hut, where, the Goths arriving and fire having been set beneath, he was cremated in the conflagration. But the Goths, the emperor having been slain, now secure, hasten to the Constantinopolitan city, where then Dominica Augusta, the wife of Valens, by largessing much money to the plebs, drove the enemies away from the ravaging of the city and faithfully and manfully preserved the realm for his kinsmen, until he had ordained Theodosius.
315 Theodosius Spanus, Italicae divi Traiani civitatis a Gratiano Augusto apud Sirmium post Valentis interitum factus est imperator, regnavitque an. xvii; veniensque Thessalonica ab Acolio sancto episcopo baptizatus est ammodumque religiosus ecclesiae enituit propagator rei publiceque defensor eximius. Nam Hunnos et Gothos, qui eam sub Valente defetigassent, diversis proeliis vicit atque a prava vastatione conpescuit. Cum Persis quoque petitus pacem pepigit.
315 Theodosius the Spaniard, of Italica, the city of the deified Trajan, was made emperor by Gratian Augustus at Sirmium after the demise of Valens, and he reigned 17 years; and coming to Thessalonica he was baptized by Acolius, a holy bishop, and, very religious indeed, he shone forth as a propagator of the Church and an exceptional defender of the commonwealth. For the Huns and the Goths, who had wearied it under Valens, he conquered in diverse battles and restrained them from depraved devastation. With the Persians also, when approached, he made a pact of peace.
316 But the tyrant Maximus, who had slain Gratian and was vindicating Gaul for himself, he, approaching from the East together with the emperor Valentinian, at Milan shut in, seized, and killed. 317 He also, endowed with divine aid, conquered the tyrant Eugenius and Arbogastes, with ten thousand of their fighters destroyed. For this Eugenius, trusting in the forces of Arbogast, after he had extinguished Valentinian at Vienne, seized the kingship, but soon together with his life he lost the imperium.
319 Archadius et Honorius fratres filii Theodosii imperatoris utrumque imperium divisis tantum sedibus tenere coeperunt, id est Archadius senior Constantinopolitanam urbem, Honorius vero Romanam. Tunc Rufinus patricius Archadio principi insidias tendens Halaricum Gothorum regem, ut Grecias devastaret, missis clam pecuniis invitavit. Porro detectus Rufinus ab Italiae militibus et Archadio cum Gaina comite missus, ante portas urbis detruncatus est caputque eius et dextera manus Constantinopolim ad ludibrium circumductum uxoremque eius exulatam opes cunctas Eutropius spado promeruit.
319 Arcadius and Honorius, brothers, sons of the emperor Theodosius, began to hold the two empires, with only the seats divided—that is, Arcadius the elder the Constantinopolitan city, but Honorius the Roman. Then Rufinus the patrician, laying plots against the prince Arcadius, invited Alaric, king of the Goths, by monies sent secretly, to devastate Greece. Furthermore, Rufinus, detected by the soldiers of Italy and, with Gainas the count sent by Arcadius, was cut down before the gates of the city; and his head and right hand were carried around Constantinople for mockery, and his wife was exiled, and Eutropius the eunuch obtained all his wealth.
320 Gildo then, count of Africa, long since appointed by Theodosius, as if despising the youthful rule of both realms, began to wish to obtain Africa for himself; and, when he saw himself detected by his own brother Mascezel and near to oppression, he slew himself by his own hand. But Gaina, the above-named count, stirring up civil war at Constantinople, threw the whole city into turmoil with fire and sword, and fleeing, he lived on the Hellespont in piratical fashion. Against him, a naval battle having been engaged, many of his Goths were destroyed.
But the Hesperian quarter, in the reign of the emperor Honorius, was first inundated by Radagaisus the Scythian with two hundred thousand of his own. Whom Huldin and Sarus, kings of the Huns and of the Goths, overcoming, sold all the captives whom they had brought back for a single aureus each. 322 Stilicho, however, a count, whose two daughters Maria and Hermantia each were wives of Princeps Honorius and both died virgins, with Honorius spurned and gaping after his kingdom, stirred up the peoples of the Alans, Suebi, and Vandals—lured by gifts and monies—against the realm of Honorius, desiring to ordain as Caesar his son Eucherius, a pagan and plotting snares against Christians.
323 Theodosius iunior Archadii filius loco patris successit in imperio, aduliscens egregius, regnavitque an. xliii. Halaricus rex Vesegotharum vastatam Italiam Romam ingressus est opesque Honorii Augusti depraedatas Placidiam sororem eius duxit captivam, quam post haec Atauulfo successori suo, in matrimonio ut acciperet, delegavit. 324 Constantinus tunc quidam Gallias occupatas invasit imperio filiumque suum Constantem ex monacho Caesarem ordinavit.
323 Theodosius the Younger, son of Arcadius, succeeded to the imperium in his father’s place, an excellent youth, and he reigned 43 years. Alaric, king of the Visigoths, with Italy laid waste, entered Rome and, the riches of Honorius Augustus having been plundered, led his sister Placidia captive; whom after this he assigned to his successor Ataulf, that he might receive her in matrimony. 324 Then a certain Constantine, having occupied Gaul, invaded the imperium and ordained his son Constans, from a monk, as Caesar.
But soon he himself at Arles, his son at Vienne, lost the kingship together with life. 325 And likewise, unmindful of their end, Iobinus and Sebastianus there in the Gauls attempt a tyranny, but they too immediately ceased to be. After these things Heraclianus, with seven hundred and three armed ships, came to the city of Rome to plunder it; against whom the count Marinus, having gone out, so terrified him that he fled with only one ship to Carthage, where, having entered shortly thereafter, he was killed.
326 Valia, king of the Visigoths, when peace had been made with Honorius, returned Placidia his sister; and Honorius, joining her in matrimony to Constantius the patrician, who had recalled her, departed from human affairs. Maximus and Jovinus, bound in iron, were led away from Spain and put to death. 327 But John, with Honorius deceased, invaded the western realm.
His sister Honoria, while she was being forced to guard her virginity for the ornament of the court, secretly, after a minor client had been sent, invites Attila, king of the Huns, into Italy. And with Attila approaching, she was not able to fulfill her vow, and the deed which she had not done with Attila she commits with Eugenius, her procurator. For which reason, apprehended by her brother, she was dispatched to Constantinople to Prince Theodosius.
329 After these things, in the 3rd year, the emperor Valentinian came from Rome to Constantinople for the taking in marriage of Eudoxia, daughter of the princeps Theodosius, and, the whole Illyricum having been given as a gift by his father-in-law, the nuptials having been celebrated, he withdrew with his wife to his own realms. 330 The African province, through Count Boniface, was handed over to the Vandals and removed from Roman law, because Boniface, when he had fallen into the disfavour of Valentinian, wished to defend himself to the public harm, and, Geiseric, king of the Vandals, having been invited from the Spains, he brought forth the stratagem which he had conceived. 331 Attila, king of the Huns, the Gepids joined with him under Ardaric, and the Goths with Valamir, and various other nations with their own kings, laid waste all Illyricum and Thrace and both Dacias, Moesia and Scythia.
332 Marcianus imperator regnavit an. vi m. vi. Hic etenim mox defuncto Theodosio in regno ascitus Pulcheriam germanam Theodosii, quae in palatio iam matura mulier virginitatem servaverat, in matrimonio adsumens regnum quod delicati decessores prodecessoresque eius per annos fere sexaginta vicissim imperantes minuerant, divina provisione sic reparavit ut exultatio ingens cunctis adcresceret. 333 Nam cum Parthis et Vandalis omnino infestantibus pacem instituit, Attilae minas conpescuit, Novades Blemmesque Ethiopia prolapsos per Florum Alexandrinae urbis procuratorem sedavit et pepulit a finibus Romanorum, obitumque Attilae et Zenonis Isauri interitum, antequam moriretur, felix conperit infelicium; omniumque inimicorum suorum colla domini virtute calcans sexto anno sextoque mense regnans in pace quievit. 334 Valentinianus autem occidentalis imperator dolo Maximi patricii, cuius etiam fraude Aetius perierat, in campo Martio per Optilam et Thraufistilam Aetii satellites iam percusso Eraclio spadone truncatus est.
332 Emperor Marcian reigned 6 years 6 months. For indeed, Theodosius having soon died, he was admitted to the realm, taking in marriage Pulcheria, Theodosius’s sister, who, already a mature woman, had preserved her virginity in the palace; and the kingdom which his delicate predecessors and successors, ruling by turns for nearly 60 years, had diminished, he restored by divine providence in such wise that a vast exultation increased for all. 333 For with the Parthians and the Vandals altogether making hostile attacks he established peace, he quelled Attila’s threats, he calmed and drove away from the borders of the Romans the Novades and the Blemmyes, who had slipped down from Ethiopia, through Florus, procurator of the city of Alexandria; and he happily learned, before he died, of the death of Attila and the downfall of Zeno the Isaurian; and treading the necks of all his enemies by the Lord’s virtue, reigning in the 6th year and the 6th month, he came to rest in peace. 334 Valentinian, however, the western emperor, by the stratagem of the patrician Maximus, by whose fraud Aetius too had perished, in the Campus Martius, by Optila and Thraufistila, Aetius’s bodyguards, with the eunuch Heraclius already struck down, was cut to pieces.
His imperium likewise the same Maximus seized, and in the third month of his tyranny he was torn limb from limb at Rome by the Romans. Geiseric then, king of the Vandals, invited by Eudoxia, the wife of Valentinian, entered Rome from Africa, and that city, stripped of all goods, he led that same Eudoxia with her two daughters with him as he returned to Africa.
335 Leo Bessica ortus progeniae Asparis patricii potentia ex tribuno militum factus est imperator. Cuius nutu mox loco Valentiniani apud Ravennam Maiorianus Caesar est ordinatus, qui tertio necdum anno expleto in regno apud Dertonam occiditur locoque eius sine principis iussu Leonis Severianus invasit; 336 sed et ipse tyrannidis sui tertio anno expleto Romae occubuit. Tunc Leo Anthemium divi Marciani generum ex patricio Caesarem ordinans Romae in imperio distinavit Bigelemque Getarum regem per Ardaburem Asparis filium interemit.
335 Leo, of Bessian birth, by the power of the progeny of Aspar the patricius, from tribune of soldiers was made emperor. At whose nod soon, in the place of Valentinian at Ravenna, Majorian was ordained Caesar, who, the third year not yet completed in his reign, is slain near Dertona, and in his place, without the order of the princeps Leo, Severianus seized; 336 but he too, his third year of tyranny completed, perished at Rome. Then Leo, appointing Anthemius, the son-in-law of the divine Marcian, from patricius to Caesar, designated him to the imperium at Rome, and he put to death Bigeles, king of the Getae, through Ardabures, son of Aspar.
337 Sending Basiliscus, his kinsman—namely the brother of Augusta Verina—to Africa with an army, who, often assailing Carthage in a naval battle, previously vanquished, through greed sold it for monies to the king of the Vandals rather than bring it back into the power of the Romans. 338 Moreover, at the instigation of Zeno, his son-in-law, he slaughtered in the palace the patrician Aspar together with his sons Ardabures and Patriciolus; and, with Anthemius slain at Rome, he appointed Nepos, the son of Nepotianus, with his niece joined to him in matrimony, as Caesar at Ravenna through Domitian, his client. This Nepos, having obtained the legitimate rule, expelling Glycerius—who had imposed the kingship upon himself in tyrannical manner—from the empire, made him bishop at Salona of Dalmatia.
342 Learning this, Zeno withdrew from Chalcedon to Isauria without any injury to the republic, preferring that he alone with Ariagne Augusta be exiled rather than that, on his account, anything disadvantageous from civil wars should arise for the republic. Basiliscus, learning this and rejoicing at Zeno’s flight, appointed his son Marcus as Caesar. He, inflated with Nestorian perfidy, forthwith attempted to do many things against the church; but, by God’s will, the puffed‑up man burst before he could stand as a penitent.
343 For Zeno, returning again into his own reign, consigned him and his father and mother to exile in the town of Lemnus in the province of Cappadocia. Where, because the charity of God and of neighbor toward them had cooled, they were consumed by cold and lost life along with their reign. 344 But in the Hesperian part, Orestes, having put the emperor Nepos to flight, placed his son Augustulus in the empire.
But soon Odoacer, of the Rugian stock, reinforced by the bands of the Turcilingi, the Sciri, and the Heruli, invaded Italy and, tearing the emperor Augustulus from the kingship, condemned him to the penalty of exile in the Lucullan castle of Campania. 345 Thus also the Hesperian kingdom and the principate of the Roman people, which in the 709th year from the founding of the city the first of the Augusti, Octavian Augustus, began to hold, perished with this Augustulus in the 522nd year of the reigns of the preceding emperors, with kings of the Goths thereafter holding Rome. 346 But Theodoric, son of Triarius, surnamed Strabo, king of the Goths, having mustered his own men, came armed as far as Anaplus, at the fourth mile from the city; yet harmful to none of the Romans, he immediately turned back and, hastening further to Illyricum, while he advanced amid the moving wagons of his people, by the point of a spear lying upon a cart, driven onto it by the fright of his horse, he was fixed and run through, and perished, and by his death he bestowed a feast-day upon the commonwealth.
347 With Valamer, king of the Goths, having died in the war of the Sciri, Theodemir succeeded to his brother’s kingdom, together with his brother Vidimer and his son Theodoric. But, the lot having been cast, the Hesperian parts fell to Vidimer with his son Vidimer, and to Theodemir with his son Theodoric fell Illyricum and Thrace to be laid waste. And therefore, Pannonia having been left behind, the one undertook Italy, the other Illyricum, to be plundered; but both kings, having soon entered the places allotted by lot, immediately depart from human affairs—Vidimer in Italy, Theodemir in Illyricum.
Leaving their sons behind, they departed, of whom Vidimer, defeated by the Italians in battles, directed his course to the parts of Gaul and Spain, Italy having been relinquished; 348 but Theodoric, allured by the humanity of Zeno Augustus, came to Constantinople, where, having been made Master of Soldiers of the Presence, he carried through the triumph of an ordinary consul by a public gift. But because at that time, as we have said, Odoacer had occupied the kingdom of Italy, Emperor Zeno, seeing that already the nations possessed that fatherland, preferred that it be committed to Theodoric as if to his own client already, rather than to that man whom he did not even know. And thus deliberating with himself, sending him to the parts of Italy, he commends to him the Roman people and the senate.
349 And going forth, the king of the nations and Roman consul Theodoric sought Italy, and in Ravenna received Odoacer, wearied by great battles, into deditio (surrender). Then indeed, as if suspect, having jugulated him in the palace at Ravenna, he prudently and peacefully maintained the kingship of his nation and the principate of the Roman people for thirty years. Illus the Isaurian, however, magister of the offices and most friendly to Emperor Zeno in private life and joined to him by charity, while he spoke in secret, to the detraction of Ariadne the Augusta, with her husband, stirred up the Augustus in zeal.
350 He, deliberating to slay her, quietly entrusted the matter to one of his own. While that man strives to carry it out, he divulges to a certain chambermaid that he will do the crime that same night. The queen learned of the crime, and, with that same woman who had suggested the matter placed upon her own little couch, she slipped away, no one knowing, to the episcopium, to Acacius.
351 And on the next day Zeno, judging the matter accomplished, while, as if bearing a certain mourning, he admitted no one, Bishop Acacius entered and arraigns the impiety of the deed and demands the pledge of pardon, and he guarantees that the Augusta is innocent of suspicion; and, the assurance of pardon having been received by a pact, the Augusta returns. And while she often deliberates with herself by what lot she might exact vengeance from her enemy, having found (as she supposed) an opportunity, she orders one of her own, standing in a hidden place, to slay Illus as he was departing from her. He, obeying the queen’s commands, while eagerly he strikes with the sword at the head, not the neck, as he desired, but cut off his ear.
352 Escaping that danger, Illus soon withdrew from the city and, hostile to Zeno, invaded the East. Against him Leontius was sent; and, ensnared by his beguiling words, he seized the diadem, and Leontius and Illus together, made enemies of the commonwealth, as tyrants run riot through the parts of Syria and Isauria; and, with a gift for the Isaurians added beyond the usual, all together conspire against Zeno, upon whose treasures, found in the very well-fortified fortress of Papirius, they rage. 353 But not long after, they were captured by Zeno’s army in the same fortress and beheaded, and their heads, brought to Constantinople and fixed on spear-shafts, rotted away.
354 Anastasius ex silentiario subito ab Ariagne Augusta in imperio sumptus simulque imperator et maritus innotuit, regnavitque ann. xxvii m. ii. Contra quem Isauri dum sibi quod illis tyrannus ille adiecerat donativum et Zenon reconciliationis gratia invitus largierat ab isto fraudantur, arma arripiunt. 355 Consertoque proelio iuxta Cotziaium Frygiae civitatem castra metati pene per sex continuos annos rei publicae adversantur; ubi et Lilingis, eorum et in bello et in consilio praevius, quamvis pedibus ob corporis debilitate signis, eques tamen in bello acerrimus, dum peremptus fuisset, omnes Isauri fugierunt atque dispersi sunt et devicti et perquaquam exilio relegati urbesque eorum nonnullae solo usque prostratae.
354 Anastasius, from a silentiary, was suddenly taken up into the imperium by Ariagne Augusta, and at the same time he became known as both emperor and husband, and he reigned for 27 years and 2 months. Against him the Isaurians, when they were defrauded by this man of the donative which that tyrant had added to them and which Zeno, for the sake of reconciliation, had unwillingly bestowed, take up arms. 355 And with battle joined near Cotziaium, a city of Phrygia, having pitched camp, for nearly six continuous years they oppose the Republic; and there too Lilingis, their guide both in war and in counsel, although in his feet marked on account of weakness of body, yet in war a most keen horseman—when he had been slain, all the Isaurians fled and were scattered and conquered and thoroughly relegated into exile, and some of their cities were laid low even to the ground.
356 For under Anastasius, wearied by various military battles, now in Illyricum with Sabinianus and Mundo at Margum, now with Pompeius at Adrianople, now with Aristo at Tzorta, now with the Parthians into Syria—to omit the internal slaughter and the fights in the forum of the royal city—and at last, contending against Italy with more piratical than public Mars, he was frustrated. 357 But also what was more to be lamented, he prolonged for 6 years a civil war against his last servant, Vitalianus, a man of Scythia. This same Vitalianus indeed, advancing with 60,000 armed men, for the third time almost, hostile not to the commonwealth but to the king, wore down many suburbs of the royal city with plunderings and spoils.
358 Against whom, while Hypatius, nephew of the Caesar, goes out with a numerous army to fight, he is first seized by the auxiliary Huns and, sitting a mule, is shamefully sold to Vitalian, before in open battle on the opposing side he could show himself an enemy. After him likewise Rufinus and Alathor, masters of the soldiers.
often they were overcome, often derided and spurned by him. 359 Thus also, walled about by the battle-lines of enemies on diverse sides, Anastasius often groaned, and yet he came to hear the vengeance of none of his enemies; just as he himself did not keep the rights of the Church, nay rather, grieving and raging, older than eighty years of age and in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, he departed from human affairs, and the commonwealth, being worn down, scarcely with Justin succeeding to him drew breath ever so little.
For he beheaded Amantius and Andreas with iron, he sent Misahel and Ardabur into exile at Serdica. He also, having seized Theocritus, the satellite of Amantius—whom that same Amantius had secretly prepared for reigning—imprisoned him and crushed him with huge stones, and threw him, salted, into a whirlpool, depriving him of burial together with the imperial power at which he had gaped; 361 and he struck a treaty with Vitalian and, having summoned him to himself, made him master of soldiers of the Presence and ordinary consul; but again holding him in suspicion on account of the earlier deed, he slew him, pierced with 16 wounds in the palace, together with the satellites Celerianus and Paul. 362 This emperor too, four months before his death, consulting his old age and the utilities of the commonwealth, appointing Justinian, his nephew from his sister, as partner of the kingship and successor of the empire, departed from human affairs.
363 Iustinianus imperator regnat iam iubante domino ann. xxiiii. Qui ut sceptris genio a suo avunculo mancipatus est, mox Parthos bella moventes destinato exercitu conpescuit et fines proprios tutans Parthorum saepe multos adflixit.
363 Justinian the emperor now reigns, at the Lord bidding, for 24 years. He, in that he was mancipated to the scepters by the Genius by his uncle, soon with an appointed army checked the Parthians who were setting wars in motion, and, safeguarding his own borders, often afflicted many of the Parthians.
Afterwards indeed, with sins bringing it about, on the day of the Sabbath of holy Pascha, the fight having been joined, by the impulse of the army and not of the leader, in the river Euphrates, fleeing the Parthians, the numerous Roman army fell in ruin. And Illyricum, often being devastated by the Heruli, the Gepids, and the Bulgars, he frequently withstood through his own judges and manfully struck them down. 364 After these things, as Hypatius and Pompeius, plotters against his reign, with a civilian band gathered, had entered the Circus—Hypatius wreathed with a golden torque in place of a diadem and now occupying the emperor’s seat, but Pompeius, loricated beneath his cloak and already invading the palace—he had both of them detained before the doors of the palace, and, captured and chained, he overthrew them; and with their heads cut off he made them lose the empire before they should have it.
And their associates, who had escaped from the slaughter, being proscribed, he triumphed, as from the spoils, with the great enemy laid low. 365 And in the same year, after a long and monstrous labor, for what had been carried out against the Parthians by the sweats of the Romans, through Rufinus the patrician and through Hermogenes the master of offices—both dispatched as legati by the princeps—peace was drawn up, a foedus was entered, and gifts were designated by each prince to the other in turn. 366 Soon also, with the army on the Oriental side disbanded, he chose the same leader whom he had formerly sent across to the East, Belisarius, and, numerous and very brave soldiers having been assigned to him, he sends him to the southern region against the Vandals.
With God favoring him, with the same facility with which he had come, with that swiftness he overcame the Vandals, and, joining Libya to the body of the whole republic, he presented King Gelimer and the riches of Carthage in the royal city to the princeps, the people looking on. At whose nod, having been remunerated and soon designated ordinary consul, Belisarius triumphed from the Vandal spoils.
367 In Italia vero Theodorico rege defuncto Athalaricus nepus eius ipso ordinante successit, octo annos quamvis pueriliter vivens matre tamen regente Amalasuentha degebat, quando et Gallias diu tentas Francis repetentibus reddidit. 368 Mortuoque Athalarico mater sua Theodahadum consubrinum suum regni sui participem faciens non post multum ipso iubente occisa est. Et quia dudum se suoque filio commendaverat principi Iustiniano, is mortem eius audiens doluit nec passus est inultum transire.
367 In Italy indeed, with King Theodoric deceased, Athalaric, his grandson, with himself doing the ordaining, succeeded; living eight years, although boyishly, yet he spent the time with his mother Amalasuntha governing, when also he returned Gaul, long held, to the Franks who were reclaiming it. 368 And with Athalaric dead, his mother, making Theodahad, her cousin, a participant in her reign, not long after, by his order, was killed. And because long before she had commended herself and her son to the prince Justinian, he, hearing of her death, grieved and did not allow it to pass unavenged.
But soon, appointing that same war-leader—who had been the tamer of the Punics and, triumphing over Vandalic wealth, was still in the fasces—over the column of diverse nations, he dispatched him to the Hesperian parts. 369 He, at the first approach, forthwith overran Sicily, its dux Sinderith having been overcome; where, while he tarried for some time to order the country, he learned that in Africa civil wars and an intestine battle were raging riotously. For Stotzas, almost the lowest of the soldiers, and Martin’s little client, mag.
the master of soldiers, seizing tyranny and having become the instigator of the seditious, with Cyril, Marcellus, Fara, and various other judges done away with by deceit, raged against the general Solomon and was devastating all Africa in tyrannical fashion. 370 Therefore Belisarius, having crossed from Sicily into Africa over the sea with his accustomed felicity, routs the rebels, frees the province, and, replacing Solomon at Carthage again, returns to Sicily. Where soon Evermud, son-in-law of Theodahad, king of the Goths, who had come in opposition with an army, perceiving the prosperity of the consul, voluntarily gave himself over to the side of the victor and urges that he should bring aid to Italy, now panting and suspicious with respect to his arrival.
Therefore, Belisarius, an army constructed and leading both a naval and an equestrian column, invested Naples, and after besieging it for a few days, by the aqueduct he invaded it by night, and, the Goths who were present as well as the Romans rebelling having been slain, he most fully despoiled the city. 371 Which Theodahad, observing this, appointing Vitiges, one leader among the others of the army, he dispatches against Belisarius. 372 He, having entered Campania and soon having come to the Barbaric fields, immediately received the favor of the army, because it held suspicion against Theodahad; and, ‘what,’ he says, ‘do you want?’ and they to him: ‘let him be taken away from the midst who wishes his crimes to be excused with the blood and destruction of the Goths.’ And an onset having been made against him, with one voice they proclaim Vitiges king.
But he, raised to the kingship, which he himself had desired, soon agrees to the votes of the people, and, dispatching men from among his associates, extinguishes Theodahad as he was returning to Ravenna. 373 And confirming his reign, he launches an expedition, and, his private consort repudiated, he couples to himself the regal maiden Maathesuentha, granddaughter of King Theodoric, more by force than by love. And while he enjoys his new nuptials at Ravenna, the consul Belesarius entered the city of Rome; and, received by that people once Roman and by the senate, now with its very name almost buried along with its virtue, he at once seizes the neighboring places and the fortifications of cities and towns.
374 And in the first Gothic engagement, with Hunnila leading, he overcomes at the town of Perusia, and, with more than seven thousand slaughtered, he drives the rest in rout as far as Ravenna. In a second, indeed, with Vitiges himself investing the Roman citadels, he comes to grips, and, the machines and towers of his—by which he was attempting to approach the city—having been consumed by fire, he, although laboring under famine, eludes him through the space of a year. 375 After these things, having pursued to Ariminum, and from there, with him having fled, he received him shut up in Ravenna into surrender; and the single consul, while he fights against the Getae (Goths), with almost equal outcome triumphed over the Franks as well, who had come with their king Theodepert, more than 200,000 in number.
But because, occupied with other matters elsewhere, he did not wish to be entangled, he granted peace to the Franks who were asking, and without loss of his own drove them from the Italian frontiers, and, having taken the king and the queen, along with the wealth of the palace, carried them back to the prince who had sent him. And thus within the span of a little time the emperor Justinian, through a most faithful consul, subjugated to his dominion two kingdoms and two republics.
376 Quod Parthus conperiens facibusque invidiae exardescens in Syriam movit procinctum, et Callinicum Soras Neocaesariamque devastans Anthiochiam venit. Vbi Germanus patricius cum Iustino filio suo eodemque consule postquam ab Africana provincia remeasset, dum adventum Parthorum obviare nequit, relicta urbe ad partes secessit Ciliciae. Persi vero vacuam ab exercitu Anthiochiam nancti populumque per Orontis alveum ad Seleuciam maritimam cum militibus mixtis fugientem aspiciunt nec secuntur, sed predas per urbem certatim diripiunt vicinasque urbes et oppida partim invasa partim pecuniae quantitate multata praetereunt et totius Cylesyriae bona sibi unius in anni spatium pene Parthus adsumit.
376 Which, the Parthian learning and blazing up with the torches of envy, he moved his battle-line into Syria, and, devastating Callinicum, Sura, and Neocaesarea, he came to Antioch. Where Germanus the patrician, with his son Justin—who likewise was consul—after he had returned from the African province, while he was unable to go to meet the arrival of the Parthians, left the city and withdrew to the parts of Cilicia. But the Persians, having found Antioch empty of an army, behold the populace, mixed with soldiers, fleeing along the channel of the Orontes to maritime Seleucia, nor do they pursue, but in rivalry they seize plunders throughout the city; and the neighboring cities and towns they pass by, some stormed, others mulcted in a sum of money; and the Parthian almost appropriates to himself for the space of a single year the goods of all Coele-Syria.
377 Nor even thus does he withdraw, but continually fights against the Roman commonwealth. Against him the Vandalic and Getic consul is, as usual, assigned. Who, although he did not subdue him as he did the remaining nations, nevertheless compelled him to gather himself back within his own confines; and even a victory over this people would have been won for the fortunate leader, had not the disaster of Italy, which had emerged after his departure, given him as a swift successor Martin.
378 Cladem vero quam diximus in Esperia plaga ut liquidius lector cognoscat, apertius memorabo. Egrediente Belesario consule ab Italia et ut diximus, rege regina opesque palatii ad principem reportante Gothi, qui trans Padum in Liguria consistebant, recrudiscentes animos ad bella consurgunt et ordinato sibi regulo Heldebado militi existunt adversi; contra quos dum non unius, sed diversorum temptat varius apparatus, illi fortiores effecti persistunt annique spatio vix emenso Heldebadus interficitur et loco eius succedit Erarius; 379 qui et ipse vix anno expleto peremptus est et in regno. Malo Italiae Baduila iuvenis nepus asciscitur Heldebadi.
378 The disaster indeed which we have mentioned in the Hesperian tract, that the reader may know it more limpidly, I will relate more openly. As Belisarius the consul was departing from Italy and, as we said, the king, the queen, and the resources of the palace were being carried back to the princeps, the Goths, who were stationed across the Padus in Liguria, with spirits recrudescing rise up to wars, and, having appointed for themselves a petty-king, Heldebadus, a soldier, they stand forth as adversaries; against whom, while there is attempted not one but a variety of diverse apparatus, they, made stronger, persist, and with scarcely the span of a year elapsed Heldebadus is slain and in his place Erarius succeeds; 379 who himself too, with scarcely a year completed, was done away with, and in his reign. To the harm of Italy the young Baduila, nephew of Heldebadus, is enrolled.
Who soon, and without delay, at Faventia, in the town on the soil of Emilia, with battle joined, overcame the Roman army; and not long after these things likewise, through his own men at Mucellus in the grain-supplying Tuscia, fighting successfully, he puts the judges to flight, unites the army to himself partly by gifts, partly by blandishments, and pervades all Italy together with Rome itself; and, destroying the defenses of all the cities, he transfers all the senators, stripped, from demolished Rome to the land of Campania. 380 Against whom, as we said above, Belisarius is directed from the East with a few, thinking he would find intact the whole army which he had sent down. And therefore, after he entered Ravenna and found none to meet him, and with the Adriatic Sea re-crossed, he returns to Epirus, where John and Valerian having joined him, while they contend in assemblies and quarrels, Totila, who is Baduila, carries on hostile work in Italy.
Belisarius also, impatient at such great cruelty, putting out from Sicily with a naval fleet, through the tide of the Tyrrhenian Sea withdrew into the Roman port to a station; and having gone out to the city, when he observed it as destroyed and desolate, he grieved, and, exhorting his comrades, he girds himself for the reparation of so great a city. 381 Where, not yet surrounded by a rampart, he encounters Totila as hostile; but, fearless in his wonted victories, although he went out against him with a few, he routed him in such wise that more of the fugitives were submerged in the Tiber than fell by the sword. And then, having encouraged the armies, he returns to Sicily, so that he might also make a supply of grain for Rome and, being near to the strait, might disturb Totila, who was lingering in Campania.
But as is wont, the mutation of affairs and the will of princes are diverse. 382 With Theodora Augusta resting in the Lord, Belisarius is summoned to the City from Sicily. After whose departure Totila, secure, with rage renewed, the Isaurians betraying, invades Rome; and thus, forces taken up from everywhere and girded with military aid, he advances and takes Sicily.
383 Against whom, while Germanus the Patrician was arranging to go out with the army, having taken in marriage Mathesuentha, granddaughter of King Theoderic and left behind by the deceased Vitigis, having been given to him by the prince, he poured out his final breath in the city of Sardica, leaving a pregnant wife, who after his death bore him a posthumous son and named him Germanus; when this good fortune became known to Totila himself, he, almost insulting the Romans, devastates nearly all Italy.
384 Africa vero a Mauris dudum perempto Solomone Stotzas et Iohannes invicem singulari certamine corruunt; aliusque Iohannis, qui Stotzas iunior dicebatur, suscepta tyrannide Guntharic mag. militum secum suadet. Qui interfecto Areobinda iugalem eius neptem imperatoris sibi cupiens sociare praevenitur ab Artabane.
384 Africa indeed, Solomon having long since been slain by the Moors, Stotzas and John fall, each by the other, in single combat; and another John, who was called Stotzas the younger, having assumed tyranny, wins over to his side Guntharic, master of soldiers. He, after killing Areobindus, wishing to unite to himself as spouse his consort, the emperor’s niece, is forestalled by Artabanes.
He, with him butchered at a banquet and the emperor’s niece rescued, sends to the prince in the city with honor, and at the same time consigned to him John the tyrant, bound with iron fetters, who had succeeded the slain Stotzas in the same tyranny. 385 Whom, in the city, the prefect, after having him scourged and his hands cut off, fixed on a gibbet as an example to the rest. John thereafter, a patrician by the cognomen Troglita, the procuration of Africa having been committed to him; Artabanus was summoned, mag.
he received the dignity of Master of Soldiers in the Presence. Nor, with not much time intervening, as he was eager to lay hands upon the emperor himself, having been detected and proven, yet by imperial piety he remained unpunished, and, as if benevolent, he hastened against Totila to Sicily with the patrician Liberius. John, however, prospering in the African province, the Moors of the opposing party, overcome through the Peaceable Moors, in one day he extinguished seventeen of their prefects, and, at the Lord’s bidding, he obtained the peace of all Africa.
386 Langobardorum gens, socia Romani regni principibus, et Theodahadi sororis filiam dante sibi imperatore in matrimonio iungens regi suo, contra emulos Romanorum Gepidas una die pugna commissa eorum pene castra pervasit, cecideruntque ex utraque parte amplius lx milia; 387 nec par, ut ferunt, audita est in nostris temporibus pugna a diebus Attilae in illis locis, praeter illa quae ante hanc contigerat sub Calluce mag. mil. idem cum Gepidas aut certe Mundonis cum Gothis, in quibus ambobus auctores belli pariter conruerunt.
386 The nation of the Langobards, ally to the princes of the Roman realm, and—with the emperor giving to their king the sister’s daughter of Theodahad, joining her to him in matrimony—against the rivals of the Romans, the Gepids, in a single day, the battle having been joined, almost overran their camp, and on both sides there fell more than 60,000; 387 nor, as they say, has a comparable battle been heard in our times since the days of Attila in those places, except for those which before this had happened under Calluce, magister militum, the same with the Gepids, or at any rate under Mundo with the Goths, in both of which the authors of the war alike were overthrown.
388 Hi sunt casus Romanae rei publicae preter instantia cottidiana Bulgarum, Antium et Sclavinorum. Que si quis scire cupit, annales consulumque seriem revolvat sine fastidio repperietque dignam nostri temporis rem publicam tragydiae. Scietque unde orta, quomodo aucta, qualiterve sibi cunctas terras subdiderit et quomodo iterum eas ab ignaris rectoribus amiserit.
388 These are the misfortunes of the Roman Republic, besides the daily pressures of the Bulgars, the Antae, and the Sclaveni. And if anyone desires to know them, let him turn over the annals and the series of the consuls without fastidiousness, and he will find the Republic of our time worthy of a tragedy. And he will know whence it arose, how it was augmented, in what manner it subjected all lands to itself, and how again it lost them through unknowing rulers.