William of Tyre•HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM
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HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM24 sections
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Transcursis igitur circa partes Ciliciae mensibus hibernis, vere jam reducto, et gratam exercitibus referente temperiem, missa voce praeconia, et edicto imperiali publice mandatur primiceriis, centurionibus, quinquagenariis legionum, iterum cohortes instrui, instrumenta bellica reparari, armis accingi populum universum. Praemissis ergo legationibus dominus princeps, dominus quoque comes Edessanus, aliique illarum partium primores invitantur, ut cum domino imperatore proficiscantur ad praelia. Quibus undique conglobatis, quasi circa Kal.
Therefore, the winter months having been run through around the parts of Cilicia, with spring now brought back and bringing to the armies a welcome temperateness, proclamations having been sent forth by a herald’s voice, and by imperial edict it is publicly enjoined upon the primicerii, centurions, quinquagenaries of the legions, that the cohorts be arrayed again, the war-instruments be repaired, the whole populace be girded with arms. Embassies therefore being sent ahead, the lord Prince, and the lord Count of Edessa, and the other chiefs of those parts are invited, that they may set out with the lord emperor to the battles. When these had been massed from every side, as if about the Kal.
In April, at the shriek of trumpets and the clang of kettledrums, the entire army, so that they might satisfy the terms previously entered into between themselves and the prince, is ordered to direct its battle-lines toward Caesarea; and having entered the borders of the enemy, after a few days had passed, it encamped before the aforesaid city. When these things were heard, the prince and the count, having summoned their forces from the whole region, following the emperor with all speed, suddenly appeared with their men before the above-named city, inflamed with equal desires. Now the aforesaid city is situated, between a mountain and the river which flows past Antioch, almost in the manner of Antioch, having the greater part of itself on the plain down to the river; a part also on the slope of the mountain; but the garrison, overhanging on the summit of the mountain, is established unassailable by human forces.
Whence, with the walls let down on the left and on the right as far as the river, the city is encompassed together with the suburb lying adjacent to it. The river therefore having been crossed, and the columns arranged in a ring, from that side whence the city, with the suburb placed before it, seemed more habilis for assailing, he girds the city with a siege. Here at last, the engines having been disposed with suitable provision, they incessantly shake the towers and the walls, and the dwellings of the citizens within the walls, by the discharge of heavy millstones, and with frequent blows and an alternate repetition of the hurled rocks, they utterly cast down to the foundations the bulwarks of the buildings, in which was the greatest hope of defense.
The lord emperor, as he was a magnanimous man, was pressing the plan with fervent zeal, and, with prizes set forth, he inflamed the spirits of the youths, eager for glory, to martial contests and encounters; clad also in a cuirass and girt with a sword, his head covered with a golden casque, mingled in the midst among the ranks, now these, now those, he exhorts with fitting words; now by example, as though one of the common people, he provokes and presses on manfully, that he may render others more eager to press on. Thus then the man, distinguished by outstanding spiritedness, running about without intermission, sustaining the heat of war from the first hour of the day to the last, granted himself no rest, not even to take food; but either reminded those who were serving the engines to hurl more frequently and more directly, or added courage to those who were sweating in the clashes, restoring strength by vicariant successions, and for those flagging he put in fresh men, and men strong with unbroken efforts. The prince and the count, however, both young men, and, as it is said, drawn too much by the lighter pursuits of that age, while the rest were sweating in battle and in the military art, were playing dice continually, not without damage to their private fortune; and, holding themselves more remissly in regard to the studies of war, by their example they also called others back from the fervor of pressing on.
Hearing this, the emperor, and stirred by their deed as too pernicious, strove privately to recall them once and again by a familiar and secret admonition, setting forth the example of himself—who, though he was the most powerful of the kings of the earth and of all princes, spared neither the labor of his own body nor immense expenditures. At length, when for several days the army had persevered in such encounters and assiduous conflicts, the emperor, indignant that so small a city could resist so long his incomparables forces, being affected by weariness, arraigning the delay and accusing his men’s sloth, animates them to stronger assaults; and, redoubling the engagements, he bids them to press more sharply. And while they press in rivalry upon the breach of the city, they violently seize at close quarters the aforesaid suburb, which, situated in the lower part of the city, we have said; having been broken open, they occupy it, not sparing the citizens who were found there, unless perhaps someone of them by word or by habit, or by any sign, would designate that he would follow the Christian profession.
Sic ergo civitate ex parte quadam impugnata, timentes cives, violentas hostium in uxores et liberos et urbis penetralia irruptiones, pacem ad tempus postulant modicum, et impetrant postulatam. Erat porro illius civitatis dominus quidam nobilis homo, Arabs natione, Machedolus nomine; hic missis occulte ad imperatorem nuntiis, pro salute urbis et civium indemnitate, profusis cum omni humilitate supplicat precibus, et infinitam spondens pro eodem pecuniam. Indignatus enim imperator, quod princeps et comes ita dissolute et negligenter in expeditione se habuerant, eoque praecipue quod pro eorum negotio et implenda promissione videbatur laborare, maximum contra eos rancorem conceperat; et promissam eorum fidelitatem, tanquam sine operibus mortuam, magis splendidam quam solidam, pro nihilo ducens, firmissime apud se, cum paucis familiaribus, praeordinaverat, quod in odium eorum, et infidelitatis poenam, oblata qualibet occasione, quae aliquam saltem honestatis speciem videretur praetendere, soluta obsidione, ad propria rediret.
Thus then, with the city assailed from a certain quarter, the citizens, fearing violent irruptions of the enemies into their wives and children and the city’s penetralia, ask for peace for a little time, and obtain what they asked. Now the lord of that city was a certain noble man, an Arab by nation, by name Machedolus; he, having secretly sent messengers to the emperor, for the safety of the city and the indemnity of the citizens, with prayers poured out in all humility supplicates, and pledges an infinite sum of money for the same. For the emperor, indignant that the prince and the count had carried themselves so dissolutely and negligently in the expedition, and especially because he seemed to be laboring for their business and for the fulfilling of their promise, had conceived the greatest rancor against them; and their promised fidelity, as dead without works, more splendid than solid, counting it as nothing, he had most firmly preordained with a few familiars that, in hatred of them and as the punishment of infidelity, upon any occasion offered which might seem to put forward at least some appearance of honesty, the siege being raised, he would return to his own.
Accordingly, the money having been accepted as agreed for dissolving the siege, by public proclamation of the herald peace is declared to the besieged; and it is commanded to the legions that they prepare themselves for return. And so, the camp being broken up, the emperor, turned toward Antioch, orders the battle-line to be directed, and the whole army to hasten thither. Hearing this, the prince and the count, too late drawn by penitence, strive to recall the lord emperor from his commencement; but he perseveres in the purpose which the emperor had conceived irrevocably, and, their persuasions scorned, he quickens the march.
The count was said to have maneuvered in this matter with excessive malice; for in secret—though afterwards it was clearly evident—he was borne by hatred against his lord, namely the prince, and, having every increment of the latter’s advancement suspect, he—the more wily—was seducing the mind of the more imprudent adolescent, striving with all his zeal to this end: that the prince might merit the emperor’s indignation, lest through him he be advanced to greater advantages.
Perveniens igitur Antiochiam dominus imperator cum filiis suis et familiaribus, et militia non modica ad urbem ingressus, domino principe, dominoque comite stratoris officium exsequentibus, dominoque patriarcha cum universo clero et populo ordinata de more processione, in psalmis et hymnis, canticis et musicorum concentu instrumentorum cum plausu et exsultatione populorum, prius ad cathedralem ecclesiam, deinde ad palatium principis solemniter deductus est. Ubi cum per dies aliquot, balneis, et caeteris quae ad corpus pertinent recreationibus, tanquam dominus in domo, pro libero usus esset arbitrio, profusaque et pene prodiga tam in dominum principem et comitem, quam in eorum magnates, nec non et in cives indifferenter usus esset imperiali munificentia, principem simul et comitem, et omnes provinciae primores, ad se fecit evocari; quibus in praesentia sua constitutis, principem alloquitur, dicens: Nosti, dilectissime fili Raimunde, quomodo ob gratiam tui, ut juxta conventiones inter nostrum Deo amabile imperium, et fidelitatem tuam prius per prudentum virorum mediationem initas, tuum augeam principatum, et dilatem super hostes fidei nostrae possessiones tuas, diu jam in ista regione conversatus sum; et ecce opportunitate ingruente, tempus est ut promissa solvam, et omnem circumadjacentem regionem tuae subjiciam ditioni, sicut pactorum tenor manifestius edocet. Sed nosti optime, noverunt et isti, qui tecum in nostra assistunt praesentia, quod non est, quod tibi solvere tenemur, opus temporis modici; sed moram tua negotia videntur exigere diuturniorem et impensas ampliores deposcere.
Accordingly, the lord emperor, arriving at Antioch with his sons and household, and having entered the city with no small soldiery, the lord prince and the lord count performing the office of strator, and the lord patriarch with the whole clergy and people, a procession having been ordered according to custom, with psalms and hymns, songs and the harmony of musical instruments, with the applause and exultation of the peoples, he was solemnly conducted first to the cathedral church, then to the prince’s palace. Where, for several days, enjoying baths and the other recreations that pertain to the body, as a lord in a house, he used them at his free discretion; and, having used imperial munificence lavish and almost prodigal alike upon the lord prince and the count, as well as upon their magnates, and likewise upon the citizens without distinction, he caused the prince and the count together, and all the foremost men of the province, to be summoned to him; and when these had been set in his presence, he addresses the prince, saying: You know, dearest son Raymond, how, for the sake of favor toward you, that in accordance with the conventions entered between our God-beloved empire and your fidelity, previously through the mediation of prudent men, I might increase your principality and widen your possessions over the enemies of our faith, I have now for a long time sojourned in this region; and behold, with opportunity pressing on, it is time that I pay what was promised and subject all the surrounding region to your dominion, as the tenor of the pacts more plainly teaches. But you know full well—and these too know, who stand with you in our presence—that what we are bound to discharge to you is not a work of brief time; rather your affairs seem to require a longer delay and to demand larger expenses.
It is expedient therefore that the garrison of this city, as by pact you are bound, you assign to our custody, that in it our treasures may be more safely stowed; and that you also make the city passable for our armies, so that they may have entirely free license of entering and going out without difficulty. For from Tarsus, or Anavarza, or the other cities of Cilicia, the instruments of war cannot so conveniently be prepared for bringing straits and a siege upon Aleppo; and this city affords an opportunity for those uses, and by far a better one than any other could furnish. Fulfill therefore the promise, and according to the tenor of the fealty exhibited, pursue what is yours; for it shall belong to our Eminence to bestow, with liberal interpretation and overflowing measure, that which we are bound to pay to you.
His dictis, princeps et sui, verbi acerbitate perterriti, diu haerentes quid super his responderent, cum multa anxietate secum volvebant quid ad hoc referrent. Durum enim videbatur et grave nimis, quod civitas tanto nostrae gentis acquisita periculo, tantoque sanguinis felicium principum dispendio Christianae fidei restituta, quae tantarum semper fuerat caput et moderatrix provinciarum, in manus effeminati Graecorum populi descenderet; nam sine ea reliquae regionis portiones nobis stare posse non videbantur. Iterum, id pactis domini principis insertum, nemo erat qui dubitaret; praeterea tot de suis intromiserat, quod non facile videbatur ei, vim inferre volenti, resistere posse.
With these things said, the prince and his men, terrified by the acerbity of the word, long hesitating as to what they should answer concerning these matters, with much anxiety were revolving with themselves what they should refer back in reply. For it seemed hard and too grievous that the city, acquired for our nation at so great a peril, and restored to the Christian faith at so great an dispend of the blood of fortunate princes, which had always been the head and moderatrix of so many provinces, should descend into the hands of the effeminate people of the Greeks; for without it the portions of the remaining region did not seem able to stand for us. Again, that this had been inserted in the lord prince’s pacts, there was no one who doubted; moreover, he had brought in so many of his own that it did not seem easy to be able to resist him, should he wish to apply force.
Thus then the matter was placed in a strait, when behold, the Count of Edessa, answering for all, thus began: Lord, the discourse which your imperial Sublimity has perorated exhales divine eloquence, and is worthy of all acceptance; for we see that the whole tenor of it looks entirely to our increment; but a new thing needs new counsel, nor is it in the lord prince alone to consign this to effect. For it is expedient that, with the counsel of his own men—namely of mine—and of his other faithful, he deliberate more fully on this, how your word and request may more easily obtain their due effect, lest, with the tumult of the plebs intervening, an impediment be afforded to the future execution of your petitions. It pleased therefore the lord emperor, the count’s response; and, a short truce being given that the said deliberation might be satisfied, the count returns home, the prince remaining in the palace, and, as it was said, not having the power of his own disposal.
Comite igitur domum reverso, missis occulte nuntiis, qui populum universum, patefacta imperatoris postulatione, ad arma sollicitent, fit tumultus cum immoderato strepitu per urbem; et turbis undique convenientibus, clamor attolitur in immensum. Haec audiens comes, accepto equo velociter ad palatium festinans, tanquam popularium incursus fugiens, ante pedes imperatoris se dedit exanimem. Subito igitur comitis ingressu, imperator attonitus, quaerit diligenter quaenam sit causa, quod ita inordinate, praeter morem et disciplinam sacri palatii, ante majestatem irruperit imperialem. Respondit: necessitatem legem non habere; seque populi furentis insectatione coactum, ut mortis evitaret discrimen, contra morum regulas advenisse. Item saepius sciscitanti, ut causam diligentius aperiret, respondit: se gratia percipiendae quietis in hospitium declinasse, et ad id operam dare proposuisse, cum ecce subito universus civitatis populus, quasi vir unus ante domus januam cum gladiis et armis qualia furor ministrabat assistens, virum sanguinarium, proditorem patriae, plebis homicidam, coepit clamare; qui civitatem imperatori, sumpta inde pecunia vult vendere; comitem Edessanum sibi dari obviam velle; vixque eos jam effracta domo, cum mille periculis effugisse. Interea clamor per civitatem excitatur ingens, tumultus immoderatus, rumor celeberrimus omnium aures circumstrepit, civitatem Graecis venditam, praesidium jam eis traditum; cives, relictis avitis domibus et fundis paternis, migrare oportere.
With the count therefore having returned home, secret messengers were sent to incite the whole people to arms, the emperor’s petition having been laid open; a tumult arises with immoderate din through the city, and as crowds gather from every side, the clamor is lifted to the immeasurable. Hearing this, the count, taking a horse, hastened swiftly to the palace, as though fleeing the onrush of the commons, and cast himself lifeless at the emperor’s feet. On the count’s sudden entry, the emperor, thunderstruck, asks carefully what the cause might be, that thus inordinately, contrary to the custom and discipline of the sacred palace, he had burst in before the imperial majesty. He replied: that necessity has no law; and that he, compelled by the pursuit of a raging people, in order to avoid the peril of death, had come contrary to the rules of conduct. And when he kept asking again and again, that he might open the cause more carefully, he replied: that for the sake of taking rest he had turned aside into his lodging and had proposed to give his attention to that, when lo, suddenly the whole people of the city, as if one man, standing before the door of the house with swords and with such arms as frenzy supplied, began to shout “a bloodthirsty man, a traitor of the fatherland, a murderer of the commons, who wants to sell the city to the emperor, money having been taken therefrom; that the Count of Edessa be handed over to them”; and that he had scarcely escaped them—his house now broken into—with a thousand dangers. Meanwhile a vast clamor is stirred through the city, an immoderate tumult; a most renowned rumor rings around everyone’s ears, that the city has been sold to the Greeks, the garrison now handed over to them; that the citizens, leaving ancestral houses and paternal estates, must migrate.
Thus inflamed by these rumors, the citizens, whomever they find of the emperor’s household, cast down from their horses, despoil by force, subject to beatings; those willing to resist they cut down with swords; and even up to the emperor’s palace they pursue, with drawn swords, those fleeing injuries and death. Moved by this din of the citizens, and by the vehement outcry of his own shouting men, the emperor orders the prince and the magnates to be summoned; and his indignation for the time being mitigated, fearing lest something more severe should arise against himself, touching upon the discourse which on the same day he had spoken somewhat more freely before men, he said: I remember that today I had with you a discussion about a single word, whence perhaps this scandal is said to have arisen among the people. Now, however, let the whole body both of the fathers and of the plebs know, that since what I said seems to you so hard and difficult, I revoke the sentence, I retract what I proposed.
Have for yourselves both the whole city and the garrison: it suffices for my rule to continue the status of the times observed thus far. I know that you are truly my faithful ones, nor will any day ever be able to wrench you from the fidelity promised and rendered. Go forth, therefore, and restrain the raging people.
His dictis, laudant omnes domini imperatoris propositum; et extollunt usque ad sidera mentem providam, consilii altitudinem, consulti pectoris judicium. Et egredientes princeps et comes, et alii procerum primores, voce, manu, nutibus et signis tumultum sedare tentant; tandemque indicto silentio et plebe verbis amicis ad aliquam tranquillitatem redacta, domum eos redire, et armis depositis quiete degere rogant propensius. Quod et factum est.
With these things said, all praise the plan of the lord emperor; and they extol to the stars the provident mind, the altitude of counsel, the judgment of a well-advised breast. And going out, the prince and the count, and other foremost of the nobles, by voice, hand, nods, and signs attempt to settle the tumult; and at length, silence having been enjoined and the plebs by friendly words brought back to some tranquility, they more earnestly beseech them to return home, and, their arms laid down, to pass their life in quiet. Which also was done.
Scientes ergo hi quibus mens erat sanior, dominum imperatorem, licet more prudentis dissimulaverit, rancorem adversus principem et nobilium primores mente concepisse, tanquam eorum instinctu et occulta opera popularium tumultus et plebis scandalum esset excitatum; dirigunt reformandae pacis gratia idoneos ad hoc, et sensus habentes exercitatos, ad imperialem excellentiam nuntios, qui dominum principem et magnates regionis apud dominum imperatorem satagant excusatos habere; et super eo qui in populo excrevit tumultu, prorsus asserant innocentes. Qui ergo missi fuerant, in auditorium imperatoris intromissi, pro injuncto negotio verba facientes, allegare student et persuadere principis innocentiam, in hunc modum: Novit Augustalis apex, et imperialis eminentia nobis multo melius, quod in quolibet collegio, nedum in civitatibus et magnis hominum coetibus, non omnes pari splendent prudentia, nec pari sunt praediti disciplina; sed aliter et aliter affectis civibus, dispares mores, disparia sequuntur studia, ita ut, juxta prudentis verbum, verum sit quod dicitur:
Therefore those whose mind was sounder, knowing that the lord emperor—although he had dissembled after the manner of a prudent man—had conceived in his mind rancor against the prince and the chiefs of the nobles, as though at their instigation and by their hidden work the tumult of the populace and the scandal of the plebs had been stirred up, dispatch, for the sake of reforming peace, persons suitable for this and having exercised judgment, as messengers to the imperial excellence, who should make it their business to have the lord prince and the magnates of the region held excused with the lord emperor, and should altogether assert them innocent concerning the tumult which swelled up among the people. Therefore those who had been sent, admitted into the emperor’s auditorium, speaking words for the enjoined business, strive to allege and to persuade the innocence of the prince, in this manner: The Augustal apex and imperial eminence knows far better than we, that in any collegium—still more in cities and great coetus of men—not all shine with equal prudence, nor are they endowed with equal discipline; but with citizens variously affected, differing mores, differing pursuits follow, so that, according to the word of the prudent man, it is true what is said:
Quot homines, tot sententiae. Sed in hac tanta varietate morum dissimilium, prudentis est qualitatem distinguere meritorum, et congrua meritis praemia deputare. Juxta hanc rationem plebis indiscretae calor inconsultus, in damnum non debet redundare melius affectorum.
As many men, so many opinions. But in this so great a variety of dissimilar manners, it is for the prudent to distinguish the quality of merits, and to depute rewards congruent to merits. According to this rule the unadvised heat of the undiscriminating plebs ought not to redound to the harm of those better affected.
For by usage among men it is wont to come about that the confused plebs, not knowing the measure, has been accustomed incautiously to stir up quarrels and tumults; and it is certain that in all well-mannered cities an age-old custom, approved by long use, has obtained, that by the modesty of the fathers the popular impulses are checked, and boldness ignorant of measure is reined in. Otherwise, the condition of the vulgar would be much better than that of the nobles; the confusion of the imprudent throng than the experience of the discreet—were it not permitted to the elders to gather up for correction the sins of the ill-advised plebs. Assuredly, the indiscriminate plebs committed a delinquency, the lord prince being unaware, and those at whose nod the greater affairs are handled not knowing.
Therefore let it endure the penalties which it has merited, with the lord prince and the elders preserved unharmed: he is prepared, finally, as an argument of his innocence, to stand within the bounds of the pacts; and, if it be permitted, to transfer the city with its garrison into the hands of the empire
His et similibus persuasus imperator, motum indignationis nimiae, quem de sola suspicione conceperat, humaniore sententia revocavit; accersitoque domino principe, nec non et comite cum proceribus, ad se familiariter praecipit introire; et detersa omni interjecti rancoris nebula, mutuae salutationis benigne suscipit et impendit affatum. Tandem eis innotescens quod causas haberet urgentissimas, quibus impellentibus eum domum redire oporteret; sumpta licentia, promissoque firmissime, quod iterum auctore Domino, pacta completurus, in manu valida esset rediturus, in Ciliciam universos dirigit exercitus. Unde, completis negotiis circa Ciliciam et Syriam, praeparatisque ad iter agminibus, ad propria reversus est.
Persuaded by these and similar things, the emperor recalled, by a more humane judgment, the movement of excessive indignation which he had conceived from mere suspicion; and, the lord prince having been summoned, and likewise the count with the nobles, he bids them enter to him in friendly fashion; and, with every cloud of the rancor that had come between wiped away, he kindly both receives and bestows the address of mutual salutation. At length making it known to them that he had most urgent causes, which, impelling, made it needful for him to return home; leave having been taken, and with a most firm promise that, with the Lord as author, he would return with a strong hand to complete the pacts, he directs all the armies into Cilicia. Whence, the affairs around Cilicia and Syria having been completed, and the columns prepared for the journey, he returned to his own.
Interea dum haec circa Antiochiam geruntur, subsequente aestate, non post multum temporis intervallum, vir inclytus et magnus apud occidentales principes, dominus Theodoricus Flandrensium comes, domini regis gener, orationis et devotae peregrinationis gratia cum honesto nobilium virorum comitatu Hierosolymam venit, cujus adventum rex et populus universus multa cum hilaritate suscipientes, confisi de insigni et robusta, quam secum adduxerat militia, apponunt unanimiter cum domini patriarchae et aliorum regni principum consilio, trans Jordanem in finibus Ammonitarum juxta montem Galaad obsidere praesidium unum, nostris regionibus perniciosum valde. Erat autem praedictum municipium spelunca quaedam in latere montis eminentis maxime declivo sita, aditum habens pene inaccessibilem. Desuper vero immanissimum imminebat praecipitium, usque in infima subjacentis vallis, a vertice supereminentis promontorii contiguum.
Meanwhile, while these things are being transacted around Antioch, the following summer, not after a long interval of time, a renowned and great man among the western princes, Lord Theodoric, Count of the Flemings, the king’s son-in-law, for the sake of prayer and devout pilgrimage came to Jerusalem with an honorable retinue of noble men; whose arrival the king and the whole people, receiving with much cheerfulness, and trusting in the distinguished and robust soldiery which he had brought with him, determine unanimously, with the counsel of the lord patriarch and of the other princes of the realm, to besiege beyond the Jordan, in the borders of the Ammonites, near Mount Gilead, a certain garrison, very pernicious to our regions. Now the aforesaid municipium was a certain cave situated on the flank of a very steep, jutting mountain, having an approach almost inaccessible. From above, indeed, a most immense precipice loomed, contiguous from the summit of the overhanging promontory down to the lowest parts of the valley lying beneath.
On the other side, along the flank, to that same cave there was, between the slope of the overhanging height and the said precipice, a narrow and formidable approach. Into this there had gathered a harmful band of thieves, and a crowd of brigands from the borders of Moab, and Ammon, and Gilead, who, with scouts skilled in the places sent ahead, and through them more fully instructed about the state of our regions, seizing the opportunity, were making frequent irruptions, secretly, and for the most part too dangerous, into our borders. Wishing to forestall these evils, our people propose, as we have premised, to besiege the cave.
Therefore, the whole people of the realm having been convoked and the military forces assembled, the Jordan crossed, they arrive thither; and, as the unevenness and likewise the narrowness of the region allowed, they seize the approaches, pitching their camp around; and with their battle-lines disposed in a ring, they gird the place with a siege. Accordingly, executing the law of the camp, they turned themselves to whatever contrivances for harming, straitening the besieged by whatever means they could, to drive them to surrender; they, on the contrary, gathering whatever of shrewdness is wont to come to wretched circumstances, armed themselves vigilantly for their own protection. And while there nearly the whole Christian army was toiling with one accord, certain Turks, having seized the opportunity of the moment, seeing that the entire region across the Jordan, bereft of soldiery, lay open to hostile ambushes, with the Jordan crossed, leaving the region of Jericho on the right, advancing along the Asphalt lake, which is also called the Dead Sea, and from there betaking themselves to the highlands, burst into that part of the province which of old fell by lot to the tribe of Judah; and, coming to the city of the prophets Amos and Habakkuk, by name Tekoa, empty of inhabitants, they seized it by violence, the few whom they found there having been slain; for the inhabitants of that place had fled, their enemies’ coming foreknown; and with wives and children, with herds and flocks, had betaken themselves into the cave Adullam, neighboring to them.
Erat autem casu Hierosolymis illis diebus ab Antiochia veniens, vir piae in Domino recordationis, miles eximius et in armis strenuus, nobilis carne et moribus, dominus Robertus, cognomine Burgundio, natione Aquitanicus, magister militiae Templi. Hic cum quibusdam de fratribus suis et cum iis qui Hierosolymis remanserant, paucis et promiscui generis equitibus, vexillum regium bajulante quodam domini regis familiari, Bernardo Vacher, subsequente populo, ad locum praedictum certatim et sub omni celeritate contendunt. Audientes itaque Turoi nostrorum adventum, locum deserentes Habehim, Joelis prophetae domum, versus Ebron patriarcharum sepulcrum, fugam inierant; volentes inde in plana Ascalonam versus descendere.
By chance, however, there was at Jerusalem in those days, coming from Antioch, a man of pious remembrance in the Lord, an exceptional soldier and strenuous in arms, noble in flesh and in morals, Lord Robert, by cognomen the Burgundian, by nation an Aquitanian, Master of the Militia of the Temple. He, with certain of his brothers and with those who had remained at Jerusalem, with a few horsemen of mixed sort, a certain household retainer of the lord king, Bernard Vacher, bearing the royal standard, the populace following, press to the aforesaid place in rivalry and with all speed. The Turks, therefore, hearing of the arrival of our men, abandoning the place Habehim, the house of the prophet Joel, had taken to flight toward Hebron, the sepulcher of the patriarchs, wishing from there to descend into the plains toward Ascalon.
Our men, knowing the enemy battle-lines were turned to flight, not adhering to the same tracks, as though assured of a trophy, but too incautiously turning to different directions, were pressing more upon the spoils of the fugitives than upon the slaughter of the enemy, imprudently. Those who had taken flight, understanding this, again, in their customary manner conglobated, resuming their courage, strive, as much as they can, to recall the scattered lines, and, rushing upon our men unexpectedly and too confidently, they attack those wandering everywhere and unguarded, they cut them down with swords; however, with a few resisting and gathered together to one another, battle is joined.
Inter haec, qui diversa fuerant secuti tubarum clangore, stridore cornuum, equorum fremitu, armorum fulgore coruscantium, vocibus suos adhortantium, simul et pulveris equorum pedibus agitati nebula in sublime rapta, commoniti, ad locum cum properant certaminis. Sed antequam eorum qui restiterant catervis se conjungerent, deficientibus primis et in fugam actis, facti sunt hostes, nostris devictis, superiores. Conversos itaque in fugam nostros, per loca saxis asperrima et prorsus invia, et omnino fugam non admittentia sagittis et strictis gladiis more hostium insectantes, alios ferro perimunt, alios prosternunt praecipites; et a praedicta Hebron, quae est Cariatharbe, usque in fines Thecuae persequentes, stragem multam nimis operati sunt in populo.
Meanwhile, those who had pursued different ways, by the clangor of trumpets, the stridor of horns, the neighing of horses, the coruscating splendor of flashing arms, the voices of men exhorting their own, and at the same time by a cloud of dust, stirred up by the horses’ feet and snatched aloft, being admonished, hasten to the place of the combat. But before those who had stood their ground could join their companies, the front ranks failing and driven into flight, the enemies, our men being defeated, became the superiors. Our men, therefore, turned to flight, and the foes, harrying after the manner of the enemy through places most rough with rocks and utterly trackless, and altogether not admitting flight, with arrows and drawn swords, slay some with steel, cast others headlong; and, pursuing from the aforesaid Hebron, which is Cariatharbe, as far as the borders of Thecua, they wrought exceedingly great slaughter among the people.
But on that day many noble and renowned men fell, among whom the distinguished man, a brother of the militia of the Temple, Odo of the Mount of the Falcon, who by his death overwhelmed all with grief and lamentation, was slain. The enemies, having gained the victory, rejoicing in the slaughter of our men and in the spoils, returned to Ascalon. But our men who were on the expedition, when the misfortune that had happened among us was learned, were indeed vehemently dismayed in spirit.
But yet, understanding this to be the law of wars, that now these, now those become superiors by various events, taking consolation anew, they press upon the undertaken work more fervently than usual; and, with the Lord as author, within a few days they obtain the aforesaid stronghold, and thence, with glory and triumph, returned to their own.
Interea, dum haec in partibus geruntur Hierosolymitanis, Sanguinis tanquam vermis inquietus, successibus in immensum elatus, praesumit etiam Damascenorum regnum sibi vindicare. Quod intelligens Ainardus illius regni procurator, militiae princeps, socer quoque regis Damascenorum, quod in fines suos violenter esset ingressus, nuntios ad dominum regem, cum verbis pacificis dirigit, petens et obnixe postulans ab eo et populo Christiano auxilium et consilium contra hostem utriusque regni crudelissimum. Et ne praesumptuose, gratis et sine multorum spe emolumentorum, dominum regem et ejus principes in sui subsidium videretur sollicitare, spondet pro impensis ad hoc opus necessariis, mensibus singulis persolvenda aureorum vicena millia: insuper et hoste a finibus suis violenter abacto, urbem Paneadensem, paucis ante annis a nobis violenter ablatam, pactis inserit, nostris absque contradictione restituendam; et super iis omnibus conventionum articulis, ut eis fides amplior habeatur, nobilium filios, quantos expedit, obsides se daturos pollicetur.
Meanwhile, while these things are being transacted in the Jerusalemite parts, Sanguinus, like a restless worm, lifted up to an immense degree by successes, presumes also to vindicate to himself the kingdom of the Damascenes. Which understanding, Ainardus, procurator of that realm, commander of the militia, and likewise father-in-law of the king of the Damascenes, because he had violently entered his borders, directs envoys to the lord king with pacific words, seeking and earnestly requesting from him and from the Christian people aid and counsel against the most cruel enemy of both realms. And lest he should seem presumptuously to solicit the lord king and his princes into his succor, gratis and without the hope of many emoluments, he pledges, for the expenses necessary to this work, 20,000 gold pieces to be paid monthly; moreover, after the enemy has been violently driven from his borders, he inserts into the pacts that the city of Paneas, a few years before violently taken from us, is to be restored to our people without contradiction; and over all these articles of the conventions, that greater faith may be had in them, he promises that he will give as hostages the sons of nobles, as many as is expedient.
Having heard these things, the lord king, convening all the princes of the realm, more carefully lays open to them the manner of the legation and the sequence of the words; he asks for counsel, what seems to them should be answered concerning petitions of this sort. And at length, counsel having been communicated among themselves, and with the provident balance of deliberation, the parts having been weighed, they judge it best that aid be borne to Ainardus and the Damascenes against the most monstrous enemy, suspect to both kingdoms; that subsidies also be furnished gratis, lest a more powerful enemy, through our sloth, to our ruin, having acquired a kingdom, should take up an increase of the kingdom. Moreover, the added conditions render the cause more favorable; and this especially draws all more inclined to this side, namely that which concerning the city of Paneas was appended at the end of the words.
Approbato ergo generali consilio, susceptisque jam dictis obsidibus et in tuto collocatis, confestim ex omnibus regni finibus apud Tiberiadem praecipitur, tam equitum quam peditum innumera manus convenire. Sanguinus autem in multitudine virtutis suae, cum immensis equitum copiis ejusdem provinciae fines ingressus, relicta post se Damasco, usque ad eum locum qui dicitur Rasaline, pervenerat; ibique, per aliquot temporis intervallum, dubitans de nostrorum adventu, cum suis legionibus consederat. Certus enim esse videbatur quod, nisi nostrorum vires ejus propositum impedirent, facile ad optatum posset pertingere.
Therefore, the general council having been approved, and the already-mentioned hostages received and placed in safety, immediately from all the borders of the kingdom it is ordered that an innumerable band, both of horse and of foot, assemble at Tiberias. But Sanguinus, in the multitude of his prowess, having entered the borders of the same province with immense forces of cavalry, Damascus left behind him, had come as far as the place called Rasaline; and there, for some interval of time, doubting about the advent of our men, he had encamped with his legions. For he seemed to be certain that, unless our forces should impede his plan, he could easily attain to the desired end.
It is therefore announced to our men that Sanguinus is standing fast in the aforesaid place; and that the Damascenes too, now egressed from the city, are awaiting at Nuara the arrival of the lord king and of our people. This learned, our battle-lines also, the camps having been struck, with the standards going before, unanimously press toward the aforesaid place. Hearing this, Sanguinus—fearing, as he was an industrious man, to commit battle in the enemy’s land against a twin army, before our men could come together with the Damascenes—abandoning the aforesaid place, turning aside to the left from our forces and those of the Damascenes, accelerates his flight; and he betakes himself, with hastened marches, into that region which in the vulgar speech is called the Valley of Baccar. Our men, nevertheless, arriving at the aforesaid place and mingled with the Damascenes, being more fully instructed about Sanguinus’s departure, by common counsel, as was contained in the pacts, direct all the armies against Paneas.
This city, as we have fore-said, Doldequin, king of the Damascenes, a few years earlier had willingly occupied; but afterward the magistrate who had been entrusted with it, defecting from the Damascenes, had adhered to Sanguin; whence it was that, to this end—that it might be handed over to the lord king—they labored more faithfully; preferring that it be restored to the Christians, whose favor they enjoyed, rather than that their enemy, so suspect and so formidable, should possess it: whence he could harm them more grievously, upon them and, as it were, from close at hand, and inflict greater vexations.
Ista est Paneas, quae vulgari appellatione Belinas dicitur, olim ante introitum filiorum Israel in terram promissionis, dicta Lesen; quam postea filii Dan acceperunt in sortem et vocaverunt Lesen Dan, sicut legitur in Josue, ubi scriptum est: Ascenderuntque filii Dan, et pugnaverunt contra Lesen, ceperuntque eam et percusserunt eam in ore gladii, ac possederunt, et habitaverunt in ea, vocantes nomen ejus Lesen Dan, ex nomine Dan patris sui (Jos. XIX, 47). Consequenter autem dicta est eadem Caesarea Philippi, eo quod Philippus tetrarcha, senioris Herodis filius, in honorem Tiberii Caesaris eam ampliaverit, et aedificiis admirabilibus reddiderit insignem, ita ut ad nomen Caesaris et ampliatoris vocabulum, unam praetenderet appellationem. Conversis igitur ad urbem agminibus, et ad eam pervenientes Kal.
This is Paneas, which by vulgar appellation is called Belinas, once, before the entry of the sons of Israel into the land of promise, called Lesen; which afterwards the sons of Dan received by lot and called Lesen Dan, as is read in Joshua, where it is written: And the sons of Dan went up and fought against Lesen, and they took it and struck it with the edge of the sword, and possessed it, and dwelt in it, calling its name Lesen Dan, after the name of Dan their father (Jos. 19, 47). Subsequently, however, the same was called Caesarea Philippi, because Philip the tetrarch, son of Herod the elder, in honor of Tiberius Caesar enlarged it and rendered it notable with admirable edifices, so that, to the name of Caesar and the designation of the enlarger, it might present one appellation. Therefore, with the columns turned toward the city, and on coming to it on the Kal.
On the Kalends of May, they gird the city on all sides with a siege. Ainard with his men from the East, between the city and the wood belonging to them, posts his expeditions in the place which is called Cohagar; but the king and our army from the West, toward the plains, station their legions. Thus, with the stations arranged in a circle, it is diligently procured that every access be universally interdicted to those shut in, and that to those wishing to enter or go out there lie open no free power of roaming abroad.
Moreover it pleases, and by common counsel it is sanctioned, that, trusty messengers having been sent, they convoke lord Raymond, prince of the Antiochenes, and the lord count of Tripoli, to the subsidy of the present work: which also was done. They themselves, nonetheless, meanwhile, with the Turks equally fervent, girded for daily encounters, press the besieged with assiduous assaults; and with projectile engines, which they call petrariae, launching mill-stones of great quantity, they shake the walls and crush the dwellings within the city; to this they add the discharges of missiles and a great hail of arrows, so wearying the townsmen that no place within the walls could be found safe for hiding; and, scarcely sheltered by the wall and the battlements, hurling stones or using bows, they hardly dared to look upon those who were attacking from outside. It could be beheld there, beyond what is usual, that enemies by enemies were provoked to a most savage Mars; and, pretense laid aside, they were arming themselves only too seriously for one another’s ruin; nor was it easy to discern which band more presumptuously snatched up arms against the common adversaries, or pressed more keenly in the encounters, or with more long-suffering perseverance endured under the weight of war; for our soldiers and the Damascene cohorts had an equal disposition of spirits and a consonant desire.
The experience and use of arms were indeed far dissimilar, yet the will to harm was not inferior. But the besieged, although wearied by continuous assaults, and worn down by vigils and the weight of excessive labor, nevertheless resist manfully; and, striving according to their strength to protect liberty, their wives, and their children, made more skillful by the urgent distress, they turn themselves to every expedient for resisting. With these things thus carried on for several days, they seem to make no progress at all, unless, with a wooden castle applied to the walls, war be brought upon the besieged from above.
Interea princeps Antiochenus et comes Tripolitanus nostris exciti legationibus, cum ingentibus copiis et valida manu, optato advenientes, castris se adjungunt nostris; quorum adventu geminatus est obsessis timor, et resistendi spes omnis visa est cecidisse. Dumque hi qui recentes advenerant, certatim vires experiuntur, et laudis cupidi, et gloriae consequendae gratia congregatis seorsum urbem impugnant agminibus; obsessis ingeritur formido amplior, et diffidentia; nostris vero spes de obtinenda victoria jam certior, animos erigens, minuebat taedium, et ad impugnandum singulis diebus reddebat fortiores. Nec mora, dum haec circa urbem fiunt, ecce qui Damascum ierant redeuntes, trabes secum mirae magnitudinis afferunt, et soliditatis optatae.
Meanwhile the Prince of Antioch and the Count of Tripoli, aroused by our legations, arriving as desired with huge forces and a strong hand, join their camp to ours; at whose arrival the fear of the besieged was doubled, and every hope of resisting seemed to have fallen. And while those who had newly arrived, vying with one another, try their strength, desirous of praise and, for the sake of attaining glory, with their companies assembled separately assault the city; a greater fear and diffidence is thrust upon the besieged, but for our men the hope of obtaining victory, now more certain, lifting their spirits, diminished weariness, and each day made them stronger for the assault. No delay: while these things are being done around the city, lo, those who had gone to Damascus, returning, bring with them beams of wondrous magnitude and of the desired solidity.
By the artificers and cutters of timber, these, smoothed with all speed and joined together with iron nails in due solidity, a machine of immense altitude is suddenly erected, from which the whole city is looked down upon from above; and from it they drive off the oppidans with arrows and every kind of missiles, even with the handful-cast of stones. With this raised, the spaces which were between the machine and the wall having been leveled, it is applied to the ramparts, overlooking the entire city, as if a tower had suddenly appeared built in the midst of the city. Here first the condition of the besieged became exceedingly hard and pressing them to utter exhaustion; for against the torsions of stones and the discharges of missiles, with which those who were in the tower pressed them insistently, there was absolutely no remedy to be found; no place was found within that could furnish safe hiding-places for the wounded or the weak, or to which those who were still sound and entire in strength, after their toils, might flee, who could still offer themselves as defenders to others; and now it was denied them to run along the wall; and with comrades failing, it was not permitted to bring aid without danger of death; for the weights of war and the engines of harming which were brought to bear from below, by comparison, when report was made, with the diverse kinds of dangers that were impending from above, could be judged as none or slight: so that the war seemed to be not so much with men as with the supernal. There had been, however, from the beginning a hope for the besieged, and the same they were fostering even up to the present crisis, that Sanguinus would minister to them, as he had established with pledged faith, relief; but as the peril now pressed, neither relief nor any place for defense seemed to be left.
Dum haec in expeditione geruntur, legatus quidam Romanae Ecclesiae, Albericus nomine, episcopus Hostiensis, natione Francus, de episcopatu Belvacensi, apud Sidonem applicuit. Venerat autem specialiter ob illud missus negotium, quod in Ecclesia Antiochena, inter dominum patriarcham et ejus canonicos erat obortum; cujus etiam gratia, vir vitae venerabilis, dominus Petrus Lugdunensis archiepiscopus, paucis ante diebus, legationis fungens officio, in Syriam venerat; sed morte praeventus, finem injuncto non potuit dare negotio: unde hic, ut tantae controversiae debitum finem imponeret, praedicto venerabili viro substitutus est, sicut in sequentibus dicetur. Hic, audito quod universus Christianus exercitus in obsidione apud Paneadem detineretur et quod ibi dominus patriarcha Hierosolymorum Willelmus, dominus Fulcherus, Tyrensis archiepiscopus, cum caeteris regni principibus moram facerent, illuc sub omni celeritate contendit: adveniensque licet in coepto non torperent opere, sed instarent ferventer, qui et urbem obsederant, tamen prudentis viri studio et auctoritate subnixus apostolica, ad propositum invitat; et exhortatorii sermonis eis addens stimulos, ad impugnandam urbem accendit vehementius.
While these things were being transacted on the expedition, a certain legate of the Roman Church, Alberic by name, bishop of Ostia, by nation a Frank, from the bishopric of Beauvais, made landfall at Sidon. He had come in particular, sent on that business which had arisen in the Church of Antioch between the lord patriarch and his canons; for the sake of which also, a man of venerable life, Lord Peter, archbishop of Lyons, a few days before, discharging the office of legation, had come into Syria; but, overtaken by death, he could not give an end to the business enjoined: whence this man, that he might impose a due end upon so great a controversy, was substituted for the aforesaid venerable man, as will be said in what follows. He, on hearing that the whole Christian army was being held in siege at Paneas and that there the lord patriarch of Jerusalem, William, Lord Fulcher, archbishop of Tyre, with the other princes of the realm were making a stay, hastened thither with all speed: and on arriving, although those who had besieged the city were not growing torpid in the work begun, but were pressing on fervently, nevertheless, relying on the zeal of a prudent man and on apostolic authority, he invites them to the proposed purpose; and adding to them the goads of an exhortatory discourse, he kindled them more vehemently to assail the city.
Meanwhile those who had been deputed to the siege-engine press the citizens with continual assaults; and, rest being denied, with manifold causes of terror and danger cast down from above, they redouble the annoyances with assiduous fatigues; and now, with some of them consumed by the sword, others mortally wounded, and others failing from sheer weariness, their number was being diminished, nor were they able, as was their custom, to repel those pressing on from their assault upon them. Understanding this, Ainardus, procurator of the Damascenes and prince of the soldiery, a man exceedingly provident, and the most tenacious and most faithful prosecutor of the covenant which he had struck with us, knowing that vexation gives a way to hearing, and that misery brought to its consummation is wont to drive to extreme terms, having secretly sent certain of his familiars to invite the besieged, with the hope of safety, to surrender, essayed the proposal faithfully; but they, at first shrinking back and pretending to go farther, as though they seemed still to have some hope of resisting, at last, however, with much avidity, gratefully receive the proffered word. The magistrate, nevertheless, whom they themselves call the emir, a noble and powerful man, adds conditions to the terms offered, that, for the surrender of the city, consideration being had lest he be in want, some recompense be made to him at the arbitration of a good man; for it would seem base and unseemly that a noble man and the lord of so famous a city, driven from his own inheritance, should be compelled to beg.
Ainard, however, seeing that the noble man’s petition quite well suited law and equity, and hastening with his whole mind’s intention that the city might come into our power, binds himself according to their desire: namely, that up to a certain sum, which was agreed between them, he would assign to him revenues to be paid annually from the baths and the orchards, and that he would procure free exit, with all their goods, for the people who wished to depart. But to those who wished to inhabit the city and their estates, both urban and rural, and to go nowhere, either for a time or in perpetuity, he promises, with faith interposed, a tranquil stay on good conditions. This proposal, both the lord king and the remaining part of the people gladly receiving, they were ready to deliver the city without delay.
Ainard, therefore, seeing the agreements had come to the longed-for consonance, and that the discourse now wavered in nothing, more familiarly meets with the lord king, the patriarch, the prince, and the count, and carefully opens the sequence of the matter handled more secretly, and urges them to consent by whatever means he can; they, moreover, considering the man’s prudence and the sincerity of his faith, approve the conditions, and, imparting gratuitous consent, most firmly commit themselves to do all things according to his ordination. Thus, then, the city being delivered, the citizens, with all their furnishings, with their wives and children, having free exit, betook themselves to the places they desired. Our men, however, the city being received, the lord patriarch procuring that, and the lord Fulcher, archbishop of Tyre—under whose jurisdiction the Church of Paneas was certain by metropolitan right to pertain—granting it and approving the election, choose Lord Adam, archdeacon of Acre, as bishop of the same place; and they commit to him the spiritual care of the faithful wishing to dwell there; but the temporal jurisdiction they restore to Lord Rainerius, surnamed Brus, from whom a few years before it had been violently snatched.
Thence, to offer thanks to God and solemn sacrifices, the lord king, with the lord Prince of Antioch, with the lord patriarch and the lord legate, hasten to Jerusalem. Therefore, prayers having been completed according to custom, and a stay for several days having been held at Jerusalem, the lord prince, having sounded the mind of the lord legate as to what plan he had against his own patriarch, and inviting him not to be slow to come, but to come brave and assured of his aid, returned to Antioch. For the same legate had been sent, as we have said, to take cognizance concerning certain crimes objected to the same patriarch by certain canons of his church, and to terminate the case with its due end.
Domino igitur Raimundo, primum Antiochiam, ut praemisimus, accedente, antequam uxorem destinatam haberet, domino Radulpho, qui tunc Ecclesiae praeerat Antiochenae, ut facilius ad optatum perveniret, fidelitatem manualiter exhibuit, spondens fide interposita, quod ab ea die in antea, non esset in consilio, vel in facto, quod honorem, vitam, aut membrum perderet, aut caperetur mala captione; sicut in forma exhibendae fidelitatis continetur. In qua fidelitate nec modico quidem tempore perseveravit; statim enim uxore ducta et tota regione recepta, per ejus studium et operam, adjunctus est ejus adversariis, opem conferens, et omne consilium, contra fidelitatis debitum, in ejus laesionem. Habentes igitur ejus aemuli tantum studiorum suorum cooperatorem, animosius ejus impugnationibus insistentes, Romam proficiscuntur.
Therefore, when Lord Raymond, as we have premised, first came to Antioch, before he had the wife destined for him, to Lord Ralph, who then presided over the Church of Antioch, he rendered fidelity by hand, that he might more easily attain his desire, pledging with faith interposed, that from that day onward, he would not be in counsel or in deed whereby he might lose honor, life, or limb, or be taken by an evil capture; as is contained in the form for exhibiting fidelity. In which fidelity he did not persevere even for a little time; for immediately, his wife having been taken and the whole region received, through his zeal and effort he was joined to the patriarch’s adversaries, furnishing help and all counsel, against the debt of fidelity, to his injury. Having, therefore, so great a cooperator of their endeavors, his rivals, pressing their attacks more boldly, set out for Rome.
His adversaries, however, were a certain Lambert, archdeacon of the same church, a man indeed lettered and of honorable conduct, but having slight or no experience of secular matters; and a certain Arnulf, a Calabrian by nation, noble by lineage, learned and circumspect in seculars. These, interposing words of appeal, with the lord prince consenting and favoring, having set out to Rome, compelled him also, though unwilling, yet by force through the prince, to seize the same road. It came about, therefore, that Arnulf had gone on ahead, and by a compendious route had set out into Sicily, having joined to himself some friends and kinsmen, because he was from Calabria, where afterward he was archbishop of Consentia (for he was very noble, as we said); he had met lord Roger, duke of Apulia, to whom he was known, saying: Behold, distinguished prince, into your hands, as desired, but even gratis, is delivered the most monstrous of your enemies, the patriarch of the Antiochenes, who has taken away Antioch from you and your heirs in perpetuity, an unknown man having been exalted in it, against the order of law.
Behold, the Lord has offered him to you, and the consummation of his sins has given him into your presence. Come now, awake; contrive how you may hold him; certain that through him an entrance may again be opened to you into the inheritance owed to you by the right of legitimate succession, which was wrongfully denied to you by this same man. Moved by these words, the duke of Apulia, since he was a most adroit man, ordered ambushes to be placed in each maritime city, so that, on his arriving, he might at once be seized and made over to chains, and be sent straightway to Sicily. He, however, enjoying a prosperous navigation and fearing nothing of the sort, putting in at Brundusium, according to the duke’s mandate—after all things which he had brought with him as a most powerful prince had been taken away, and his whole household dispersed—was delivered in bonds to that same Arnulf, to be dragged to Sicily ahead of the duke.
Here for the first time it was granted to Arnulf, according to his desires, to rage at will against his enemy and impious persecutor, and to render turns with an equal scale, for the double harms he had received from his hand. At length, set in the presence of the duke, and after familiar colloquies had with him and conventions interposed, since he was a prudent and most facund man, and bearing a most honorable persona, having received back with all integrity all that he had lost, and his household also restored, promising that on his return he would have a way back through that same duke, he is dismissed, proceeding to Rome with all honor. But on arriving at Rome, at the first glance he had difficult entrances to the lord pope, as a persecutor of the Roman Church, and as one who had wished to diminish and infringe the singular primacy of the Apostolic See, setting up a rival seat against the Roman and making the Church equal, as a defendant of lèse-majesté he is barred from entry into the sacred palace, and is suspended from colloquy with the lord pope.
Porro tam dominus papa quam universa Ecclesia, procliviores erant ad hoc, ut dominum patriarcham, sumpta qualibet honesta occasione gravarent, ejusque adversariis plurimum exhibebant favorem; suspectus enim eis habebatur admodum, eo quod vir dives esset, et magnificus, et sedem cui praeerat, Antiochenam videlicet, Romanae subjacere dedignabatur; sed ei eamdem in omnibus parificare contendebat, dicens: Utramque Petri esse cathedram, eamque quasi primogenitae insignem praerogativa; unde multipliciter ad ejus gravamen nitebantur. Tandem quorumdam amicorum usus officio, intervenientibus tam domini papae quam suis familiaribus, et semitas dirigentibus, admissus est ad domini papae et curiae solemniter congregatae praesentiam, et cum multa susceptus est magnificentia. Porro semel et secundo eo in consistorium ingresso, sumpta opportunitate, ejus adversarii prodeunt in publicum; et oblatis libellis accusatoriis, parati erant, cum omni juris solemnitate, ad accusandum procedere.
Moreover both the lord pope and the universal Church were more prone to this, namely to burden the lord patriarch by seizing upon any honorable occasion, and they showed very great favor to his adversaries; for he was held by them as very suspect, because he was a rich and magnificent man, and he disdained that the see over which he presided, namely the Antiochene, should be subject to the Roman; rather he strove to make it equal to it in all things, saying: That both are Peter’s cathedra, and that it is marked with the prerogative as of the firstborn; whence in many ways they endeavored to his aggravation. At length, availing himself of the good offices of certain friends, with the familiars both of the lord pope and of his own intervening, and the paths being made straight, he was admitted to the presence of the lord pope and of the curia solemnly assembled, and he was received with much magnificence. Moreover, once and a second time, he having entered into the consistorium, an opportunity being taken, his adversaries came forth into public; and, bills of accusation having been presented, they were prepared, with all the solemnity of law, to proceed to accuse.
But the whole curia, perceiving that those who had come forth to accuse were not so prepared as to be able there to make full faith to the lord pope and his assessors regarding the matters objected, it is signified to both parties that in the meantime they should keep quiet, until the lord pope dispatches someone from his side to the Antiochene parts, who there, with a supply of witnesses and instruments at hand, may be able to learn more fully about the cause. Meanwhile, the pallium—which the same patriarch had taken to himself from the altar of the Antiochene Church by his own authority, to the injury, as it was said, of the apostolic see—having been resigned and handed over to the cardinals: another is handed to him, taken from the body of blessed Peter, in solemn manner, by the prior of the deacons. Thus then, a delay, as much as his business seemed to require, having been held at Rome, with plenitude of grace, the question however being reserved, leave having been taken, he returned to Duke Roger in Sicily; who, receiving him returning with honor, after they had in mutual colloquies often and at length familiarly conferred with one another on many matters and such as seemed sufficient, galleys having been given to him by the lord duke, as many as he had necessary for retracing the journey, making use of favorable breezes, conveyed to Syria, he reached the mouth of the Orontes, which river flows past Antioch; which place in the vulgar appellation is called the port of Saint Simeon, at a distance of about ten miles, more or less, from Antioch.
Postquam ergo, sicut dictum est, dominus patriarcha Coelesyriam advenit, et suae ita vicinus factus est civitati, scribit Ecclesiae suae ut, die statuta, ei extra civitatem, in loco praenominato cum processione solemniter occurrant. Qui principis favore freti, qui eum, ut praediximus, odio inexorabili contra fidelitatis debitum, quo eidem tenebatur astrictus, persequebatur, omnino facere, vel eidem obedire negant; sed et introitum civitatis, per principis violentiam penitus interdicunt. Ille vero intelligens cleri sui malitiam, et eorum de quibus longe aliter meruerat, aversionem, principis quoque obstinatam indignationem, secessit in montana, quae urbi conterminata sunt, quae vulgo dicuntur Nigra; ibi in monasteriis, quibus locus ille abundat, moram faciens praestolabatur, ut rancore deposito, humaniore sententia tam dominus princeps quam clerus suus, eum in urbem revocarent.
After therefore, as has been said, the lord patriarch came to Coelesyria and thus became so near to his own city, he writes to his Church that, on the appointed day, they should meet him solemnly with a procession outside the city, in the place aforesaid. They, relying on the favor of the prince, who, as we have foretold, pursued him with implacable hatred, against the debt of fidelity by which he was bound to him, altogether refuse to do this or to obey him; nay more, they utterly forbid his entrance into the city through the prince’s violence. He, however, understanding the malice of his clergy, and the aversion of those from whom he had far otherwise deserved, and the prince’s obstinate indignation as well, withdrew into the mountains contiguous to the city, which in the common tongue are called the Black Mountains; there, making a stay in the monasteries with which that place abounds, he awaited that, rancor having been laid aside, with a more humane judgment both the lord prince and his own clergy would recall him into the city.
The prince, indeed, was showing himself more than usual and more manifestly opposed to him; for Arnulf had increased the hatred and had given greater fuel to the fires, who had written from Sicily to the same prince that the same patriarch had, with Duke Roger, his rival, come to terms against him by more secret pacts; and in argument of his assertion he put forward that, as he was returning through Sicily, he had forestalled him with gifts and much honor, and had furnished galleys necessary for the journey; all which seemed deservedly to work toward persuasion. While, therefore, he was staying in the aforesaid places, the Count of Edessa, Joscelin the Younger, both from hatred of the prince and from favor toward the patriarch, diligently invites him, having sent messengers specially for this, that he descend into his land safely and confidently with all his comitatus. For the bishops of that region favored the aforesaid patriarch, and devoutly venerated him as lord and father: namely, the Edessan, the Corycian, and the Hierapolitan archbishops.
Drawn therefore by their summons, he went down to them, being treated most honorifically by all the prelates of that region; and the count also, according to what he had promised him, most humanely and devotedly welcomed his advent, and gladly embraced his stay. But the prince, ransomed by money, as it is said, with the mouth, not with the heart, restored to him his favor through the intervention of certain familiars of both households, and, sending messengers, with peaceful words in guile, more intimately invites him to enter the city and to return to his own. Hearing this, the patriarch hastens his return; and taking with himself those neighboring bishops, whose devotion to him he had by sure tokens experienced as necessary in that his adversity, he arrived at Antioch: where the whole Church and the entire people came out to meet him, and also a very great multitude of the equestrian order with the prince; with hymns and songs, vested in pontificals, he was solemnly led into the city and into the greater church, and thence into his palace.
Interea legatus quidam Ecclesiae Romanae, Petrus nomine, natione Burgundio, Lugdunensis archiepiscopus, missus a domino Innocentio papa ut causae praedictae debitum finem imponat, venit in Syriam, apud Accon applicans. Erat autem vir vitae venerabilis, simplex ac timens Deum, longaevus, et jam in senium vergens. Qui statim, ex quo Syriam ingressus est, Hierosolymam orationis gratia profectus est: unde sub compendio digressus, urgentibus eum praedictis Lamberto et Arnulfo, ut Antiochiam, uti finem impositurus, acceleraret, Accon iterum pervenit; ubi gravi correptus aegritudine, antequam procederet, veneno, ut dicitur, in potu ministrato, subito deficiens, in fata concessit.
Meanwhile a certain legate of the Roman Church, Peter by name, a Burgundian by nation, archbishop of Lyons, sent by lord Pope Innocent to impose the due end upon the aforesaid cause, came into Syria, making landfall at Accon. He was, moreover, a man of venerable life, simple and God-fearing, long-lived, and now verging into old age. Who immediately, as soon as he had entered Syria, set out to Jerusalem for the sake of prayer; whence, departing by a short cut, with the aforesaid Lambert and Arnulf urging him to hasten to Antioch, as one who would impose an end, he came to Accon again; where, seized by a grievous sickness, before he could proceed, with poison, as it is said, administered in drink, suddenly failing, he passed away into death.
The aforementioned adversaries of the patriarch, hastening to Antioch, altogether bereft of aid, and also frustrated of the hope which they had conceived from the advent of the legate, wearied by the tedium of the journey and of the labors which they had endured for so long a time, through intermediaries whom they reckoned suitable for this, humbly beg for peace, implore the restitution of their benefices, ready to renounce the accusation and to exhibit fealty. Lambert is restored to the archdeaconate; but Arnulf, finding no humanity, again relying on the aid of the prince, with his wonted longanimity girds himself anew for labors and for the journey; and setting out for Rome, he again presses, in season and out of season; and at length, insisting with shameless petitions, he obtains that the aforesaid legate, of whom there is speech for us at present, be directed to Syria. He, arriving at Jerusalem, as we have premised, his prayers completed, summoning the lord patriarch and all the bishops of the kingdom to a synod, at Antioch on the day before the Kalends.
Die igitur statuta adfuerunt de dioecesi Hierosolymitana dominus Willelmus patriarcha, Gaudentius Caesariensis archiepiscopus, Anshelmus Bethlehemita episcopus: adfuit et dominus Fulcherus Tyrensis archiepiscopus, sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae multum devotus, et fidelis, in quo tota legato spes erat consummationis negotii; erat autem vir magnanimus, et discretus plurimum; adfuit cum duobus de suffraganeis suis, Bernardo videlicet Sidoniense, et Balduino Berythense. De provincia autem Antiochena, quoniam viciniores erant, adfuerunt universi, quorum varia nimis et ab invicem dissona erant desideria. Nam Stephanus Tarsensis archiepiscopus, Gerardus Laodicensis, Hugo Gabulensis episcopi, canonicorum contra dominum patriarcham fovebant causam.
Therefore on the appointed day there were present from the Jerusalem diocese Lord William the patriarch, Gaudentius the Caesarean archbishop, Anselm the Bethlehemitan bishop: there was also present Lord Fulcher the Tyrian archbishop, very devoted and faithful to the Holy Roman Church, in whom the whole hope of the legate was for the consummation of the business; moreover, he was a magnanimous man, and very discreet; he was present with two of his suffragans, namely Bernard of Sidon, and Baldwin of Berytus. But from the Antiochene province, since they were nearer, all were present, whose desires were very diverse and mutually dissonant. For Stephen the Tarsian archbishop, Gerard of Laodicea, Hugh of Gabulum, bishops, were fostering the cause of the canons against the lord patriarch.
But Franco of Hierapolis and Gerard of Coricia, and Serlo also of Apamea—although he had been his adversary from the beginning, turned to him—were openly affording their patronage to the lord patriarch. Others seemed to incline manifestly to neither side. Therefore on the appointed day, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots being seated, according to custom, in the church of the Prince of the Apostles, and vested in pontificals, with the lord legate presiding and holding the vicarious place of the lord pope, the tenor of the mandates of the lord pope was there read in public.
When this had been read through and more diligently and fully understood, the accusers came forth into the public, Arnulf, so often mentioned, and Lambert the archdeacon; who, although earlier he had come to terms with the lord patriarch by guile and had obtained the restitution of his benefice, yet, turned into a crooked bow, again set himself up as accuser. And many others, too, were joined to them, seeing that the times were not responding all that prosperously for the lord patriarch. Here also it was possible manifestly to deprehend as true that which our Naso handed down to be said proverbially:
Procedentes igitur in publicum auditorium accusatores, paratos se dicunt, secundum juris regulas, porrectis libellis accusatoriis, ad accusandum procedere; et subire, si deficiant, talionem. Erant autem capitula, super quibus proposuerant eum impetere, schedulis inscripta. Quaedam de enormi et indisciplinato, et contra regulas sanctorum Patrum, ejus introitu; quaedam de ejus incontinentia et operibus Simoniacis.
Proceeding therefore into the public auditorium, the accusers declare themselves ready, according to the rules of law, with accusatory libelli presented, to proceed to accuse; and to undergo, if they should fail, the talion. Now the heads, on which they had proposed to impeach him, were written on schedules: some concerning his enormous and undisciplined entry, and contrary to the rules of the holy Fathers; some concerning his incontinence and Simoniacal works.
With these urgently demanding that he present himself, messengers are sent to invite him solemnly to the synod, and to admonish him to come to answer the objections; and he utterly refused to come. Therefore on that day nothing further was proceeded in that matter, except that they held exhortatory discourses to one another, as is the custom in such cases. On the second day again, assembling anew and sitting in order, they again by a citatory edict solemnly summon the lord patriarch; who, just as on the day before, was altogether unwilling to come.
Meanwhile Serlo, archbishop of Apamea, sitting in the choir of the pontiffs without the nuptial garment—for he was not, in the manner of the others, clothed in the pontificals—is confronted by the lord legate as to why he was not consonant with the remaining brothers, and why he did not proceed to accuse, as at one time he had done. He replied: What I once did, in unadvised heat and against the salvation of my soul, detracting from my father, and, after the manner of the accursed Ham, uncovering a father’s privities, I have done; and now, withdrawing myself from error, the Lord being the author in recalling me, I will attempt neither to accuse him nor to judge presumptuously; but for his estate and incolumity I am prepared to contend even unto death. He is therefore ordered to go out; and, a sentence of excommunication and at the same time of degradation having been passed upon him, whether justly or otherwise, he was deposed from every sacerdotal and pontifical office. For so great a fear of the lord prince, too much inclined to the legate’s side, had invaded all, that now no liberty of gainsaying was granted to anyone.
He was being inflamed, the same prince—less provident and indiscreet—by a certain Peter Armoinus, keeper of the city’s garrison, a man malicious beyond measure, hoping that, if it should befall that the patriarch be deposed, a certain nephew of his named Aimericus (whom the lord patriarch, to his own ruin, had made dean of the same church) he could, through a seduced prince, advance into that see: which also was done. Serlo, therefore, whether de facto or de jure deposed, going out from Antioch, betook himself into his own diocese; and coming to the castle Harenc, overtaken by sickness, and anxious under the weight of cares, he lay down on his bed: and, turning to the wall, not bearing the enormity of the injuries, he expired.
Tertia demum die iterum convenientes et residentes ex ordine, tertio dirigunt, qui dominum patriarcham peremptorio citent edicto, et ut veniat objectis responsurus, moneant. Qui, utrum conscientiam veritus, an contra se synodum invidiose collectam sciens et principis violentiam timens, pro certo compertum non habemus, venire, sicut et prius, omnino negavit. Erat autem in palatio suo cum suis familiaribus, multo stipatus equitum et popularium comitatu; confluxerant enim ad ejus subsidium universi de civitate, qui nisi principis timuissent potentiam, legatum cum universis qui in ejus depositionem convenerant, urbe cum ignominia parati erant depellere.
At last on the third day, meeting again and sitting in due order, they for the third time dispatch those who should cite the lord patriarch by a peremptory edict, and admonish him to come to answer the objections laid. He, whether fearing his conscience, or knowing that a synod had been invidiously gathered against him and fearing the prince’s violence—we do not have it ascertained for certain—altogether refused to come, just as before. He was, however, in his palace with his familiars, closely thronged by a great escort of knights and of the populace; for all from the city had flowed together to his aid, who, had they not feared the prince’s power, were ready to drive out from the city with ignominy the legate together with all who had come together for his deposition.
Therefore, seeing that the patriarch was unwilling to come to him, the legate, trusting in the lord prince’s patronage and forces, went up into the palace, and there, a sentence of deposition having been pronounced against him, compelled him by violence to resign ring and cross; then, at the legate’s order, he was handed over to the prince, and wretchedly bound in chains, ignominiously treated as a man of blood, and consigned to prison at the monastery of Saint Simeon, near the sea, situated on a very lofty mountain. Moreover, this same lord Radulph (for we ourselves in our boyhood saw him) was a man comely in appearance, tall in body, with eyes somewhat oblique, yet not to an unbecoming degree; moderately lettered, but very eloquent, and of most delightful discourse, having much grace; very liberal, having acquired no small favor of men of arms, but also of the second rank; easily forgetful of promises and pacts; variable and inconstant in his word, underhanded, and overly manifold in all his ways, provident and discreet; found more imprudent in this alone, that he did not admit into his favor the adversaries whom he had deservedly stirred up against himself, although they wished to return. For it was said, and truly so it was, that he was arrogant, and presuming more than was equitable about himself: whence he fell into that mischance which, had he borne himself a little more circumspectly, he could easily have avoided.
Therefore captured and chained and long detained in the monastery, at length having slipped away, he set out for Rome. There, having to some extent obtained the favor of the Apostolic See, while he was hastening to return, poison having been taken, with the minister of the crime proffering it—we know not who—he perished miserably; in his own person, another Marius, having more fully experienced whatever either fortune could do.
Legatus igitur, deposito patriarcha, et consummatis apud Antiochiam pro quibus venerat negotiis, Hierosolymam reversus est; ubi usque ad solemnitatem Paschalem moram faciens, habito prius consilio cum praelatis ecclesiarum, tertia post sanctum Pascha die, una cum domino patriarcha et episcoporum nonnullis, templum Domini solemniter dedicavit. Adfuerunt ibi dedicationis die, multi tam de partibus ultramontanis quam de cismarinis regionibus, magni et nobiles viri. Inter quos adfuit et dominus Joscelinus junior, comes Edessanus, qui tunc in solemnibus sancti Paschae diebus, magnifice nimis in civitate moram faciebat.
Therefore the legate, the patriarch having been deposed, and the businesses at Antioch for which he had come having been consummated, returned to Jerusalem; where, making a stay until the solemnity of Pascha, after first having held counsel with the prelates of the churches, on the third day after holy Pascha, together with the lord patriarch and several bishops, he solemnly dedicated the Temple of the Lord. Many great and noble men were present there on the day of the dedication, both from ultramontane parts and from cismarine regions. Among them there was also lord Joscelin the Younger, count of Edessa, who then, in the solemn days of holy Pascha, was staying in the city with exceeding magnificence.
When that solemnity was completed, the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the churches having been convoked, together with the lord patriarch he celebrated a council, in Holy Sion, the primitive church and mother of the churches, there treating with them about those things which seemed to suit the pressing time. At this synod there was present the supreme pontiff of the Armenians—nay, the prince of all the bishops of Cappadocia, Media, Persia, and both Armenias—and a distinguished doctor, who is called the Catholicus. With him also a tractation was held concerning the articles of the faith, in which his people seems to dissent from us; and on his part, correction in many things was promised.
These things having been duly accomplished, the aforesaid legate, returning to the city of Acre, from there, with a ship prepared, returned to Rome. But the Antiochene clergy, and especially those who had conspired in the deposition of Lord Ralph, by the instigation and suggestion of the prince and of the greatest men, as it is said, with the intervention of gifts, elected for themselves a certain subdeacon of the same Church, by the name Aimeric, Limousin by nation, a man without letters and of conversation—not sufficiently honorable—whom the aforesaid Lord Ralph, supposing that he would render himself more obliged and more faithful to him, had promoted to dean of the same Church, a hope frustrated. For from that day he is said to have agreed with his adversaries; and, unmindful of fidelity toward his benefactor, to have conspired his deposition.
Per idem tempus, quatuor vix evolutis plene annis ex quo a Tarso Ciliciae et universa Syria discesserat, dominus Joannes Constantinopolitanus imperator, reparatis viribus et legionibus revocatis, crebris domini principis et Antiochenorum nuntiis excitus, iterum expeditiones, iterum exercitus in Syriam dirigens, in multitudine virtutis suae, in curribus et equis, in thesauris infinitis et innumerabilibus copiis, iter versus Antiochenas dirigit partes. Enavigato igitur Bosphoro, qui limes Europae Asiaeque intelligitur, transcursis mediis provinciis, Attaliam usque pervenit, quae est urbs maxima, in littore maris sita, provinciae Pamphyliae metropolis: in hac dum moram faceret dominus imperator, duo de filiis ejus, Alexius videlicet primogenitus, et natu secundus Andronicus, languore correpti gravissimo, extremum morientes clauserunt diem. Vocansque imperator natu tertium, Isaacium nomine, cum fratrum funeribus defunctorum, ut ea humanitatis gratia procurans et exsequiarum novissimam exhibere faciens reverentiam tumulis mandaret, prout imperialem decebat magnificentiam, Constantinopolim remisit; ubi, sepultis fratribus, juxta patris imperium in urbe, usque ad patris obitum moram fecit continuam.
At the same time, with scarcely four years fully run since he had departed from Tarsus of Cilicia and from all Syria, Lord John, the Constantinopolitan emperor, with his forces repaired and his legions recalled, stirred by frequent messages from the lord prince and the Antiochenes, directing again expeditions, again armies into Syria, in the multitude of his valor, in chariots and horses, with infinite treasures and innumerable supplies, set his march toward the Antiochene parts. Therefore, the Bosporus having been sailed across, which is understood as the boundary of Europe and Asia, and the intervening provinces traversed, he came as far as Attalia, which is a very great city, situated on the shore of the sea, the metropolis of the province of Pamphylia: while the lord emperor was making a stay in this city, two of his sons, namely Alexius the firstborn, and Andronicus the second by birth, seized by a very grave languor, died and closed their last day. And the emperor, calling the third by birth, Isaac by name, together with the funerals of the deceased brothers—so that, attending to these by a grace of humanity and rendering the final reverence of the obsequies, he might commit them to the tombs, as befitted imperial magnificence—sent him back to Constantinople; where, the brothers having been buried, in accordance with his father’s command, he made a continual stay in the city until his father’s death.
The father, indeed, taking to himself his youngest by birth, Manuel, prosecuting the undertaken journey, with Isauria traversed, came into Cilicia; thence, Cilicia having been thoroughly traversed, suddenly, with scarcely the report of his arrival preceding him, having entered the land of the count of Edessa with all his forces, he unexpectedly encamped before Tubessel. Now the aforesaid place is a most opulent fortress, near the Euphrates, distant from it by 24 miles, or a little more. To which place, after the emperor arrived, he sought hostages from Count Joscelin the Younger, who, thunderstruck and admiring at his sudden entry, seeing his incomparable forces—such as none of the kings of the earth would seem able to withstand—and himself unprepared and altogether not able to suffice for resistance, making a virtue of necessity, handed over to him one of his daughters, named Isabella, as a hostage.
He, however, aimed at nothing else by this except that, by this bond, he might have the count, more tightly bound to himself, the more faithful for the prosecution of his mandates. Thence, directing all the armies toward Antioch and hastening thither with all speed, he placed the army beside a certain town named Gastun, in the month of September, on the twenty-fifth day of the month. Thence sending messengers to the prince he commands that, according to the law of the pacts earlier entered between them, he resign to him the city together with the garrison of the city and, without distinction, all the city’s fortifications; that from there he might be able to wage war upon the neighboring cities of the enemy, the more conveniently as from close at hand; and he, in his turn, so far as was in him, steadfastly avers himself prepared to fulfill, with a liberal interpretation, the pacts which had previously been put into writings, and moreover to add a good and pressed-down measure, according to the quality of deserts.
Princeps vero Antiochenus, dominus Raimundus, qui prius eum tam frequentibus citaverat nuntiis, videns se in arcto constitutum, seque pactorum lege obligatum sciens, haeret dubius quid faciat; convocatisque majoribus et primoribus tam civitatis quam regionis universae, partes ingreditur deliberationis, consilium postulans, quid facto sit opus in re tam periculosa. Illi vero post multam deliberationem unanimiter convenientes, nullatenus arbitrantur expedire statui regionis, quod urbs tam nobilis, tam potens, tam munita, in manus aliquo pacto tradatur imperatoris; futurum enim esse ut per ignaviam Graecorum, sicut non semel ante contigit, civitas in manus hostium deveniret, simul cum universa regione. Sed ne princeps fidei violatae merito possit argui, colorem quaerunt, quo velari possit principis factum minus commendabile; id enim pactis priore ejus adventu, inter eos convenerat, ut praemisimus, ut ei civitatem sine difficultate traderet; idque postmodum frequentibus nuntiis ad veniendum in Syriam eum invitans, promiserat se bona fide servaturum.
The Antiochene prince, lord Raymond, who earlier had summoned him with such frequent messages, seeing himself placed in a strait and knowing himself bound by the law of the pacts, hesitates, doubtful what he should do; and, the elders and the foremost men both of the city and of the whole region having been convoked, he enters upon the parts of deliberation, asking for counsel as to what it is needful to do in so perilous a matter. But they, after much deliberation and coming together unanimously, judge by no means that it is expedient for the status of the region that a city so noble, so powerful, so fortified, be delivered by any pact into the hands of the emperor; for it would come to pass that through the ignavia (sloth) of the Greeks, as not once only had happened before, the city would fall into the hands of the enemies, together with the whole region. But lest the prince might with reason be accused of violated faith, they seek a color (pretext) by which the less commendable deed of the prince might be veiled; for by the pacts at his earlier arrival, as we have premised, it had been agreed between them that he would hand over the city to him without difficulty; and this afterwards, inviting him with frequent messages to come into Syria, he had promised that he would in good faith observe.
Therefore, that they may have the prince excused in this matter by any means whatsoever, they send legates to the emperor, from among the more noble of the region, who, on behalf of the blessed Peter, of the lord patriarch, and of all the citizens, are to forbid him entrance to the city, and to signify: That they will in no way hold valid the deeds of the prince which had preceded, nor that the same prince had by right the faculty of making such a pact regarding his wife’s inheritance; and that neither did she, without the concurrence of the citizens and the magnates, have, or at all have, the power of transferring the dominion to another person; nor any authority, to the injury of the citizens or of the princes of the region, of transacting, granted by any right to either of them. But if in this either both, or one or the other, should presume obstinately to persevere, it will come to pass that, cast out from the city and all their borders, they will be made exiles from that inheritance which, to the detriment of their own faithful, they had, contrary to right, proposed to make venal. Moved by these words, and foreknowing the hearts of the citizens and of all the provincials, the emperor, very indignant, orders the army to return again into Cilicia, so that, with the inclemency of winter pressing on, he might commit the sea-coast to temperateness; for about the maritime regions in winter days there is wont to be a gentler breeze, and a more fitting commodiousness is found for cherishing the legions.
Videns itaque imperator, civitatis optatum omnino sibi et suis negatum esse introitum, sperans hieme transcursa, grata veris redeunte clementia, circa Antiochiam etiam invitis civibus, aliquid pro votis obtinere; dissimulat mentis conceptum, et occultandi gratia propositi, ad dominum Fulconem Hierosolymorum regem, magnae nobilitatis viros dirigit, significans quod devotionis et orationis gratia, et ut contra hostes in partibus illis opem ferat, libenter, si ita Christianis videretur, veniret. Rex autem, habito consilio, ad ejus petitionem responsa ferentes nuntios remittit, dominum Anselmum Bethlehemitam episcopum, dominum Gaufridum, abbatem templi Domini, Graeca lingua peritum; Roardum arcis Hierosolymitanae castellanum, dicens: Regnum arctissimum esse, nec ad sufficientiam tantae multitudinis, alimentorum copiis abundare; nec tantos, nisi cum famis et rerum necessariarum periculo, sustinere posse exercitus. Verumtamen, si cum decem millibus, ejus Deo amabili placeret imperio, usque ad urbem beatam et loca nostrae salutis venerabilia pervenire, et aliquid pro votis disponere, omnes cum summis desideriis ei obviam exirent; et cum omni laetitia et mentis exsultatione ejus susciperent adventum; et tanquam domino et maximo principi orbis terrarum obedirent. Quod audiens imperator et contra imperialem gloriam reputans, cum tam modica manu proficisci, qui tot millibus semper stipatus incedere consueverat, verbo supersedit; remissisque nuntiis, multa liberalitate, honore et gratia praeventis, ver operiens futurum, hiberna in Cicilia circa Tarsum tempora peregit; aestate proxime futura promittens, et animo gerens, magnum aliquid, et perenni dignum memoria, in Syriae partibus se facturum.
Therefore, seeing that the desired entry of the city had been altogether denied to himself and his own, hoping that, the winter having passed and the welcome clemency of spring returning, around Antioch, even with the citizens unwilling, he might obtain something according to his vows, the emperor dissembles the conception of his mind; and for the sake of concealing his purpose he dispatches men of great nobility to lord Fulk, king of Jerusalem, signifying that for the sake of devotion and prayer, and that he might bring aid against the enemies in those parts, he would gladly come, if it should so seem to the Christians. The king, however, counsel having been taken, sends back messengers bearing answers to his request—lord Anselm, the bishop of Bethlehem; lord Geoffrey, abbot of the Temple of the Lord, skilled in the Greek tongue; Roard, the castellan of the citadel of Jerusalem—saying: That the kingdom was very straitened, nor did it abound in supplies of food to the sufficiency of so great a multitude; nor could it sustain such great armies, except with the danger of famine and of necessary things. Nevertheless, if with ten thousand it should please his God-beloved empire to come as far as the blessed city and the venerable places of our salvation, and to arrange something according to his desires, all would go out to meet him with the highest longings, and with all joy and exultation of mind would receive his coming, and would obey him as lord and greatest prince of the world. Hearing this, and reckoning it contrary to imperial glory to set out with so small a band—he who had been accustomed always to advance thronged by so many thousands—the emperor refrained; and, sending the envoys back after anticipating them with much liberality, honor, and favor, he waited for the coming spring, and spent the winter season in Cilicia around Tarsus; promising, and bearing in mind, that in the next summer he would do something great, and worthy of perennial memory, in the parts of Syria.
Meanwhile, a certain noble man named Paganus, who previously had been the royal cupbearer, afterward held land beyond the Jordan, after Romanus de Podio and his son Radulphus, their own deserts demanding it, had been made disinherited and alien from it; on the borders of Arabia Secunda he built a fortress to which the name Crahc was given, very strongly fortified both by the nature of the place and by man-made work, next to a most ancient city, the metropolis of the same Arabia, formerly called Rabbah, at whose siege, by the command of David and the zeal of Joab, the innocent Uriah is read to have been slain; afterward indeed it was called Petra of the desert, whence also the Second Arabia today is called Petraean.
Interea circa veris initium, antequam soleant reges exercitus ad bella producere, imperator Constantinopolitanus, silvarum et nemorum, venandi gratia, vehementissimus amator, tollendi studio fastidii, et longa id exigente consuetudine, saltus cum solito et ad hoc deputato comitatu ingreditur; dumque feras solita persequitur diligentia, arcum manu bajulans, et sagittis gravidam de more gestans pharetram, ecce aper, canum deprehensus industria, et importunitate fatigatus, latratibus actus acerbis, ante dominum imperatorem in insidiis positum, necessario habuit transitum; qui correpta mira celeritate sagitta, arcum implet nimis, et sagittae acie toxicata, se ipsum in ea manu vulnerat, qua regebat arcum. Sumpto itaque ex tam levi causa in proprio corpore mortis responso, silvas, morbi compellente molestia, deserens, in castra se contulit; accitaque medicorum frequentia, rem aperit, et sui ipsius mortis causam se existere, dicere non veretur. Illi autem pro domini sui salute valde solliciti, curam adhibent; sed recepta interius pestis mortifera, remedia non audit, et serpens interius et ad interiora progrediens, salutis vias intercludit; unum tamen dicunt et singulare, sed tanto indignum principe, posse adhiberi remedium: si laesa manus, in qua vis tota mali adhuc contineretur, antequam reliquas corporis partes adhuc illaesas inficiat, praecidatur.
Meanwhile, around the beginning of spring, before kings are wont to lead armies out to wars, the Constantinopolitan emperor, a most vehement lover of forests and groves for the sake of hunting, in a zeal for removing tedium, and with long custom requiring it, enters the woodland glades with his usual retinue appointed for this; and while he pursues the wild beasts with his accustomed diligence, bearing a bow in his hand and wearing, as usual, a quiver pregnant with arrows, behold, a boar, seized by the industry of the hounds and wearied by their importunity, driven by bitter barkings, had of necessity a passage before the lord emperor, set in ambush; who, snatching up an arrow with wondrous speed, overdraws the bow, and, the point of the arrow being poisoned, wounds himself in that hand with which he was guiding the bow. Therefore, having taken from so slight a cause in his own body a sentence of death, leaving the forests, the annoyance of illness compelling him, he betook himself to the camp; and, a throng of physicians having been called, he reveals the matter, and does not fear to say that he himself is the cause of his own death. They, however, very anxious for their lord’s health, apply care; but the mortal pest received within does not heed remedies, and, creeping within and advancing to the inner parts, it shuts off the ways of health; yet they say one single remedy can be applied—though unworthy of so great a prince: if the injured hand, in which the whole force of the evil would still be contained, be cut off before it infects the remaining parts of the body still unharmed.
This hearing, the magnanimous man, although he was anguished by the immensity of pain, and did not doubt that death stood at the very doors, nevertheless, with imperial majesty steadfastly maintained, spurned it; and he is said to have replied: That it is unworthy that the Roman empire be ruled by one hand! Therefore, at a sinister outcome, than which none more dangerous could intervene, the whole army is shaken, thunderstruck; and at the failing of so great a prince, grief seizes all the legions; mourning and anxiety claim for themselves the hearts of each man, and, altogether unexpected, fill the camp with bitterness.
Videns interea dominus imperator, tanquam vir providus et discretus, sibi certum imminere mortis diem, vocatis ad se consanguineis et affinibus, quorum multa eum turba semper sequi consueverat, primoribus sacri palatii et exercituum primiceriis, de successore imperii inter eos suscitat quaestionem: plurimum dubius quid faciat, an majori natu filiorum suorum Isaacio, quem cum funeribus fratrum suorum ab Attalia, ut praemisimus, remisit Constantinopolim, cui de jure regni primitiva videbantur competere; an juniori filio, qui secum erat, qui optimae et praecipuae erat indolis adolescens et futurus magnus ab omnibus dicebatur, imperii committeret gubernacula. Subjungit etiam et dubitationis causam, dicens: Si huic sceptra imperii concesserimus, legibus humanitatis, quae primogenitum merito faciunt potiorem, videbimur contraire; si vero illi, communibus observatis judiciis, moderamen imperii contulerimus, non erit qui hos exercitus, et totius robur et gloriam Romani imperii domum reducat incolumes. Hostibus enim interjectis, insidias molientibus et undique corrogantibus suffragia, non nisi cum periculo, sine rectore posse pertransire legiones, certum videbatur. Erat autem inter principes vir magnificus, Megadomesticus Joannes nomine, qui cum suis Isaacio multum affectabat imperium conservari; et de incolumi legionum ad propria reditu, dubitantem imperatorem nitebatur confirmare.
Meanwhile the lord emperor, seeing, as a provident and discreet man, that a certain day of death was impending for himself, having called to him his kinsmen by blood and his affines, of whom a great crowd had been accustomed always to follow him, the foremost men of the sacred palace, and the Primicerii of the armies, raises among them the question concerning a successor of the empire: very much doubtful what he should do, whether to entrust the helm of the empire to Isaac, the elder by birth of his sons, whom, together with the funerals of his brothers, he had sent back from Attalia to Constantinople, as we have said above, to whom by right of primogeniture the claims of the kingdom seemed to belong; or to the younger son, who was with him, a youth of the best and foremost natural disposition and by all said to be destined to be great. He subjoins also the cause of his hesitation, saying: If to this one we shall have granted the scepters of the empire, we shall seem to contravene the laws of humanity, which with good right make the firstborn the superior; but if to that one, the common judgments being observed, we shall have conferred the governance of the empire, there will be no one to lead these armies, the strength and glory of the whole Roman empire, back home unharmed. For with enemies interposed, plotting ambushes and on every side canvassing for support, it seemed certain that the legions could pass through not without danger, without a rector. Now there was among the princes a magnificent man, by name the Megadomesticus John, who with his own people greatly desired that the empire be preserved for Isaac; and he strove to strengthen the emperor, who was doubtful about the unharmed return of the legions to their own places.
Moreover Manuel, the younger son, who was present there with his father, was extolled by the favor and proclamations of the whole army, and especially of the Latins. Of the princes also, some were giving every effort for his promotion in every way. The father’s affection too and favor were more inclined toward the same, because he seemed more prudent, more strenuous in arms, and altogether more affable; a more pressing care for the army also was tormenting him most of all.
Thus then, after much deliberation, with the Lord as author, the younger son prevailed, and, the imperial reverence having been presented to him in his father’s presence and at his command, he was marked, as is the custom in that empire, with purple greaves; and by all the legions, vying with one another, he was hailed as Augustus. Thus, Lord Manuel having been promoted to the imperial apex, his father—of illustrious memory, a man illustrious, liberal, pious, clement, and merciful—passed to his fate. He was of medium stature, dark in complexion and hair; whence even today by surname he is called the Moor; with a despicable face, but distinguished in character, and marked by notable military deeds.
He died, then, beneath Anavarza, a most ancient city, which is the metropolis of Second Cilicia, in the place that is called the Meadow of the Pallia, in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1137, in the month of April, and in the 27th of his reign; of his life indeed . . . . . . At length, however, when the affairs in that region had been set in order, the lord emperor with complete safety led his armies back to Constantinople; where his brother, older than himself by birth, already occupying the palace upon the news of their father’s death, he, through his Mystikos, who presided over the whole palace and the treasuries, by letters sent secretly, had seized unawares, and, suspecting nothing of the kind, cast into chains. But afterwards, after he had solemnly entered the royal city, through the intervention of their common kinsmen and of the princes of the sacred palace giving faithful service, he was reconciled to his brother; and thus with due tranquility, according to the father’s supreme judgment, lord Manuel obtained the monarchy, not ceasing, so long as he lived, to forestall his brother as the firstborn with manifold honor, and to pursue him with more abundant favor.
Interea dominus rex Hierosolymorum Fulco, et alii regni principes, una cum domino patriarcha et aliis Ecclesiarum praelatis, volentes Ascalonitarum insolenter nimis desaevientium impetus refrenare, et discurrendi per regionem, nimiam aliquatenus arctare licentiam, constituunt de communi voto, in campestribus juxta urbem Ramulam, non longe a Lidda, quae est Diospolis, castrum aedificare. Erat autem in eadem regione collis aliquantulum editus, supra quem unam de urbibus Philistinorum, traditiones habent fuisse constitutam, Geth nomine, juxta illam aliam eorum civitatem, quae dicta est Azotum, ab Ascalona distans milliaribus decem, non longe ab ora maritima. Convenientes igitur unanimiter ex condicto, in praefato colle, firmissimo opere, jactis in altum fundamentis, aedificant praesidium, cum turribus quatuor, veteribus aedificiis, quorum multa adhuc supererant vestigia, lapidum ministrantibus copiam; puteis quoque vetusti temporis, qui in ambitu urbis dirutae frequentes apparebant, aquarum abundantiam, tum ad operis necessitatem, tum ad usus hominum largientibus.
Meanwhile lord King of Jerusalem Fulk, and the other princes of the kingdom, together with the lord patriarch and the other prelates of the Churches, wishing to restrain the assaults of the Ascalonites raging with too much insolence, and to constrict somewhat their excessive license of scouring through the region, determine by common vote to build a castle in the plains near the city Ramla, not far from Lydda, which is Diospolis. Now in the same region there was a hill somewhat elevated, upon which, traditions have it, one of the cities of the Philistines had been situated, named Gath, near that other city of theirs which is called Azotus, ten miles distant from Ascalon, not far from the seacoast. Accordingly, assembling unanimously by prior agreement, upon the aforesaid hill, with the firmest workmanship, the foundations having been laid on high, they build a stronghold with four towers, the ancient buildings—of which many traces were still remaining—supplying an abundance of stones; and the wells too of an old time, which appeared frequently in the circuit of the demolished city, furnishing an abundance of waters, both for the need of the work and for the uses of men.
Accordingly, the castle having been completed and finished in all its parts, by common counsel it was handed over to a certain noble and prudent man, namely lord Balian the elder, father of Hugh, Baldwin, and Balian the younger, who all from that same place were surnamed of Ibelin; for this was the name of the place before even the castle was built there. In its custody and in the persecution of the enemies, for whose sake the municipality had been founded, the aforesaid man maintained diligent vigilance; and after his death his aforesaid sons, noble men and strenuous in arms, in nothing less zealously, until the aforesaid city was restored to the Christian name, kept the most careful guard.
Anno proxime subsecuto, videntes regni principes, et ipso rerum experimento plenius cognoscentes, in fundatione duorum praesidiorum, Bersabee videlicet et Hibelin, contra Ascalonitarum superbiam se plurimum profecisse, et eorum ex maxima parte repressam insolentiam, impetus tardiores, debilitatos conatus, adjiciunt tertium aedificare, ut amplioribus molestiis et multiplicatis in gyrum municipiis, urbem affligant, et quasi obsessis, frequentius terrorem, et cum terrore pericula incutiant magis repentina. Erat autem in ea Judeae parte, quae a montibus declinans, campestribus incipit esse contermina, secus Philisthiim fines, in tribu Simeon, ab Ascalona octo distans milliaribus, locus quidam, qui ad montana comparatus, collis, ad planiorem vero regionem collatus, mons sublimis poterat appellari, et loco nomen Arabice Tellesaphi, quod apud nos interpretatur mons sive collis clarus. Hic complacuit prudentioribus, praesidium fundari, eo quod aliis quae ad usus similes facta erant municipiis, et civitati vicinius, et loco situque munitiore videretur. Proposito igitur satisfacientes, dominus rex et principes ejus, una cum domino patriarcha et praelatis ecclesiarum, circa veris initium, hieme transcursa, ad locum unanimiter conveniunt, et vocatis artificibus, simul et populo universo necessaria ministrante, aedificant solidis fundamentis et lapidibus quadris oppidum, cum turribus quatuor congruae altitudinis.
In the year immediately following, the princes of the realm, seeing and by the very experience of things more fully knowing that in the foundation of the two presidia, namely Bersabee and Hibelin, against the pride of the Ascalonites they had made very great progress, and that their insolence was for the most part repressed, their assaults slower, their attempts enfeebled, add to build a third, that with ampler molestations and with municipalities multiplied in a ring, they might afflict the city, and, as if it were besieged, more frequently infuse terror, and with terror more sudden dangers. Now there was in that part of Judea which, sloping down from the mountains, begins to be conterminous with the champaign, along the borders of the Philistines, in the tribe of Simeon, a certain place, eight miles distant from Ascalon, which, compared with the highlands, could be called a hill, but compared with the flatter region, a lofty mountain; and the place had in Arabic the name Tellesaphi, which with us is interpreted mount or bright hill. Here it pleased the more prudent that a presidium be founded, because, in comparison with the other municipalities which had been made for similar uses, it seemed both nearer to the city and more strongly fortified in site and situation. Therefore, satisfying the proposal, the lord king and his princes, together with the lord patriarch and the prelates of the churches, about the beginning of spring, winter having passed, come together unanimously to the place, and, workmen being called, and likewise the whole people supplying what was necessary, they build, upon solid foundations and with squared stones, a town with four towers of suitable height.
Whence there was a free prospect all the way to the enemy city, very odious and formidable to foes wishing to go out to plunder; and they assign to it by the vulgar appellation, Blancha guarda, which in Latin is called white watchtower (alba specula). Therefore the castle, finished and completed in all its parts, the lord king took into his own keeping, and, sufficiently fortified both with victual and with arms, he entrusted it to be kept by prudent men and by those having experience in the military art, whose faith is known and devotion proven. These, frequently by themselves, more often with soldiers joined to them from other towns built for similar uses, would meet the enemy as they sallied forth, frustrating their endeavors; sometimes indeed, themselves provoking the Ascalonites, they inflicted grievous perils on them and more often triumphed over them. Moreover, those who possessed the region round about, trusting in the aforesaid muniment and in the vicinity of the forts, built very many suburban places, having in them many households and cultivators of the fields; by whose inhabitation the whole region was made more secure, and to the neighboring places there accrued a great abundance of provisions.
Meanwhile the Ascalonites, seeing the city girded all around with impregnable garrisons, began to distrust their accustomed estate more and more, and to admonish by frequent messengers their lord, the most potent Prince of Egypt—to whom nothing further remained as residue of the whole region—that he should bear solicitude for the city, which was the strength of his empire.
Interea per Domini superabundantem gratiam, regno ad aliquam tranquillitatem redacto, concepit domina Milisendis, piae recordationis regina, pro remedio animae suae et parentum suorum, pro salute quoque mariti et liberorum, si locum inveniret juxta cor suum, monasterium sacrarum virginum fundare. Erat autem ei soror, inter caeteras junior, Iveta nomine, quae in monasterio Sanctae Annae matris sanctae Dei genitricis, vitam sanctimonialem erat professa. Hujus etiam intuitu plurimum ad praedictum propositum domina movebatur regina; indignum enim videbatur ei ut regis filia, tanquam una ex popularibus in claustro alicui subesset matri.
Meanwhile, by the Lord’s superabundant grace, the kingdom having been brought back to some tranquillity, the lady Melisende, queen of pious memory, conceived, for the remedy of her soul and of her parents, and also for the health of her husband and children, to found a monastery of sacred virgins, if she might find a place according to her heart. She had moreover a sister, younger among the others, named Iveta, who in the monastery of Saint Anne, mother of the holy Mother of God, had professed the monastic life. In view of her also the lady queen was moved very greatly toward the aforesaid purpose; for it seemed unworthy to her that a king’s daughter, as one of the common people, should be subject in a cloister to some mother (abbess).
Therefore, after mentally traversing the whole region, and diligently investigating what place might be found more apt for founding a monastery, at length after much deliberation Bethany pleased, the castellum of Mary and Martha, and of Lazarus their brother, whom Jesus loved, the Lord’s familiar lodging and the Savior’s domicile. Now this place is distant from Jerusalem by 15 stadia, according to the word of the Evangelist, beyond the Mount of Olives, situated to the East, on the slope of that mountain. But the same place was proper to the Church of the Lord’s Sepulchre; for which the lady queen, handing over to the canons the city of the prophets, Tekoa, received the place into her own possession.
Since it was, as it were, in solitude there, and could lie open to the ambushes of enemies, she ordered a most fortified tower to be built of squared and polished stones, partitioned with the necessary offices, at great expense, so that for the virgins dedicated to God there might not be lacking, against sudden incursions, the solace of an inexpugnable defense. Therefore, the tower constructed, and the place prepared in some measure for religious worship, she brought in nuns, appointing for them as mother a certain aged woman, proven in religion, a venerable matron, granting to the Church many estates, such that in temporal goods it was held inferior to none of the monasteries, of men or of women; nay rather, as it is said, it abounded more than any other church. For among the other possessions which she had conferred upon the aforesaid venerable place, she liberally assigned a most renowned site, at once filled with an abundance of every amenity, situated in the plains of the Jordan—Jericho, with its appurtenances.
She also bestowed upon the same monastery sacred utensils, of gold and gems and of silver, in great quantity, together with holoseric silks for the adornment of the house of God; and likewise vestments both sacerdotal and Levitical, and of every kind, as ecclesiastical discipline required. Moreover, when that venerable matron whom she had set over the same place had died, returning to her intention, she appointed her own sister—by the consent of the lord patriarch and with the concurrence of the sister nuns—over the same monastery; and with her she also added many ornaments in chalices, books, and the other things which pertain to ecclesiastical uses, not ceasing, as long as she lived, with her own soul and her sister’s—whom she loved uniquely—in view, to enlarge the place by benefactions.
Accidit autem illis diebus, quod cum dominus rex, una cum domina regina transcurso autumno, in civitate Acconense moram faceret, voluit regina, sublevandi gratia fastidii, extra urbem ad loca quaedam suburbana, fontibus irrigua, causa recreationis exire: quo dominus rex, ut solatium reginae non deesset, adjecit etiam ipse, cum solito comitatu proficisci. Dumque inter eundum esset, accidit casu ut qui agmina et comitatum praeibant pueri, leporem in sulcis jacentem excitarent, quem fugientem clamor prosecutus est universorum. Rex autem, arrepta lancea, ut eumdem leporem insectaretur, sinistro actus casu, equum ad illas coepit urgere partes, et cursui vehementer instare.
It happened, moreover, in those days, that when the lord king, together with the lady queen, with autumn having run its course, was making a stay in the city of Acre, the queen wished, for the sake of relieving tedium, to go out from the city to certain suburban places, watered by springs, for the cause of recreation: whereupon the lord king, that solace might not be lacking to the queen, resolved likewise himself to set out, with his accustomed retinue. And while they were going along, it chanced that the youths who were going before the ranks and the retinue roused a hare lying in the furrows, whom, as it fled, the shout of all pursued. But the king, having snatched up a lance, in order to chase that same hare, driven by an unlucky mishap, began to urge his horse toward those parts, and to press vehemently upon the course.
At length, hastening inconsiderately, the horse is driven headlong; and, collapsing to the ground, he cast the king headlong, and as he lay there, stunned by the pain of the fall, the saddle crushed his head, such that brain-matter was emitted both through the ears and also through the nostrils. At this mishap, the whole retinue, both those who were going before and those who were following, terrified by the severity of the event, turned back, and wishing to bring aid to the one lying there, they find him lifeless, who had neither voice nor sense. But the queen, having learned of her husband’s so unforeseen death, and wounded by the sinister mishap, wailing, with garment and hair torn, and attesting the immensity of her grief with sighs and laments, collapsing to the ground, embraces the lifeless body.
Moisture does not suffice for the eyes, on account of the abundance of continual weeping; and the voice, interpreter of sorrow, is interrupted by frequent sobs; nor is the grief satisfied, although she is solicitous about nothing else than to satisfy the grief. The household also, attesting mourning with tears, with voice and with demeanor, puts forward lugubrious proofs of excessive anxiety. Meanwhile it is announced, and as rumor flies around it is spread through the city of Acre, the pitiable demise of the king; and to those parts crowds flock in emulous haste, wishing to look upon the unheard-of deed that had happened.
Thence, with tears, he was carried into the aforesaid city; for three days, without sense, yet still palpitating, he prolonged his life; on the fourth day at last, namely on the Ides of November, in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1142, and in the 11th year of his reign, failing, in good old age he closed his last day. Thence to Jerusalem, with due honor he was borne, the whole clergy and people going out to meet him; in the Church of the Lord’s Sepulchre, beneath Mount Calvary, on entering to the right, beside the gate, among other kings of happy memory, his predecessors, by the hand of lord William, venerable patriarch of Jerusalem and of pious remembrance, with royal magnificence he was buried; with two surviving children, still underage, left behind, Baldwin, namely the firstborn, of 13 years, and Amalric, of 7 years; and the power of the kingdom settled with Lady Melisende, a God-beloved queen, to whom it belonged by hereditary right.