Otto of Freising: GESTA FRIDERICI IMPERATORIS

I.	Qua occasione Hiltiprandus ab imperatore abiectus et Gwibertus in loco eius subrogatus sit.
II.	Quod imperator Italiam ingressus Gregorium Urbe fugavit.
III.	Quomodo Robertus Gwiscardus cum Nortmannis Campaniam et Apuliam occupavit.

1.  On what occasion Hildebrand was deposed by the emperor and Guibert was subrogated in his place.
2.  That the emperor, having entered Italy, drove Gregory from the City.
3.  How Robert Guiscard with the Normans occupied Campania and Apulia.

IV. De rebellione Saxonum. V. Excursus phylosophicus vel potius theologicus. VI. De Saxonibus bello gravi superatis, et quod Guelfo dux Noricorum et Rudolfus dux Suevorum rebellare coeperunt.

4. On the rebellion of the Saxons. 5. A philosophical excursus, or rather theological. 6. On the Saxons, overcome in a grave war, and that Guelf, duke of the Noricans, and Rudolf, duke of the Suevians, began to rebel.

VII. Quod idem Rudolfus instinctu Gregorii a Saxonibus rex creatur et paulo post in prelio occiditur. VIII. De comite Friderico, quod gener imperatoris factus ducatum Sueviae obtinuit. IX. Quod post genitos sibi filios Fridericum et Conradum diem obiit.

7. That this same Rudolf, at Gregory’s instigation, was created king by the Saxons and a little after was slain in battle. 8. About Count Frederick, that, having become the emperor’s son-in-law, he obtained the duchy of Swabia. 9. That after sons had been born to him, Frederick and Conrad, he died.

X. De uxore eius Agnete, quod Leopaldo marchioni nupserit, et quod defuncto imperatore filius eius Heinricus potenter regnum [eius] obtinuit. XI. Quomodo aput Barrum comitem Reginaldum cepit et abduxit. XII. Quod in nuptiis aput Magontiam regnum scissum est, et de gestis Friderici ducis.

10. Concerning his wife Agnes, that she married Leopold the margrave, and that, the emperor having died, his son Henry powerfully obtained his realm [his]. 11. How at Bar he seized Count Reginald and led him away. 12. That at the nuptials at Mainz the realm was split, and on the deeds of Duke Frederick.

XIII. Quomodo Magontiam obsedit, et quomodo de ipsis et [de] suo archiepiscopo triumphavit. XIV. Qualiter idem dux castrum Lindburch ab obsidione liberavit, et de eius coniugio. XV. Ubi imperator Heinricus mortuus et ubi sepultus [est]. XVI. Quod Albertus Maguntinus astu regalia ab imperatrice obtinuit.

13. How he besieged Mainz, and how he triumphed over them and over his own archbishop. 14. How the same duke liberated the castle Lindburch from a siege, and about his marriage. 15. Where Emperor Henry died and where he was buried. 16. That Albert of Mainz by cunning obtained the regalia from the empress.

XVII. Lotharius dux Saxonum eligitur, qui mox heredes Heinrici persequitur, et Noricum castrum ab ipso obsidione cingitur. XVIII. Fridericus et Conradus fugato Lothario oppidum muniunt. XIX. Quomodo idem duces Heinricum Noricorum ducem ex Alemannia fugaverunt.

17. Lothar, duke of the Saxons, is elected, who soon pursues the heirs of Henry, and the Noric castle is girded with siege by him. 18. Frederick and Conrad, with Lothar put to flight, fortify the town. 19. How the same dukes drove Henry, duke of the Noricans, from Alemannia.

XX. Quomodo Fridericus insidias eiusdem ducis evasit. XXI. De expeditione Lotharii in Boemiam. XXII. Qui principes ibi occubuerunt, et de secundis nuptiis Friderici.

20. How Frederick evaded the ambushes of that same duke. 21. Concerning Lothar’s expedition into Bohemia. 22. Which princes fell there, and concerning Frederick’s second nuptials.

XXIII. Quod mortuo Lothario Conradus rex creatur, et quis Alberto Maguntino in sede successerit. XXIV. Qualiter soror Gerdrudis reginae sociata est Manuel Grecorum imperatori. XXV. Exemplar litterarum tunc temporis hinc inde missarum.

23. That, with Lothar dead, Conrad is created king, and who succeeded Albert of Mainz in the see. 24. How the sister of Queen Gertrude was joined to Manuel, emperor of the Greeks. 25. A sample of letters at that time sent hither and thither.

XXVI. De Friderico iuniore et de his quae gessit aput Wolfradeshusen. XXVII. Quomodo etiam Berhtolfum ducem bello superavit. XXVIII. Quomodo instinctu Arnaldi Romani adversus suum pontificem concitantur et senatoriam dignitatem instaurare moliuntur.

26. On Frederick the Younger and on the things which he did at Wolfradeshusen. 27. How he also overcame Duke Berhtolf in war. 28. How, at the instigation of Arnold the Roman, they are stirred up against their own pontiff and endeavor to restore the senatorial dignity.

XXIX. Epistola Romanorum ad regem. XXX. De diversis preliis per expeditionem Hierosolimitanam sopitis. XXXI. Qualiter castrum regis Ungariae Bosan vel Presburch captum et requisitum sit, et de Boricio.

29. Epistle of the Romans to the king. 30. On the various battles stilled throughout the Hierosolimitan expedition. 31. How the castle of the king of Hungary, Bosan or Presburg, was captured and searched, and about Boricius.

XXXII. De situ Ungariae et more gentis. XXXIII. De pugna habita inter regem Ungariae et ducem Heinricum. XXXIV. De pugna Rogerii Siculi contra Grecos.

32. On the site of Hungary and the mores of the nation. 33. On the battle held between the king of Hungary and Duke Henry. 34. On the battle of Roger the Sicilian against the Greeks.

XXXV. Quomodo auctoritate sedis apostolicae transmarina expeditio persuasa est. XXXVI. Epistola papae Eugenii super hac re. XXXVII. Quomodo predicatione Bernhardi Clarevallensis abbatis rex Franciae cum suis principibus cruces acceperunt. XXXVIII. Quomodo ad predicationem cuiusdam Rudolfi orientalis Francia ex magna parte eandem miliciam professa est, et de persecutione contra Iudeos.

35. How, by the authority of the Apostolic See, the overseas expedition was urged. 36. Letter of Pope Eugenius on this matter. 37. How, by the preaching of Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux, the king of France with his princes received the crosses. 38. How, at the preaching of a certain Rudolf of the East, France for the most part professed the same soldiery, and on the persecution against the Jews.

XXXIX. Dehortatio Clarevallensis abbatis ab hac re. XL. Quomodo idem abbas regi Conrado et multis principibus crucem accipere persuasit. XLI. De obitu senioris Friderici ducis. XLII. Quod multi de principibus et innumerabilis multitudo aput Ratisponam cruces acceperunt, et quod Saxones contra alios paganos expeditionem professi sunt.

39. Dissuasion of the Abbot of Clairvaux from this matter. 40. How the same abbot persuaded King Conrad and many princes to take the cross. 41. On the death of the elder Duke Frederick. 42. That many of the princes and an innumerable multitude at Ratisbon took the crosses, and that the Saxons professed an expedition against other pagans.

XLIII. Epistola Clarevallensis abbatis super hac re. XLIV. Quod huius rei occasione subito pax incredibilis facta est. XLV. Quomodo Conradus rex filium suum Heinricum socium regni legit et coronari fecit, et de filio ducis Heinrici. XLVI. Quod rex Conradus in transmarinam expeditionem procinctum movit, subsequente eum rege Francorum cum suis.

43.   Epistle of the Abbot of Clairvaux on this matter.
44.   That on the occasion of this affair a sudden incredible peace was made.
45.   How King Conrad designated his son Henry as associate in the kingdom and had him crowned, and about the son of Duke Henry.
46.   That King Conrad moved forth in battle-readiness for the transmarine expedition, the king of the Franks following him with his own.

XLVII. Brevis narratio de eventu huius expeditionis. XLVIII. De Gileberto Pictaviensi episcopo, quomodo a suis clericis super doctrina sua pulsatus est. XLIX. Quomodo abbas Clarevallensis contra eum inductus est, et de Petro Abailardo.

47. A brief narration of the outcome of this expedition. 48. On Gilbert, bishop of Poitiers, how he was arraigned by his own clerics over his doctrine. 49. How the abbot of Clairvaux was brought in against him, and about Peter Abaelard.

L. Item de eodem. Epistolae pro eius condempnatione hinc inde. LI. De apollogetico eiusdem Petri, et super quibus capitulis pulsabatur, et de obitu eius.

50. Likewise concerning the same. Letters for his condemnation from here and there. 51. On the Apologetic of the same Peter, and on the chapters on account of which he was accused, and on his death.

LII. De studio Gileberti, et de quibus impeteretur capitulis. LIII. Quibus testibus convinci putabatur posse. LIV. Subtilis eiusdem responsio.

52. On the study of Gilbert, and on the chapters on which he was impugned. 53. By which witnesses it was thought he could be convicted. 54. The same man’s subtle response.

LV. Theologicus excursus. LVI. Qualiter causa episcopi usque ad generale concilium delata est, et de heretico Per eum. LVII. De condempnatione eiusdem et de gestis concilii.

55. Theological excursus. 56. How the bishop’s case was brought as far as the general council, and about the heretic through him. 57. On the condemnation of the same and on the acts of the council.

LVIII. Quomodo episcopus Gilebertus post concilium discussus est, et responsio eiusdem. LIX. Quod Gallicani episcopi convenientes fidem suam in scripto digesserunt. LX. Quod cardinales Romanae aecclesiae de hoc indignati sunt, et oratio eorum contra papam Eugenium.

58. How Bishop Gilbert was examined after the council, and his response. 59. That the Gallican bishops, coming together, set forth their faith in writing. 60. That the cardinals of the Roman Church were indignant about this, and their oration against Pope Eugene.

LXI. Quomodo tandem haec contentio tota finem habuerit, et quomodo episcopus Gilebertus evaserit. LXII. De exercitu nostro et rege Francorum, ubi in transmarinis applicuerit et quando Hierosolimam venerit. LXIII. De rege Conrado et de prefato rege Ludewico, qualiter et ubi se invicem viderint.

61. How at length this whole contention had its end, and how Bishop Gilbert escaped. 62. Concerning our army and the king of the Franks, where he made landfall in the overseas regions and when he came to Jerusalem. 63. Concerning King Conrad and the aforesaid King Louis, how and where they saw one another.

LXIV. De reditu regis Conradi, et quod Fridericum ducem ante se remisit. LXV. Excursus ad excusandum eventum illius expeditionis. LXVI. Quomodo et quibus epistolis idem rex a papa Eugenio exceptus sit.

64. On the return of King Conrad, and that he sent Duke Frederick ahead of himself. 65. An excursus to excuse the outcome of that expedition. 66. How and by which letters that same king was received by Pope Eugene.

LXVII. De obitu Heinrici iunioris regis et Hartliebi Traiectensis episcopi et Arnaldi Coloniensis episcopi. LXVIII. Conradus ad inferiores partes Reni proficiscitur. LXIX. Quomodo post auditam causam Traiectensium in Baioariam ingressus est.

67. On the obit of Henry the Younger, king, and of Hartlieb, bishop of Utrecht, and of Arnold, bishop of Cologne. 68. Conrad sets out to the lower parts of the Rhine. 69. How, after the case of the people of Utrecht had been heard, he entered Bavaria.

LXX. Quomodo terminatis omnibus diem obiit et ubi sepultus [est].

70. How, with all things concluded, he died and where he was interred [is].

Expliciunt capitula

The chapters end.

Incipit proemium sequentis operis

The proem of the following work begins

Omnium qui ante nos res gestas scripserunt haec, ut arbitror, fuit intentio virorum fortium clara facinora ob movendos hominum ad virtutem animos extollere, ignavorum vero obscura facta vel silentio subprimere vel, si ad lucem trahantur, ad terrendas eorumdem mortalium mentes promendo ponere. Unde hoc tempore scribentes quodammodo iudico beatos, dum post turbulentiam preteritorum non solum pacis inaudita reluxit serenitas, sed et quod ob victoriosissimi principis virtutes tanta Romani imperii pollet auctoritas, ut et sub eius principatu gens vivens humiliter silendo conquiescat, et barbarus quique vel Grecus, extra terminos ipsius positus, auctoritatis eius pondere pressus contremiscat. Fateor, dum ante aliquot annos priorem hystoriam terminassem, spiritusque peregrini Dei ad sumenda contra gentes quae orientem inhabitant arma totam pene Hesperiam afflasset, pro pacis iocunditate, quae orbi momentanee tunc arriserat, stilum vertere cogitaram, iamque scribere coeperam, sed, quo instinctu nescio, tamquam animo futura presagiente finemque inspiciente coeptum proieci opus.

Of all who before us have written of deeds done, this, as I judge, was the intention: to extol the famous exploits of brave men for the stirring of human minds toward virtue, but the obscure deeds of the slothful either to suppress in silence or, if they are dragged into the light, to set them forth by publishing, so as to terrify the minds of those same mortals. Whence I reckon those who write at this time in a manner blessed, since, after the turbulence of past things, there has relit not only an unheard-of serenity of peace, but also, because of the virtues of a most victorious prince, so great an authority of the Roman empire prevails, that both under his principate a people living humbly comes to rest by keeping silence, and every barbarian or Greek, placed outside his borders, trembles, pressed by the weight of his authority. I confess, when a few years earlier I had brought the prior history to its end, and the spirit of the Peregrine God had breathed upon nearly all Hesperia to take up arms against the peoples who inhabit the Orient, I had thought, for the joyfulness of the peace which had then smiled momentarily upon the world, to turn my stylus, and I had already begun to write; but, by what impulse I know not, as though my mind were foreboding the future and looking upon the end, I cast aside the work I had begun.

Sic tamquam a nolente seu nesciente presenti tempori propositi implendi negotium reservatum fuisse estimo, dum firma quies - si tamen rebus caducis aliqua fides adhibenda est - sub strennuissimo principe in Romano orbe expectatur.

Thus I reckon that, as if by one unwilling or unknowing, the business of fulfilling the proposition has been reserved for the present time, while steady peace - if, however, any credence is to be given to perishable affairs - is awaited under a most strenuous prince in the Roman world.

Quod autem dixi illo in tempore spiritu peregrini Dei occidentales populos afflatos, nemo sic intelligat, acsi quisquam a nobis peregrinus Deus putetur, sed ab illo scripto, quod illis in diebus in multis Galliae locis lectitabatur, nos hoc dictum mutuasse sciat, quod tale fuit: Tibi dico L pastor corporum primo elemento materiae silvae tuae, quem inspiravit spiritus diei peregrini Dei. In cuius scripturae tenore sub quodam verborum involucro de expugnatione regiae urbis necnon et antiquae Babylonis et ad instar Cyri regis Persarum vel Herculis totius orientis triumphus prefato Ludewico Francorum regi promittebatur. Unde talia ibidem dicta reperta sunt: Cum perveneris ad costam tetragoni sedentis aeterni et ad costam tetragonorum stantium aeternorum et ad multiplicationem beati numeri per actualem primum cubum, surge ad eam, quam promisit angelus matris tuae visitare et non visitavit, et pertinges de ea usque ad penultimum, primum cuius cum ascendit promissor, deficit promissio propter optimam mercem, et figantur vexilla tua rosea usque ad extremos labores Herculis, et aperietur tibi porta civitatis B. Nam erexit te sponsus arthemonem, barcha cuius pene cecidit, in capite cuius triangulare velum, ut sequatur te qui precessit te. Tuum ergo L vertetur in C, qui dispersit aquas fluminis, donec pertransirent illud qui student in procuratione filiorum.

But as to what I said—that at that time the western peoples were breathed upon by the spirit of the “peregrine God”—let no one so understand it, as if any “peregrine God” were thought by us; rather, let him know that we borrowed this expression from that writing which in those days was being read in many places of Gaul, which was as follows: I say to you, L, shepherd of bodies, the first element of the matter of your wood, whom the spirit of the day of the peregrine God has inspired. In the tenor of whose writing, under a certain involucrum of words, there was being promised to the aforesaid Louis, king of the Franks, concerning the storming of the royal city and also of ancient Babylon, and, after the likeness of Cyrus king of the Persians or of Hercules, a triumph over the whole East. Whence such sayings were found there: When you have come to the side of the sitting eternal tetragon and to the side of the standing eternal tetragons, and to the multiplication of the blessed number through the actual first cube, rise to her whom the angel of your mother promised to visit and did not visit, and you will reach from her up to the penultimate, the first of whom, when the promiser ascends, the promise fails on account of the best reward, and let your rose-colored standards be fixed as far as the farthest labors of Hercules, and the gate of the city B will be opened to you. For the bridegroom has raised up for you an artemon, whose barque nearly fell, at the top of which is a triangular sail, so that he may follow you who has gone before you. Therefore your L will be turned into C, he who dispersed the waters of the river until those who are intent on the procuration of the sons might pass through it.

Quod scriptum tantae auctoritatis a probatissimis et religiosissimis Galliarum personis tunc putabatur, ut a quibusdam in Sibillinis libris repertum, ab aliis cuidam Armenio divinitus revelatum affirmaretur. Sed quisquis fuit ille propheta seu trotannus, qui hoc promulgavit, videat, si in futura adhuc aliqua expeditione implendum expectetur, aut tamquam iam non impletum conculcandum Gallicanae levitati, quod fidem aliquam habere potuit, imputetur; hoc tantum sciens, quod non sine rationis proportione spiritus ille omnes pene occidentales in peregrinationem mittens spiritus peregrini Dei tam a nobis quam ab illo vocatus est. Sicut enim iuxta quorumdam in logica notorum positionem, cum non formarum, sed subsistentium proprium sit predicari seu declarari, genera tamen et species predicamento transumpto ad causam predicari dicuntur; vel, ut communiori utar exemplo, sicut albedo clara, mors pallida, eo quod claritatis altera, palloris altera causa, sic appellatur, utque dicitur: Eurus fundit aquas, sic et causam dicti considerantes spiritum peregrini Dei dicimus, qui, ut tot et tanti propter Deum peregrinandi habitum assumerent, causa fuit.

That writing was then reckoned of such authority by the most approved and most religious persons of Gaul, that some asserted it had been found in the Sibylline books, others that it had been divinely revealed to a certain Armenian. But whoever was that prophet or trotannus who promulgated this, let him consider whether it is still to be expected to be fulfilled in some future expedition, or whether, as not now fulfilled, it should be trampled down and imputed to Gallican levity, which could have had some credence; knowing only this, that not without a proportion of reason that spirit which was sending almost all Westerners into pilgrimage was called by us as well as by him the spirit of the peregrine God. For just as, according to the position of certain people in logic concerning the known notions, since it is proper to predicate or to declare not of forms but of subsistents, nevertheless genera and species, with the predicament transferred to cause, are said to be predicated; or, to use a more common example, just as whiteness is called clear, death pale, because the one is a cause of clearness, the other of paleness, so it is so named; and as it is said, “Eurus pours out the waters,” so also, considering the cause of the saying, we call it the spirit of the peregrine God, which was the cause that so many and so great assumed the habit of peregrinating for God’s sake.

Cum igitur rebus in melius mutatis post tempus flendi tempus ridendi, post tempus belli tempus pacis modo advenerit, indignum ratus sum, augustorum clarissime Friderice, caeterorum regum seu imperatorum gestis enumeratis tua silentio subprimere, immo, ut verius dicam, dignissimum putavi priorum virtutibus tuas sicut auro gemmam superponere. Inter omnes enim Romanorum principes tibi pene soli hoc reservatum est privilegium, ut, quamvis a prima adolescentia bellicis desudasse cognoscaris officiis, obscenum tibi nondum vultum fortuna verterit. Sic etiam temperans in prosperis, fortis in adversis, iustus in iudiciis, prudens et acutus in causis esse cognosceris, ut non solum ex convictu haec tecum coaluisse, sed tamquam divinitus inspirata et a Deo tibi ob universale totius orbis emolumentum concessa fuisse videantur.

Therefore, since with affairs changed for the better the time for laughing has followed the time for weeping, and the time for peace the time for war has just now arrived, I judged it unworthy, most illustrious of the Augusti, Frederick, after the deeds of the other kings or emperors have been enumerated, to suppress yours in silence—nay rather, to speak more truly, I thought it most fitting to set your virtues upon those of your predecessors as a gem upon gold. For among all the princes of the Romans this privilege has been reserved almost to you alone: that, although you are known from your earliest youth to have sweated in warlike offices, Fortune has not yet turned to you an obscene countenance. Thus also you are recognized to be temperate in prosperities, brave in adversities, just in judgments, prudent and acute in causes (cases), so that these seem not only to have coalesced with you from your manner of life, but to have been, as it were, divinely inspired and granted by God to you for the universal emolument of the whole orb (world).

Hanc ergo tuae nobilitati offero hystoriam, ab omnium bonorum datore Deo postulans et petens, ut tuo bono principio melior finis apponatur. Sed antequam tuorum gestorum seriem attingam, de avo, patre patruoque tuo quedam summatim prelibare cogitavi, ut, sic quasi quodam filo narrationis descendens, per clara clariora, quae de tua persona dicenda fuerint, appareant. Si qua vero ex aliis regnis aecclesiasticae secularisve personae gesta incidenter interserta fuerint, ab huius negotii materia aliena non putabuntur, dum omnium regnorum vel gentium ad Romanae rei publicae statum tamquam ad fontem recurrat narratio.

Therefore I offer this history to your nobility, petitioning and asking from God, the giver of all good things, that to your good beginning a better end may be set. But before I touch upon the series of your deeds, I have thought to prelibate summarily certain things about your grandfather, your father, and your paternal uncle, so that, thus, as if descending by a certain thread of narration, through the clear the clearer things which are to be said about your person may appear. If indeed the deeds of ecclesiastical or secular persons from other realms should be incidentally interwoven, they will not be thought alien from the subject-matter of this undertaking, since the narration of all kingdoms or nations runs back to the state of the Roman commonwealth as to a fountainhead.

Nec, si a plana hystorica dictione ad evagandum oportunitate nacta ad altiora velut phylosophica acumina attollatur oratio, preter rem eiusmodi estimabuntur, dum et id ipsum Romani imperii prerogativae non sit extraneum rebus simplicioribus altiora interponere. Nam et Lucanus, Virgilius caeterique Urbis scriptores non solum res gestas, sed etiam fabulosas, sive more pastorum vel colonorum summissius vel principum dominorumque orbis altius narrando, stilum tamen frequenter ad intima quedam phylosophiae secreta attingenda sustulerunt. Sic enim non solum hi, quibus rerum gestarum audiendi seriem inest voluptas, sed et illi, quos rationum amplius delectat subtilitatis sublimitas, ad eiusmodi legenda seu cognoscenda trahuntur.

Nor, if from a plain historical diction, having found an opportunity for wandering, the discourse is lifted to higher things, as it were to philosophical acumen, will such things be considered beside the matter, since even this is not foreign to the prerogative of the Roman Empire: to interpose higher things among simpler matters. For Lucan, Virgil, and the other writers of the City, not only by narrating deeds done but also the fabulous—whether more humbly in the manner of shepherds or of farmers, or more loftily in the manner of princes and lords of the orb—nevertheless frequently raised their style to touch upon certain inmost secrets of philosophy. Thus not only those in whom there is a delight for hearing the series of deeds, but also those whom the loftiness of subtlety in reasonings delights more, are drawn to read or to become acquainted with things of this sort.

Ac propositae hystoriae Deo auctore tale sumatur exordium.

And, with God as author, let such an exordium be taken for the proposed history.

Explicit prologus

Here ends the prologue

Liber primus incipit habens initium ab imperatore Heinrico III¡ finiens in obitu Conradi regis II¡

Book one begins, having its beginning from Emperor Henry 3, ending at the death of King Conrad 2

Capitulum I.

Chapter 1.

Cum sub imperatore Heinrico, qui inter reges quartus, inter imperatores tercius huius nominis invenitur, imperium gravissime scissum fuisset parteque maxima obtimatum principi suo rebellante tota pene regni latitudo ferro, flamma fedaretur, Gregorius septimus, qui tunc urbis Romae pontificatum tenebat, eundem imperatorem tamquam a suis destitutum anathematis gladio feriendum decrevit. Cuius rei novitatem eo vehementius indignatione motum suscepit imperium, quo numquam ante haec tempora huiusmodi sententiam in principem Romanorum promulgatam cognoverat. Eapropter pluribus ex Italia, Gallia, Germania aput Baioariae civitatem Brixinoram, in ipso Pyreneohaut procul a valle Tridentina sitam, coadunatis episcopis princeps curiam magnam celebravit; ubi omnibus advenientibus iniurias sibi a Romana aecclesia irrogatas affectuose conqueritur, quod videlicet ipso inconsulto, qui tamquam rex et patricius primus in electione suae urbis episcopi esse deberet, Romani sibi pontificem prefecissent, cum a patre suo imperatore plures ibidem quasi sine electione intronizati fuerint.

When under the emperor Henry, who is found as the fourth among kings, the third among emperors of this name, the empire had been most grievously rent, and with the greater part of the Optimates rebelling against their prince, almost the entire breadth of the realm was being defiled by sword and flame, Gregory the Seventh, who then held the pontificate of the city of Rome, decreed that the same emperor, as though deserted by his own, should be struck by the sword of anathema. At the novelty of this matter the empire took up indignation all the more vehemently, because never before these times had it known such a sentence promulgated against the Prince of the Romans. Therefore, with many bishops from Italy, Gaul, and Germany assembled at the Bavarian city of Brixen, situated on the very Pyrenaeus not far from the Tridentine valley, the prince held a great curia; where, when all had arrived, he affectuously complains of the injuries inflicted upon him by the Roman Church, namely that, with himself not consulted—who, as king and patrician, ought to be first in the election of the bishop of his city—the Romans had appointed a pontiff for themselves, whereas by his own father the emperor several there had been enthroned as if without an election.

Hac querimonia omnium animi eo facilius contra Romanam aecclesiam inclinari poterant, quo et laici secularis honoris consideratione accensi et episcopi consilio clericorum suorum, quibus recenter conubia ab eodem pontifice inhibita fuerant, inflammati voluntati principis accedebant. Cunctis igitur acclamantibus prefata electio ab eis cassanda iudicatur, Gwibertusque Ravennatensium archiepiscopus, Clemens velpotius Demensvocatus, assensu principis Urbis episcopus creatur, Gregoriusque septimus ab ipsis pseudomonachus vel nicromanticus appellatus exsufflatur. Unde communi consilio prenominato pontifici scriptum conviciis et detractionibus plenum dirigere presumpserunt, inter caetera dicentes: Sicut hactenus solebas dicere, quod nullus nostrum esset episcopus, ita scias, quod nulli nostrum deinceps eris apostolicus.

By this complaint the minds of all could the more easily be inclined against the Roman church, inasmuch as both the laity, kindled by a consideration of secular honor, and the bishops, inflamed by the counsel of their clerics—whose marriages had recently been inhibited by that same pontiff—were acceding to the will of the prince. Therefore, with all acclaiming, the aforesaid election is judged by them to be annulled, and Guibert, archbishop of the Ravennates, called “Clement,” or rather “Demented,” by the assent of the prince is created Bishop of the City; and Gregory 7, by them called a pseudomonk or a necromancer, is exsufflated. Whence, by common counsel, they presumed to send to the aforementioned pontiff a writing full of invectives and detractions, among other things saying: Just as up to now you used to say that none of us was a bishop, so know that henceforth you will be apostolic for none of us.

Capitulum II.

Chapter 2.

Post haec princeps militem copiosum colligens Italiam ingreditur, ad Urbemque usqueprogressus, Romani populi favore pulso Gregorio, Gwibertum ibidem ponens [et] imperatoris et augusti ab eo nomen sortitur. Venerabilis autem sacerdos persecutionem fugiens ad tutiora montana Tusciae in terram comitissae Mahtildis, quae imperatoris consanguinea fuit, se contulitibique per aliquot dies manens sententiamque anathematis renovans epistolis, quae multis in locis habentur, principes regni adversus imperatorem suum concitavit. Deinde Campaniam seu Apuliam ingrediens in municipioNortmannorum, qui nuper Roberto Gwiscardo duce provincias illas, indigenis necatis vel eiectis seu servituti subactis, irruperant, se recepit ibique diem mortis expectavit.

After these things the prince, collecting a copious soldiery, enters Italy, and having progressed as far as the City, with Gregory driven out by the favor of the Roman people, placing Gwibert there [and] he obtains from him the name of emperor and Augustus. But the venerable priest, fleeing persecution, betook himself to the safer mountains of Tuscany into the land of the countess Mahtildis, who was a consanguinea of the emperor, and there, remaining for several days and renewing the sentence of anathema by epistles, which are extant in many places, he stirred up the princes of the realm against their emperor. Then entering Campania or Apulia, in a municipium of the Northmen, who recently under Robert Gwiscard as duke had burst into those provinces, the natives having been killed or ejected or subjugated to servitude, he withdrew and there awaited the day of death.

Capitulum III.

Chapter 3.

Robertus iste ex mediocri stirpe in Nortmannia ex eorum militum ordine, quos vavassores vulgo ibi dicere solent, in plaga, quam Constantiam indigenae dicunt, editus cum Rogerio fratre, tam patri famis tempore morem, ut aiunt, gerens quam ob locorum sterilitatis molestiam a natali solo progressus, multo tempore multas per provincias oportuniorem ad inhabitandum terram querens oberravit. Unde et ab oberrandi circuitu patria lingua Giscardus tamquam oberrator vel giratorappellatus est. Cum ergo non paucis, ut dictum est, diebus multarum regionum girator existeret, a citeriori Italia, quae modo Apulia seu Calabria dicitur, tandem excipitur.

This Robert, of middling stock in Normandy, from that order of soldiers whom they commonly there are wont to call vavassors, born in the district which the natives call Constantia, together with his brother Roger, both paying regard, as they say, to his father’s custom in a time of famine and, on account of the vexation of the sterility of the locales, having set out from his native soil, for a long time wandered through many provinces, seeking land more opportune for inhabiting. Whence also, from the circuit of over-wandering, in the native tongue he was appellated Giscard, as an oberrator or gyrator. Therefore, since for not a few days, as has been said, he existed as a gyrator of many regions, he was at length received by the Hither Italy, which is now called Apulia or Calabria.

Quam dum a Longobardis possessam inertis plebis inhabitatione tamquam industriae defensionis vacuam inveniret, remissis in Galliam nunciis expositaque locorum ydoneitate ac gentis inertia ad expugnationem earum provinciarum consocios invitavit. Et ne multis detinear, virtute, dolo, arte ignavi populi victor existens Campaniae, Apuliae, Calabriae, Siciliae ad ultimum possessor inventus est Reliquit autem Rogerio fratri ex parte sui comitatum Siciliae tenendum, ipse vero ducatum Apuliae cum Calabria sibi retinuit. Huius filius, qui multa postmodum tam in Grecia quam in caeteris orientis partibus fortia et gloriosa gessit opera, Boimundus fuit.

When he found it, though possessed by the Longobards, inhabited by an inert plebs and, as it were, void of the industry of defense, having sent messengers back into Gaul and, with the suitability of the places and the inertia of the people set forth, he invited associates for the conquest of those provinces. And, lest I be detained with many words, by virtue, guile, and art, becoming victor over the ignoble people, he was at last found possessor of Campania, Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. He left, moreover, to his brother Roger, as a portion of his own, the county of Sicily to be held, but he himself retained for himself the duchy of Apulia with Calabria. His son, who afterward performed many brave and glorious works both in Greece and in the other parts of the East, was Bohemond.

Fratris vero sui Rogerii Rogerius, qui postmodum regium nomen usurpavit, natus erat, huius, qui inpresentiarum est, Willehelmipater. Sed haec hactenus.

But a Roger, the son of his brother Roger—who afterwards usurped the royal name—had been born, the father of this William who is at present. But so much for these things.

Capitulum IIII.

Chapter 4.

Circa idem tempus Saxonum gens inquietissima more suo principi rebellans castrum quoddam Harzeburch dictum, ob eiusdem gentis obpugnationem ab imperatore in ingressu provinciae in loco munitissimo fundatum, cum aecclesia pariter, in qua congregatio canonicorum fuit, funditus delevit. Occasio tamen huius rebellionis non tantum ex predictae gentis instabilitate, sed ex principis lascivia ortum sumpserat.

Around the same time the most restless nation of the Saxons, rebelling against the prince after its own custom, utterly destroyed a certain castle called Harzeburch, which, on account of the assault of that same people, had been founded by the emperor at the ingress of the province in a most fortified place, together with the church likewise, in which there was a congregation of canons, down to the foundations. The occasion, however, of this rebellion had taken its origin not so much from the instability of the aforesaid people as from the prince’s lasciviousness.

Dum enim predictus princeps in iuvenili adhuc positus aetate, toto regno silente dominiumque suum humiliter portante, prefatam terram ingressus fuisset, iuveniliter dixisse fertur se mirari nullum per totum imperii ambitum inveniri, in quo vires suas exercere posset, idque non virtuti, sed ignaviae deputabat. Quod dictum non secundum naturam generis sui percusso aere mox transiit, sed tam efficaciter in mentibus plurium radicem figens germinavit, ut tota in brevi provincia illa adversus ipsum commota et in unum corpus coadunata innumeris populis et gentibus letifera pocula ministraverit.

For while the aforesaid prince, still set in youthful age, with the whole kingdom silent and bearing his dominion humbly, had entered the aforesaid land, he is said to have spoken in youthful fashion that he marveled that nowhere throughout the whole circuit of the empire could there be found a place in which he might exercise his strength—and he assigned that not to virtue but to ignavia, cowardice. That saying did not, as is the nature of its kind, vanish once the air was struck, but so efficaciously, fixing root in the minds of many, it germinated, that the whole of that province, in a short while stirred against him and coadunated into one body, served death‑bearing cups to countless peoples and nations.

Discant ergo principes orbis in summo positi omnium summum creatorem suum pre mente habendomoderantiam servare, ut iuxta Ciceronem, quanto maiores sunt, tanto se gerant summissius. Optime enim a physicis fallaciam complexionum considerantibus dictum cognoscitur: Melius est ad summum quam in summo. Cum enim homo natus ad laborem, brevi vivens tempore, natura tamquam ex multis composita ad dissolutionem tendente, numquam in eodem statu manere valeat, si in summo fuerit, mox eum declinare oportebit. Cuius rei causa paulisper phylosophari liceat, etenim Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas.

Let the princes of the world therefore, placed on high, learn to keep moderation, having before their mind their creator, the highest of all, so that, according to Cicero, the greater they are, the more submissively they conduct themselves. Most excellently indeed the saying is recognized by the physicists, considering the fallacy of complexions: It is better to be toward the summit than on the summit. Since man, born for labor, living for a short time, with a nature as though composed from many things and tending to dissolution, is never able to remain in the same state, if he should be on the summit, soon it will be necessary for him to decline. For the sake of which matter, let it be permitted to philosophize a little; for Happy is he who has been able to know the causes of things.

Capitulum V.

Chapter 5.

Quicquid est aut genuinum est aut nativum. Sicut autem genuinum non potest esse non simplex et, ut ita dixerim, non singulare, non solitarium, ita nativum non potest esse non compositum, non conforme, non concretum. Primo ergo videamus, quid genuinum, quid nativum appelletur, ut exhinc horum sensus verborum facilius appareat.

Whatever exists is either genuine or native. And just as the genuine cannot be not simple and, so to speak, not singular, not solitary, so the native cannot be not composite, not conform, not concrete. First, then, let us see what is called “genuine,” what “native,” so that from this the senses of these words may more easily appear.

Genuinum dicitur tamquam generans et non genitum, id est carens generatione; nativum velut natum aut genitum, descendens a genuino. Unde Plato: Est igitur, ut mihi videtur, in primis dividendum, quid sit quod semper est, carens generatione, quid item quod gignitur nec est semper. Et Boetius: Qui tempus ab evo Ire iubes. Generationem vero large accipimus pro ingressu in quamlibet proprietatem vel, ut manifestius loquar, pro quolibet ingressu de non esse ad esse.

Genuine is said as though generating and not begotten, that is, lacking generation; native as if born or begotten, descending from the genuine. Whence Plato: Therefore, as it seems to me, one must first divide what that is which always is, lacking generation, and likewise what is generated and is not always. And Boethius: You who bid time to go forth from the aeon. We take “generation,” moreover, broadly for an entry into any property, or, to speak more manifestly, for any entry from non-being into being.

Unde Aristotiles: Ex oppositis fiunt generationes. In omni enim nativo negatio prior est affirmatione. Genuinum est igitur carens generatione, carens principio, quale aput nos unum tantum invenitur, eternitas videlicet, soli divinitati accommoda.

Whence Aristotle: From opposites generations come to be. For in every native thing negation is prior to affirmation. The genuinum, therefore, is lacking generation, lacking beginning, such a thing as among us only one is found—namely, eternity—accommodated to the sole divinity.

Non enim tria aput nos, quae Plato posuit, inveniuntur principia, sed unum tantum, Deus pater, ex quo omnia, Deus filius, per quem omnia, Deus spiritus sanctus, in quo omnia. Et hi tres, sicut nec tres dii, ita nec tria principia nec tria aeterna, sed unum principium et unum aeternum. Sola ergo divinitas principio carens simplex esse necessariis probatur rationibus.

For among us the three principles which Plato posited are not found, but only one: God the Father, from whom all things, God the Son, through whom all things, God the Holy Spirit, in whom all things. And these three, just as they are not three gods, so neither three principles nor three eternals, but one principle and one eternal. Therefore only divinity, lacking a beginning, is proved by necessary arguments to be simple.

Quidquid enim componitur, ab alio componi necessarium est. Nulla enim res, sicut se non gignit, ita nec se componit. Quod autem ab alio componitur, ab alio esse necesse est.

For whatever is composed, it is necessary to be composed by another. For no thing, just as it does not beget itself, so neither does it compose itself. But that which is composed by another must be from another.

Divinitas vero ab alio non est. Ab alio ergo componi nequit. Simplex igitur est.

But divinity is not from another. Therefore it cannot be composed by another. Therefore it is simple.

Unde Boetius in tertio libro de consolatione: Quod si natura quidem inest, sed ratione diversum, cum de rerum principe loquamur Deo, fingat qui potest, quis haec diversa coniunxerit. Haec eadem divina essentia, eo quod nec actu nec natura conformem habeat, singularis esse probatur. Quod ex intuitu naturalium facilius consideratur.

Whence Boethius in the third book of the Consolation: But if it is indeed present by nature, yet different in reason, since we are speaking about God, the ruler of things, let whoever can imagine who has joined these diverse things. This same divine essence, for the reason that it has no conforming counterpart either in act or in nature, is proved to be singular. Which is more easily considered from the intuition of natural things.

Cum enim ad contemplanda celsa divinitatis attollimur, eo quod intellectus noster, in quo sedeat, non habet, tamquam de re incerta palpitantes melius negando quam affirmando, id est quid non sit quam quid sit, conspicimus. In nativis igitur omnem naturam seu formam, quae integrum esse subsistentis sit, vel actu et natura vel natura saltem conformem habere necesse est. Verbi gratia: humanitas Socratis actu et natura conformis est humanitati Platonis, dum secundum omnes partes et omnimodum effectum, quod quidam formam substantiae et substantiam formae vocant, tam in isto quam in illo inveniatur.

For when we are lifted up to contemplate the lofty things of divinity, because our intellect does not have a seat wherein it may sit, as if palpating about an uncertain matter we behold better by denying than by affirming, that is, what it is not rather than what it is. Therefore in things begotten every nature or form which is the complete being of a subsistent must have a conform, either in act and in nature, or at least in nature. For example: the humanity of Socrates is conform in act and in nature to the humanity of Plato, since according to all the parts and the effect in every mode—what certain people call the form of the substance and the substance of the form—it is found both in this one and in that one.

Unde, quamvis Socrates et Plato ratione partiendi in numerum veniant, ut duo dicantur homines, tamen ratione assimilandi unus possunt dici homo. Substantialis namque similitudo non solum subiecta conformia, sed et eadem et unum dici facit, iuxta illud: Participatione speciei plures homines unus, et secundum quod soliti sumus dicere: 'Idem vinum bibitur hic quod Romae'. Partes autem hic voco eas formas, quae ad componendam speciem aut in capite ponuntur, ut generales, aut aggregantur, ut differentiales, aut eas comitantur, ut accidentales. Omnis quippe diffinitio alterius est et alteri convenit; nam formae est et subsistenti convenit.

Whence, although Socrates and Plato, by the rationale of partitioning, come into number, so that two are called men, nevertheless by the rationale of assimilating they can be called one man. For substantial similitude makes subjects not only conform, but makes them to be called the same and one, according to that: By participation of the species several men [are] one, and according to what we are wont to say: 'The same wine is drunk here as at Rome.' But here I call parts those forms which, for composing a species, are either set at the head, as generals, or are aggregated, as differentials, or accompany them, as accidentals. For every definition is of another and befits another; for it is of a form and befits the subsistent.

Iam ex his, ut arbitror, patet quod dixi, humanitatem Socratis secundum omnes partes et omnimodum effectum humanitati Platonis conformem esse ac secundum hoc Socratem et Platonem eundem et unum in universali dici solere. Si enim altera rationalis, altera esset mortalis, nec tota esset in isto nec tota in illo, sed aliam partem ista, aliam partem caperet illa; de effectu quoque clarum est, quod, sicut haec illum rationalem seu mortalem, ita illa hunc rationalem seu mortalem facit. Concretio etiam in naturalibus non solum coadunatione formae et subsistentis, sed ex multitudine accidentium, quae substantiale esse comitantur, considerari potest.

Now from these things, as I judge, it is evident what I said, that the humanity of Socrates, according to all parts and the effect in every mode, is conform to the humanity of Plato, and according to this Socrates and Plato are wont to be called the same and one in the universal. For if the one were rational, the other mortal, neither would the whole be in this one nor the whole in that one, but this would take one part, that would take another part; concerning the effect also it is clear that, just as this makes that one rational or mortal, so that makes this one rational or mortal. Concretion also in things natural can be considered not only by the coadunation of form and the subsistent, but from the multitude of accidents which accompany substantial being.

Verbi causa: humanitas, quae est integrum esse hominis et ex multis, ut ostensum est, formis composita, ad hoc, ut subiectum informet, risibilitatem caeteraque trahit accidentia. Sunt aliae formae subiectum integre informantes, quae naturam tantum conformem habent. Esse quippe solis, etsi non actu, natura conformem habere noscitur.

For example: humanity, which is the integral being of man and, as has been shown, composed from many forms, for this purpose, that it may inform the subject, draws along risibility and the other accidents. There are other forms informing the subject integrally, which have only a nature conforming. For the being of the sun, although not in act, is known to have a nature conforming.

Quare quamvis plures soles non sint, sine repugnantia tamen naturae plures esse possunt. Patet igitur ex opposito per negationem, quod divina essentia nec conformis est nec concretioni subiacet.

Wherefore, although there are not several suns, yet without repugnance to nature several can be. It is clear therefore from the opposite by negation, that the divine essence is neither conform nor subject to concretion.

Quare, ut verba naturalia in divinam vertantur predicationem, sicut simplex, sic et singularis et solitariadicatur, ut simplex contra compositionem, singularis contra conformitatem, solitaria dividat contra concretionem. Nec igitur actu nec natura conformis est, quia nec fuit nec est nec esse poterit alius Deus, alius creator, alius omnipotens. Unde psalmista: Deus, quis similis tibi?

Wherefore, that natural words may be turned into divine predication, just as “simple,” so also “singular” and “solitary” are to be predicated, so that “simple” is said against composition, “singular” against conformity, “solitary” divide against concretion. Therefore neither in act nor by nature is it conform, because neither was, nor is, nor will be able to be another God, another creator, another omnipotent. Whence the psalmist: God, who is like unto you?

Concretionem non recipit, cum nec subiectum, quod informet, habeat, nec aliquam comitantiam accidentium admittat. Quare nec substantia proprie dici potest. Substantia enim potest quodam modo subiectum vocari, forma vero nullo modo subiectum esse potest.

It does not receive concretion, since it has neither a subject which it might inform, nor does it admit any accompaniment of accidents. Wherefore it cannot properly be called substance. For substance can in a certain way be called a subject, but form in no way can be a subject.

Hoc vero cum iuxta phylosophumnec passionibus nec motui subiciatur, ex hoc aut ex illo constans, sed quidquid est, unum est, et ideo vere est, et fortissimum, nullo nitens, multo melius forma dicitur. Omne namque esse ex forma est. Non est ergo hoc et hoc, sed hoc tantum: pulcherrimum et fortissimum.

This indeed, since according to the philosopher it is subjected neither to passions nor to motion, not consisting of this or of that, but whatever it is, it is one, and therefore it truly is, and most strong, leaning on nothing, is much better called form. For all being is from form. Therefore it is not this and that, but only this: most beautiful and most strong.

Si enim conforme haberet, pulcherrimum dici non posset. Si subiecto nitens comitantia accidentium egeret, fortissimum non esset. Quare pulcherrimum et fortissimum est, nullo nitens, et ut optime a predicto phylosopho dictum est, nec diffinitioni nec divisioni, multo minus demonstrationi vel resolutioni apta est.

For if it had a con-form, it could not be called most beautiful. If, relying on a subject, it were in need of the accompaniment of accidents, it would not be most strong. Therefore it is most beautiful and most strong, relying on nothing; and as was most well said by the aforesaid philosopher, it is apt neither for definition nor division, much less for demonstration or resolution.

Vere. Cum enim superveniens genus, quo componatur, non habeat, diffinitionem non admittit. Divisionis sectionem quomodo reciperet, quae omnibus, in quas dividi posset, speciebus caret?

Truly. For since it does not have a supervenient genus by which it might be composed, it does not admit a definition. How would it receive the section of division, which lacks all the species into which it could be divided?

Demonstrationi quoque qualiter pateret, quae velut omnium principium et primum primiora, veriora, notiora super se habere non potest? Unde necessario ex simplicitatis, singularitatis, solitaritatis, ut ita dicam, natura resolutionis necessitudinem excludit, ut iure solum aeternum, invariabile, incommutabile et sit et naturaliter esse credatur. Caetera namque, si qua sunt, quae variationem non suscipiunt, ut angeli, non ex propria natura, sed ex opificis sui gratia, a cuius invariabilitate ipsi invariabiles denominantur, hoc habere probantur, ut secundum hoc, cum dico: 'Deus est invariabilis, angelus est invariabilis', non alia in secunda quam in prima propositione predicetur invariabilitas, sed eadem.

How also could it lie open to demonstration, which, as the principle of all things and the first, cannot have things more prior, more true, more known above itself? Whence of necessity, from the nature of simplicity, singularity, solitarity, so to speak, it excludes the necessity of resolution, so that by right it alone is both and is naturally believed to be eternal, invariable, incommutable. For the rest, if there are any that do not receive variation, as the angels, are proved to have this not from their own nature, but from the grace of their Maker, from whose invariability they themselves are denominated invariable, so that according to this, when I say: 'God is invariable, the angel is invariable', invariability is not predicated otherwise in the second than in the first proposition, but the same.

Verbi gratia: Cum dico artificem humanum et opus humanum, non aliam et aliam predico humanitatem, sed hoc, quod de artifice substantive, de opere predico denominative; velut cum dico: 'Socrates ridet, pratum ridet', non aliam de Socrate, aliam de prato predico proprietatem, sed eandem, quam de Socrate proprie, de prato inproprie vel transumptive enuntio. Quod considerans Boetius ait: Tropus nullius est proprietatis. Ostenso de divina essentia iuxta iudicium negationis, cum nec composita, conformis, concreta dici possit, simplicem, singularem, solitariam eam quoquo modo comprehendi, nunc, qualiter omne nativum compositum, conforme, concretum intelligatur, dicendum restat. Omne quippe quod natum est ab alio sine dubio originem sumit.

For example: when I say a human artificer and a human work, I do not predicate one humanity and another, but this—that what I predicate of the artificer substantively, of the work I predicate denominatively; just as when I say: ‘Socrates laughs, the meadow laughs,’ I do not predicate one property of Socrates, another of the meadow, but the same, which I enounce of Socrates properly, of the meadow improperly or transumptively. Considering this, Boethius said: A trope belongs to no property. With it shown concerning the divine essence, according to the judgment of negation, since it can be called neither composite, conforming, nor concrete, it is to be comprehended, in whatever way, as simple, singular, solitary; now, it remains to be said how everything begotten is understood as composite, conforming, concrete. For indeed everything that is born from another without doubt takes origin.

Nichil enim a se nasci potest. Quod autem ex alio est principium non est; ergo est hoc et hoc, ergo simplex non est, compositum igitur est. Non enim hic ad effandum de theologica et ineffabili generatione seu nativitate attollimur, sed tantum de ea, quae a phylosophis genitura, a nobis factura seu creatura dici solet, disputationem instituimus.

For nothing can be born from itself. But that which is from another is not a principle; therefore it is this and that, therefore it is not simple, consequently it is composite. For here we are not lifted up to speak about the theological and ineffable generation or nativity, but we institute a disputation only about that which is wont to be called generation by the philosophers, and by us making or creation.

Sed notandum, quod compositio alia formarum, alia est subsistentium; formarum ex formis, subsistentium ex subsistentibus. Nulla enim forma subsistentium nec subsistens formarum compositionem admittit. Nam tanta diversitate esse et id quod est seiunguntur, ut nec quod est esse sui nec esse eius, quod ipso est, compositionem admittat.

But it should be noted that composition is one thing of forms, another of subsistents; the composition of forms is from forms, [that] of subsistents from subsistents. For no form of subsistents, nor subsistent of forms, admits composition. For by so great a diversity “being” (esse) and “that which is” (id quod est) are disjoined, that neither does what-is admit composition with its own being, nor with the being of that which is by it.

Et cum sub nullo genere conveniant compositionemque, ut dictum est, alterum alterius non admittat, alterum tamen sine altero esse nequit. Haecque talis diversissimorum, ut ita dixerim, compactio concretio potius oppositorum quam compositio similium vocatur. Compositio igitur alia, ut dictam est, formarum, alia est subsistentium.

And although they agree under no genus and, as has been said, the one does not admit the composition of the other, yet the one cannot be without the other. And this sort of compaction—concretion, so to speak, of the most diverse things—is called rather a concretion of opposites than a composition of similars. Composition, therefore, is one, as has been said, of forms, another of subsistents.

Formarum autem aliae compositae, aliae simplices; simplices, ut albedo, compositae, ut humanitas. At simplices in compositione compositae venire possunt; nulla autem simplex per se in naturalibus subiectum informare valet, sed tantum compositam informantem comitatur. Omnem igitur formam ad hoc, ut integre subsistentem informet, compositam esse necesse est et esse hoc et hoc.

Of forms, moreover, some are composite, others simple; simple, as albedo (whiteness), composite, as humanity. Yet simple ones can come to be composite within a composition; but no simple, by itself, is able in things natural to inform a subject, rather it only accompanies the informing composite. Therefore every form, to the end that it may inform one subsisting integrally, must be composite and be this and that.

Subsistentes quoque ex subsistentibus constare nulli dubium est. Omne enim corpus ex corporibus constat. Nec inconveniens arbitrantur phylosophi, sicut quantitatem in inmensas quantitates, sic et corpus in infinita secare corpora.

It is not doubtful to anyone that subsistents also consist of subsistents. For every body consists of bodies. Nor do philosophers deem it unfitting to cut quantity into immense quantities, and likewise to cut body into infinite bodies.

Nullum itaque subsistens simplex, nulla forma, quae sit integrum esse, potest esse non composita. Sed sciendum est, quod subsistens alius suscipit coniunctionem partium, alius non. Corpus suscipit, spiritus non.

No simple subsistent, no form which is a whole being, can be non-composite. But it should be known that, among subsistents, one sort receives a conjunction of parts, another does not. Body receives it; spirit does not.

Quare et spiritus simplex esse videtur. Ad hoc videndum est simplicitatem quandoque contra compositionem tantum, quandoque contra compositionem simul et concretionem dividere. Unde Boetius in octava regula libri ebdomade: Omni composito aliud est esse, aliud ipsum est.

Wherefore the spirit also seems to be simple. For this, one must observe that simplicity is sometimes set against composition only, sometimes against composition together with concretion. Whence Boethius, in the eighth rule of the book Hebdomads: In every composite, one thing is “to be,” another is what it itself is.

Non enim in hac regula diversitas inter id quod est et quo est, quae in secunda regula, in qua dicitur: Diversum est esse et id quod est, assignata est, notatur, sed potius ea diversitas formarum, qua subiectum alio est et alio aliquid est. Verbi gratia: Ut corpus corporeitate esse, colore aliquid esse dicitur, sic et spiritus creatus, cum alio sit, alio sapiens sit, quamvis copulatione partium carens simplex esse videatur, tamen, quia formam ex formis compositam habet, ex concretione huiusmodi formae et subsistentis plenarie simplex dici non potest. Omne igitur nativum compositum.

For in this rule the diversity between that which is and that by which it is—which in the second rule, in which it is said: It is diverse: to be (esse) and that which is (id quod est), was assigned—is not noted, but rather that diversity of forms by which a subject is by one thing and is something by another. For example: just as a body is said to be by corporeity, and to be something by color, so too a created spirit, since it is by one thing and is wise by another, although lacking the copulation of parts it seems to be simple, nevertheless, because it has a form composed out of forms, from the concretion of a form of this sort and of the subsistent it cannot be said to be fully simple. Therefore every native composite.

De conformitate et concretione supra probatum est, quod videlicet ex substantiali similitudine conforme, ex eo quod subiectum informet multitudinemque post se accidentium trahat, concretum dicatur. Inter omnia vero nativa nichil magis compositum invenitur quam homo, qui non solum ex esse compositum habet esse vel subsistentem ex subsistentibus, sed et ex oppositis compactus subsistentibus oppositorum subsistentium iuncturam, et eorumdem diversarum subsistentiarum compositionem recipit. Quare haut mirandum, si ex tota et tanta compositione compactus facilius resolutioni subiacet.

Concerning conformity and concretion it has been proved above that, namely, from substantial similarity a thing is conform, and from the fact that it informs a subject and draws after itself a multitude of accidents, it is called concrete. Among all natural things, however, nothing more composite is found than man, who not only has his being composed from being, or a subsistent from subsistents, but also, compacted from opposites, receives the junction of opposite subsistents and the composition of those same diverse subsistences. Wherefore it is hardly to be wondered at, if, compacted from such total and so great a composition, he is more easily subject to dissolution.

Item cum iuxta Boetii nonam regulam: Omnis diversitas discors, similitudo appetenda sit, et quod appetit aliud, tale ipsum esse naturaliter ostenditur, quale est illud hoc ipsum, quod appetitur, tanto vehementius ad dissolutionem tendimus, quanto dissidentius ex oppositis partibus constamus. Verbi causa: Corpore ex IIII elementis compacto, igne sursum, terra deorsum, aqua et aere quasi e regione distrahentibus sibique hoc modo partibus dissidentibus, quid inequalius esse poterit? Id ipsum etsi non sensus, ratio tamen in compositione formae percipit.

Likewise, since according to Boethius’s ninth rule: Every diversity is discordant, likeness is to be sought, and that which desires another is shown by nature to be such as that very thing which is desired, we tend the more vehemently toward dissolution, the more disagreeantly we consist of opposed parts. For example: with the body compacted from 4 elements, fire upward, earth downward, water and air as if from opposite quarters pulling apart, and in this way the parts being at odds with themselves, what could be more unequal? This very thing, even if not sense, yet reason perceives in the composition of the form.

Accedit ad hoc, quod non solum forma, quae substantiale est esse, ex formis est composita, sed quod ipsae formae componentes, nunc nascentes, nunc occidentes, neque umquam in existendi conditione constanti et rata perseverantes subiectum quiescere non permittunt. Unde, decedentibus aliis, aliae semper sine intervallo succedunt. Quem celerrimum fluxum formarum cum sequatur fluxus morarum, tempus tam acutum emergit, ut eius instans vix vel numquam conspici queat.

In addition to this, not only is the form, which is the substantial being, composed out of forms, but the very composing forms themselves, now being born, now perishing, and never persevering in a constant and ratified condition of existing, do not allow the subject to be at rest. Whence, as some depart, others always succeed without interval. Since a most swift flux of forms is followed by a flux of moments, time emerges so acute that its instant can scarcely, or never, be perceived.

Bene ergo a tam mutabilitatem naturae quam morae considerantibus dictum est: Melius est ad summum quam in summo, quia, cum amplius quo crescat non habeat, decrescere necesse est. Sicut autem a medicis precipitur, ut bonae habitudines, cum in summo fuerint, solvantur, sic non inmerito a probatis animarum medicis suadetur, ut mens, quae rerum prosperitate in summa posita elevari assolet, malorum intuitu reprimatur. Unde est illud: In die bonorum ne inmemor sis malorum. Sed iam ad propositum redeamus.

Well therefore by those considering both the mutability of nature and of time it was said: It is better toward the summit than on the summit, because, when it has no further by which it may grow, it must needs decrease. And as by physicians it is prescribed that good conditions, when they have been at the highest, be relaxed, so not undeservedly by approved physicians of souls it is advised that the mind, which is wont to be elevated when, by the prosperity of things, it is set at the highest, be restrained by the sight of evils. Whence is that: On the day of good things be not unmindful of evil things. But now let us return to the proposition.

Capitulum VI.

Chapter 6.

Igitur Saxonibus a capite suo dissidentibus, ex omnibus regni visceribus princeps ad debellandos eos fortem et magnum militem cogens instauransque exercitum predictam provinciam ingreditur. Fuerunt in comitatu eius quatuor magni duces, singuli cum singulis legionibus, Zuerdebaldus dux Boemorum, Gwelfo dux Noricorum, Rudolfus dux Suevorum, Gotefridusdux Lotharingiorum, et alii principes, comites nobilesque innumerabiles. Ita iuxta fluvium Unstrut dictum publico bello commisso, cruenta rex potitus victoria rediit.

Therefore, with the Saxons being at variance with their own head, the prince, from every part of the realm gathering a strong and great soldiery and renewing the army, enters the aforesaid province to subdue them. There were in his retinue four great dukes, each with his own legion: Zuerdebaldus, duke of the Bohemians; Gwelfo, duke of the Noricans; Rudolfus, duke of the Suevi; Gotefridus, duke of the Lotharingians; and other princes, counts, and nobles without number. Thus, near the river called Unstrut, a pitched battle having been joined, the king, having gained a bloody victory, returned.

Non multo post tempore duo prefati duces Welfo et Rudolfus, qua occasione dubium, principi rebellantes Saxonibus iunguntur. Gotefridusautem Lotharingiae dux orientalem expeditionem aggressus, Hierosolimis ducatum populi Dei tenens, ibidem in pace quievit.

Not long after, the two aforesaid dukes, Welf and Rudolf, rebelling against the prince, for what occasion it is doubtful, join themselves to the Saxons. But Gotefridus, duke of Lotharingia, having undertaken an eastern expedition, holding at Jerusalem the dukedom of the people of God, there rested in peace.

Capitulum VII.

Chapter 7.

At Romanus pontifex Gregorius, qui iam, ut dictum est, principes adversus imperatorem concitabat, omnibus, ut alium crearent, latenter et manifeste scribebat. Igitur Rudolfus dux Suevorum ab eis rex factus diadema a Romana aecclesia accepisse traditur cum huiusmodi scripto: Roma dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rudolfo. Huius Rudolfi filiam quidam ex nobilissimis regni optimatibus Berhtolfus nomine de castro Zaringen habuit. Non multo post tempore Rudolfus in publico bello a fidelibus imperatoris necatur et in aecclesia Merseburch cultu regio sepelitur.

But the Roman pontiff Gregory, who already, as has been said, was inciting the princes against the emperor, was writing to all, secretly and openly, that they should create another. Therefore Rudolf, duke of the Swabians, having been made king by them, is reported to have received the diadem from the Roman church with a writing of this sort: Rome gave to Peter; Peter (gave) the diadem to Rudolf. The daughter of this Rudolf was had in marriage by a certain man from among the most noble magnates of the realm, by name Berhtolf, from the castle Zaringen. Not much later Rudolf is slain in public war by the emperor’s faithful, and in the church of Merseburch he is buried with royal honor.

Fertur de imperatore, quod, cum pacatis paulisper his seditionum motibus ad predictam aecclesiam Merseburch venisset ibique prefatum Rudolfum velut regem humatum vidisset, cuidam dicenti, cur eum, qui rex non fuerat, velut regali honore sepultum iacere permitteret, dixerit: 'Utinam omnes inimici mei tam honorifice iacerent'. Occiso Rudolfo gener eius Berhtolfus ducatum Sueviae tamquam a socero sibi concessum usurpat.

It is reported about the emperor that, when, these motions of seditions having been pacified for a little while, he had come to the aforesaid church of Merseburch and there had seen the aforesaid Rudolf interred as though a king, to a certain man saying why he allowed him, who had not been a king, to lie buried as if with royal honor, he said: ‘Would that all my enemies lay so honorably.’ Rudolf having been slain, his son-in-law Berhtolf usurps the duchy of Swabia, as if granted to himself by his father-in-law.

Capitulum VIII.

CHAPTER 8.

Ea tempestate comes quidam Fridericus nomine, ex nobilissimis Sueviae comitibus originem trahens, in castro Stophe dicto coloniam posuerat. Hic, cum esset consilio providus, armis strennuus, ad curiam imperatoris assumptus per multos dies ibidem militarat strennuissimique ac nobilissimi militis officium implensin omnibus periculis suis viriliter imperatori astiterat. Videns ergo princeps rei publicae tam dubium statum, vocato ad se secreto prefato comite, sic eum alloquitur: 'Virorum optime, quem inter omnes in pace fidelissimum et in bello fortissimum expertus sum, cerne, qualiter Romanus orbis tenebris involutus, fide vacuus, iuxta quod dicitur:Ultima caelicolum terras Astrea reliquit, ad ausus nefarios factaque nefandissima concitatur.

At that time a certain count named Frederick, drawing origin from the most noble counts of Swabia, had placed a colony in the castle called Stophe. He, since he was provident in counsel, strenuous in arms, having been taken up to the emperor’s court, had soldiered there for many days and, fulfilling the office of a most strenuous and most noble knight, had manfully stood by the emperor in all dangers. Therefore, seeing the condition of the commonwealth so doubtful, the princeps of the republic, having secretly called to himself the aforesaid count, addresses him thus: 'Best of men, whom among all I have found most faithful in peace and most strong in war, behold how the Roman world, wrapped in darkness, void of faith, according to what is said: The last of the heaven-dwellers, Astraea, has left the lands, is stirred up to nefarious ventures and most unspeakable deeds.

Nec parentibus reverentia nec dominis debita subiectio servatur. Sacramenta, quae tam iure poli quam iure fori principi a milite publice exhiberi solent, contempnuntur, factiosaque iuramenta, quae contra leges divinas et humanas in angulis fiunt, diabolo instigante pro sacrosanctis habentur. Nullus legibus, nullus divinis sanctionibus honor inpenditur.

Neither reverence for parents nor the due subjection to lords is observed. The sacramenta, which by the law of heaven as well as by the law of the forum are accustomed to be publicly rendered by the soldier to the princeps, are despised; and factious oaths, which are made in corners against divine and human laws, with the devil instigating, are held as sacrosanct. No honor is paid to the laws, none to divine sanctions.

Cum enim omnis potestas a Deo sit, qui potestati resistit, Dei ordinationi resistit. Assurge igitur huic tam pessimo morbo atque ad debellandos imperii hostes viriliter accingere. Neque enim priorum meritorum tuorum inmemor existo nec futurorum ingratus ero. Filiam quippe unicam, quam habeo, tibi in matrimonio sortiendam tradam ducatumque Sueviae, quem Berhtolfus invasit, concedam'. Sic itaque predictus Fridericus dux simul Suevorum et gener regis factus ad propria rediit et, ne multis morer, Berhtolfum tandem pacem petere coegit.

Since indeed all authority is from God, he who resists authority resists the ordinance of God. Rise up, therefore, against this most pernicious disease and gird yourself manfully to debellate the enemies of the empire. For I am not unmindful of your prior merits, nor will I be ungrateful for those to come. Indeed, my only daughter, whom I have, I will hand over to you to be taken in marriage, and I will grant the duchy of Swabia, which Berhtolf has invaded'. Thus, therefore, the aforesaid Frederick, made at once duke of the Swabians and the king’s son-in-law, returned to his own; and, not to linger with many words, he at length compelled Berhtolf to sue for peace.

Quodtamen quidam sub filio suo Friderico factum tradunt. Conditio autem pacis talis fuit, ut Berhtolfus ducatum exfestucaret, sic tamen, quod Turegum nobilissimum Sueviae oppidum a manu imperatoris ei tenendum remaneret. Hoc oppidum in faucibus montium versus Italiam super lacum, unde Lemannus fluvius fluit, situm imperatorum seu regum olim colonia fuit tantaeque iuxta maiorum nostrorum traditionem auctoritatis, ut Mediolanenses, si quando ab imperatore ad Transalpina vocarentur iudicia, ibi discuti vel iudicari de iure deberent.

Which, however, some hand down to have been done under his son Frederick. The condition of the peace was such that Berhtolf should divest the duchy by the festuca; yet thus, that Zurich (Turegum), the most noble town of Swabia, should remain to him to be held from the emperor’s hand. This town, situated in the mountain gorges toward Italy, above the lake whence the Lemanus River flows, was formerly a colony of emperors or kings, and of such authority, according to the tradition of our ancestors, that the Milanese, if ever they were called by the emperor to Transalpine courts, ought by right to have their cases examined or adjudicated there.

Unde ex eiusdem tam in rebus quam honoribus habundantia in ipsius porta scriptum dicitur: Nobile Turegum multarum copia rerum. A predicto etiam Lemanno fluvio- unde Lucanus: Deseruere cavo tentoria fixa Lemanno - tota illa provincia Alemannia vocatur. Quare quidam totam Teutonicam terram Alemanniam dictam putant omnesque Teutonicos Alemannos vocare solent, cum illa tantum provincia, id est Suevia, a Lemanno fluvio vocetur Alemannia, populique eam inhabitantes solummodo iure vocentur Alemanni. Berhtolfus iste, quamvis in hoc negotio imperio simul et iusticiae cesserit, tamen strennuissimus ac fortissimus fuisse traditur.

Whence, from that same city’s abundance both in goods and in honors, it is said to be written upon its very gate: Noble Turegum, abundance of many things. From the aforesaid river Leman also - whence Lucan: They deserted the tents fixed by hollow Lemanus - that whole province is called Alemannia. Wherefore some think that the whole Teutonic land is called Alemannia and are accustomed to call all the Teutonics Alemanni, whereas only that province, that is, Swabia, from the river Leman is called Alemannia, and the peoples inhabiting it alone are rightly called Alemanni. This Berhtolf, although in this matter he yielded both to the empire and to justice, nevertheless is reported to have been most strenuous and most brave.

Unde et adhuc ab antiquioribus de ipso dicitur, quod, si quando nuncius aliqua tristia ipsi apportans, secundum quod fieri assolet, hesitare voluisset, dixerit: 'Dic, dic! scio enim, quod semper laeta tristia vel tristia precedunt laeta; quare tantumdem mihi est primo audire nubilosa, cum postmodum auditurus sim serena, quam primo auditis serenis post auditurus sim nubilosa'. Magnificavox et viro forti digna, qui nativorum volubilitatem sine litteris naturali percipiens ingenio nec in diebus bonorum immemor malorum elevatus nec in diebus malorum immemor bonorumfuit fractus. Fridericus autem ducatum Alemanniae exhinc sine contradictione habuit ac strennue diebus non paucis rexit.

Whence even now it is said by the elders about him that, if ever a messenger bringing him some sad things, as is wont to happen, had wished to hesitate, he would say: 'Say, say! for I know that joyful things always precede sad things, or sad things precede joyful; wherefore it is all the same to me first to hear the nebulous things, since afterward I am going to hear the serene things, as to hear first the serene and afterward to hear the nebulous.' A magnificent utterance, and worthy of a valiant man, who, perceiving without letters by natural ingenium the volatility of things born, neither on the days of good things, unmindful of evils, was lifted up, nor on the days of evils, unmindful of goods, was broken. Frederick, moreover, henceforth had the duchy of Alemannia without contradiction and strenuously ruled it for not a few days.

Capitulum VIIII.

Chapter 9.

Suscepit vero ex nobilissima compare sua Agnete duos filios, Fridericum et Conradum, et ipse post multa virtutum suarum insigniain senectute bonadiem ultimum claudens in monasterio Laureacensi in proprio fundo constructo humatus est. At supra nominatus Berhtolfus, vacuum exhinc nomen ducis gerens, id quasi hereditarium posteris reliquit; omnes enim usque ad presentem diem duces dicti sunt, nullum ducatum habentes soloque nominesine re participantes - nisi quis ducatum esse dicat comitatum inter Iurum et montem Iovis, quem post mortem Willehelmi comitis filius suus Conradus ab imperatore Lothario suscepit, vel a ducatu Carentano, quem numquam habuerunt, ducis eos nomine honorandos contendat -, in aliis tamen rerum et honoris non parva pollentes magnificentia.

He indeed took from his most noble consort Agnes two sons, Frederick and Conrad; and he himself, after many insignia of his virtues, closing his last day in old age, was buried in the Laureacensian monastery, constructed on his own estate. But Berhtolf, named above, bearing from then on the empty title of duke, left that, as if hereditary, to his descendants; for all down to the present day have been called dukes, having no duchy and sharing only in the name without the thing—unless someone should call a duchy the county between the Jura and Mount Jove, which after the death of Count William his son Conrad received from Emperor Lothar, or should contend that from the Carinthian duchy, which they never had, they ought to be honored with the name of duke—yet in other matters of resources and honor they flourish with no small magnificence.

Capitulum X.

Chapter 10.

Mortuo Alemannorum duce Friderico, Agnetem ab ipso viduatam frater suus Heinricus, imperatoris Heinrici filius, in sua suscepit eamque Leopaldo Orientali marchioni, quod alias a nobis plenius dictum est, in uxorem dedit, filiis ipsius Friderico quindecim, Conrado duodecim annos habentibus. Porro Fridericus, qui maior natu erat, patri in ducatum successerat. Circa idem tempus imperator Heinricus aput Leodium Belgicae urbem diem obiit; sepultisqueibidem intestinis eius, corpus in Galliae civitatem Spiram deportatur ibique in aecclesia beatae Dei genitricis semperque virginis Mariae, quam ipse miro et artificioso, sicut hodie cernitur, construxerat opere, iuxta patrem, avum imperatores cultu regio sepelitur.

With Frederick, duke of the Alemanni, dead, Agnes, widowed by him, was taken into care by her brother Henry, son of Emperor Henry, and he gave her in marriage to Leopold, the Eastern margrave (which elsewhere by us has been said more fully), her sons Frederick being fifteen and Conrad twelve years of age. Moreover Frederick, who was the elder by birth, had succeeded his father in the duchy. About the same time Emperor Henry met his day at Liège, a city of Belgica; and with his entrails buried there, his body was conveyed to the Gallic city Speyer, and there in the church of the blessed Mother of God and ever-virgin Mary, which he himself had constructed with a wondrous and artful work, as is seen today, he is buried with royal honor beside his father and grandfather, who were emperors.

Eique in regnum successit filius suus Heinricus, in ordine imperatorum quartus, regum vero quintus. Hic armis strennuissimus totum imperium ita in brevi suae subiecit ditioni, ut et omnes in Romano orbe positi subiectionis iugum humiliter portarent et vicini dominationem eius suspectam habentes metu obrigescerent.

And to him in the kingdom succeeded his son Henry, fourth in the order of emperors, but fifth of kings. He, most strenuous in arms, in a short time so subjected the whole empire to his dominion that both all situated in the Roman orb humbly bore the yoke of subjection, and the neighbors, holding his domination suspect, grew stiff with fear.

Capitulum XI.

Chapter 11.

Quot ergo et quanta tam Romae quam in Italia fortia gesserit, quia in priori dicta sunt hystoria, supersedemus. Hoc tantum ad presens ponere sufficiat, quod, cum in summo statu positus, omnibus Gallicanis trepidantibus, castrum Barrum contra opinionem multorum assultu cepisset ibique comitem Reginaldum comprehensum captivum abduxisset, iuxta eiusdem comitis arcem Munzun dictam castra posuit. Quam in altissimo monte sitam naturaque locorum munitissimam dum nulla arte vel vi capere valeret, patibulum erigi precepit, dicens, quod, nisi velociter castrum redderetur, comitem ipsum suspendio perimeret.

How many and how great valorous deeds he accomplished both at Rome and in Italy, since they have been told in the prior history, we pass over. Let it suffice for the present to set down only this: that, when placed at the summit of power, with all the Gallic folk trembling, he took by assault, against the expectation of many, the castle of Barrum, and there, having apprehended Count Reginald, led him away captive; he pitched camp beside the same count’s citadel called Munzun. Which, set on the loftiest mountain and by the nature of the place most strongly fortified, since he was able to take by neither art nor force, he ordered a gibbet to be erected, saying that, unless the castle were quickly surrendered, he would dispatch the count himself by hanging.

Oppidani usque in alterum diem inducias petunt. Illa in nocte comitissa filium genuit. Itaque oppidani convenientes infantulo recenter genito sacramento fidelitatis astringuntur.

The townspeople ask for a truce until the next day. That night the countess bore a son. And so the townspeople, coming together, are bound by the sacrament of fidelity—an oath of fealty—to the recently born little infant.

Mane facto, cum imperator rursum ad deditionem castri oppidanos exposceret, dominoque illorum comite coram ducto, suspendium interminaretur, ipsi responderunt se propter mortem illius castrum reddere nolle, presertim cum novum dominum, quem illa nocte uxor eius sibi peperisset, haberent. Qua de re inflammatus princeps predictum comitem ad patibulum trahi iussit. Cumque a principibus qui aderant, ne id faceret, rogaretur, ipsoque in proposito perseverante, a quibusdam, ut saltem divina animadversione a coepto desisteret, diceretur, turbato pre ira oculo, respondisse fertur: Caelum caeli domino, terram autem dedit filiis hominum. Tandem tamen irrationabili motu defervescente, cunctorum precibus augustus inclinatus a mortis sententia animum revocavit predictumque comitem secum captivum ducens ad familiaria domicilia rediit.

When morning had come, as the emperor again demanded the townsmen’s surrender of the castle, and, their lord the count having been led before him, threatened hanging, they replied that on account of his death they were unwilling to give back the castle—especially since they had a new lord, whom his wife had borne to him that night. On which account the prince, inflamed, ordered the aforesaid count to be dragged to the gallows. And when he was entreated by the princes who were present not to do this, and he persisted in his purpose, some said that at least, by divine animadversion, he should desist from his undertaking; with his eye turbid with anger, he is said to have replied: Heaven is the heaven of the Lord, but the earth he has given to the sons of men. At length, however, as the irrational emotion cooled, the Augustus, inclined by the prayers of all, called back his mind from the sentence of death, and, leading the aforesaid count captive with him, returned to his familiar dwellings.

Capitulum XII.

Chapter 12.

Non multo post ipso in civitate Galliae Maguntia nuptias cum multorum principum astipulatione magnifice celebrante, imperium, ut alibi a nobis profusius dictum est, scinditur. Quae scissura illo tempore tam gravis fuit, ut preter Fridericum ducem fratremque suum et Gotefridum palatinum comitem Rheni vix aliqui ex principibus fuerint, qui principi suo non rebellarent. Quot et quanta ergo Fridericus Suevorum dux nobilissimus vel imperatore presente vel in Italia morante stilo digna tunc gesserit, quia in multorum adhuc habentur memoria, summatim dicemus.

Not long after, he himself, in the Gallic city Mainz, magnificently celebrating the nuptials with the astipulation of many princes, the Empire, as elsewhere by us more copiously has been said, is rent. Which rending at that time was so grave that, apart from Frederick the duke and his own brother, and Godfrey the palatine count of the Rhine, scarcely any of the princes were who did not rebel against their prince. How many and how great things, therefore, Frederick, the most noble duke of the Swabians, then achieved—whether the emperor was present or was staying in Italy—worthy of the stylus, since they are still held in the memory of many, we shall say summarily.

Ipse enim de Alemannia in Galliam transmisso Rheno se recipiens totam provinciam a Basilea usque Maguntiam, ubi maxima vis regni esse noscitur, paulatim ad suam inclinavit voluntatem. Nam semper secundum alveum Rheni descendens, nunc castrum in aliquo apto loco edificans vicina quaeque coegit, nunc iterum procedens, relicto priore, aliud munivit; ut de ipso in proverbio diceretur: Dux Fridericus in cauda equi sui semper trahit castrum. Erat autem predictus dux in bellis fortis, in negotiis ingeniosus, vultu et animo serenus, in sermone urbanus donisque tam largus, ut ob hoc multitudo maxima militum ad eum conflueret seque ad serviendum illi ultro offerret.

For he himself, from Alemannia into Gaul, with the Rhine crossed and withdrawing, gradually bent the whole province from Basel up to Mainz—where the greatest force of the realm is known to be—to his own will. For always descending along the channel of the Rhine, now building a castle in some suitable place he compelled all the neighboring parts, now advancing again, the former left behind, he fortified another; so that about him it was said in a proverb: Duke Frederick at the tail of his horse always drags a castle. Now the aforesaid duke was strong in wars, ingenious in affairs, serene in countenance and mind, urbane in speech, and so lavish in gifts that on account of this a very great multitude of soldiers flocked to him and of their own accord offered themselves to serve him.

Capitulum XIII.

Chapter 13.

Igitur omnibus circa Rhenum, ut supra dictum est, ad nutum suum inclinatis, Maguntino archiepiscopo Alberto, omnium illius temporis regni principum versutissimo et locupletissimo, eo quod predictae factionis caput et auctor fuerat, bellum indixit; vastatisque cunctis in circuitu, tandem ipsam civitatem cum infinita multitudine militum ac plebis obsidione cinxit. Est autem predicta civitas magna et fortis super Rhenum posita et ex ea parte, qua Rhenum attingit, spissa et populosa, ex alio latere rarum habitatorem habens vacua, muro tantum forti, non paucas turres habenti, circumdata. Porrectain inmensum in longitudine, in lato angustior.

Therefore, with all around the Rhine, as was said above, bent to his nod, he declared war upon Albert, archbishop of Mainz, the most crafty and most wealthy of all the princes of the realm of that time, because he had been the head and author of the aforesaid faction; and with everything laid waste in the circuit, at length he encircled the city itself with a siege, with an infinite multitude of soldiers and of the plebs. Now the aforesaid city is great and strong, set upon the Rhine, and on that side where it touches the Rhine it is dense and populous; on the other side it has few inhabitants, being empty, encompassed only by a strong wall that has not a few towers. Stretched out to an immense extent in length, in breadth it is narrower.

Necessitas locum signavit. Nam ex ea parte, qua Galliae continua est, monte mediocriter in altum sublato artatur; ex alio vero latere, qua Germaniam respicit, Rheno. Unde fit, quod circa Rhenum nobilibus templis et edificiis vestita sit et versus montem vineis aliisque usibus exposita.

Necessity has designated the place. For on that side where it is continuous with Gaul, it is constrained by a mountain moderately raised in height; but on the other side, where it looks toward Germany, by the Rhine. Whence it comes about that around the Rhine it is clothed with noble temples and edifices, and toward the mountain it is set out with vineyards and other uses.

Vulgus, quod cum duce in obsidione fuit, ex illa parte, qua rara est civitas, predandi gratia eam assultu capere voluit. Timens autem nobilissimus dux, si irrationabili plebis furori talis daretur licentia, sanctorum forte loca direptioni et flammae exponi, ne voluntas illorum effectui manciparetur, summopere laboravit. At episcopus civitatis, fidei ducis non rectam recompensationem reddens, directis de civitate ad ipsum in dolo nunciis treugam postulat, diem, quando et ubi conveniant, petit, se ad gratiam imperatoris velle venire promittit, sicque ducem exercitum dimittere, obsidionem solvere ac ita cum paucis ad propria redire persuadet.

The vulgar crowd, which was with the duke in the siege, from that side where the city is sparse, wished for the sake of predation to take it by assault. But the most noble duke, fearing that, if such license were given to the irrational fury of the plebs, the holy places might perchance be exposed to rapine and flame, labored exceedingly lest their will be handed over to execution. But the bishop of the city, not rendering a right recompense to the duke’s good faith, with messengers sent out from the city to him in guile, asks for a truce, requests a day when and where they might meet, promises that he wishes to come into the grace of the emperor, and thus persuades the duke to dismiss the army, to lift the siege, and so to return to his own with a few.

Episcopus solutam obsidionem, dimissum cernens exercitum, apertis portis, cum magna ducem insequens milicia ex inproviso invadit. Dux cum suis, quos adhuc de tanto exercitu residuos habebat, tunc primo dolum sentiendo, non, ut assolet arma ex inproviso corripientibus accidere, mente turbatus, sed ex presentia hostium amplius ad virtutem animatus, arma sumit in hostemque ruit; viriliterque pugnantibus Alemannis, tandem ex parte Francorum comes Emicho, qui caeterorum primipilarius erat, letali sauciatus vulnereoccubuit. Qua de re fracti animo Franci terga verterunt presidioque fugae se committunt.

The bishop, seeing the siege lifted and the army dismissed, with the gates opened, with a great soldiery pursuing the duke, attacks him unexpectedly. The duke, with his own men—those whom he still had left from so great an army—then for the first time perceiving the treachery, not, as is wont to happen to those snatching up arms on the spur of the moment, disturbed in mind, but from the presence of the enemies all the more animated to virtue, takes up arms and rushes upon the enemy; and with the Alemanni fighting manfully, at length, on the side of the Franks, Count Emicho, who was the primipilary of the others, fell, wounded by a lethal wound. On account of this, the Franks, broken in spirit, turned their backs and committed themselves to the protection of flight.

Quos fortissimus dux insecutus, occisis plurimis et captis, reliquos usque ad portas civitatis cum episcopo suo triumpho potitus fugavit. Cives, qui parentes et amicos in illa caede amiserant, tanta cordis amaritudine affecti erant, ut pene in proprium episcopum velut huius concussionis auctorem irruerent.

Whom the most valiant duke, pursuing, with very many slain and taken captive, drove the rest in flight up to the gates of the city, together with their bishop, having obtained his triumph. The citizens, who had lost parents and friends in that slaughter, were affected with such bitterness of heart that they almost rushed upon their own bishop as the author of this concussion (upheaval).

Capitulum XIIII.

Chapter 14.

Idem etiam dux illustrissimus alia vice, dum predictus Albertus episcopus cum Lothario Saxonum duce aliisque principibus in magna et valida militum manu castrum Linburch in territorio Spirensi situm obsidione clausisset et iam, oppidanis fame et inedia astrictis, castrum pene ad deditionem coegisset, militem colligens supervenit predictosque principes obsidionem solvere fecit. Fertur pretaxatos oppidanos, dum fame laborarent, quid facto opus esset, consilium inisse; dumque alii et alii sic et sic consulerent, Olricum quendam de Horningen, natione Alemannum, vi mentis corporisque proceritate insignem, dixisse melius fore, ut pingues monachi - nam monachorum cenobium in eodem castro positum erat - ederentur, quam castrum propter ciborum inopiam hostibus traderetur. Quo dicto cognito monachi perculsi cibaria, quae reposita habebant, publicaverunt cunctosque ibidem manentes milites usque ad liberationem castri in his quibus poterant alimentis paverunt.

The same most illustrious duke also, on another occasion, while the aforesaid Albert, bishop, together with Lothar, duke of the Saxons, and other princes, with a great and strong band of soldiers had enclosed with a siege the castle of Linburch, situated in the territory of Speyer, and now, with the townsmen constrained by hunger and starvation, had almost forced the castle to surrender, collecting soldiery he came upon them and made the aforesaid princes raise the siege. It is reported that the aforesaid townsmen, while they were suffering from hunger, took counsel as to what needed to be done; and while one and another advised thus and so, a certain Olric of Horningen, by nation a German, distinguished for strength of mind and loftiness of body, said it would be better that the fat monks—for a monastery (a monastic coenobium) had been set in that same castle—be eaten, than that the castle be handed over to the enemies on account of lack of provisions. When this saying became known, the monks, stricken, brought out the foodstuffs which they had laid up, and fed all the soldiers remaining there, until the liberation of the castle, with such victuals as they could.

Quid plura? Pretaxatus dux, ut breviter dicam, per omnia patrem induens, tam fidus principi miles, tam utilis avunculo amicus extitit, ut sua virtute honorem regni labefactatum viriliter contra hostes decertando tam diu sustentaret, donec membra a capite suo dissidentia ad gratiam principis veniendo ad cor redirent.

What more? The aforementioned duke, to speak briefly, putting on his father in all things, proved so faithful a soldier to the prince, so useful a friend to his uncle, that by his own virtue he sustained for so long the honor of the realm, shaken, by manfully contending against the enemies, until the members at variance with their head, by coming into the prince’s grace, returned to their senses.

Accepit autem Heinrici Noricorum ducis filiamin uxorem, ex qua postmodum Fridericum gloriosissimum, qui inpresentiarum imperator est, et Iuditham, quae modo Matheo Lotharingiorum duci copulata noscitur, genuit.

He took, moreover, the daughter of Henry, duke of the Noricans, as a wife, from whom thereafter he begot Frederick most glorious, who at present is emperor, and Judith, who is now known to be joined to Matthew, duke of the Lotharingians.

Capitulum XV.

Chapter 15.

Imperator Heinricus, revocatis in pacem qui ei oppositi erant principibus, libere potitus imperio, aput inferius Traiectum Fresiae urbem in pentecoste curiam celebravit. Ubi morbo correptus, rebus humanis exemptus, sepultisque ibidem interioribus, per ripam Rheni ad superiora deportatus in civitate Spira patribus suis appositus est.

Emperor Henry, having recalled into peace the princes who had opposed him, being freely in possession of the imperium, at Lower Traiectum, the city of Frisia, held a curia at Pentecost. There, seized by illness, removed from human affairs, and with his inner organs buried in the same place, he was carried along the bank of the Rhine upstream and, in the city of Speyer, was joined to his fathers.

Capitulum XVI.

Chapter 16.

At imperatrix Mahtildis, Heinrici regis Anglorum filia, regalia in potestate sua habebat. Quam predictus Albertus Maguntinae aecclesiae archiepiscopus ad se vocavit falsisque promissionibus ad sibi tradenda regalia induxit.

But Empress Mahtildis, daughter of Henry, king of the English, had the regalia in her own power. Whom the aforesaid Albert, archbishop of the church of Mainz, summoned to himself and by false promises induced to deliver the regalia to him.

Capitulum XVII.

Chapter 17.

Igitur Albertus - nam id iuris, dum regnum vacat, Maguntini archiepiscopi ab antiquioribus esse traditur - principes regni in ipsa civitate Maguntina tempore autumpnali convocat, malorumque a duce Friderico sibi illatorum haut inmemor, cum predictus dux ad regnum a multis exposceretur, ipse Lotharium ducem Saxonum, virum tamen ex probitatis industria omni honore dignum, plus familiaris rei, quantum in ipso erat, quam communi commodo consulens, in regem a cunctis qui aderant principibus eligi persuasit. Quae res laudabiliter facta gravissimae tamen scissurae seminarium denuo fuit. Nam predictus princeps consilio eiusdem Alberti Maguntini episcopi, iuxta quod dicitur: Non missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirudo, nondum odio in heredes imperatoris Heinrici saciati, Fridericum ducem fratremque suum Conradum persequitur.

Therefore Albert—for that right, while the realm is vacant, is handed down by the ancients to belong to the archbishop of Mainz—summons the princes of the realm in the very city of Mainz at the autumnal season; and, not unmindful of the harms brought upon him by Duke Frederick, when the aforesaid duke was being demanded for the kingship by many, he, consulting more for his own family interest, so far as in him lay, than for the common good, persuaded that Lothar, duke of the Saxons—a man, to be sure, by industrious probity worthy of every honor—be chosen king by all the princes who were present. Which matter, though done laudably, was nevertheless anew the seedbed of a most grievous fissure. For the aforesaid prince, by the counsel of that same Albert, bishop of Mainz, according to what is said: Non missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirudo, not yet sated in hatred against the heirs of Emperor Henry, persecutes Duke Frederick and Conrad, his brother.

Cuius rei gratia castrum Noricum, ubi ipsi presidia posuerant et tamquam iure hereditario possidebant, adiuncto sibi Boemorum duce Ulrico et Baioariorum Heinricoobsidione clausit. Dux autem Boemorum, eo quod barbari, qui cum ipso venerant, nec Deum timentes nec hominem reverentes, omnia vicina depopulando nec etiam aecclesiis parcerent, a principe post aliquod tempus redire permissus est.

For which cause he, having the Noric castle—where they themselves had set garrisons and possessed it as though by hereditary right—enclosed by siege, with the duke of the Bohemians, Ulrich, and Henry of the Bavarians joined to him. But the duke of the Bohemians, because the barbarians who had come with him, fearing neither God nor reverencing man, were ravaging all the neighboring places and were not sparing even the churches, was permitted by the prince to return after some time.

Capitulum XVIII.

Chapter 18.

Itaque Fridericus dux fraterque suus Conradus militem colligunt ac data oppidanis die ac signo ipsi quadam die cum milicia sua castro appropinquant. Quod videntes oppidani, laeticiam cordis dissimulare non valentes, in voces magnas et cantus prorumpunt. Princeps, tutius iudicans alio in tempore prefatum castrum obsidione cingere quam infidae fortunae fidei se incaute committere, obsidionem solvit ac per Babenberch transiens in civitatem Herbipolim se contulit.

And so Duke Frederick and his brother Conrad gather the soldiery, and, a day and a signal having been given to the townsmen, they themselves on a certain day approach the castle with their militia. Seeing this, the townsmen, unable to dissemble the gladness of their heart, break forth into loud voices and songs. The prince, judging it safer at another time to surround the aforesaid castle with a siege than incautiously to commit himself to the trust of treacherous Fortune, raised the siege and, passing through Babenberch, betook himself to the city Herbipolis.

Oppidani cum ingenti clamore descendentes castra iam vacua irruunt et, si qua ibi remanserant, diripiunt dominosque suos cum magna laeticia suscipientes in castrum ducunt. Duces oppidum ipsum victualibus aliisque necessariis muniunt; sicque regem insequentes, illo in civitate manente, tyrocinium, quod vulgo nunc turneimentum dicitur, cum militibus eius extra exercendo usque ad muros ipsos progrediuntur. Post haec Rhenum transeunt in Spirensique civitate, cuius populus eos ob fidelitatem imperatorum, qui ibidem humati sunt, tamquam eiusdem sanguinis consortes, devote susceperat, presidia collocant.

The townspeople, descending with immense clamor, rush into the camp, now empty, and whatever had remained there they plunder; and, receiving their lords with great joy, they lead them into the castle. The dukes fortify the town itself with victuals and other necessaries; and thus, pursuing the king, while he remained in the city, by exercising outside the tyrocinium, which in the vulgar tongue is now called a tournament, with his soldiers, they advance up to the very walls. After this they cross the Rhine, and in the city of Speyer, whose people, out of fidelity to the emperors who are buried there, had devoutly received them as consorts of the same blood, they place garrisons.

Quam princeps iuncto sibi Alberto Maguntino obsidione circumdat multosque ibi dies consumens prevalere tunc non potuit.

Which the prince, with Albert of Mainz joined to him, surrounded with a siege, and, spending many days there, at that time could not prevail.

Capitulum XVIIII.

Chapter 19.

Porro Heinricus Noricorum dux, supra nominati Heinrici ducis filius, ob gratiam principis, cuius filiam Gerdrudim noviter in uxorem duxerat, Friderico duci, haut memor affinitatis, quae ex copula sororis suae Iudithae inter ipsos erat, bellum indicit; coadunatoque ex Baioaria non parvo milite Alemanniam ingressus non longe a Danubio super fluvium Werenzadictum castra posuit. Quo comperto sepe dicti duces etiam ipsi militem colligunt nec longe ab eo castra metantur. At dux Noricorum missis exploratoribus, quod hostium robur sit, inquirit.

Moreover Henry, duke of the Noricans, son of the above-named duke Henry, for the favor of the prince—whose daughter Gerdrud he had newly taken to wife—declares war on Duke Frederick, not mindful of the affinity which, from the union with his sister Judith, was between them; and, having assembled from Bavaria no small soldiery, having entered Alemannia, not far from the Danube, above the river called Werenza, he pitched camp. On learning this, the oft-mentioned dukes also themselves gather soldiers and pitch camp not far from him. But the duke of the Noricans, with scouts sent out, inquires what the strength of the enemies may be.

Quibus redeuntibus et ea quae viderant enarrantibus suos consuluit, quidque facto opus sit, perquirit. Illi incautum fore, si hostes expectentur, iudicantes fugam consulunt. Tanta ergo cum festinatione Norici hostes tamquam sibi iam imminentes declinaverunt, ut pontis angustias suspectas habendo infidis predicti amnis procellis, qui ex multitudine ymbrium plus solito excreverat, incaute se committerent, ipsoque non tam transvadando quam transnatando periculose transmisso, ad propria cum rubore remearent.

When they returned and narrated the things they had seen, he consulted his own men and inquired what was needed to be done. They, judging that it would be incautious if the enemies were awaited, counsel flight. Therefore with such haste did the Noricans decline the enemies, as if already imminent upon them, that, holding the narrowness of the bridge as suspect, they incautiously committed themselves to the treacherous swells of the aforesaid river, which had risen beyond the usual from a multitude of rains; and, the stream having been crossed perilously, not so much by wading as by swimming, they returned to their own places with a blush of shame.

Capitulum XX.

Chapter 20.

Alio itidem tempore predictus dux Heinricus Alemanniam ingressus ad propria ibi domicilia se contulit. Erat enim natione Alemannus, ex antiqua et nobilissima Gwelforum familia originem trahens ac per hoc multas possessiones ex ea parte, qua Pyreneos montes attingit Alemannia, iure hereditario habens, vir per omnia laudabilis, tam animi quam generis nobilitate insignis, in hoc solo facto tantum reprehensibilis. Missis itaque legatis ad Fridericum ducem Suevorum eum amice tamquam sororis suae maritum monet, ut ad gratiam principis redeat, durum esse dicens quempiam quantumcumque magnum vel probum principem totius imperii pondus solum sustinere; addit etiam huius negotii se, si monitis eius acquiescere vellet, fidum fore mediatorem.

At another time likewise, the aforesaid duke Henry, having entered Germany, betook himself to his own domiciles there. For he was by nation a German, drawing his origin from the ancient and most noble family of the Guelphs, and through this having many possessions by hereditary right on that side where Germany touches the Pyrenees mountains, a man in all respects laudable, distinguished by nobility both of spirit and of lineage, only in this single deed blameworthy. Therefore, having sent envoys to Frederick, duke of the Swabians, he amicably admonishes him, as the husband of his sister, that he return to the grace of the prince, saying it is hard that anyone, however great or upright a prince, should alone sustain the weight of the whole empire; he also adds that in this business, if he were willing to acquiesce in his admonitions, he would be a faithful mediator.

Ubi ergo et qua die simul conveniant oreque ad os de hoc familiarius conferant, monasterium quoddam Zwivelton dictum constituitur. Dux Fridericus nil perperam expectans ad predictum locum cum paucis venit. Ille vero non simpliciter ambulans, quo loco nocte cubare vellet, latenter exploravit.

Therefore, as to where and on what day they should come together and speak of this more familiarly, mouth to mouth, a certain monastery called Zwivelton is appointed. Duke Frederick, expecting nothing amiss, came to the aforesaid place with a few men. But the other, not proceeding straightforwardly, secretly reconnoitered where he would wish to lie down for the night.

Itaque sole ad inferius hemisperium descendente, cum tenebrosis mentibus tenebrarum oportunitas se offerret, cubiculum, in quo dux iacebat, circumdatur, et quod non amicus, sed ut hostis advenerit, re et voce aperitur. Quid faceret? Quo se verteret?

Thus, with the sun descending to the lower hemisphere, when to tenebrous minds the opportunity of darkness offered itself, the bedchamber in which the duke was lying is surrounded, and it is made clear, by deed and by voice, that he had come not as a friend but as an enemy. What was he to do? Whither should he turn?

Arma corriperet? Sed pene nullum, quo iuvaretur, habuit. Fugeret?

Should he seize arms? But he had almost no means by which he might be helped. Should he flee?

Sed nullum cubiculi meatum sciens fugae presidium non invenit. Dolum itaque cognoscens ad divinae tantum gratiae se vertit adiutorium. Qua opitulante per abdita quedam cubiculi penetralia tunc sibi primo quasi caelitus ostensa aecclesiam introivit, turrim, quae aecclesiae contigua erat, ascendit.

But, knowing no passage of the bedchamber, he found no safeguard for flight. Therefore, recognizing the deceit, he turned himself solely to the aid of divine grace. With this succoring him, through certain hidden inner recesses of the bedchamber—then for the first time to him as if shown from heaven—he entered the church, and ascended the tower which was contiguous to the church.

Hostes cubiculum irrumpunt et non invento duce claustra etiam monachorum ingrediuntur cunctasque officinas ipsorum ferro perscrutantur. Phebo ab inferis redeunte superioremque acris regionem illuminare incipiente vicini quique fideles ducis, tam teterrimo cognito facto, aggregatim in adiutorium eius advolant. Hostibus adhuc secretiora claustri rimantibus ignemque minantibus, Fridericus suos de turre adventare prospiciens, iam securus factus, Heinricum ducem exposcit eumque sic affatur: 'Contra fas, bone dux, fecisti, qui me in pace vocatum, pacis non ferens signa, inimicum te potius quam amicum ostendisti; nec te ab hoc facto propriae famae revocavit honestas nec carnis, qua coniungimur, affinitas.

The enemies burst into the bedchamber, and, not finding the leader, they even enter the monks’ cloister and search with steel all their workshops. As Phoebus was returning from the underworld and beginning to illumine the upper region of the air, the neighbors and all the duke’s faithful, the deed so utterly foul being known, in a body fly to his aid. While the enemies were still prying into the more secret places of the cloister and threatening fire, Frederick, from the tower seeing his own men approaching, now made secure, calls for Duke Henry and addresses him thus: 'Against right you have acted, good duke, you who, I being summoned in peace, not bearing the ensigns of peace, have shown yourself an enemy rather than a friend; nor did the honorable regard for your own repute recall you from this deed, nor the kinship of flesh by which we are joined.'

Ne autem malum pro malo redderevidear, te tamquam amicum fideliter ammoneo, ne fideles meos, quos undique adventare cerno, expectes'. Excusatur tamen quibusdam hoc factum ducis non solum ex hoc, quod eo in tempore inimici fuerunt, iuxta illud: Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirat? sed et ex eo, quod pro fidelitate regni et rei publicae quiete principi eum tradere pacemque imperio instaurare volens hoc fecerit.

'But lest I seem to render evil for evil, I faithfully admonish you, as a friend, not to await my faithful men, whom I discern to be coming from every side.' Nevertheless, this deed of the duke is excused by some, not only on the ground that at that time they were enemies, according to the saying: Guile or virtue—who would require it in an enemy? but also on the ground that, for the fidelity of the kingdom and the quiet of the republic, wishing to hand him over to the prince and to restore peace to the empire, he did this.

Capitulum XXI.

Chapter 21.

Dissensio igitur inter Fridericum ducem Lothariumque imperatorem pene per X annos protracta imperium quiescere non permisit. Qualiter autem ad ultimum pacatum fuerit, et quot et quanta virtutum insignia Lotharius reliquerit, in priore hystoria dictumsufficiat. Verum silentio preterire nolumus, quod predictus princeps adversam nimis circa regni primordia fortunam sensit.

Dissension, therefore, between Duke Frederick and Emperor Lothar, protracted almost for 10 years, did not allow the empire to rest. As to how at last it was pacified, and how many and how great insignia of virtues Lothar left behind, let what has been said in the prior history suffice. Yet we do not wish to pass over in silence that the aforesaid prince experienced fortune too adverse around the beginnings of his reign.

Quidam enim Otto Maraviae comes ducatum Boemiae affectans principem adiit eique magnam pecuniam promittens ad hoc, ut Boemiam secum intraret ibique eum ducem crearet, inclinavit. Quod Ulricus, qui eundem ducatum tunc forte habebat, impedire volens nullo principem obsequio a coepto revocare potuit. Igitur rex Saxoniam intrans militem instaurat ducensque secum Ottonem claustra silvarum, quae Boemiam et Saxoniam seiungunt, hyemali tempore ingreditur.

For a certain Otto, count of Moravia, aspiring to the duchy of Bohemia, approached the prince and, promising him a great sum of money to this end—that he would enter Bohemia with him and there create him duke—won him over. Which Ulric, who at that time by chance held the same duchy, wishing to impede, could not by any deference recall the prince from his undertaken plan. Therefore the king, entering Saxony, reinstates the soldiery, and, leading Otto with him, enters in wintertime the barriers of the forests which separate Bohemia and Saxony.

Dux autem Boemiae Ulricus in ipsis silvarum abditis locis, septis undique silvis, super amniculum quendamcastra posuit. Rex cum suis propter nimietatem nivium a recta via exorbitans ac per devia silvarum oberrans ad predictum amnem forte venit, suis viae labore nimio et inedia exhaustis quiescere volentibus; barbari turbatum cernentes amnem hostes in proximo esse presentiunt ex inprovisoque supervenientes Saxones, qui in prima acie erant, iam per nives deambulando fatigatos invadunt ac paucis per fugam elapsis, quibusdam captis, caeteros crudeliter occidunt. Videns hoc princeps suisque ex angustia viarum nullum presidium ferre valens, sevissima mentis amaritudine perculsus, rerum tamen, quas ab adolescentia gesserat, ac antiquae virtutis memoria quasi caelesti rore repletus in collem quendam cum paucis, quos adhuc residuos habebat, se recepit.

But the Duke of Bohemia, Ulricus, in those very hidden places of the forests, hedged on all sides by woods, pitched camp over a certain little stream. The king with his men, on account of the excessive quantity of snows swerving from the straight way and wandering through the byways of the forests, by chance came to the aforesaid stream, his men, exhausted by the excessive toil of the way and by lack of food, wishing to rest; the barbarians, seeing the stream troubled, realize that enemies are near, and, coming upon them unexpectedly, attack the Saxons, who were in the front battle-line, already wearied by walking through the snows, and, with a few slipping away by flight and some taken captive, they cruelly slay the rest. Seeing this, the prince, and being able, because of the narrowness of the roads, to bring no assistance to his own, smitten with the most savage bitterness of mind, yet, as if filled with heavenly dew by the memory of the deeds which he had done from youth and of ancient virtus, withdrew onto a certain hill with the few whom he still had remaining.

Quem prefatus dux, suis in circuitu [ipsius] positis magnarumque arborum iactu et clausura reditum negantibus, tamquam clausum tenuit. Tandem Heinrico Saxoniae marchione, qui de sororeducis natus cum rege advenerat, mediante ad pedes imperatoris satisfactionem offerens humiliter dux venit hominiumque sibi cum sacramento fidelitatis exhibens ducatum ab eo suscepit, captivos reddidit; sicque princeps, portatis secum eorum qui nobiliores erant funeribus, cum multo merore rediit.

Whom the aforesaid duke, with his men posted around [him] and with the casting down and enclosure of great trees denying a return, held as though shut in. At length, Henry, margrave of Saxony, who, born of the duke’s sister, had come with the king, acting as mediator, the duke came humbly to the emperor’s feet offering satisfaction; and, exhibiting to him homage with an oath of fealty, he received the duchy from him and returned the captives; and thus the prince, carrying with him the funerals of those who were the more noble, returned with much sorrow.

Capitulum XXII.

Chapter 22.

Inter caeteros nobilissimus marchio Saxoniae Albertus captus fuerat. Tanta vero strages Saxonum et precipue nobilium et illustrium virorum ibi facta fuit, ut perpetui odii inter Saxones et Boemos fomes tunc accensus nondum extinctus sit. Otto quoque, qui huius concussionis auctor fuerat, ambitionis suae penas luens ibidem necatus est.

Among the others, the most noble margrave of Saxony, Albert, had been captured. But so great a slaughter of the Saxons, and especially of noble and illustrious men, was made there, that the fuel of perpetual hatred between the Saxons and the Bohemians, then kindled, has not yet been extinguished. Otto also, who had been the author of this commotion, paying the penalties of his ambition, was killed in that same place.

Sed, ut dicitur: Flebile principium melior fortuna sequetur, sic et hunc principem melior fortuna secuta ad tantum apicem provexit, ut, sedatis omnium tempestatum motibus, cum triumpho et victoria de Italia rediens in ipsis montibus vivendi finem fecerit. Verum Fridericus dux, mortua uxore sua Iuditha dissensionis tempore, Friderici comitis de Sarburch, fratris Alberti episcopi; filiam Agnetem in uxorem duxit; ab eaque Conradum, qui palatinus comes Rheni nunc esse noscitur, et Clariciam Lodewici Turingiae comitis uxorem accepit.

But, as it is said: A tearful beginning a better fortune will follow, so too a better fortune, having followed this prince, advanced him to so great an apex that, with the motions of all tempests stilled, returning from Italy with triumph and victory, he ended his life in those very mountains. However, Duke Frederick, his wife Judith having died in the time of the dissension, took as wife Agnes, daughter of Frederick, count of Sarburch, brother of Bishop Albert; and by her he had Conrad, who is now known to be the Count Palatine of the Rhine, and Claricia, whom Louis, count of Thuringia, took as wife.

Capitulum XXIII.

Chapter 23.

Defuncto imperatore Lothario ac in monasterio Lutre, quod in eius proprio fundo situm est, humato, principes regni aput Galliae oppidum Confluentiam, ubi Mosella Rhenum influit, conveniunt et de eligendo principe consilium ineunt. Igitur Conradus Friderici ducis frater ab omnibus qui aderant exposcitur, ad regnumque levatus in palatio Aquis coronatur. Quod eo facilius fieri potuit, quod imperatoris Heinrici odium in mentibus plurium iam deferbuerat Albertusque Maguntinus archiepiscopus iam recenter vivendi finem fecerat.

With Emperor Lothar deceased and buried in the monastery of Lutre, which is situated on his own estate, the princes of the realm gather at the Gallic town Confluentes, where the Moselle flows into the Rhine, and enter into counsel about choosing a prince. Therefore Conrad, the brother of Duke Frederick, is demanded by all who were present, and, raised to the kingship, is crowned in the palace at Aachen. This could be done the more easily because the hatred of Emperor Henry had already cooled down in the minds of many, and Albert, archbishop of Mainz, had quite recently made an end of living.

Accessit etiam ad huius negotii promotionem, quod Heinricus Noricorum dux pro nota superbiae pene omnium, qui in expeditione Italica cum Lothario imperatore fuerant, odium contraxerat.

Added also to the promotion of this business was the fact that Henry, duke of the Noricans, on account of the mark of arrogance, had contracted the hatred of almost all who had been in the Italian expedition with Emperor Lothar.

Itaque Fridericus dux Maguntiam, quae tunc pastore suo orbata vacabat, venit omnesque tam clericos quam laicos ad hoc, ut Albertum iuniorem, uxoris suae, quam secundo acceperat, fratrem, eligerent, induxit, principe ad hoc corroborandum adscito.

Accordingly Duke Frederick came to Mainz, which then, bereft of its pastor, stood vacant, and induced all, both clerics and laity, to this end: that they should elect Albert the Younger, the brother of his wife, whom he had taken as his second, the prince being summoned to corroborate this.

Qui patruum suum seniorem Albertum non exuens non bene gratus beneficiorum extitit nec plene fidum principi suo se exhibuit. Qualiter vero Heinricus dux Noricorum predictae sublimationi principis contradixerit et quem finem ipse sortitus fuerit, quomodo etiam princeps tam de ipso quam de multis aliis triumphaverit, in priori hystoria dictum sufficiat.

Who, not divesting his paternal uncle, Albert the elder, did not prove well grateful for the benefactions, nor did he show himself fully faithful to his prince. But as to how Henry, duke of the Norici, contradicted the aforementioned sublimation of the prince and what end he obtained, how also the prince triumphed both over him and over many others, let what has been said in the earlier history suffice.

Capitulum XXIIII.

Chapter 24.

Circa idem tempus Iohannis regiae urbis imperatoris apocrisiarii, viri clarissimi, Romanorum principem adeunt, tam confederationis vinculum ob Rogerii Siculi insolentiam inter duo imperia, Hesperiae videlicet et Orientis, renovare cupientes quam in huius rei argumentum aliquam regalis sanguinis puellam filio suo Manuel in uxorem dandam postulantes. Princeps comparis suae sororempotius illo destinavit, in huiusque rei confirmationem venerabilem Herbipolensem episcopum Embriconem, virum prudentem et litteratum, in Greciam misit, Iohanne iam mortuo sedenteque in urbe filio suo predicto Manuel. Qui omnia sapienter et sollerter ordinans nuptias proxima post epiphaniam ebdomada in urbe regia celebrari cum fastu et decore regio persuasit; et ipse non paucis ibi diebus ad promotionem huius et aliorum regni negotiorum manens, dum remigando ad patriam redire cogitaret, multis Grecorum xeniis honoratus et oneratus, aput Aquilegiam vita decessit.

Around the same time the apocrisiaries of John, emperor of the royal city, most illustrious men, approach the prince of the Romans, desiring both to renew the bond of confederation, on account of the insolence of Roger the Sicilian, between the two empires—of Hesperia, namely, and of the East—and, as an argument of this matter, requesting that some maiden of royal blood be given as wife to his son Manuel. The prince destined rather the sister of his consort for him, and, for the confirmation of this matter, sent into Greece the venerable Embrico, bishop of Würzburg, a prudent and lettered man, John now being dead and his aforesaid son Manuel seated in the city. He, ordering all things wisely and skillfully, persuaded that the nuptials be celebrated in the royal city with royal fast and decorum in the hebdomad next after Epiphany; and he himself, remaining there not a few days for the furtherance of this and other affairs of the realm, while he was thinking to return to his fatherland by rowing, honored and laden with many Greek xenia (guest-gifts), at Aquileia departed this life.

Super his autem negotiis inter utrumque principem huiusmodi directae inveniuntur epistolae. Quae ne omnes ponerentur, compendium in causa fuit:

Concerning these matters, moreover, letters of this kind are found to have been directed between the two princes. And, lest they all be set down, brevity was the reason:

Capitulum XXV.

Chapter 25.

Conradus Dei gratia Romanorum imperator augustus Iohanni eadem gratia Constantinopolitano imperatori salutem et fraternam dilectionem. Amicitiam, honorem et gloriam, ut parentes nostri, videlicet Romanorum imperatores, antecessores nostri, ad antecessores vestros, scilicet regnum et populum Grecorum, constituerunt, constituo et, sicut servaverunt, conservabo. Non est gens, regnum aut populus, qui non noverit nostrae Romanae rei publicae vestram novam Romam et dici et fore filiam, ex huius radice ramos et fructus eius processisse; propter quod hereditatem, quae a matre debetur filiae, constituimus aeternamque volumus, et eo amplius, quod, quae matri debetur, filiam velle cernimus, scilicet ut auctoritas materna precinat consilio, auxilio respondeat autem gloria et honore filiastina dilectio.

Conrad, by the grace of God Augustus, Emperor of the Romans, to John, by the same grace Emperor of Constantinople, greeting and brotherly love. Friendship, honor, and glory—which our forefathers, namely the Emperors of the Romans, our predecessors, established toward your predecessors, to wit the kingdom and people of the Greeks—I too establish, and, as they kept, I will conserve. There is no nation, kingdom, or people that does not know that, of our Roman commonwealth, your New Rome is both called and is to be the daughter, that from this root its branches and fruits have proceeded; on account of which we establish the inheritance that is owed by a mother to a daughter, and we will it to be eternal; and moreover, inasmuch as we discern the daughter to will what is owed to the mother—namely, that maternal authority should lead with counsel, and that daughterly dilection should answer with aid, and with glory and honor.

Sint ergo res utriusque communes, utriusque amicus idem, idem inimicus, sive in terra sive in mari, et cognoscat ac timeat matris virtutem et valentiam, qui non honoraverit filiam, sive Normannus sive Siculus sive quis alter quicumque ubicumque. Neque enim obliti sumus vel ego vel principes imperii nostri quoscumque hostium nostrorum incursus vel invasiones in imperium et magnificentiam Romanam. Sed cum divina clementia subveniet, retribuemus unicuique ipsorum secundum multitudinem ipsorum maliciae.

Therefore let the affairs of both be common, the same be the friend of each, the same the enemy, whether on land or at sea; and let him who has not honored the daughter know and fear the mother’s virtue and valor, whether a Norman or a Sicilian or any other whoever, wherever. For neither I nor the princes of our empire have forgotten whatever incursions or invasions of our enemies against the empire and Roman magnificence. But when divine clemency comes to aid, we will render retribution to each of them according to the multitude of their malice.

Videbit ergo et audiet universa regnorum latitudo, quam facili manu prosternentur latrones, qui insurrexerunt in utriusque imperii nostri monarchiam, quia cooperante Deo, si alas excutiemus, hostem modo volitantem capiemus et cordis eius eviscerabimus audaciam, quae modo extollitur contra utriusque imperii nostri honorem et gloriam. Conservamus igitur quae iusta et amicabilia sunt ad vos, eadem vos ad nos, et tanto studiosius, quanto per coniugium sororis dilectissimae coniugis nostrae, imperatricis videlicet nobilissimae, et filii tui confederati sumus propinquius. Verum quia de nostris hylarescere successibus dilectionis et nobilitatis tuae credimus experientiam, quid post discessum prudentissimorum apocrisiariorum tuorum in generali et sollempni curia cum universis imperii nostri principibus celebrata, cui eos interesse voluimus, Deo auxiliante actum sit, tibi sicut unico fratri nostro et amico dilectissimo dignum duximus intimare.

Therefore the whole breadth of the realms will see and hear how with an easy hand the brigands will be prostrated who have risen up against the monarchy of each of our empires, because, with God co‑operating, if we shake out our wings, we shall seize the enemy now flying and eviscerate from his heart the audacity which now is exalted against the honor and glory of each of our empires. We therefore conserve what things are just and amicable toward you; do you the same toward us—and all the more studiously, inasmuch as through the marriage of the sister of our most beloved consort, namely the most noble empress, and your son, we have been more closely confederated. But since we believe by experience that your love and nobility rejoice at our successes, we have deemed it worthy to intimate to you—just as to our only brother and most beloved friend—what, God aiding, was transacted after the departure of your most prudent apocrisiaries, in the general and solemn court celebrated with all the princes of our empire, at which we wished them to be present.

Noveris igitur, quod omnes, qui imperium nostrum offendisse videbantur, cooperante Deo potenter nostro imperiali iure inclinavimus eosque in plenitudinem gratiae nostrae suscipientes universas imperii nostri partes habundanti pace ditavimus. Ad haec Francia, Hyspania, Anglia, Dania caeteraque regna imperio nostro adiacentia cottidiana legatione sua cum debita reverentia et obsequio nos frequentant, ad ea quae imperii nostri mandata sunt se prompta esse tam obsidibus quam sacramentis affirmantes. Nolumus etiam latere discretionis tuae prudentiam, quod domnus papa totaque Apulia, Italia et Longobardia de die in diem adventum nostrum desiderant et, ut nostra eis imperiali subveniamus potentia, cum omni devotione expostulant.

Know, therefore, that all who seemed to have offended our empire, with God cooperating, we have powerfully bent under our imperial right; and, receiving them into the plenitude of our grace, we have enriched all the parts of our empire with abundant peace. Moreover, France, Hispania, England, Denmark, and the other kingdoms adjacent to our empire, by their daily legation, with due reverence and obsequy, frequent us, affirming themselves to be ready for those things which are the mandates of our empire, both with hostages and with oaths. We do not wish, furthermore, that the prudence of your discretion be unaware that the lord pope and all Apulia, Italy, and Lombardy, from day to day, desire our advent and, that we may succor them with our imperial power, they request with all devotion.

Huius rei gratia dilectissimum et precordialem imperii nostri principem Embriconem venerabilem Herbipolensem episcopum, amicum tuum, ad exquirendam domni papae voluntatem Romam direximus. Cognita vero ipsius circa nos voluntate, communicato principum nostrorum consilio, ea quae ad utriusque imperii nostri honorem spectant per karissimos et prudentes nuncios nostros, Robertum scilicet principem Capuanum, illustrem utique virum ac nobilem nobisque fidelem, necnon Albertum, dilectum capellanum nostrum et in fide constantem, tuae significamus nobilitati. Hos igitur tamquam nos audias et quae tibi dixerint, sicut decet excellentiam tuam et sicut de te speramus et credimus, ad effectum perducas, et honestos ac ydoneos apocrisiarios tuos una cum nunciis nostris sine dilatione ad nos remittas.

For the sake of this matter we dispatched to Rome our most beloved and precordial prince of our empire, Embrico, the venerable Herbipolitan bishop, your friend, to inquire into the will of the lord Pope. But when his will concerning us was known, after taking counsel with our princes, those things which pertain to the honor of both our empires we signify to your nobility through our dearest and prudent nuncios, namely Robert, prince of Capua, indeed an illustrious and noble man and faithful to us, and also Albert, our beloved chaplain and constant in faith. Therefore hear these men as though us, and what they shall have said to you, as befits your Excellency and as we hope and believe of you, bring to effect; and send back to us without delay your honorable and suitable apocrisiaries together with our nuncios.

Preterea de Reutenis, qui ad contemptum imperii nostri, occisis hominibus nostris, pecuniam nostram sibi usurpaverunt, sicut convenit in causa amici et propinqui tui, et sicut nobis scripsisti, ita facias. Militibus quoque imperii nostri, Alemannis scilicet, qui aput te sunt, sicut decet magnificentiam tuam, benignus existas. Nichilominus etiam te rogamus, ut hominibus imperii nostri, Teutonicis videlicet, qui Constantinopoli morantur, locum, in quem ad honorem Dei aecclesiam edificent, concedas, tum respectu divinae remunerationis, tum etiam interventu ac peticione nostrae dilectionis.

Furthermore, concerning the Reuteni, who, to the contempt of our empire, having slain our men, have usurped our money for themselves, do as is fitting in the case of your friend and kinsman, and as you have written to us. Be also kindly disposed, as befits your magnificence, to the soldiers of our empire, namely the Alemanni, who are with you. Nonetheless we also ask you to grant to the men of our empire, namely the Teutonics, who dwell in Constantinople, a place where they may build a church to the honor of God, both in respect of divine remuneration and also at the intercession and petition of our affection.

Recordari quoque debet tua discretio, quod nos in litteris prioribus, per prefatum capellanum nostrum tuae nobilitati presentatis, hoc idem a te pro Dei amore et honore petivimus, quia, si ipse qui dat salutem regibusfuerit in medio nostri, certum est, quod non gaudebunt inimici nostri.

Your discretion ought also to remember that we, in prior letters, presented to your nobility through our aforesaid chaplain, asked this same thing of you for the love and honor of God, because, if He who gives salvation to kings shall be in the midst of us, it is certain that our enemies will not rejoice.

Datum XVIII. Kalendas MarciiRatisponae, in Christo feliciter. Amen.

Given on the 18th day before the Kalends of MarchRatisbon, happily in Christ. Amen.

Iohannes in Christo Deo fidelis rex porphirogenitus, sublimis, fortis, augustus, Cominos et imperator Romanorum, ad nobilissimum fratrem et amicum imperii mei.

John, faithful in Christ God, porphyrogenitus king, sublime, brave, august, Comnenus and Emperor of the Romans, to the most noble brother and friend of my empire.

Nobilissime et dilecte amice imperii mei, rex. Littera tuae nobilitatis, fraterni affectus signum, ad nostram delata mansuetudinem per prudentissimum apocrisiarium nobilitatis tuae multa nos laeticia replevit. Nam bona tuae nobilitatis voluntas et cognationis amicabilis affectio et dilectio, quam demonstrasti et per litteras et per verba et per opera ipsa erga nostrum imperium, nostram consequenter pietatem totam toto animo ad tuum amorem pertraxit.

Most noble and beloved friend of my empire, king. The letter of your Nobility, a sign of fraternal affection, conveyed to Our Mildness by the most prudent apocrisiary of your Nobility, has filled us with much joy. For the good will of your Nobility and the amicable affection of consanguinity and the love which you have demonstrated both through letters and through words and through the very deeds toward our empire, has accordingly drawn Our whole Piety with our whole soul toward love for you.

Quare etiam diversos fidelissimorum et familiarissimorum hominum suorum ad tuam nobilitatem emisit, recommunicare per eos volens nobilitati tuae totis de causis, propter quas et mandasti et scripsisti ei. Vult enim cum Deo in omnibus amice sapere et cognationabiliter et fraterne ad tuam nobilitatem et omnia agere secundum quod videtur ei, quae ad honorem sunt nobilitatis tuae. Quia vero prudentissimus dux Venetiae Petrus Polanus mediator a nobilitate tua in his causis assumptus est, sicut vir bonus et fidelis ambabus partibus, et hoc nobis placere dignum visum est. De causa Apuliae et Longobardiae prudentissimis apocrisiariis nostris quae nobis visa sunt iussimus.

Wherefore he also sent various of his most faithful and most familiar men to your nobility, wishing through them to re-communicate to your nobility fully about all the causes on account of which you both commanded and wrote to him. For he wishes, with God, in all things to be wise amicably and in a kinship-wise and fraternal manner toward your nobility, and to do all things, as it seems to him, which are to the honor of your nobility. And since the most prudent Duke of Venice, Peter Polanus, has been assumed by your nobility as mediator in these causes, as a good and faithful man to both parties, this also has seemed worthy to please us. Concerning the cause of Apulia and Longobardy, we have ordered to our most prudent apocrisiaries the things that have seemed to us.

Nam etsi quidam horum ad susceptionem magis nobilissimae cum Deo futurae nurus imperii mei missi sunt, tamen etiam communiter eis notum est imperii mei velle. De causa, quae facta est in Rossia, sicut imperio meo scripsisti, sicut convenit imperio meo facere in causa amici et propinqui sui, sic et feci. Sed de caballariis nobilitatis tuae, quod scripta tua nominatim comprehendebant, et magis de eo qui defecit in viventibus ex eis, sic fecit imperium meum, ut scripsisti. Vale, nobilissime amice imperii mei, rex.

For although certain of these were sent for the reception of the most noble, with God, future bride of my empire, nevertheless also in common the will of my empire is known to them. Concerning the case which happened in Russia, as you wrote to my empire, just as it befits my empire to act in the cause of its friend and kinsman, so too I have done. But concerning the cavaliers of your nobility, whom your writings comprehended by name, and more especially concerning the one who has departed from among the living of them, thus my empire has acted, as you wrote. Farewell, most noble friend of my empire, king.

Conradus Dei gratia vere Romanorum imperator augustus karissimo fratri suo Manuel porphirogenito Comiano, illustri et glorioso regi Grecorum, salutem et fraternam dilectionem. Nobilitatis tuae litteras, ut a tanto et tam caro amico nostro serenitati nostrae transmissas, gratanter excepimus et viso earumdem tenore de incolomitate et sublimitate tua admodum gavisi sumus. Sed auditis a Nikoforo, tuae dilectionis prudenti apocrisiario, preter illa quae in litteris continebantur, quibusdam verbis duris et, ut verum fateamur, ab omni retro tempore inauditis et nostrae maiestatis, ultra quam lingua explere valeat, perturbata est mansuetudo, et est ammirata universa imperii nostri latitudo.

Conrad, by the grace of God true Emperor of the Romans, Augustus, to his most dear brother Manuel Porphyrogenitus Comnenus, illustrious and glorious king of the Greeks, greeting and fraternal love. The letters of your Nobility, as sent to our Serenity by so great and so dear a friend of ours, we gratefully received, and on seeing their tenor we rejoiced exceedingly at your incolumity and sublimity. But, having heard from Nicophorus, the prudent apocrisiary of your Affection, besides those things that were contained in the letters, certain harsh words and— to confess the truth— unheard of from all past time, the mansuetude of our Majesty has been perturbed beyond what the tongue is able to express, and the whole latitude of our empire has been amazed.

Unde vel a quo hoc tam amarum verbum processerit, presertim cum inter caetera huius mundi regna Grecorum regnum omni sapientia et discretione hactenus floruerit, admodum mirati sumus. Si enim idem nuncius tuus Nikoforus unicum filium nostrum Heinricum in presentia nostra morti dedisset, ad maiorem iram maiestatis nostrae animum provocare non poterat. Cumque iam per triduum in hoc acervo laborasset et rigorem nostri animi nullo ingenio nullaque sapientia ad suam voluntatem inflectere potuisset, vix tandem quarto die aliis verbis dulcioribus excellentiam nostram exhylaravit nostraeque furore indignationis mitigato nobilitatis tuae voluntatem nobis aperuit.

Whence or from whom this so bitter a word proceeded, especially since among the other realms of this world the realm of the Greeks has hitherto flourished in all wisdom and discretion, we were exceedingly amazed. For if that same nuncio of yours, Nikoforus, had given our only son Henry to death in our presence, he could not have provoked the spirit of our majesty to greater wrath. And when for three days already he had toiled in this bitter business, and could by no contrivance and by no wisdom bend the rigor of our mind to his will, scarcely at last on the fourth day, with other sweeter words, he exhilarated our Excellency, and, our fury of indignation mitigated, he disclosed to us the will of your nobility.

Et quoniam ita nunc est et esse debet, quod tu, amicorum amicissime, uxorem accipies dilectissimam filiam nostram, sororem videlicet nobilissimae contectalis nostrae, volumus, ut insit aeternum fedus perennis amicitiae, quam videlicet amicitiam presente apocrisiario tuo ore et manuscripto firmari iussimus, ita videlicet, ut et amici amicorum tuorum et inimici simus inimicorum tuorum. Proinde certa sit prudentia tua, quod, si tuae nobilitati undecumque aliqua molestia vel iniuria fuerit illata, non hanc tibi tantum, sed etiam nobis factam iure dilectionis reputamus, quoniam virtutis tuae nobilitas et maxime generosi sanguinis, quo in pignus perpetuae dilectionis confederati sumus, propinquitas nos invitat, ut te tamquam filium karissimum totius ulnis caritatis amplectamur et cuncta quae tibi placita sunt libenti animo faciamus. In qua re iustum arbitramur, ut eandem amicitiam nobis et imperio nostro firmari facias, ut, completis omnibus honorifice, utrique imperio debitus honor exinde deferatur et pax et nomen Christi per universum mundum inde magnificetur.

And since thus it now is and ought to be—that you, most friendly of friends, will take as wife our most beloved daughter, namely the sister of our most noble consort—we desire that there be an eternal foedus of perennial amity, which amity, by your present apocrisiary, we have ordered to be confirmed both by mouth and by manuscript, namely in such wise that we be friends of your friends and enemies of your enemies. Therefore let your prudence be assured of this: if from anywhere any molestation or injury should be inflicted upon your nobility, we reckon this done not to you only but also to us by the right of dilection; since the nobility of your virtue, and especially the proximity of generous blood by which, as a pledge of perpetual dilection, we have been confederated, invites us to embrace you as a most dear son with the whole arms of charity and to do with a willing mind all things that are pleasing to you. In which matter we deem it just that you likewise have the same friendship made firm for us and for our empire, so that, all things having been honorably completed, the due honor be thereupon rendered to each empire, and peace and the name of Christ be magnified therefrom through the whole world.

Porro de quingentis militibus, quos nobilitas tua petiit, hoc tibi respondemus, quod non solum quingentos, sed etiam duo vel tria milia, si necesse habueris, tibi mittemus et, quod magis est, antequam detrimentum aliquod honoris tui pati [te] videremus, elaborata totius imperii nostri fortitudine in propria persona tibi, sicut precordiali filio et fratri carissimo, deficere et deesse non possemus. Preterea scripsit nobis tua nobilitas, quod magnos et caros nuncios sinceritati tuae mitteremus; in quo voluntati tuae acquievimus, quoniam quos cariores habuimus excellentiae tuae transmisimus, scilicet carissimum et precordialem nostrum Embriconem venerabilem Wirziburgensem episcopum, illustrem et magnum imperii [nostri] principem, qui est cor nostrum et anima nostra, necnon dilectissimum nostrum Robertum, illustrem et nobilem principem Capuanum. Misimus etiam quasi utrasque manus nostras germanos duos fratres, scilicet fratrem Bernonem, virum sapientem et religiosum, et fratrem ipsius Riwinum, qui nobis valde carus est et familiaris, et nobilem et honorandum principem imperii nostri Rogerium, illustrem comitem de Ariano, cuius fidem et constantiam sepius experti sumus, et Gualterum fidelem nostrum.

Moreover, concerning the five hundred soldiers which your nobility requested, this we answer to you: that not only five hundred, but even two or three thousand, if you should have need, we will send to you; and, what is more, before we should see you [yourself] suffer any detriment of your honor, with the strength of our whole empire having been exerted, in our own person to you, as to a precordial son and most dear brother, we could not fail or be lacking. Furthermore, your nobility wrote to us that we should send great and dear nuncios to your sincerity; in which matter we have acquiesced to your will, since those whom we held dearest we have sent to your Excellency, namely our dearest and precordial Embrico, the venerable Bishop of Würzburg, an illustrious and great prince of our empire [our], who is our heart and our soul, and likewise our most beloved Robert, the illustrious and noble Prince of Capua. We have also sent, as it were, our both hands, two brothers by blood, namely brother Berno, a wise and religious man, and his brother Riwino, who is very dear and familiar to us, and the noble and honor-worthy prince of our empire Roger, the illustrious count of Ariano, whose faith and constancy we have often experienced, and Walter, our faithful man.

Istis itaque ea quae in litteris non continentur industriae tuae referenda commisimus, quorum verbis fidem adhibeas et quae tibi dixerint tamquam a nobis dicta credas. De Ruthenisvero, pro quibus patri tuo divae recordationis Iohanni imperatori per fidelissimum capellanum nostrum Adalbertum et per comitem Alexandrum de Gravina scripsimus, et de loco, in quo nostris Teutonicis ad honorem Dei aecclesiam edificare volumus, et de nobilibus baronibus Apuliae, Alexandro videlicet Clarimontis, Philippi de Surris et Heinrico comite et Senne Pustellis, ille noster precordialis Wirciburgensis episcopus et caeteri familiares nostri voluntatem nostram tibi referent; quibus tamquam nobis credas. Super his omnibus fidelem apocrisiarium tuum Nikoforum, licet in principio legationis suae nos conturbaverit, tibi attentius commendamus, et quia constanter perduravit, ut eum remuneres, rogamus.

To these, therefore, we have committed to be reported to your industry those matters which are not contained in the letters, to whose words you should lend faith, and believe that what they shall have said to you is said by us. As to the Ruthenians, indeed, on whose behalf we wrote to your father of divine memory, the emperor John, through our most faithful chaplain Adalbert and through Count Alexander of Gravina, and concerning the place in which we wish our Teutonics to build a church to the honor of God, and concerning the noble barons of Apulia—namely Alexander of Clermont, Philip of Surris, Count Henry, and Senne Pustellis—that our precordial bishop of Würzburg and our other familiares will report our will to you; and you should trust them as though us. Over all these matters we the more earnestly commend to you your faithful apocrisiary Nicophorus, although at the beginning of his legation he disturbed us; and because he persevered steadfastly, we ask that you remunerate him.

Vale.

Farewell.

De hoc hactenus.

So much for this.

Capitulum XXVI.

Chapter 26.

Creverat autem Fridericus Friderici strennuissimi ducis filius miliciaeque cingulum iam sumpserat, nobilis patris futurus heres nobilior. Igitur bonae indolis virtutem non dissimulans, educatus, ut assolet, ludis militaribus, ad seria tandem tyrocinandi accingitur negotia, patre adhuc vivente terramque suam plenarie tenente. Nam et comitem quendam nobilem Heinricum de Wolfradeshusen hostem denuncians Baioariam cum magna militum copia ingreditur.

Frederick, son of Frederick the most strenuous duke, had meanwhile grown up and had already assumed the belt of knighthood, destined to be a nobler heir of a noble father. Therefore, not dissimulating the virtue of his good disposition, and educated, as is wont, by military games, he at length girds himself for the serious business of tyrociny, while his father was still living and holding his land in full. For also, denouncing a certain noble count, Henry of Wolfradeshusen, as an enemy, he enters Bavaria with a great company of soldiers.

Norici et maxime comites et nobiles, velut tyrocinium celebraturi, quod modo nundinasvocare solemus, in predicti comitis castro se recipiunt. Itaque strennuissimus superveniens adolescens Noricos ante murum stantes ipsumque armatos expectantes non ut iocando, sed ut rem seriam agendo viriliter aggressus est, diuque et fortiter utrisque pugnantibus, tandem, ut hostes castro se reciperent, coegit. Versis in fugam Noricis ac ex angustia portarum artatis, comes quidam Conradus de Dachowe, tunc nobilis comes, postea dux factus Croatiae et Dalmatiae; qui incautis extra remanserat, ab hostibus circumdatus capitur; sicque adolescens prefatum ducens comitem ad propria cum victoria revertitur.

The Norici, and especially the counts and nobles, as if about to celebrate a tyrocinium, which we now are accustomed to call nundinae (a fair), betook themselves into the castle of the aforesaid count. And so the most valiant youth, arriving, vigorously attacked the Norici standing before the wall and awaiting him in arms—not as in jest, but as doing a serious matter; and with both sides fighting long and bravely, at length he compelled the enemies to withdraw into the castle. With the Norici turned to flight and pressed by the narrowness of the gates, a certain count Conrad of Dachau—then a noble count, afterwards made duke of Croatia and Dalmatia—who had incautiously remained outside, being surrounded by the enemies, was captured; and thus the youth, leading the aforesaid count, returned to his own with victory.

Cumque a multis sibi suaderetur, ut pecuniam magnam ab eo extorqueret, ipse ex innata sibi nobilitate pravorum declinavit consilia. Nam, sicut fortiter captum, sic eum liberaliter dimissum ad propria redire sine pecuniae exactione permisit.

And when he was being urged by many to extort a great sum of money from him, he, from his innate nobility, declined the counsels of the depraved. For, just as he had bravely taken him captive, so he permitted him, liberally dismissed, to return to his own without the exaction of money.

Capitulum XXVII.

CHAPTER 27.

Post haec Conrado duci, supradictiBerhtolfi ducis filio, bellum indicit, captoque supra memorato Alemanniae oppido Turego, presidia ibidem posuit. Dehinc iunctis sibi etiam quibusdam de Baioaria nobilibus prefati ducis terram cum magna manu militum introivit atque ad ultima pene Alemanniae procedens ad Zaringen usque, eiusdem ducis castrum, pervenit, nullo sibi obviante vel resistere valente. Non multo post etiam arcem ipsius quandam, quae cunctis adhuc cernentibus inexpugnabilis esse videtur, cepit et expugnavit ac contra multorum opinionem fortissimum et ditissimum ducem tam acriter debellavit, ut ad patrem patruumque suum supplicem eum venire ac pacem petere cogeret.

After these things he declares war on Duke Conrad, the son of the above‑said Duke Berhtolf; and, the above‑mentioned Alemannian town of Turegum having been seized, he placed garrisons there. Then, certain nobles also from Bavaria having joined him, he entered the land of the aforesaid duke with a great band of soldiers, and, proceeding almost to the furthest parts of Alemannia, he came as far as Zaringen, the castle of that same duke, with no one meeting him or able to resist. Not long after he even took and stormed a certain citadel of his which, to all who were still looking on, seems to be inexpugnable; and, contrary to the opinion of many, he so fiercely debellated the most valiant and most wealthy duke that he forced him to come as a suppliant to his father and to his paternal uncle and to seek peace.

Haec et alia tam ardua in ipsa puerili aetate gessit negotia, ut non inmerito cum multorum stupore de ipso dici posset illud evangelii: Quis putas puer iste erit?

These and other affairs so arduous he conducted in his very boyish age, that not undeservedly, with the astonishment of many, that word of the Gospel could be said about him: Who, think you, will this boy be?

Capitulum XXVIII.

Chapter 28.

His diebus Arnaldus quidam religionis habitum habens, sed eum minime, ut ex doctrina eius patuit, servans, ex aecclesiastici honoris invidia urbem Romam ingreditur ac senatoriam dignitatem equestremque ordinem renovare ad instar antiquorum volenstotam pene Urbem ac precipue populum adversus pontificem suum concitavit. Unde ad eorumdem temeritatis vel potius fatuitatis corroborationem ab eis ad principem [suum] destinatum tale scriptum invenitur:

In these days a certain Arnold, wearing the habit of religion, but in no way keeping it, as was evident from his doctrine, out of envy of ecclesiastical honor enters the city of Rome and, wishing to renew the senatorial dignity and the equestrian order after the pattern of the ancients, stirred up almost the whole City, and especially the people, against their own pontiff. Whence, for the corroboration of their same temerity—or rather foolishness—such a writing is found, sent by them to their prince [their own]:

Capitulum XXVIIII.

Chapter 29.

Excellentissimoatque preclaro Urbis et orbis totius domino, Conrado Dei gratia Romanorum regi semper augusto senatus populusque Romanus salutem et Romam imperii felicem et inclitam gubernationem. Regali excellentiae per plurima iam scripta nostra facta et negotia diligenter exposuimus, quomodo in vestra fidelitate permaneamus ac pro vestra imperiali corona exaltanda et omni modo augenda cottidie decertamus. Ad quae quia regalis industria, ut postulavimus, rescribere dignata non fuit, plane tamquam filii et fideles de domino et patre satis miramur.

To the most excellent and very illustrious lord of the City and of the whole world, Conrad, by the grace of God King of the Romans, ever august, the Senate and People of Rome send greeting, and [wish] a happy and renowned governance of the empire. To regal excellence, through very many writings already, we have diligently set forth our deeds and affairs, how we remain in your fidelity and contend daily that your imperial crown be exalted and in every way augmented. To which, since royal industry has not deigned to write back, as we requested, plainly, as sons and faithful, we marvel not a little at our lord and father.

Nos enim quidquid agimus pro vestra fidelitate et honore facimus. Et quidem regnum et imperium Romanum, vestro a Deo regimini concessum, exaltare atque amplificare cupientes, in eum statum, quo fuit tempore Constantini et Iustiniani, qui totum orbem vigore senatus et populi Romani suis tenuerunt manibus, reducere, senatu pro his omnibus Dei gratia restituto, et eis, qui vestro imperio semper rebelles erant quique tantum honorem Romano imperio subripuerant, magna ex parte conculcatis, quatinus ea quae cesari et imperio pertinent per omnia et in omnibus obtineatis, vehementer atque unanimiter satagimus atque studemus. Et ob huius rei effectum bonum principium ac fundamentum fecimus.

For indeed whatever we do, we do for your fidelity and honor. And truly, desiring to exalt and amplify the kingdom and the Roman empire, granted by God to your governance, to bring it back into that condition in which it was in the time of Constantine and Justinian—who held the whole orb by the vigor of the Senate and People of Rome in their own hands—the senate having by God’s grace been restored for all these things, and those who were always rebellious to your empire and who had filched so great an honor from the Roman empire having in great part been trampled underfoot, so that you may obtain, through all things and in all matters, the things that pertain to the Caesar and to the empire, we most vehemently and unanimously strive and are zealous. And for the effect of this matter we have made a good beginning and foundation.

Nam pacem et iusticiam omnibus eam volentibus observamus, fortitudines, id est turres et domos potentum Urbis, qui vestro imperio una cum Siculoet papa resistere parabant, cepimus et quasdam in vestra fidelitate tenemus, quasdam vero subvertentes solo coequavimus. Sed pro his omnibus, quae vestrae dilectionis fidelitate facimus, papa, Fraiapanes et filii Petri Leonis, homines et amici Siculi, excepto Iordano nostro in vestra fidelitate vexillifero et adiutore, Tolomeus quoque et alii plures undique nos inpugnant, ne libere, ut decet, imperialem regio capiti valeamus imponere coronam. At nos, quoniam amanti nullus labor gravis est, licet inde plurima dampna sustineamus, pro vestro amore et honore gratanter patimur.

For we observe peace and justice for all who are willing for it; the fortifications, that is, the towers and houses of the potent men of the City, who were preparing to resist your empire together with the Sicilian and the pope, we have taken, and some we hold in your fealty, while others, overthrowing them, we have leveled to the ground. But for all these things which we do out of loyalty to Your Belovedness, the pope, the Fraiapanes and the sons of Peter Leonis, men and friends of the Sicilian, except for our Jordan, standard-bearer and helper in your allegiance, Tolomeus also and many others assail us from every side, lest we be able freely, as is fitting, to set the imperial crown upon the royal head. But we, since to a lover no labor is heavy, although we undergo very many losses on that account, gladly suffer for your love and honor.

Scimus namque nos a vobis proinde premium sicut a patre accepturos vosque in eos sicut in imperii hostes vindictam daturos. Cum tanta igitur nostra in vobis fidelitas sit tantaque pro vobis sustineamus, precamur, ne spes ista nobis deficiat, neu regia dignitas nos, vestros fideles et filios, despiciat; neque, si in regalibus auribus aura sinistra de senatu et nobis flaverit, in eam intendat aut respiciat, quia, qui de nobis vestrae altitudini mala suggerunt, de vestra et nostra, quod absit, dissensione laetari volunt et utrosque, ut soliti sunt, callide opprimere moliuntur. Sed circa haec, ne fiant, regalis prudentia, ut decet, sollicita sit et provida, reminiscaturque vestra sollertia, quot et quanta mala papalis curia et dicti quondam cives nostri imperatoribus, qui fuerunt ante vos, fecerint; et nunc deteriora vobis cum Siculo facere temptaverunt; sed nos Christi gratia in vestra fidelitate viriliter eis resistimus ac plures ex illis ab Urbe sicut pessimos hostes imperii, ut sunt, pepulimus.

For we know that we will receive from you a reward, as from a father, and that you will deliver vengeance upon them as upon enemies of the empire. Since therefore so great is our fidelity toward you and so great things we endure for you, we pray that this hope may not fail us, nor that royal dignity despise us, your faithful ones and sons; nor, if in royal ears a sinister breeze should blow concerning the senate and about us, let it attend to or regard it, because those who suggest evils about us to your Highness wish to rejoice at your and our—far be it—dissension, and are striving, as they are wont, cunningly to oppress both. But concerning these things, lest they happen, let royal prudence, as is fitting, be solicitous and provident, and let your sagacity remember how many and how great evils the papal curia and the aforesaid former fellow-citizens of ours did to the emperors who were before you; and now they have attempted to do worse things to you together with the Sicilian; but we, by the grace of Christ, in your fidelity, have manfully resisted them and have driven many of them from the City as the worst enemies of the empire, as they are.

Appropinquet itaque nobis imperialis celeriter vigor, quoniam quidquid vultis in Urbe obtinere poteritis et, ut breviter ac succincte loquamur, potenter in Urbe, quae caput mundi est, ut optamus, habitare, toti Italiae ac regno Teutonico, omni clericorum remoto obstaculo, liberius et melius quam omnes fere antecessores vestri dominari valebitis. Sine mora ergo, precamur, ut veniatis et interim de statu vestro, quem semper desideramus salubrem et prosperum, de his regalibus litteris aut nunciis nos laetificare dignemini. Sumus enim per omnia vestrae voluntati semper obtemperare parati.

Let imperial vigor, then, quickly draw near to us, since you will be able to obtain whatever you wish in the City; and, to speak briefly and succinctly, you will be able, as we desire, to dwell powerfully in the City, which is the head of the world, and to dominate all Italy and the Teutonic kingdom, with every obstacle of the clerics removed, more freely and better than almost all your predecessors. Without delay, therefore, we pray that you come, and in the meantime deign to gladden us concerning your condition—which we always desire to be healthful and prosperous—by these royal letters or by messengers. For we are prepared in all things always to obey your will.

Sciatis preterea, quia pontem Mulvium extra Urbem parum longe, per tempora multa pro imperatorum contrario destructum, nos, ut exercitus vester per eum transire queat, ne Petri Leonis per castellum Sancti Angeli vobis nocere possint, ut statuerant cum papa et Siculo, magno conamine restauramus, et in parvi temporis spacio muro fortissimo et silicibus iuvante Deo complebitur. Concordiam autem inter Siculum et papam huiusmodi esse accepimus. Papa concessit Siculo virgam et anulum, dalmaticam et mitram atque sandalia, et ne ullum mittat in terram suam legatum, nisi quem Siculus petierit; et Siculus dedit ei multam pecuniam pro detrimento vestro et Romani imperii, quod Dei gratia vestrum existit.

Know, moreover, that the Mulvian bridge a little way outside the City, which for many seasons had been destroyed to the advantage of the emperors’ adversary, we are restoring with great exertion, so that your army may be able to cross it, lest the men of Peter of Leo through the castle of Saint Angel be able to harm you, as they had arranged with the pope and the Sicilian; and in a small space of time, with a most strong walling and flint-stones, with God aiding, it will be completed. We have learned, moreover, that the concord between the Sicilian and the pope is of this sort: the pope granted to the Sicilian the rod and the ring, the dalmatic and the mitre and sandals, and that he should not send any legate into his land unless one whom the Sicilian shall have requested; and the Sicilian gave him much money for your detriment and that of the Roman empire, which by God’s grace is yours.

Haec omnia sollicite vestra animadvertat, optime rex, prudentia. Rex valeat, quidquid cupit optineat super hostes, Imperium teneat, Romae sedeat, regat orbem, Princeps terrarum ceu fecit Iustinianus. Cesaris accipiat cesar, quae sunt sua presul, Ut Christus iussit, Petro solvente tributum.

Let your prudence, most excellent king, carefully take note of all these things. May the king be strong; whatever he desires let him obtain over his enemies; let him hold the Empire, sit at Rome, govern the orb, Prince of the lands, as Justinian did. Let the caesar receive the things of Caesar, which are his, prelate, as Christ commanded, with Peter paying the tribute.

Nos de caetero, legatos nostros, precamur, ut benigne recipiatis et quod vobis dixerint credatis, quia scribere cuncta nequivimus. Sunt enim nobiles viri, Guido senator, Iacobus filius Sixti procuratoris et Nycolaus, eorum socius. At christianissimus princeps huiusmodi verbis sive neniis prebere aures abnuit, quin immo venientes ad se ex parte Romanae aecclesiae viros magnos et claros, quorum unus Guido Pisanus, eiusdem curiae cardinalis et cancellarius, erat, renovationemque antiquorum privilegiorum suorum postulantes honorifice suscepit et honeste dimisit.

As for us, moreover, we beseech that you kindly receive our legates and believe what they will have said to you, since we were not able to write everything. For they are noble men: Guido the senator, Jacob the son of Sixtus the procurator, and Nicholas, their associate. But the most Christian prince refused to lend ears to words or to trifles of this sort; nay rather, when great and illustrious men came to him on behalf of the Roman Church—one of whom was Guido the Pisan, cardinal of the same Curia and chancellor—requesting the renewal of their ancient privileges, he received them honorably and dismissed them fittingly.

Capitulum XXX.

Chapter 30.

Ea tempestate ubique terrarum bellorum turbine orbem replente fermeque totum imperium seditionum motibus involvente - nam et in Alemannia inter predictum adolescentem Fridericum et prenominatumducem Conradum hoc dissensionis malum agitabatur; in Baioaria inter Heinricum Leopaldi marchionis filium, eiusdem terrae ducem, et item Heinricum Ratisponensem episcopum gravissimum bellum excitatum in dies augmentabatur; in Belgica Gallia viris magnis et egregiis Alberone Treverorum archiepiscopo et Heinrico Namucense comite debellantibus omniaque preda et incendio commiscentibus, maximum rei publicae dispendium expectabatur; Polunia quatuor fratribus, tribus cum quarto pro ducatu contendentibus, maximam effusionem sanguinis minabatur, caeteris quoque imperii provinciis huius mali non extorribus, - repente per dexteram excelsi tanta facta est mutatio, ut, sopitis omnibus his bellorum tempestatibus, in brevi totam terram quiescere et innumerabiles ex Gallia et Germania contra inimicos crucis crucibus acceptis miliciam profiteri cerneres. Sed, antequam huius tam inauditae mutationis hystoriam attingamus, pauca de priori turbulentia premittenda sunt.

At that time, the whirlwind of wars filling the orb everywhere on earth and well-nigh involving the whole empire in motions of seditions — for in Alemannia too between the aforesaid adolescent Frederick and the fore-named duke Conrad this evil of dissension was being stirred; in Bavaria between Henry, the son of Margrave Leopold, duke of the same land, and likewise Henry, the bishop of Ratisbon, a most grave war aroused was day by day being augmented; in Belgic Gaul, great and distinguished men, Albero, archbishop of the Treveri, and Henry, count of Namur, warring down and commingling all things with prey and fire, the greatest loss to the commonwealth was expected; Poland, with four brothers, three contending with the fourth for the duchy, was threatening a very great effusion of blood, the other provinces of the empire also not being exiles from this evil, - suddenly through the right hand of the Most High so great a change was made that, all these tempests of wars lulled, in short time you might see the whole land resting, and innumerable men from Gaul and Germany, against the enemies of the Cross, the crosses having been taken up, professing military service. But before we touch upon the history of this so unheard-of change, a few things about the prior turbulence must be premised.

Capitulum XXXI.

Chapter 31.

Igitur eo tempore, quo predictus Heinricus Noricorum dux cum prenominato Heinrico Ratisponensium episcopo civibusque suis ac Stirensi marchione Odoacro gravissimam guerram agitabat, quidam milites de Orientali marchia egressi Pannoniam latenter ingrediuntur ac noctu castrum Bosan, quod olim imperator Heinricusobsidione cinxerat, ex inproviso aggressi capiunt, quibusdam comprehensis, nonnullis occisis, aliis per fugam elapsis. Quod audiens Ungariae rex Geiza, Beli regis filius, premissis quibusdam comitibus suis, qui, quare vel qualiter hoc factum fuerit, inquirerent, ipse eosdem subsecutus ad liberationem castri cum magna Ungarorum properat multitudine.

Accordingly at that time, when the aforesaid Henry, duke of the Noricans, with the aforementioned Henry, bishop of Ratisbon, his own citizens, and Odoacer, the Styrian margrave, was waging a most grievous war, certain soldiers, having gone out from the Eastern March, stealthily enter Pannonia and by night, having assailed unexpectedly, seize the castle Bosan, which once Emperor Henry had encircled with a siege, with some captured, some slain, others slipping away by flight. Hearing this, Geiza, king of Hungary, son of King Bela, having sent ahead certain of his counts to inquire why or in what manner this had been done, he himself, following the same, hastens with a great multitude of Hungarians to the liberation of the castle.

Comites, qui precesserant, ab oppidanis, cuius rei causa tam gravem regi intulerint iniuriam, sollerter percunctantur. Qui responderunt se nec pro Romanorum principe nec pro duce suo hoc fecisse, sed pro domino suo Boricio. Erat autem Boricius Colomanni quondam regis Ungariae filius, predictum regnum Ungariae, ut in prioribus cronicis dictum est, iure hereditario repetens ac ob hoc adipiscendum utrosque principes, Romanorum scilicet ac Grecorum, frequenter sollicitans multosque ex militibus nostris ad favorem suum pecunia inducens.

The counts, who had gone before, skillfully question the townsmen as to the cause of this matter, for what reason they had inflicted so grave an injury upon the king. They replied that they had done this neither for the prince of the Romans nor for their own duke, but for their lord Boricius. Now Boricius was the son of Coloman, once king of Hungary, reclaiming the aforesaid kingdom of Hungary by hereditary right, as has been said in earlier chronicles, and for the sake of obtaining this he was frequently soliciting both princes, namely of the Romans and of the Greeks, and was inducing many of our soldiers to his favor with money.

Igitur rex Ungariae superveniens castraque ponens oppidum cinxit, diversis instrumentis tormentorumque generibus adhibitis ac sagittariis oppido circumfusis. Teutonici, eo quod dux in superioribus Baioariae partibus moraretur, princeps vero in remotis regni maneret locis, cum nullum liberationis suae solatium haberent, de facienda cum Ungaris pace pertractare incipiunt. Ita, ne multis morer, mutuo colloquentes, accepto a rege sub iureiurando promisso trium milium librarum in pondere, castrum sibi reddunt, ipsique ad propria redeunt.

Accordingly the king of Hungary, arriving and pitching camp, encircled the town, various devices and kinds of siege engines being applied and archers encompassing the town. The Teutons, because the duke was lingering in the upper parts of Bavaria, while the prince was staying in remote regions of the realm, since they had no succor for their deliverance, begin to negotiate about making peace with the Hungarians. Thus, not to dwell on many things, conversing mutually, after receiving from the king under oath the promise of three thousand pounds in weight, they surrender the castle to him, and they themselves return to their own homes.

Rex autem Ungarorum dampnum sibi a Teutonicis illatum graviter ferens, ducem Noricum habens suspectum hostem denunciat exercitumque maximum per totam regni sui latitudinem colligit. Sed antequam de egressione huius gentis dicamus, breviter quedam de ipsius terrae situ nationisque ritu prelibanda videntur.

Moreover, the king of the Hungarians, bearing grievously the damage inflicted on him by the Teutons, having the Duke of Noricum under suspicion, denounces him as an enemy and gathers a very great army throughout the whole breadth of his realm. But before we speak of this nation’s egress, certain things about the situation of that land and the rite of the nation seem to be briefly premised.

Capitulum XXXII.

Chapter 32.

Haec enim provincia, eo quod circumquaque silvis et montibus et precipue Apennino clauditur, ex antiquo Pannonia dicta, intus planitie campi latissima, decursu fluminum et amnium conspicua, nemoribus diversarum ferarum generibus plenis conserta, tam innata amenitate faciei laeta quam agrorum fertilitate locuples esse cognoscitur, ut tamquam paradysus Dei vel Egyptus spectabilis esse videatur. Habet enim pulcherrimum, ut dixi, naturaliter spectaculum, sed ex barbarae gentis ritu menium vel aedium rarum ornatum terminosque non tam montium vel silvarum quam cursu maximorum fluviorum septos. Attingitur ab oriente, ubi Sowa famosus fluvius Danubio recipitur, Bulgaria, ab occidente Maravia et Orientali Teutonicorum marchia, ad austrum Croatia, Dalmatia, Hystria vel Carinthia, ad septentrionem Boemia, Polunia, Rutenia, inter austrum et orientem Rama, inter aquilonem et item orientem Pecenatorum et Falonummaximam venationum copiam habente, sed vomere ac rastro pene experte campania.

For this province, in that it is shut in on every side by forests and mountains, and especially by the Apennine, has from of old been called Pannonia; within, a very broad plain of level field, notable for the course of rivers and streams, interwoven with groves full of kinds of diverse wild beasts, it is known to be both gladsome with an innate amenity of aspect and wealthy in the fertility of its fields, so that it seems to be as the paradise of God or a notable Egypt. For it has a most beautiful spectacle, as I said, by nature, but, according to the rite of a barbarian nation, a rare adornment of city-walls or buildings, and its boundaries are enclosed not so much by mountains or forests as by the course of the greatest rivers. It is touched on the east, where the famous river Sowa is received by the Danube, by Bulgaria; on the west by Moravia and the Eastern March of the Teutons; to the south by Croatia, Dalmatia, Histria, or Carinthia; to the north by Bohemia, Poland, Ruthenia; between south and east by Rama; between north and likewise east by the Pechenegs and the Falones—having a very great abundance of game, but a countryside almost unacquainted with the ploughshare and the rake.

Crebras vero barbarorum irruptiones passa, haut mirum, si moribus aut lingua agrestis manet et insulsa.

Having suffered frequent irruptions of barbarians, it is hardly a wonder if in customs or in tongue it remains rustic and insipid.

Nam primo, quod alibi latius a nobis dictum est, Hunorum, qui iuxta Iordanumex incubis et meretricibus orti fuerant, direptioni patuit, postmodum Avarorum crudis et immundis carnibus vescentium conculcationi, ad ultimum Ungarorum a Scythia egressorum, qui et adhuc eam incolunt, relicta est possessioni. Sunt autem predicti Ungari facie tetri, profundis oculis, statura humiles, moribus et lingua barbari et feroces, ut iure fortuna culpanda vel potius divina pacientia sit admiranda, quae, ne dicam hominibus, sed talibus hominum monstristam delectabilem exposuit terram. In hoc tamen Grecorum imitantur sollertiam, quod nullam rem magnam sine crebra et longa consultatione adgrediuntur.

For first, as we have said elsewhere more at large, it lay open to the depredation of the Huns, who, according to Jordanes, had arisen from incubi and prostitutes; afterward to the trampling of the Avars, who feed on raw and unclean meats; and at last it was left to the possession of the Hungarians, who went forth from Scythia and who even now inhabit it. Moreover, the aforesaid Hungarians are grim of face, with deep-set eyes, low in stature, barbarian and fierce in manners and tongue, so that with good reason Fortune is to be blamed—or rather the divine patience is to be wondered at—which exposed so delectable a land, not to say to men, but to such human monsters. In this, however, they imitate the skill of the Greeks, that they undertake no great matter without frequent and long consultation.

Denique cum vilissima in vicis vel oppidis ibi, id est ex cannis tantum, rara ex lignis, rarissima ex lapidibus habeantur habitacula, toto estatis vel autumpni tempore papiliones inhabitant; ad curiam regis sui, singulis ex primoribus sellam secum portantibus, conveniunt ac de suae rei publicae statu pertractare et discutere non negligunt, hyemis algore in domiciliis, quae habent, id ipsum facientes. At omnes sic principi suo obsecuntur, ut unusquisque, ne dicam manifestis illum contradictionibus exasperare, sed et occultis susurriis lacerare nefas arbitretur. Hinc est, ut, cum predictum regnum per LXX vel amplius divisum sit comitatus, de omni iusticia ad fiscum regium duae lucri partes cedant, tercia tantum comiti remaneat, nullusque in tam spacioso ambitu, rege excepto, monetam vel theloneum habere audeat.

Finally, since the vilest habitations there in villages or towns are held, that is, only of reeds, rare of wood, very rare of stone, they inhabit pavilions for the whole time of summer or autumn; to the court of their king, each of the foremost men carrying a chair with him, they come together and do not neglect to handle and to discuss the condition of their commonwealth, doing that same thing, in the cold of winter, in whatever domiciles they have. But all obey their prince in such a way that each one judges it a crime, not to say to exasperate him with manifest contradictions, but even to lacerate him with covert whisperings. Hence it is that, since the aforesaid kingdom is divided into 70 or more counties, from every exercise of justice two parts of the profit fall to the royal fisc, only the third remains to the count, and no one in so spacious an extent, the king excepted, dares to have a mint or a toll.

Quod si aliquis ex comitum ordine regem vel in modico offenderit vel etiam de hoc quandoque non iuste infamatus fuerit, quilibet infimae condicionis lixa a curia missus eum, licet satellitibus suis stipatum, solus comprehendit, in vinculis ponit, ad diversa tormentorum genera trahit. Nulla sententia a principe, sicut aput nos moris est, per pares suos exposcitur, nulla accusato excusandi licentia datur, sed sola principis voluntas aput omnes pro ratione habetur. Si quando vero exercitum rex ducere voluerit, cuncti sine contradictione quasi in unum corpus adunantur; coloni quidem, qui in vicis morantur, novem decimum, vel etiam septem octavum vel infra, si necesse fuerit, cum subpellectili ad bellum necessaria instruunt, caeteris pro cultura terrae domi relictis.

But if any from the order of counts should offend the king even in a small way, or even at some time be unjustly defamed on that score, any sutler of the lowest condition, sent from the court, alone seizes him—though packed with his satellites (bodyguards)—puts him in chains, and drags him to diverse kinds of torments. No sentence from the prince, as among us is the custom, is demanded through his peers; no license of excusing is given to the accused; but the sole will of the prince is held among all in place of reason. And whenever the king shall have wished to lead an army, all, without contradiction, are gathered together as if into one body; the tenant-farmers, indeed, who dwell in the villages, equip nine-tenths, or even seven-eighths, or less if it should be necessary, with the gear necessary for war, the rest being left at home for the cultivation of the land.

Qui vero de militum ordine sunt, nulla occasione nisi gravissima domi remanere audebunt. At in ipsa regis acie hospites, quorum ibi magna copia est et qui aput eos principes dicuntur, latus principis ad muniendum ambiunt.

But those who are of the order of soldiers will dare to remain at home on no occasion unless a most grave one. And in the king’s very battle-line the guests, of whom there is a great abundance there and who among them are called “princes,” surround the prince’s flank to fortify it.

Omnes pene tetri tetris in armis procedunt, nisi quod iam ab hospitibus, quos nunc solidarios dicimus, educati vel ab eisdem etiam geniti, quandam, non innatam, sed quasi extrinsecus affixam virtutem trahentes, principes tantum et hospites nostros impugnandi peritia armorumque splendore imitantur. Sed de predictae gentis ritu haec dicta sufficiant.

Almost all, grim, advance in grim arms, except that now, having been reared by the guests (whom we now call soldarii, soldiers-for-pay), or even begotten by those same, drawing a certain valor, not inborn but as if affixed from without, they imitate only our princes and our guests in the expertise of assaulting and in the splendor of arms. But let these things said about the rite/custom of the aforesaid nation suffice.

Capitulum XXXIII.

Chapter 33.

Igitur rex ad portam MesiamLXX pugnatorum milia vel amplius habens erupit, in campoque inter portam prefatam et fluvium Lithahe, qui Teutonica lingua Virvelt, quod nos vacantem campum dicere possumus, castra posuit. Dux etiam cum suis non longe ex altera parte eiusdem fluvii, qui imperii Romani et regni illius ex uno Danubii latere - nam ex altero Maraha fluvius - limes est, suos convocans, itidem castra metatur, missis exploratoribus, qui statum hostium diligenter inquirendo ediscerent. Altera die rex in predicto campo ad quandam ligneam aecclesiam accedit, ibique ab episcopis - nam eo usque in puerilibus annis positus nondum militem induerat - accepta sacerdotali benedictione ad hoc instituta armis accingitur.

Therefore the king burst out to the Moesian gate, having 70 thousands of fighters or more, and on the plain between the aforesaid gate and the river Lithahe, which in the Teutonic tongue is Virvelt, which we can call the vacant field, he pitched camp. The duke also with his men, not far off on the other side of the same river—which is the boundary of the Roman Empire and of that kingdom on one side of the Danube (for on the other side the Maraha River is the border)—summoning his own, likewise lays out a camp, scouts having been sent to learn by diligently inquiring the state of the enemy. On the next day the king approaches a certain wooden church in the aforesaid field, and there by the bishops—for, being still placed in boyish years, he had not yet put on knighthood—having received the sacerdotal blessing appointed for this, he is girded with arms.

Post haec acies ordinat, militem instaurat, positis in capite duabus alis, in quibus sagittarii, quatinus vim hostium eminus repellerent, erant, et e regione una magna acie, cui avunculus suus Bela dux preerat, in propria legione, ut aiunt, plus quam XII milia equitum retinens. Dehinc fluvium Litahe ex inproviso, exploratoribus ducis non bene, propter quod missi erant, observantibus, transvadando permeat, apposito mox in vicinis igne. Dux itidem acies instituerat et iam, quid facto opus esset, consultabat, frustra exploratores, qui aut dolo aut pigricia tardabant, expectans.

After this he orders the battle-line, renews the soldiery, with two wings placed at the front, in which there were archers, so that they might repel the force of the enemy from afar; and opposite, a single great battle-line, over which his maternal uncle, Duke Bela, presided, in his own legion, as they say, holding back more than 12 thousand horsemen. Then, unexpectedly, he passes through the river Litahe by fording, the duke’s scouts not well observing that for which they had been sent, with fire soon applied in the neighboring parts. The duke likewise had set his battle-lines and already was deliberating what needed to be done, waiting in vain for the scouts, who were delaying either by guile or by sloth.

Cumque alii pugnandum, nonnulli ex alio latere amnis Viscahesuper quem residebat a termino ad duo tantum Teutonica miliaria distantem, expectandum atque robur hostium melius explorandum consulerent, subito fumus apparens ignis et hostium certum signum dedit, quibusdam ex nostris putantibus ac dicentibus ab hostibus in fugam versis propria castra ignibus data esse. Itaque dux - est enim manu fortis, mente audax, sed morae impaciens - subito arma corripit et, secus quam disciplina militaris et ordo exposcit, non pedetemptim incedens, sed precipitanter advolans in hostem ruit, suis gregatim adventantibus et dirupto legionum ordine confuse venientibus. Denique ex prepetis cursus nimia velocitate sagittariorum impetum, qui in duabus precedentibus alis positi erant, prevenit ac illas cum duobus comitibus, qui eisdem preerant, ferme funditus delevit.

And while some were advising that a battle must be fought, and some that from the other bank of the river Viscaha—over which he was encamped—distant from the frontier by only two German miles, they should wait and better explore the strength of the enemy, suddenly smoke appearing gave a sure sign of fire and of the enemy; whereupon certain of our men thought and said that the foes, turned to flight, had given their own camp to the flames. Therefore the duke—for he is strong in hand, bold in mind, but impatient of delay—suddenly snatches up arms and, contrary to what military discipline and order demand, not advancing step by step, but swooping precipitantly, rushes upon the enemy, his men arriving in flocks and, the order of the legions ruptured, coming in confusion. Finally, by the excessive velocity of his swift course he anticipated the onset of the archers, who had been posted in the two leading wings, and he nearly from the foundation destroyed those wings together with the two counts who commanded the same.

Post haec illas duas magnas acies, regis scilicet et avunculi sui ducis, impegit, ex regis legione nullo egrediente, sed tamquam in modum silvae fixa immobiliter manente. Iam iam Ungari de fuga cogitabant dorsaque vertere volebant, et ecce Teutonici, qui in posterioribus alis ducem suum sequebantur, fugam ineunt, duce ignorante vel ea quae fiebant ex pulveris multitudine, qui illis in partibus siccitatis tempore maximus esse solet, conspicere non valente. Barbari tunc primo vires sumunt ducique tamquam a suis destituto circumfunduntur.

After this he charged into those two great battle-lines, namely the king’s and his uncle the duke’s, with no one going out from the king’s legion, but remaining fixed immovably as if in the manner of a forest. Already the Hungarians were thinking of flight and wanted to turn their backs, and behold, the Teutons, who in the posterior wings were following their duke, enter upon flight, the duke not knowing, nor able to see the things that were happening because of the multitude of dust, which in those regions in time of drought is accustomed to be very great. The barbarians then for the first time take strength and surround the duke as if abandoned by his own.

Dux tunc demum terga hosti dare compellitur ac tam pugnacis dexterae quam pulveris aerem obducentis beneficio belli periculis exemptus in vicinum oppidum Hyenis, quod olim a Romanis inhabitatum Favianis dicebatur, declinavit.

The duke then at last is compelled to give his back to the enemy, and, by the benefit both of his pugnacious right hand and of the dust shrouding the air, exempted from the perils of war, he turned aside into the neighboring town Hyenis, which once, inhabited by the Romans, was called Favianis.

Ungari usque ad predictum fluvium tantum Viscahe hostes persequentes ad propria redeunt. Cecidit in hoc prelio virorum nobilium et illustrium pars magna, vulgi vero multitudo innumerabilis, maior tamen, ut dicitur, ex Ungaris. Cuius rei et tam dedecoris facinoris ultio nondum facta Deo opitulante a victrice presentis imperatoris dextera futura expectatur.

The Hungarians, pursuing the enemies only as far as the aforesaid river Viscahe, return to their own homes. In this battle there fell a great portion of noble and illustrious men, and an innumerable multitude of the common people, greater, however, as it is said, from among the Hungarians. The vengeance for this matter and for a deed of such disgrace, not yet effected, is expected—God helping—from the victorious right hand of the present emperor.

Capitulum XXXIIII.

Chapter 34.

Circa idem tempus Rogerius Siculus, aptatis in Apulia, Calabria, Sicilia triremibus et biremibus, quas modo galeas seu sagitteas vulgo dicere solent, aliisque navibus bellicis onerariis, classem in Greciam destinat, prefectis eis ducibus strennuis et in navali prelio gnaris. Armatis itaque navibus Greciae fines ingrediuntur ac Mutinosine inpedimento gravique negotio capto ad Gurfolusque, fortissimum Greciae castrum, procedunt.

About the same time Roger the Sicilian, having fitted out in Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily triremes and biremes (which they now commonly are wont to call galleys or “sagitteae”), and other war and transport ships, dispatches a fleet into Greece, having appointed over them leaders strenuous and skilled in naval battle. The ships being thus armed, they enter the borders of Greece and, at Mutinos, having seized the baggage-train and a weighty prize, they advance to Gurfolus, the strongest fortress of Greece (Corfu).

Quod dum nulla capere vi prevalerent, ad dolos et ingenia se vertunt. Igitur premissis quibusdam, ut dicitur, qui se quempiam mortuum humandi gratia deferre simularent- est enim in predicta arce castri, sicut Grecis mos est, congregatio clericorum seu monachorum -, idem castrum irruunt, arcem occupant, Grecis eiectis presidiisque suis ibidem locatis. Inde ad interiora Greciae progressi Corinthum, Thebas, Athenas, antiqua nobilitate celebres, expugnant ac maxima ibidem preda direpta opifices etiam qui sericos pannos texere solent ob ignominiam imperatoris illius suique principis gloriam captivos deducunt.

Since they were proving unable to seize it by any force, they turn themselves to wiles and ingenuities. Accordingly, certain men having been sent ahead, as it is said, who would pretend that they were carrying someone dead for the sake of burial—for in the aforesaid citadel of the castle, as is the custom among the Greeks, there is a congregation of clerics or of monks—, they rush upon the same fortress, occupy the citadel, the Greeks being cast out, and their own garrisons being stationed there. Thence, having advanced into the interior parts of Greece, they storm Corinth, Thebes, Athens, renowned for ancient nobility, and, the greatest booty having been seized there, they also lead away captive the craftsmen who are wont to weave seric cloths, for the ignominy of that emperor and the glory of their own prince.

Quos Rogerius in Palermo Siciliae metropoli collocans artem illam texendi suos edocere precepit, et exhinc predicta ars illa, prius a Grecis tantum inter Christianos habita, Romanis patere coepit ingeniis. Sed ut ad id, unde paulisper digressi fuimus, stilus redeat, de pacis serenitate, quae post hanc orbis conflictationem contra multorum opinionem subito reluxit, breviter aliqua dicenda erunt.

Whom Roger, settling them in Palermo, the metropolis of Sicily, ordered to instruct his own in that art of weaving; and from henceforth that aforesaid art, previously held among Christians only by the Greeks, began to be open to Roman talents. But so that the style may return to that from which we digressed for a little while, a few things must be said briefly about the serenity of peace, which, after this conflictation of the world, contrary to the opinion of many, suddenly shone again.

Capitulum XXXV.

Chapter 35.

Eugenio in urbe Roma sedente, Conrado in eadem, Lodewico in occidentali Francia regnantibus, imperante in urbe regia Manuel, Hierosolimis Folkone, Lodewicus dum occultum Hierusalem eundi desiderium haberet, eo quod frater suus Philippus eodem voto astrictus morte preventus fuerat, diutius protelare nolens propositum, quibusdam ex principibus suis vocatis, quid in mente volveret, aperuit. Erat illo in tempore in Gallia cenobii Clarevallensis abbas quidam Bernhardus dictus, vita et moribus venerabilis, religionis ordine conspicuus, sapientia litterarumque scientia preditus, signis et miraculis clarus. Hunc principes vocandum, ab eoque, quid de hac re fieri oporteret, tamquam a divino oraculo consulendum decernunt.

with Eugenius sitting in the city of Rome, with Conrad at the same time, and Louis reigning in western France, with Manuel ruling in the royal city, and Fulk in Jerusalem, Louis, while he had a hidden desire of going to Jerusalem—because his brother Philip, bound by the same vow, had been prevented by death—not willing to protract his design any longer, having called certain of his princes, disclosed what he was revolving in mind. At that time in Gaul there was an abbot of the monastery of Clairvaux, a certain Bernard by name, venerable in life and morals, conspicuous in religious order, endowed with wisdom and with the knowledge of letters, illustrious for signs and miracles. The princes decree that this man be summoned, and that consultation be made of him, as from a divine oracle, as to what ought to be done in this matter.

Vocatur prefatus abbas, consiliumque ipsius super predicti exposcitur principis voluntate. Ille de tam grandi negotio ex propriae auctoritatis arbitrio responsum dare frivolum iudicans, ut ad Romani pontificis audientiam et examen deferatur, optimum esse respondit. Itaque missa ad Eugenium legatione totum illi negotium aperitur.

The aforesaid abbot is summoned, and his counsel is demanded concerning the will of the aforesaid prince. He, judging it frivolous to give an answer on so great a negotiation by the arbitrament of his own authority, replied that it would be best for it to be referred to the audience and examination of the Roman Pontiff. Therefore, a legation having been sent to Eugenius, the whole business is laid open to him.

Qui antecessorum suorum exempla revolvens, quod videlicet Urbanushuiusmodi occasione transmarinam aecclesiam duasque patriarchales sedes, id est Antiochiam et Hierosolimam, ab obedientia Romanae sedis scissas in pacis unitatem receperit, votis predicti regis pro dilatando Christianae religionis ritu annuit, auctoritate predicandi animosque cunctorum ad hoc commovendi prenominato abbati, qui aput omnes Galliae ac Germaniae populos ut propheta vel apostolus habebatur, concessa. Unde eius scriptum tale ad regem principesque suos directum invenitur:

Revolving the examples of his predecessors—namely, that Urban, on an occasion of this kind, had received the transmarine church and the two patriarchal sees, that is, Antioch and Jerusalem, torn from obedience to the Roman See, back into the unity of peace—he assented to the vows of the aforesaid king for the dilatation of the rite of the Christian religion, the authority of preaching and of moving the minds of all to this having been granted to the prenominated abbot, who among all the peoples of Gaul and Germany was held as a prophet or an apostle. Whence a writing of his, of such sort, directed to the king and his princes, is found:

Capitulum XXXVI.

Chapter 36.

Eugeniusepiscopus, servus servorum Dei, karissimo in Christo filio Lodewico, illustri et glorioso Francorum regi, et dilectis filiis principibus et universis Dei fidelibus per Galliam constitutis salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quantum predecessores nostri Romani pontifices pro liberatione orientalis aecclesiae laboraverint, antiquorum relatione didicimus et in gestis eorum scriptum repperimus. Predecessor etenim noster felicis memoriae papa Urbanus tamquam tuba caelestis intonuit et ad ipsius deliberationem sanctae Romanae aecclesiae filios de diversis mundi partibus sollicitare curavit.

Eugenius, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the most dear in Christ son Louis, illustrious and glorious king of the Franks, and to the beloved sons the princes and to all the faithful of God established throughout Gaul, greeting and apostolic blessing. How greatly our predecessors, the Roman pontiffs, have labored for the liberation of the Eastern Church, we have learned from the relation of the ancients and have found written in their deeds. For our predecessor, Pope Urban of happy memory, thundered like a heavenly trumpet and took care to stir, for that very deliverance, the sons of the holy Roman Church from diverse parts of the world.

Ad ipsius siquidem vocem ultramontani et precipue Francorum regni fortissimi et strennui bellatores et illi etiam de Italia caritatis ardore succensi convenerunt et maximo congregato exercitu, non sine magna proprii sanguinis effusione, divino eos auxilio comitante, civitatem illam, in qua salvator noster pro nobis pati voluit et gloriosum ipsius sepulchrum passionis suae nobis memoriale dimisit, et quam plures alias, quas prolixitatem vitantes memorare supersedimus, a paganorum spurcicia liberarunt. Quae per gratiam Dei et patrum vestrorum studium, qui per intervalla temporum eas defendere et Christianum nomen in partibus illis dilatare pro viribus studuerunt, usque ad nostra tempora a Christianis detentae sunt, et aliae urbes infidelium ab ipsis viriliter expugnatae. Nunc autem nostris et ipsius populi peccatis exigentibus, quod sine magno dolore et gemitu proferre non possumus, Edissa civitas, quae nostra lingua Rohais dicitur, quae etiam, ut fertur, cum quondam in oriente tota terra a paganis detineretur, ipsa sola sub Christianorum potestate Domino serviebat, ab inimicis crucis Christi capta est, et multa Christianorum castella ab ipsis occupata. Ipsius quoque civitatis archiepiscopus cum clericis suis et multi alii Christiani ibidem interfecti sunt, et sanctorum reliquiae in infidelium conculcationem datae sunt et dispersae.

At his very voice, men from beyond the mountains, and especially the most mighty and strenuous warriors of the kingdom of the Franks, and those also from Italy, kindled by the ardor of charity, convened; and, a very great army having been congregated, not without a great effusion of their own blood, with divine aid accompanying them, they freed that city in which our Savior willed to suffer for us and left his glorious sepulcher as a memorial of his Passion for us, and very many others, which, avoiding prolixity, we forbear to recount, from the filth of the pagans. Which, through the grace of God and the zeal of your fathers, who at intervals of times strove with their powers to defend them and to dilate the Christian name in those parts, have been held by Christians down to our times; and other cities of the unfaithful were manfully taken by assault by those same men. Now, however, our sins and those of that people requiring it—a thing which we cannot utter without great pain and groaning—the city of Edessa, which in our tongue is called Rohais, which also, as it is said, when formerly in the East the whole land was detained by the pagans, this alone under the power of Christians was serving the Lord, has been captured by the enemies of the cross of Christ, and many castles of the Christians have been occupied by them. The archbishop also of that city, with his clerics, and many other Christians, were slain there; and the relics of the saints were given over to the trampling of the infidels and were scattered.

In quo quantum aecclesiae Dei et toti Christianitati periculum immineat, et nos cognoscimus et prudentiam vestram latere non credimus. Maximum namque nobilitatis et probitatis indicium fore cognoscitur, si ea quae patrum strenuitas acquisivit a vobis filiis strennue defendantur. Verumtamen, si, quod absit, secus contigerit, patrum fortitudo in filiis imminuta probatur.

In which, how great a peril overhangs the Church of God and all Christianity, both we recognize, and we do not believe it escapes your prudence. For it is understood that there will be a very great indication of nobility and probity, if the things which the strenuous valor of the fathers acquired are by you sons strenuously defended. Nevertheless, if—may it be far off—otherwise should happen, the fortitude of the fathers is proven diminished in the sons.

Universitatem itaque vestram in Domino commonemus, rogamus atque precipimus et in peccatorum remissionem iniungimus, ut qui Dei sunt et maxime potentiores et nobiles viriliter accingantur et infidelium multitudini, quae se tempus victoriae super nos adeptam laetatur, sic occurrere et aecclesiam orientalem, tanta patrum vestrorum, ut prediximus, sanguinis effusione ab eorum tyrannide liberatam, ita defendere et multa captivorum milia confratrum nostrorum de ipsorum manibus eripere studeatis, ut Christiani nominis dignitas vestro tempore augeatur et vestra fortitudo, quae per universum mundum laudatur, integra et illibata servetur. Sit vobis etiam in exemplum bonus ille Mathatias, qui pro paternis legibus conservandis se ipsum cum filiis et parentibus suis morti exponere et quicquid in mundo possidebat relinquere nullatenus dubitavit atque tandem divino cooperante auxilio, per multos tamen labores, tam ipse quam sua progenies de inimicis viriliter triumphavit. Nos autem vestrorum quieti et eiusdem aecclesiae destitutioni paterna sollicitudine providentes illis, qui tam sanctum tamque pernecessarium opus et laborem devotionis intuitu suscipere et perficere decreverint, illam peccatorum remissionem, quam prefatus predecessor noster papa Urbanus instituit, auctoritate nobis a Deo concessa concedimus et confirmamus atque uxores et filios eorum, bona quoque et possessiones sub sanctae aecclesiae, nostra etiam et archiepiscoporum, episcoporum et aliorum prelatorum aecclesiae Dei protectione manere decernimus.

Therefore we admonish, ask, and command your whole body in the Lord, and we enjoin it for the remission of sins, that those who are of God, and especially the more powerful and the nobles, be girded manfully and so meet the multitude of the unbelievers, which rejoices that it has obtained a time of victory over us, and that you thus defend the eastern Church, freed, as we said above, from their tyranny by so great an outpouring of your fathers’ blood, and strive to snatch from their hands many thousands of captives, our fellow-brethren, so that the dignity of the Christian name may be increased in your time, and your fortitude, which is praised through the whole world, may be kept entire and unsullied. Let that good Mattathias also be for you an example, who, for preserving the paternal laws, did not at all hesitate to expose himself with his sons and his kinsmen to death and to relinquish whatever he possessed in the world, and at length, with divine aid cooperating, yet through many labors, both he himself and his progeny manfully triumphed over enemies. But we, providing with paternal solicitude for your quiet and for the destitution of the same Church, to those who shall have resolved, for the regard of devotion, to undertake and to accomplish so holy and so very necessary a work and labor, grant and confirm, by the authority granted to us by God, that remission of sins which our aforesaid predecessor Pope Urban instituted; and we decree that their wives and sons, as well as their goods and possessions, remain under the protection of the holy Church, and also under ours and that of the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the Church of God.

Auctoritate etiam apostolica prohibemus, ut de omnibus, quae, cum crucem acceperint, quiete possederint, nulla deinceps questio moveatur, donec de ipsorum reditu vel obitu certissime cognoscatur. Praeterea, quoniam illi qui Domino militant nequaquam in vestibus preciosis nec cultu formae nec canibus vel accipitribus vel aliis quae portendant lasciviam debent intendere, prudentiam vestram in Domino commonemus, ut, qui tam sanctam opus incipere decreverint, ad haec non intendant, sed in armis, equis et caeteris, quibus infideles expugnent, totis viribus studium et diligentiam adhibeant. Quicumque vero aere premuntur alieno et tam sanctum iter puro corde inceperint, de preterito usuras non solvant, et si ipsi vel alii pro eis occasione usurarum astricti sunt sacramento vel fide, apostolica eos auctoritate absolvimus.

By apostolic authority we also prohibit that, regarding all things which, when they have taken up the cross, they have peacefully possessed, no question henceforth be raised until there is most certain knowledge concerning their return or death. Moreover, since those who soldier for the Lord ought by no means to be intent upon precious garments, nor the adornment of form, nor dogs or hawks or other things that portend lasciviousness, we admonish your prudence in the Lord that those who have resolved to begin so holy a work not apply themselves to these, but to arms, horses, and the other things by which they may overcome the infidels, and with all their strength bring zeal and diligence to bear. But whoever are pressed by debt and have begun so holy a journey with a pure heart, let them not pay interest for what is past; and if they themselves or others for them, on account of usuries, are bound by oath or pledge of faith, we absolve them by apostolic authority.

Liceat eis etiam terras sive caeteras possessiones suas, postquam commoniti propinqui sive domini, ad quorum feudum pertinent, pecuniam commodare aut noluerint aut non valuerint, aecclesiis vel personis aecclesiasticis vel aliis quoque fidelibus libere sine ulla reclamatione inpignerare.

Let it be permitted to them also to pledge in mortgage their lands or their other possessions—after the kinsmen or lords, to whose fief they pertain, having been notified, have either been unwilling or have not been able to lend money—freely and without any reclamation, to churches or ecclesiastical persons, or likewise to other faithful persons.

Peccatorum remissionem et absolutionem iuxta prefati predecessoris nostri institutionem omnipotentis Dei et beati Petri apostolorum principis auctoritate nobis a Deo concessa talem concedimus, ut, qui tam sanctum iter devote inceperit et perfecerit sive ibidem mortuus fuerit, de omnibus peccatis suis, quibus corde contrito et humiliatoconfessionem susceperit, absolutionem obtineat et sempiternae retributionis fructum ab omnium remuneratore percipiat. Data Vetralle, Kal. Decembris.

The remission and absolution of sins, according to the institution of our aforesaid predecessor, by the authority of Almighty God and of blessed Peter, prince of the apostles, granted to us by God, we grant thus: that whoever shall have devoutly begun and completed so holy a journey, or shall have died there, may obtain absolution from all his sins, for which, with a contrite and humbled heart, he shall have undertaken confession, and may receive the fruit of everlasting retribution from the Rewarder of all. Given at Vetralla, on the Kalends of December.

Capitulum XXXVII.

Chapter 37.

Igitur, ut ad narrationis seriem redeamus, Bernhardus abbas venerabilis concessa sibi apostolicae sedis auctoritate non abusus gladio verbi Dei fortiter accingitur, ac excitatis ad transmarinam expeditionem multorum animis, tandem curia generalis aput Verzelacum Galliae oppidum, ubi beatae Mariae Magdalenae ossa recondita sunt, indicitur, convocatis ex diversis Galliae provinciis obtimatibus virisque illustribus. Ibi Lodewicus Francorum rex crucem a pretaxato abbate cum multa mentis alacritate sumens miliciam transmarinam professus est cum Theodorico Flandrense et Heinrico Theobaldi Blesensis filio comitibus aliisque de regno suo baronibus virisque nobilibus.

Therefore, that we may return to the thread of the narration, the venerable abbot Bernard, the authority of the Apostolic See having been granted to him, and not abusing the sword of the word of God, girds himself bravely, and, with the minds of many stirred to a transmarine expedition, at length a general court is proclaimed at Vézelay, a town of Gaul, where the bones of blessed Mary Magdalene are laid away, the nobles and illustrious men having been convoked from the diverse provinces of Gaul. There Louis, king of the Franks, taking the cross from the aforesaid abbot with much alacrity of mind, professed transmarine military service together with the counts Theodoric of Flanders and Henry, son of Theobald of Blois, and other barons and noble men from his realm.

Capitulum XXXVIII.

Chapter 38.

Inter haec Radolfus monachus, vir quidem religionis habitum habens religionisque severitatem sollerter imitans, sed litterarum noticia sobrie imbutus, eas partes Galliae quae Rhenum attingunt ingreditur multaque populorum milia ex Agrippina, Maguntia, Warmatia, Spira, Argentina aliisque vicinis civitatibus, oppidis seu vicis ad accipiendam crucem accendit, hoc tamen doctrinae suae non vigilanter interserens, quod Iudei in civitatibus oppidisque passim manentes tamquam Christianae religionis hostes trucidarentur. Quod doctrinae semen in multis Galliae Germaniaeque civitatibus vel oppidis tam firmiter radicem figens germinavit, ut, plurimis ex Iudeis hac tumultuosa seditione necatis, multi sub principis Romanorum alas tuitionis causa confugerent. Unde factum est, ut non pauci ex ipsis huiusmodi inmanitatem fugientes, in oppido principis quod Noricum seu Norinberch appellatur aliisque municipiis eius ad conservandam vitam se reciperent.

Meanwhile Rudolf, a monk—a man indeed bearing the habit of religion and cleverly imitating the severity of religion, but only soberly imbued with knowledge of letters—entered those parts of Gaul which touch the Rhine, and he enflamed many thousands of peoples from Agrippina, Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Strasbourg, and other neighboring cities, towns, or villages to receive the cross, yet not vigilantly interweaving into his doctrine this point: that the Jews, dwelling everywhere in the cities and towns as enemies of the Christian religion, should be butchered. Which seed of teaching, fixing its root so firmly in many cities or towns of Gaul and Germany, sprouted, that, with very many of the Jews slain in this tumultuous sedition, many fled for protection under the wings of the Prince of the Romans. Whence it came about that not a few of them, fleeing such inhumanity, withdrew to preserve their lives into the prince’s town which is called Noricum or Norinberch and into his other municipalities.

Capitulum XXXVIIII.

CHAPTER 39.

At prefatus Clarevallensis abbas huiusmodi doctrinam precavendam docens ad Galliae Germaniaeque populos nuncios seu litterasdestinavit, in quibus ex auctoritate sacrae paginae luculenter ostendit Iudeos ob scelerum suorum excessus non occidendos, sed dispergendos fore. Unde et psalmigraphi testimonium induxit in LVII. psalmo dicentis: Deus ostendit mihi super inimicos meos, ne occidas eos.

But the aforementioned abbot of Clairvaux, teaching that such a doctrine was to be guarded against, dispatched messengers or letters to the peoples of Gaul and Germany, in which he clearly showed from the authority of the sacred page that the Jews, on account of the excesses of their crimes, were not to be killed, but to be dispersed. Whence also he adduced the testimony of the psalmist in Psalm 57, saying: God has shown me over my enemies: do not kill them.

Et item: Disperge illos in virtute tua.

And likewise: Disperse them in your power.

Capitulum XL.

Chapter 40.

Igitur innumerabilibus in occidentali Gallia ad transmarinam expeditionem excitatis, Bernhardus predicationis vomere movendum orientale Francorum regnum aggredi disponit, tam ob hoc, ut animum principis Romanorum sacrae exhortationis verbo ad accipiendam crucem emolliret, quam ut Radolfo occasione Iudeorum crebras in civitatibus seditiones populo contra dominos suos moventi silentium imponeret. Audiens hoc princeps generalem curiam in nativitate Domini aput civitatem Spiram celebrandam indixit. Quo veniens predictus abbas principi cum Friderico fratris sui filio aliisque principibus et viris illustribus crucem accipere persuasit, plurima in publico vel [etiam] occulto faciendo miracula.

Therefore, with innumerable men in western Gaul stirred for the transmarine expedition, Bernard resolves to undertake the eastern kingdom of the Franks to be moved by the ploughshare of preaching, both for this reason, that he might soften the mind of the Prince of the Romans by the word of sacred exhortation to take up the cross, and that he might impose silence on Rudolf, who, on the occasion of the Jews, was stirring frequent seditions in the cities, the people against their lords. Hearing this, the prince proclaimed a general court to be celebrated on the Nativity of the Lord at the city of Speyer. Coming there, the aforesaid abbot persuaded the prince, together with Frederick, his brother’s son, and other princes and illustrious men, to take the cross, doing very many miracles in public and [also] in secret.

Maguntiam quoque veniensRadolfum in maximo favore populi morantem invenit. Quo accersito premonitoque, ne contra monachorum regulam per orbem vagando propria auctoritate verbum predicationis assumeret, tandem ad hoc eum, ut sibi promissa obedientia in cenobium suum transiret, induxit, populo graviter indignante et, nisi ipsius sanctitatis consideratione revocaretur, etiam seditionem movere volente.

Coming to Mainz as well, he found Radulf staying there in the highest favor of the people. When he had been summoned and forewarned not, contrary to the rule of monks, to assume the word of preaching by wandering through the world on his own authority, at length he induced him to this: that, with the obedience he had promised to himself, he should go over into his monastery, the people being grievously indignant and, unless they were called back by consideration of his sanctity, even ready to stir up sedition.

Capitulum XLI.

Chapter 41.

Inter haec Fridericus dux nobilissimus in Gallia manens gravi infirmitate detinebatur, acrem in mente contra dominum et fratrem suum Conradum regem indignationem gerens, quod filium suum Fridericum, quem ipse tamquam primogenitum ac nobilissimae prioris comparis suae filium unicum, committendo ipsius gratiae cum filio suo parvulosecundam uxorem, totius terrae suae heredem fecerat, crucem permiserat accipere. Quem predictus abbas visitandi gratia adiitet benedicens. ei in orationes recepit.

Meanwhile, Frederick, a most noble duke, remaining in Gaul, was detained by a grave infirmity, bearing in his mind a sharp indignation against his lord and brother, King Conrad, because he had permitted his son Frederick—whom he himself, as firstborn and the only son of his most noble former consort, having entrusted to his favor his second wife together with his very young son, had made heir of all his land—to take the cross. The aforesaid abbot, for the sake of visiting, came to him and, blessing him, received him into his prayers.

Ipse tamen vim doloris non sustinens non multis post diebus vivendi finem fecit ac in monasterio, quod sanctae Walpurge vocatur, in terminis Alsatiae sito, humatus est; successitque ei in ducatu filius suus Fridericus.

He himself, however, not sustaining the force of the pain, not many days afterward made an end of living, and in the monastery which is called of Saint Walpurga, situated within the borders of Alsace, he was interred; and his son Frederick succeeded him in the duchy.

Capitulum XLII.

CHAPTER 42.

Post haec princeps Baioariam ingreditur ibiquemense Februario generalem curiam celebravit, ducens secum vice Clarevallensis abbatis Eberacensem abbatem Adam, virum religiosum et honeste eruditum. Qui missarum ex more sollempnia celebrans invocataque sancti spiritus gratia ambonem ascendit ac lectis apostolicae sedis et Clarevallensis abbatis litteris, brevi exhortatione facta omnibus qui aderant prefatam miliciam profiteri persuasit. Neque enim persuasibilibus humanae sapientiae verbis vel artificiosae iuxta precepta rethorum orationis circuitus insinuatione egebat, cunctis qui aderant, ex priori rumore excitatis, ad accipiendam crucem ultro accurrentibus.

After these things the prince entered Bavaria, and there in the month of February he held a general court, leading with him in the stead of the Abbot of Clairvaux Adam, Abbot of Ebrach, a religious man and honorably erudite. He, celebrating the solemnities of the masses according to custom and the grace of the Holy Spirit having been invoked, ascended the ambo and, the letters of the apostolic see and of the Abbot of Clairvaux having been read, with a brief exhortation made, persuaded all who were present to profess the aforesaid militia. For he had no need of persuasive words of human wisdom nor of the insinuation of an artful circuit of speech according to the precepts of the rhetors, since all who were present, stirred by the earlier rumor, were of their own accord running up to receive the cross.

Acceperunt eadem hora crucem tres episcopi, videlicet Heinricus Ratisponensis, Otto Frisingensis, Reginbertus Pataviensis, et dux Noricorum Heinricus, frater regis, de ordineque comitum, nobilium, virorum illustrium innumerabiles. Tanta etiam, mirum dictu, predonum et latronum advolabat multitudo, ut nullus sani capitis hanc tam subitam quam insolitam mutationem ex dextera excelsiprovenire non cognosceret [et] cognoscendo attonita mente non obstupesceret. Gwelfo quoque Heinrici prioris ducis frater, de nobilissimis regni optimatibus, in ipsa nativitatis dominicae nocte in propria villa Bitengoueandem miliciam cum multis professus fuerat.

They received the cross at the same hour—three bishops, namely Henry of Regensburg, Otto of Freising, Reginbert of Passau; and Henry, duke of the Noricans, the king’s brother; and, from the order of counts, nobles, illustrious men, innumerable others. So great also, marvelous to say, was the multitude of marauders and brigands flocking in, that no one of sound mind would fail to recognize that this so sudden and so unusual a mutation proceeded from the right hand of the Most High, and, recognizing it, would not be astonished with a thunderstruck mind. Welf too, brother of Henry the former duke, from the most noble optimates of the realm, on the very night of the Lord’s Nativity, in his own villa at Bitengou, had professed the same militia along with many.

Sed et dux Boemorum Labezlaus et Stirensis marchio Odoacer et Carinthiae illustris comes Bernhardusnon multo post cum magno suorum comitatu cruces acceperunt. Saxones vero, quia quasdam gentes spurciciis idolorum deditas vicinas habent, ad orientem proficisci abnuentes cruces itidem easdem gentes bello attemptaturi assumpserunt, a nostris in hoc distantes, quod non simpliciter vestibus assutae, sed a rota subterposita in altum protendebantur.

But the Duke of the Bohemians, Labezlaus, and Odoacer, Margrave of Styria, and Bernhard, the illustrious Count of Carinthia, not long after likewise received the crosses with a great retinue of their men. The Saxons, however—because they have certain neighboring peoples given over to the filthinesses of idols—refusing to set out to the East, likewise took the crosses, intending to attempt those same peoples by war, differing from our men in this: that the crosses were not simply sewn onto garments, but, with a wheel placed beneath, were projected upward.

Capitulum XLIII.

Chapter 43.

Exemplar autem epistolae Clarevallensis abbatis in orientale Francorum regnum destinatae tale est:

The exemplar, moreover, of the epistle of the abbot of Clairvaux addressed to the eastern kingdom of the Franks is as follows:

Dominis et patribus karissimis, archiepiscopis, episcopis et universo clero et populo orientalis Franciae et Baioariae Bernhardus Clarevallensis vocatus abbas spiritu fortitudinishabundare. Sermo mihi ad vos de negotio Christi, in quo est utique salus vestra. Haec dico, ut excuset indignitatem personae loquentis auctoritas Domini, excuset et consideratio propriae utilitatis.

To the most dear lords and fathers, archbishops, bishops, and the whole clergy and people of eastern France and Bavaria, Bernard of Clairvaux, called abbot: may you abound in a spirit of fortitude. My discourse to you is about the business of Christ, in which assuredly is your salvation. I say these things, that the authority of the Lord may excuse the unworthiness of the person speaking, and that the consideration of your own utility may excuse it as well.

Modicus quidem sum, sed non modice cupio vos in visceribus Christi Ihesu. Ea mihi nunc ratio scribendi ad vos, ea causa, ut universitatem vestram litteris audeam convenire. Agerem id libentius viva voce, si, ut voluntas non deest, suppeteret et facultas.

I am indeed modest, but I do not desire you modestly in the bowels of Christ Jesus. Such is now my reason for writing to you, such my cause, that I dare to address your whole body by letters. I would do this more gladly by a living voice, if, as the will is not lacking, the faculty also were at hand.

Ecce nunc, fratres, tempus acceptabile, ecce nunc dies salutis copiosae! Commota est siquidem et contremuit terra, quia coepit Deus caeli perdere terram suam. Suam, in qua visus est et annis plus quam triginta homo cum hominibus conversatus est; suam utique, quam illustravit miraculis, quam dedicavit sanguine proprio, in qua primi resurrectionis flores apparuerunt.

Behold now, brothers, an acceptable time, behold now the day of copious! salvation indeed the earth was moved and trembled, because the God of heaven has begun to lose His land. His own, in which He was seen and, for more than thirty years, as a man conversed with men; His own, indeed, which He made illustrious with miracles, which He dedicated with His own blood, in which the first flowers of the resurrection appeared.

Et nunc peccatis nostris exigentibus crucis adversarii caput extulere sacrilegum, depopulantes in ore gladiiterram benedictam, terram promissionis. Prope est, si non fuerit qui resistat, ut in ipsam Dei viventis irruant civitatem, ut officinas nostrae redemptionis evertant, ut polluant loca sancta, agni inmaculati purpurata cruore. Ad ipsum, proh dolor! religionis Christianae sacrarium inhiant ore sacrilego lectumque ipsum invadere et conculcare conantur, in quo propter nos vita nostra obdormivit in morte.

And now, our sins requiring it, the adversaries of the cross have lifted up a sacrilegious head, depopulating with the mouth of the sword the blessed land, the land of promise. It is near, if there be none to resist, that they rush into the very city of the living God, that they overturn the workshops of our redemption, that they pollute the holy places, purpled with the blood of the unblemished lamb. To that very, alas! sanctuary of the Christian religion they gape with a sacrilegious mouth, and they endeavor to invade and to trample the very couch, on which for our sake our life fell asleep in death.

Quid facitis, viri fortes? Quid facitis, servi crucis? Itane dabitis sanctum canibus et margaritas porcis?

What are you doing, men of fortitude? What are you doing, servants of the cross? Is it thus you will give the holy thing to dogs and pearls to swine?

Quam multi illic peccatores confitentes peccata cum lacrimis veniam optinuerunt, postquam parum gladiis eliminata est spurcicia paganorum! Videt hoc malignus et invidet, dentibus frendet et tabescit. Excitat vasa iniquitatissuae, ne ulla quidem iam pietatis signa aut vestigia relicturus, si quando forte, quod Deus avertat! optinere valuerit.

How many sinners there, confessing their sins with tears, obtained pardon, after the filth of the pagans had been somewhat eliminated by swords! The malignant one sees this and envies, he gnashes his teeth and wastes away. He rouses the vessels of his iniquity, destined to leave not even now any signs or traces of piety, if ever by chance—may God avert it!—he should be able to obtain.

Verum id quidem omnibus saeculis deinceps inconsolabilis dolor, quia irrecuperabile dampnum, specialiter autem generationi huic pessimae infinita confusio et obprobrium sempiternum. Quid tamen arbitramur, fratres? Numquid abbreviata est manus Domini aut impotens facta est ad salvandum, quod ad tuendam et restituendam sibi hereditatem suam exiguos vermiculos vocat?

But indeed that would be for all ages thereafter an inconsolable sorrow, because an irrecoverable loss, but especially for this most wicked generation an infinite confusion and sempiternal opprobrium. What, however, do we judge, brothers? Has the hand of the Lord been shortened or been made impotent to save, since he calls tiny little worms to defend and to restore to himself his inheritance?

Numquid non potest mittere angelorum plus quam XII legionesaut certe tantum dicere verbo, et liberabitur terra? Omnino subest ei, cum voluerit, posse. Sed, dico vobis, temptat vos dominus Deus vester. Respicit super filios hominum, ut, si forte sit qui intelligatet requirat et doleat vicem eius. Miseratur enim populum suum Deus et lapsis graviter providet remedium salutis.

Can he not send more than 12 legions of angels, or at least only to say a word, and the earth will be freed? Altogether it lies within his power, when he wills, to be able. But, I say to you, the Lord your God is testing you. He looks upon the sons of men, that, if perhaps there be one who understands and seeks and grieves for his cause. For God has mercy on his people and for those who have fallen he earnestly provides a remedy of salvation.

Considerate, quanto ad solvendos vos artificio utitur, et obstupescite; intuemini pietatis abyssum et confidite, peccatores! Non vult mortem vestram, sed ut convertamini et vivatis, quia sic querit occasionem, non adversum vos, sed pro vobis et caetera. In quibus et circa eandem oratorum more vel ordine versatur materiam; et quod Iudei non sint occidendi, ratione probat et auctoritate.

Consider, by how great an artifice he uses to release you, and be astonished; gaze into the abyss of piety and take confidence, sinners! He does not will your death, but that you be converted and live, because thus he seeks an occasion, not against you, but for you and so forth. In all which, and about the same subject-matter, he proceeds in the manner or order of orators; and that the Jews are not to be killed, he proves by reason and by authority.

Unde est illud: Beatam dixerim generationem, quam apprehendit tam uberis indulgentiae tempus, quam invenit superstitem annus iste placabilis Dominoet vere iubileus. Diffunditur enim haec benedictio in universum mundum, et ad signum vitae convolant universi. Quia ergo fecunda est terra vestra virorum fortium et robusta noscitur iuventute referta, sicut laus est vestra in universo mundo et virtutis vestrae fama replevit orbem, accingimini et vos viriliter et felicia arma corripite!

Whence is this: I would call blessed the generation which the time of so abundant indulgence has taken hold of, which this year, placable with the Lord and truly a jubilee, has found surviving. For this blessing is diffused into the whole world, and at the sign of life all fly together. Since therefore your land is fecund in men of might and is known to be replete with a robust youth, just as your praise is in the whole world and the fame of your virtue has filled the orb, gird yourselves also manfully and seize your fortunate arms!

Et de Iudeis sic: 'Deus', inquit aecclesia, 'ostendit mihi super inimicos meos, ne occidas eos'. Vivi quidam apices nobis sunt, representantes iugiter dominicam passionem; et plura alia in hunc modum.

And about the Jews thus: 'God,' says the church, 'has shown me concerning my enemies, do not kill them'. Certain living characters are for us, continually representing the Lord’s passion; and many other things in this manner.

Capitulum XLIIII.

Chapter 44.

Igitur non solum ex Romano imperio, sed etiam ex vicinis regnis, id est occidentali Francia, Anglia, Pannonia, innumeris populis ac nationibus hac expeditionis fama ad sumendam crucem commotis, repente sic totus pene occidens siluit, ut non solum bella movere, sed et arma quempiam in publico portare nefas haberetur.

Therefore not only from the Roman Empire, but also from neighboring kingdoms, that is, western Francia, England, Pannonia, with countless peoples and nations stirred by the fame of this expedition to take up the cross, suddenly almost the whole Occident fell so silent that not only to wage wars, but even for anyone to carry arms in public, was held to be unlawful.

Capitulum XLV.

Chapter 45.

At Conradus Romanorum rex principes convocans in oppido orientalis Franciae Franconefurde, quod Latine vadum Francorum dici potest, eo quod Karolus ad debellandos Saxones cum Francis proficiscens vadum illo Mogi fluminis, qui Maguntiae Rheno illabitur, invenisse dicitur, generalem curiam celebrat. Ibique filio suo Heinrico adhuc puero per electionem principum rege constituto, in palatio Aquis eum dominica medianae quadragesimae regem inungi ac coronari iubens regni participem legit. Ad predictam curiam Heinricus Heinrici, de quo supra dictum est, Noricorum ducis filius, qui iam adoleverat, venit, ducatum Noricum, quem patri suo non iuste abiudicatum asserebat, iure hereditario reposcens.

But Conrad, king of the Romans, convoking the princes in the town of eastern Francia, Franconefurd, which in Latin can be called the Ford of the Franks, because Charles, setting out with the Franks to subdue the Saxons, is said to have found a ford there of the river Mogi (the Main), which at Mainz flows into the Rhine, holds a general curia. And there, his son Henry, still a boy, having been constituted king by the election of the princes, in the palace at Aachen he, ordering him on Mid‑Lent Sunday to be anointed and crowned king, made him a sharer of the realm. To the aforesaid curia came Henry, son of Henry—of whom mention was made above—the duke of the Norici, who had now grown up, reclaiming by hereditary right the duchy of Noricum, which he asserted had been unjustly adjudicated away from his father.

Quem princeps multa prudentia et ingenio inductum usque ad reditum suum suspendens quiete expectare persuasit.

whom the prince, employing much prudence and ingenuity, putting the matter off until his return, persuaded to await quietly.

Capitulum XLVI.

Chapter 46.

Itaque hyemalis algoris austeritate detersa, cum veris benigna humiditate ex telluris partu flores et herbae procrearentur camporumque viriditas laetam terrae faciem monstrans orbi arrideret, Conradus rex a Norico castro cum suis procinctum movens, per Danubium iturus, Ratisponae naves ingreditur, ac in ascensione Domini in Orientali marchia iuxta burgum qui Ardachervocatur castra ponens suos, qui iam adventabant, duobus seu tribus diebus expectavit. Inde usque ad terminos ferme regni sui procedens non longe a fluvio Viscahe mansionem locavit, celebratoque ibi sancto pentecoste, cum universis pene copiis suis Litahe transiens in Pannonia tentoria fixit, aliis per Danubium navigantibus, aliis per terram euntibus. Tantam autem post se multitudinem traxit, ut et flumina ad navigandum camporumque latitudo ad ambulandum vix sufficere videretur.

And so, the harshness of wintry cold having been wiped away, when by spring’s kindly moisture from the earth’s birth flowers and grasses were being begotten, and the greenness of the fields, showing a joyful face of the land, smiled upon the world, King Conrad, setting his expedition in motion from the Noric castle, being about to go along the Danube, at Ratisbon boards ships; and at the Ascension of the Lord, in the Eastern March, near the burg which is called Ardacher, pitching camp he awaited his men, who were already arriving, for two or three days. Thence, proceeding as far as almost the borders of his realm, not far from the river Viscaha he established a lodging; and Pentecost having been celebrated there, with almost all his forces, crossing the Litha he fixed his tents in Pannonia, some sailing along the Danube, others going by land. Moreover, he drew after him so great a multitude that both the rivers for sailing and the breadth of the plains for walking seemed scarcely to suffice.

Quem Francorum rex Lodewicus non multo post cum suis subsecutus est, ducens secum ex nostris Lotharingos, quorum principes seu primores erant Stephanus Metensis, Heinricus Tollensis episcopi, Reginaldus Munzunensis, Hugo Waidemotensiscomes, et de Italia Amedeum Taurinensem fratremque eius Willehelmum marchionem de Monte-ferrato, avunculos suos, et alios quam plures.

Whom the king of the Franks, Louis, not long after followed with his own, leading with him from our people the Lotharingians, whose princes or foremost men were Stephen of Metz, Henry of Toul, bishops, Reginald of Munzun, Hugh, count of Vaudémont, and from Italy Amadeus of Turin and his brother William, marquis of Montferrat, his uncles, and very many others.

Capitulum XLVII.

Chapter 47.

Verum quia peccatis nostris exigentibus, quem finem predicta expeditio sortita fuerit, omnibus notum est, nos, qui non hac vice tragediam, sed iocundam scribere proposuimus hystoriam, aliis vel alias hoc dicendum relinquimus. Qualiter etiam Saxones vicinas, ut dixi, gentes aggressi principibus inter se discordantibus ad propria remeaverint, a memoria eorum qui adhuc supersunt nondum excidit. Attamen, ne Friderici principis, qui inpresentiarum est, fortuna, quae ei ab adolescentia etiam in periculis gravibus usque ad presentem diem numquam ad plenum nubilosum vultum ostendit, silentio tegatur, unum de omnibus et pro omnibus, quae nobis in eadem via acciderunt, casum ponere volui.

But since, with our sins requiring it, what end the aforesaid expedition obtained is known to all, we, who on this occasion have proposed to write not a tragedy but a jocund history, leave this to others or elsewhere to be said. How also the Saxons, having attacked the neighboring gentes, as I said, with the princes discording among themselves, returned to their own, has not yet fallen from the memory of those who still survive. Nevertheless, lest the fortuna of Prince Frideric, who is at present, which to him from adolescence, even in grave perils, down to the present day has never shown a fully clouded countenance, be covered in silence, I have wished to set forth one case out of all and on behalf of all the things that befell us on the same way.

Permeata magno labore viarumque difficultatis dispendio post Pannoniam Bulgaria emensaque transmisso Hebro superiore Tracia, cum iam per aliquot dies in locis fertilissimis per inferiorem Traciam cum multa mentis laeticia ambulantes urbi regiae accederemus, VII. Idus Septembris, id est proxima ante nativitatem beatae Mariae feria, vallem quandam iuxta oppidulum Cherevachdictum, campi viriditate laetam, amniculi cuiusdammedio decursu conspicuam, attingimus. Cuius loci amenitate capti omnes illo tentoria figere iocundumque Dei genitricis semperque virginis ortum cum magna iocunditate celebraturi ibidem ea die pausare disponimus, solo cum suis duce Friderico avunculoque eius Welfone - nam Lotharingiorum legio nondum se nobis iunxerat - in latere cuiusdam montis e regione iuxta nos castra metante.

After we had made our way through with great labor and with the expense of the difficulty of the roads—after Pannonia, Bulgaria, and, the Hebrus having been crossed, Upper Thrace—since for several days already, walking through the most fertile places in Lower Thrace with much gladness of mind, we were approaching the royal city, on the 7th of September, that is, the day immediately before the feast of the Nativity of blessed Mary, we reached a certain valley near a little town called Cherevach, glad with the greenness of the plain, made conspicuous by the mid-course of a certain little stream running through it. Captured by the amenity of that place, we all resolved to pitch our tents there and, intending to celebrate with great jocundity the birth of the Mother of God and ever-Virgin, to pause there on that day, with only Duke Frederick with his men and his uncle Welf— for the legion of the Lotharingians had not yet joined us—pitching camp on the side of a certain mountain over against us, near by.

Erat in vicino mare Proponticum, quod modo Brachium Sancti Georgii ab indigenis dicitur, duoque super litus eius, unde mercatum expectabamus, oppida parva, Salumbriaet Natura. Hoc mare olim Ellespontiacum a nota Frixis et Helles fabula, vel Proponticum velut ante-Ponticum dicebatur, eo quod a Pontico mari duorum maximorum fluminum, Tanais et Danubii, impetu propulsum, quasi tenuiter fluens, ut volunt, in Adriatico seu Tyrreno mari iuxta Troiam antiquam recipiatur. Fateor, toto expeditionis tempore numquam laetiora habuimus tabernacula, numquam, quantum ad sensus iudicium, maiorem ambitum occupaverant tentoria.

There was nearby the Propontic sea, which now is called by the natives the Arm of Saint George, and two small towns upon its shore, whence we expected a market, Salumbria and Natura. This sea was formerly called Hellespontic from the well-known tale of Phrixus and Helle, or Propontic, as it were ante-Pontic, because, driven by the onset of the two greatest rivers, the Tanais and the Danube, from the Pontic sea, it, as they suppose, flows thinly and is received into the Adriatic or Tyrrhene sea near ancient Troy. I confess, in the whole time of the expedition we never had more cheerful tents, never, so far as the judgment of the senses goes, had our pavilions occupied a greater expanse.

Et ecce circa vigiliam matutinam nubecula quedam parva exorta ymbrem mitem produxit. Quem subito tantus pluviarum ventorumque impetuosus turbo subsecutus est, ut concussis et solutis seu ad terram deiectis tabernaculis gravissime, qui post matutinorum laudes lectis nos receperamus, excitaret. Clamor totum vicinum replens aerem attollitur.

And behold, around the matutinal vigil a certain small cloudlet arose and brought forth a gentle rain. This was suddenly followed by so impetuous a tempest of rains and winds that, with the tents shaken and loosened, or even cast down to the ground most grievously, it roused us who, after the Lauds of Matins, had betaken ourselves to our beds. A clamor is raised, filling all the surrounding air.

Amniculus enim - an ex refluxione proximi maris ymbriumve multitudine an ex cataractis ruptis in caelo ex supernae maiestatis ultione, incertum - tantum intumuerat ex tumoreque preter morem inundaverat, ut totum cooperiret exercitum. Quid ageremus? Divinam id animadversionem potius quam naturalem inundationem esse considerantes amplius attoniti fuimus; ad equorum tamen robur convolamus, unusquisque, prout poterat, amnem transire gestiens.

For the little streamlet — whether from the refluxion of the neighboring sea or the multitude of rains, or from cataracts broken in the sky by the vengeance of the supernal majesty, it is uncertain — had so swelled and, from its tumescence, had inundated beyond the wont, that it covered the whole army. What were we to do? Considering this to be a divine animadversion rather than a natural inundation, we were the more astonished; nevertheless we fly to the strength of the horses, each, as he was able, eager to cross the river.

Videres alios natantes, alios equis adherentes, alios, ut periculum effugerent, per funes miserabiliter trahi, alios in flumen inordinate ruentes, ex eo quod aliis inpremeditate implicarentur, dimergi plurimosque, quod possent pretergredi, estimantes fluminis ictu abripi, caudicibus opprimi vique gurgitum absorptos animam reddere in flumine, nonnullos natandi indoctos, ubi natantes apprehendissent, ut evaderent, tenere sicque astrictos defatigare, donec resupini, cessantibus brachiorum remigiis, utrique submersi suffocarentur. Aliqui ergo de nobis in tentoria Friderici ducis, quae sola ab hac tam perniciosa clade penitus illesa manebant, nos transtulimus ibique sacra missarum sollempnia audiendo, non cum gaudio, sed cum multa cordis amaritudine, nostrorum luctum et gemitum audientes, Gaudeamus cecinimus. Denique alii amnem cum magno timore ac labore transmeabant, alii adunatis rhedis aliisque, quae habere poterant, instrumentis adhibitis, contra impetum aquae quasi desperati repagulum ponebant, transitum inundationis prestolantes.

You would have seen some swimming, others clinging to horses, others, in order to escape the peril, being miserably dragged by ropes; others rushing inordinately into the river, being sunk because they became unpremeditatedly entangled with others; and very many, thinking that they could get across, being snatched away by the river’s stroke, overwhelmed by logs, and, absorbed by the force of the whirlpools, yielding up the spirit in the river; some, untrained in swimming, when they had seized swimmers so that they might escape, holding them and thus, fast-constrained, wearing them out, until, turned on their backs, as the rowing of their arms ceased, both, submerged, were suffocated. Some of us, therefore, transferred ourselves into the tents of Duke Frederick, which alone remained wholly unscathed by this so pernicious disaster; and there, hearing the sacred solemnities of the masses, not with joy, but with much bitterness of heart, as we heard the mourning and groaning of our people, we sang Gaudeamus . Finally, some were crossing the stream with great fear and toil; others, wagons gathered together and other implements which they could have at hand being employed, were setting a barrier, as if in despair, against the impetus of the water, awaiting the passage of the inundation.

Quantum vero dampnum tam in personis quam in rebus et utensilibus ad tam longam viam necessariis exercitus noster ibi acceperit, dicere non oportet. Cerneres sequenti die, cum mitigatis aquis terrarum facies appareret, omnibus nobis hac et illac dispersis, tam tristissimum tabernaculorum nostrorum aspectum, quam perendiepoteras videre laetissimum, ut non inmerito, quanta divinae celsitudinis esset potentia quamque humanae iocunditatis nichil firmi habens velox momentum, luce clarius appareret. Sed de his hactenus.

How great a damage both in persons and in goods and utensils necessary for so long a way our army received there, it is not fitting to say. You would discern on the following day, when, the waters having been abated, the face of the lands appeared, with all of us scattered here and there, so most sad an aspect of our tents as on the day after next you could see a most gladsome one, so that, not undeservedly, it appeared clearer than light how great the potency of divine loftiness was, and how the swift momentum of human jocundity, having nothing firm, is fleeting. But of these things thus far.

Capitulum XLVIII.

Chapter 48.

Fuit illis in diebus in Aquitania Galliae civitate Pictavis episcopus Gilebertus nomine. Hic ex eadem civitate oriundus, ab adolescentia usque ad ultimam senectutem in diversis Galliae locis phylosophiae studium colens, re et nomine magistri officium administrarat noviterque ante hos dies ad culmen pontificale in prefata civitate sublimatus fuerat, consuetus ex ingenii subtilis magnitudine ac rationum acumine multa preter communem hominum morem dicere. Is igitur, cum quadam vice conventum de sua diocesi clericorum magnum celebrans sermoni, quem forte gratia exhortandi habebat, quedam de fide sanctae trinitatis intersereret, a duobus archidiaconibus suis, id est Arnaldo et Kalone, tamquam contra katholicae normam aecclesiae doctrinam instituens ad summi pontificis Romanaeque sedis examen interposita appellatione vocatur.

In those days there was in Aquitania, in the Gallic city Poitiers, a bishop by name Gilbert. He, originating from the same city, from adolescence up to utmost old age, cultivating the study of philosophy in diverse places of Gaul, had administered in fact and in name the office of master, and only recently before these days had been raised to the pontifical summit in the aforesaid city, being accustomed, from the magnitude of a subtle genius and the acumen of his reasons, to say many things beyond the common manner of men. He therefore, when on a certain occasion, holding a great assembly of clerics from his diocese, he inserted into the discourse which by chance he had for the sake of exhortation certain things about the faith of the Holy Trinity, is called by two of his archdeacons, that is, Arnaldo and Kalone, as though establishing doctrine contrary to the catholic norm of the church, to the examination of the Supreme Pontiff and of the Roman See, an appeal being interposed.

Sic utrique viam carpunt Romanoque pontifici Eugenio ab Urbe in Gallias tendenti Senis civitate Tusciae occurrunt. Quibus Romanus antistes auditis causaque viae cognita, breviter respondit se Gallias introire ibique de hoc verbo, eo quod propter litteratorum virorum copiam ibidem manentium oportuniorem examinandi facultatem haberet, plenius velle cognoscere. Archidiacones in Gallias redeunt ac consulto Bernhardo supra memorato abbate eum in commodum causae suae adversus episcopum inclinant.

Thus the two both set out on the road and meet the Roman pontiff Eugene, who was proceeding from the City into the Gauls, at the city of Siena in Tuscany. When he had heard them and learned the cause of their journey, the Roman prelate briefly replied that he was entering Gaul and there wished to ascertain this matter more fully, for the reason that, on account of the abundance of literate men dwelling there, he would have a more opportune faculty for examination. The archdeacons return into Gaul and, having consulted Bernard the abbot mentioned above, they incline him to the advantage of their cause against the bishop.

Capitulum XLVIIII.

Chapter 49.

Erat enim predictus abbas tam ex Christianae religionis fervore zelotipus quam ex habitudinali mansuetudine quodammodo credulus, ut et magistros, qui humanis rationibus saeculari sapientia confisi nimium inherebant, abhorreret et, si quidquam ei Christianae fidei absonum de talibus diceretur, facile aurem preberet. Ex quo factum est, ut non multo ante hos dies ipso auctore primo ab episcopis Galliae, post a Romano pontifice Petro Abailardo silentium impositum fuerit. Petrus iste ex ea Galliae provincia, quae nunc ab incolis Brittannia dicitur, originem trahens - est enim predicta terra clericorum acuta ingenia et artibus applicata habentium, sed ad alia negotia pene stolidorum ferax, quales fuerunt duo fratres Bernhardus et Theodericus, viri doctissimi - is, inquam, litterarum studiis aliisque facetiis ab ineunte etate deditus fuit, sed tam arrogans suoque tantum ingenio confidens, ut vix ad audiendos magistros ab altitudine mentis suae humiliatus descenderet.

For the aforesaid abbot was as much zealously disposed from the fervor of the Christian religion as, by habitual mildness, in a certain way credulous, so that he both abhorred the masters who, trusting in human rationales and secular wisdom, adhered to them excessively, and, if anything discordant to the Christian faith were said to him about such men, he readily lent an ear. Whence it came about that, not long before these days, at his own instigation, first by the bishops of Gaul, afterwards by the Roman pontiff, silence was imposed upon Peter Abelard. This Peter, drawing his origin from that province of Gaul which now by the inhabitants is called Brittany - for the aforesaid land is fertile in clerics possessing sharp ingenia and applied to the arts, but for other business almost of dullards, such as were the two brothers Bernard and Theoderic, most learned men - he, I say, was devoted from his budding age to the studies of letters and to other clever pursuits, but so arrogant and trusting only in his own genius that he scarcely, humbled from the loftiness of his mind, would descend to listen to masters.

Habuit tamen primo preceptorem Rozelinum quendam, qui primus nostris temporibus in logica sententiam vocum instituit, et post ad gravissimos viros, Anshelmum Laudunensem, Guillelmum Campellensem Catalaunensem episcopum, migrans ipsorumque dictorum pondus tamquam subtilitatis acumine vacuum iudicans non diu sustinuit. Inde magistrum induens Parisius venit, plurimum in inventionum subtilitate non solum ad phylosophiam necessariarum, sed et pro commovendis ad iocos hominum animis utilium valens. Ubi occasione quadam satis nota non bene tractatus monachus in monasterio sancti Dyonisii effectus est.

He nevertheless at first had as a preceptor a certain Roscelin, who first in our times in logic instituted the doctrine of words (sententia vocum); and afterward, migrating to the most weighty men—Anselm of Laon and William of Champeaux, bishop of Châlons—and judging the weight of their sayings as void of the acumen of subtlety, he did not long endure them. Thence, donning the mastership, he came to Paris, excelling greatly in the subtlety of inventions not only of those necessary to philosophy, but also useful for stirring men’s minds to jests. There, on a certain occasion well enough known, being not well treated, he was made a monk in the monastery of Saint Denis.

Ibi die noctuque lectioni ac meditationi incubans de acuto acutior, de litterato efficitur litteratior, in tantum, ut post aliquod tempus ab obedientia abbatis sui solutus ad publicum prodiret docendique rursus officium assumeret. Sententiam ergo vocum seu nominum in naturali tenens facultate non caute theologiae admiscuit. Quare de sancta trinitate docens et scribens tres personas, quas sancta aecclesia non vacua nomina tantum, sed res distinctas suisque proprietatibus discretas hactenus et pie credidit et fideliter docuit, nimis adtenuans, non bonis usus exemplis, inter caetera dixit: Sicut eadem oratio est propositio, assumptio et conclusio, ita eadem essentia est pater et filius et spiritus sanctus.

There, by bending over reading and meditation day and night, from acute he becomes acuter, from lettered more lettered, to such an extent that after some time, released from obedience to his abbot, he went forth into public and again assumed the office of teaching. Therefore, holding the doctrine of “voices” or “names” in the natural faculty, he incautiously admixed it to theology. Wherefore, teaching and writing about the Holy Trinity, attenuating too much the three persons—which the holy church has hitherto both piously believed and faithfully taught to be not empty names only, but things distinct and distinguished by their own properties—and not using good examples, among other things he said: Just as the same statement is the proposition, assumption, and conclusion, so the same essence is the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit.

Ob hoc Suessionis provinciali contra eum synodo sub presentia Romanae sedis legati congregata, ab egregiis viris et nominatis magistris Alberico Remense et Letaldo Novariense Sabellianus hereticus iudicatus, libros, quos ediderat, propria manu ab episcopis igni dare coactus est, nulla sibi respondendi facultate, eo quod disceptandi in eo pericia ab omnibus suspecta haberetur, concessa. Haec sub Lodewico senioreFrancorum rege facta sunt.

On this account, at Soissons a provincial synod, convened in the presence of the legate of the Roman See, he was judged a Sabellian heretic by distinguished men and renowned masters, Alberic of Reims and Letald of Novara; he was compelled by the bishops to give to the fire with his own hand the books which he had published, with no opportunity of replying granted to him, because in him the expertise for disputing was held suspect by all. These things were done under Louis the Elder, king of the Franks.

Capitulum L.

Chapter 50.

Post haec, dum rursus pluribus diebus legeret maximamque post se sociorum multitudinem traheret, sedente in urbe Roma Innocentio, in Francia vero Lodewico superioris Lodewici filioregnante, ab episcopis abbateque Bernhardo denuo ad audientiam aput Senonas evocatur, presentibus Lodewico rege Theobaldoque palatino comite et aliis nobilibus de populoque innumeris. Ubi dum de fide sua discuteretur, seditionem populi timens apostolicae sedis presentiam appellavit. Episcopi vero simul et abbas, missa ad Romanam aecclesiam legatione ac eis, pro quibus impetebatur, capitulis, dampnationis eius sententiam in litteris expetiverunt, quarum exemplar hoc est: Reverentissimo domino et dilectissimo patri, Dei gratia summo pontifici Innocentio S. Remensis archiepiscopus, Iohelinus Suessionis, Gau.Catalaunensis, A. Anebanensisepiscopidebitae subiectionis voluntarium obsequium.

After these things, while he again was reading/lecturing for many days and was drawing after him a very great multitude of companions, with Innocent sitting in the city of Rome, and in France indeed Louis, the son of the elder Louis, reigning, he was once more summoned to a hearing at Sens by the bishops and by Abbot Bernard, with King Louis and Theobald the palatine count present, and other nobles and numberless people. There, while he was being examined concerning his faith, fearing a sedition of the people, he appealed to the presence of the Apostolic See. The bishops, however, together with the abbot, a legation having been sent to the Roman Church and the chapters for which he was being attacked, sought in letters the sentence of his condemnation, of which the exemplar is this: To the most reverend lord and most beloved father, by the grace of God Supreme Pontiff Innocent, the archbishop of St. Reims, Johelinus of Soissons, Gau. of Châlons, A. of Anebanum, bishops, the voluntary obedience of due subjection.

Auribus occupatis ad plurima verbum facimus breve de prolixo negotio, pro eo maxime, quod id ipsum plenius et diffusius continetur in litteris domni Senonensis. Petrus Abailardus Christianae fidei meritum evacuare nititur, dum totum, quod Deus est, humana ratione arbitratus comprehendere, ascendit usque ad caelos et descendit usque ad abyssos ; nichil est quod lateat eum, sive in profundum inferni sive in excelsum supra. Homo est magnus in oculis suis, disputans de fide contra fidem, ambulans in magnis et mirabilibus super se, scrutator maiestatis, heresum fabricator.

With ears preoccupied by many matters, we make a brief word about a prolix business, especially for this reason, that this very thing is contained more fully and more diffusely in the letters of the lord of Sens. Peter Abelard strives to evacuate the merit of the Christian faith, while, presuming to comprehend by human reason the whole of what God is, he ascends even unto the heavens and descends even unto the abysses ; nothing is that may lie hidden from him, whether into the depth of hell or into the height above. Man is great in his own eyes, disputing about faith against the faith, walking in great and marvelous things beyond himself, a scrutinizer of Majesty, a fabricator of heresies.

Iam dudum fecerat librum de sancta trinitate, sed sub legato Romanae aecclesiae igne examinatus est, quia inventa est in eo iniquitas. Maledictus qui reedificat ruinas Iericho! Surrexit a mortuis liber ille, et cum eo multorum hereses, qui dormierant, surrexerunt et apparuerunt multis. Denique iam extendit palmites suos usque ad mare et usque Romam propagines eius. Haec est gloriatio hominis illius, quod liber suus in curia Romana habet, ubi caput suum reclinet ; hinc confortatus et confirmatus est error eius.

He had long since made a book on the holy Trinity, but under the legate of the Roman Church it was examined by fire, because iniquity was found in it. Accursed is he who rebuilds the ruins of Jericho! That book rose from the dead, and with it the heresies of many, who had slept, arose and appeared to many. Finally now he stretches out his vine-shoots as far as the sea, and as far as Rome his offshoots. This is the gloriation of that man: that his book has in the Roman Curia where it may lay its head ; from this his error has been strengthened and confirmed.

Proinde cum fiducia predicat verbum iniquitatis usquequaque. Propterea, cum in conspectu episcoporum super his eum argueret abbas Clarevallensis zelo iusticiae et fidei armatus, ille nec confessus est nec negavit, sed a die et loco et iudice, quem ipse sibi elegerat, sine lesione, sine gravamine, ut prolongaret iniquitatem, sedem apostolicam appellavit. Episcopi, qui propter hoc unum convenerant, vestrae reverentiae deferentes nichil in personam eius egerunt, sed tantummodo capitula a sanctis olim patribus condempnata medicinali necessitate, ne morbus serperet, adiudicaverunt. Quia ergo homo ille multitudinem trahit post se et populum, qui sibi credat, habet, necesse est, ut huic morbo celeri medicina occurratis.

Accordingly, with confidence he preaches the word of iniquity everywhere. Therefore, when in the sight of the bishops the Abbot of Clairvaux, armed with the zeal of justice and of faith, was accusing him concerning these things, he neither confessed nor denied, but from the day and the place and the judge, which he himself had chosen for himself, without injury, without burden, so that he might prolong the iniquity, he appealed to the Apostolic See. The bishops, who had convened for this one thing, deferring to your reverence, did nothing against his person, but only the chapters condemned long ago by the holy fathers, by medicinal necessity, lest the disease should creep, they adjudged. Therefore, since that man draws a multitude after himself and has a people to believe him, it is necessary that you meet this disease with swift medicine.

Seroenim medicina operatur, Cum mala per longas invaluere moras. Processimus nos in hoc negotio, quousque ausi sumus; tuum, beatissime pater, est de caetero providere, ne aliqua hereticae pravitatis macula decor aecclesiae contaminetur. Tibi commissa est sponsa Christi, o amice sponsi. Tuum est eandem uni viro virginem castam exhibere Christo. Rescriptum vero Innocentii tale.

For too late does medicine work, When evils have grown strong through long delays. We have proceeded in this affair as far as we have dared; it is yours, most blessed father, hereafter to provide, lest any stain of heretical pravity contaminate the adornment of the Church. To you the spouse of Christ has been entrusted, O friend of the bridegroom. It is yours to present the same as a chaste virgin to one husband, to Christ. But the rescript of Innocent was such.

Innocentius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribus Heinrico Senonensiet S. Remensi archiepiscopis eorumque suffraganeis et karissimo in Christo filio B. Clarevallensi abbati salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Testante apostolo, sicut unus Dominus, una fides esse dinoscitur, in qua tamquam immobili fundamento, preter quam nemo potest aliud ponere, firmitas katholicae aecclesiae inviolata consistit. Inde est, quod beatus Petrus apostolorum princeps pro eximia huius fidei confessione audire meruit: Tu es, inquam, Petrus, et super hanc petram edificabo aecclesiam meam, petram utique firmitatem fidei et katholicae unitatis soliditatem manifeste designans.

Innocent the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the venerable brothers Henry, archbishop of Sens, and to the archbishop of Reims, and their suffragans, and to the most dear son in Christ, B., abbot of Clairvaux, greeting and apostolic benediction. With the Apostle bearing witness, just as one Lord, one faith is recognized to be, in which, as upon an immovable foundation, than which no one can place another, the firmness of the catholic Church stands inviolate. Hence it is that blessed Peter, the prince of the apostles, for the exceptional confession of this faith, deserved to hear: You are, I say, Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church, the rock, indeed, manifestly designating the firmness of faith and the solidity of catholic unity.

Haec siquidem est inconsutilis tunica redemptoris nostri, super quam milites sortiti sunt, sed eam dividere minime potuerunt. Contra quam in inicio fremuerunt gentes, et populi meditati sunt inania. Astiterunt reges terrae, et principes convenerunt in unum.

Indeed this is the seamless tunic of our Redeemer, over which the soldiers cast lots, but they were by no means able to divide it. Against which at the beginning the nations raged, and the peoples meditated vain things. The kings of the earth took their stand, and the princes convened in one.

Verum apostoli duces dominici gregis et eorum successores apostolici viri ardore caritatis et zelo rectitudinis succensi fidem defendere et eam in cordibus populorum proprii sanguinis effusione plantare non dubitaverunt. Demum cessante persecutorum rabie imperavit Dominus ventis, et facta est in aecclesia tranquillitas magna. Sed quia hostis humani generis semper circuit, querens quem devoret, ad impugnandam sinceritatem fidei fraudulentam hereticorum fallaciam subinduxit.

Truly the apostles, leaders of the Lord’s flock, and their successors, apostolic men, kindled with the ardor of charity and the zeal of rectitude, did not hesitate to defend the faith and to plant it in the hearts of the peoples by the effusion of their own blood. At length, the frenzy of the persecutors ceasing there was command by the Lord to the winds, and there was made in the Church a great tranquility. But because the enemy of the human race always goes about, seeking whom he may devour, he has surreptitiously introduced the fraudulent fallacy of heretics to impugn the sincerity of the faith.

Contra quas veri aecclesiarum rectores viriliter insurgentes eorum prava dogmata cum ipsorum auctoribus condempnarunt. In magna namque Nicena synodo Arrius hereticus est dampnatus. Constantinopolitana synodus Manicheum hereticum debita sententia condempnavit.

Against which the true rectors of the churches, rising up manfully, condemned their depraved dogmas together with their authors. For in the great Nicene synod Arius the heretic was condemned. The Constantinopolitan synod condemned the Manichaean heretic with the due sentence.

In Ephesina synodo Nestorius condignam sui erroris condempnationem recepit. Calcedonensis quoque synodus Nestorianam heresim et Euticianam cum Dioscoro et eius complicibus iustissima sententia confutavit. Martianus preterea, licet laicus, christianissimus tamen imperator, katholicae fidei amore succensus, predecessori nostro sanctissimo papae Iohanniscribens adversus eos qui sacra mysteria profanare contendunt inter cetera sic loquitur dicens: Nemo clericus vel militaris vel alterius cuiuslibet conditionis de fide Christiana publice conetur in posterum tractare.

In the Ephesian synod Nestorius received the condign condemnation of his error. The Chalcedonian synod likewise refuted the Nestorian heresy and the Eutychian, together with Dioscorus and his accomplices, by a most just sentence. Marcian moreover, although a layman, yet a most Christian emperor, inflamed with love for the catholic faith, writing to our predecessor, the most holy Pope John, against those who strive to profane the sacred mysteries, among other things speaks thus, saying: No cleric or military man, or of any other condition whatsoever, should henceforth attempt publicly to treat of the Christian faith.

Nam iniuriam facit iudicio reverentissimae synodi, si quis semel iudicata et recte disposita revolvere et iterum disputare contendit; et in contemptores huius legis tamquam in sacrilegos pena non deerit. Igitur, si quis clericus erit, qui publice tractare de religione ausus fuerit, a consortio clericorum removebitur. Dolemus autem, quoniam, sicut litterarum vestrarum inspectione et missis a fraternitate vestra nobis errorum capitulis cognovimus, in novissimis diebus, quando instant periculosa tempora, magistri P. Abailardi pernitiosa doctrina et predictorum hereses et alia perversa dogmata katholicae fidei obviantia pullulare coeperunt.

For he does injury to the judgment of the most reverend synod, if anyone strives to reopen and to dispute again things once judged and rightly disposed; and a penalty will not be lacking upon the contemners of this law as upon sacrilegious persons. Therefore, if there shall be any cleric who has dared to treat publicly of religion, he shall be removed from the fellowship of the clerics. We grieve, however, because, as by inspection of your letters and by the chapters of errors sent by your fraternity to us we have learned, in the last days, when perilous times are imminent, the pernicious doctrine of Master P. Abailard and the heresies of those aforesaid, and other perverse dogmas opposing the Catholic faith, have begun to sprout.

Verum in hoc maxime consolamur et omnipotenti Deo gratias agimus, quod in partibus vestris pro patribus tales filios suscitavit et in tempore apostolatus nostri in aecclesia sua tam preclaros voluit esse pastores, qui novi heretici studeant calumpniis obviare et inmaculatam sponsam uni viro virginem castam exhibere Christo. Nos itaque, qui in kathedra sancti Petri, cui a Domino dictum est: Et tu aliquando conversus confirma fratres tuos, licet indigni, residere conspicimur, communicato fratrum nostrorum episcoporum cardinalium consilio, destinata nobis a vestra discretione capitula et universa ipsius Petri perversa dogmata sanctorum canonum auctoritate cum suo auctore dampnavimus eique tamquam heretico perpetuum silentium imposuimus. Universos quoque erroris sui sectatores et defensores a fidelium consortio sequestrandos et excommunicationis vinculo innodandos esse censemus. Datum Laterani XII.

Truly in this we are especially consoled and we give thanks to almighty God, that in your parts he has raised up such sons in place of fathers and has willed, in the time of our apostolate, to have in his ecclesia such illustrious pastors, who strive, as new heretics arise, to oppose calumnies and to present to Christ the immaculate spouse, a chaste virgin for one man. Therefore we, who are seen to sit, albeit unworthy, on the cathedra of Saint Peter, to whom it was said by the Lord: And you, when at length converted, confirm your brothers, having taken counsel in common with our brothers, the cardinal bishops, have condemned, by the authority of the holy canons, the chapters sent to us by your discretion and all the perverse dogmata of that Peter together with their author, and upon him, as a heretic, we have imposed perpetual silence. We likewise judge that all followers and defenders of his error are to be sequestered from the fellowship of the faithful and to be bound by the bond of excommunication. Given at the Lateran 12.

Kal. Augusti.

Kalends of August.

Capitulum LI.

Chapter 51.

Petrus dampnationem sui dogmatis a Romana aecclesia confirmatam cognoscens ad Cluniacense cenobium se contulit, apollogeticum scribens et predictorum capitulorum partim verba, ex toto autem sensum negans, qui sic incipit: Ne iuxta Boetianum illud proemiis nichil afferentibus tempus teratur, ad rem ipsam veniendum est, ut innocentiam meam ipsa rerum veritas potius quam verborum excuset prolixitas. Haec autem pauca de multis contra eum posita sufficiant capitula: Quod pater sit plena potentia, filius quedam potentia, spiritus sanctus nulla potentia. Quod spiritus sanctus non sit de substantia patris. Quod spiritus sanctus sit anima mundi.

Peter, learning that the condemnation of his dogma had been confirmed by the Roman church, betook himself to the Cluniac coenobium, writing an apologetic treatise and denying partly the words, but entirely the sense of the aforesaid chapters, which begins thus: Lest, according to that Boethian maxim, time be worn away by prefaces bringing nothing, one must come to the matter itself, so that the very truth of things rather than the prolixity of words may excuse my innocence. But let these few chapters set against him out of many suffice: That the Father is full power, the Son a certain power, the Holy Spirit no power. That the Holy Spirit is not of the substance of the Father. That the Holy Spirit is the soul of the world.

Quod Christus non assumpsit carnem, ut nos a iugo diaboli liberaret. Quod non peccaverunt qui Christum ignoranter crucifixerunt. Ipse vero non multis post diebus coram fratribus suis fidem suam humiliter exponens in eodemvitam finivit cenobio.

That Christ did not assume flesh in order to free us from the yoke of the devil. That they did not sin who ignorantly crucified Christ. But he himself, not many days later, humbly setting forth his faith before his brothers, ended his life in the same cenobium.

Capitulum LII.

Chapter 52.

Igitur, ut ad id, a quo digressa fuit, redeat oratio, pretaxati archidiacones, ascito sibi tantae auctoritatis et estimationis viro, abbate Bernhardo, episcopum Gilebertum eadem, qua predictum Petrum, via dampnare adtemptabant. Sed nec eadem causa nec similis erat materia. Iste enim ab adolescentia magnorum virorum disciplinae se subiciens magisque illorum ponderi quam suo credens ingenio, qualis primo fuit Hylarius Pictaviensis, post Bernhardus Carnotensis, ad ultimum Anshelmus et Radulfus Laudunenses, germani fratres, non levem ab eis, sed gravem doctrinam hauserat, manu non subito ferulae subducta, a scientia haut censura morum vitaeque gravitate discordante, non iocis vel ludicris, sed seriis rebus mentem applicarat.

Therefore, that the discourse may return to that from which it had digressed, the aforesaid archdeacons, having summoned to themselves a man of such authority and estimation, Abbot Bernard, were attempting to condemn Bishop Gilbert by the same way as the aforesaid Peter. But neither was the cause the same nor was the material similar. For this man, from adolescence subjecting himself to the discipline of great men and trusting rather to their weight than to his own ingenium—such as at first Hilary of Poitiers, afterward Bernard of Chartres, at last Anselm and Ralph of Laon, own brothers—had drawn from them not a light but a weighty doctrine, his hand not suddenly withdrawn from the ferule, with knowledge not at variance with the censure of morals and the gravity of life, and he had applied his mind not to jests or ludicrous things, but to serious matters.

Hinc erat, ut tam gestu quam voce pondus servans, sicut in factis gravem, sic in dictis se ostenderet difficilem, ut numquam puerilibus, vix autem eruditis et exercitatis quae ab eo dicebantur paterent animis. Is itaque primo Autisiodorum, post Parisiusvocatus est. Erant inter caetera quae illi obiciebantur de divina maiestate quatuor capitula: Quod videlicet assereret divinam essentiam non esse Deum.

Hence it was that, preserving weight both in gesture and in voice, as in deeds he was grave, so in words he showed himself difficult, so that what was said by him was never open to puerile minds, and scarcely to erudite and exercised minds. He, therefore, was first summoned to Auxerre, afterward to Paris. Among the other things that were objected to him concerning the divine majesty there were four chapters: namely, that he asserted the divine essence not to be God.

Quod proprietates personarum non essent ipsae personae. Quod theologicae personae in nulla predicarentur propositione. Quod divina natura non esset incarnata.

That the properties of the persons were not the persons themselves. That the theological persons were predicated in no proposition. That the divine nature was not incarnate.

Et preter haec alia minora, id est: Quod meritum humanum attenuando nullum mereri diceret preter Christum. Quod aecclesiae sacramenta evacuando diceret nullum baptizari nisi salvandum; et caetera in hunc modum.

And besides these other lesser matters, that is: That, by attenuating human merit, he said that no one merits anything except Christ. That, by evacuating the sacraments of the church, he said that no one is baptized except one to be saved; and the rest in this manner.

Capitulum LIII.

Chapter 53.

Itaque presidente cum cardinalibus, episcopis aliisque viris venerabilibus et eruditis in iam dicta civitate Parisius summo pontifice Eugenio, predictus episcopus Gisilbertus consistorio presentatur de his capitulis responsurus. Producuntur contra eum duo magistri, Adam de Parvoponte, vir subtilis et Parisiensis aecclesiae canonicus recenter factus, Hugo de Campoflorido, cancellarius regis, asserentibus eis et quasi sub sacramento pollicentibus se aliqua ex his de proprio eius ore audisse, non sine multorum qui aderant admiratione, viros magnos et in ratione disserendi exercitatos pro argumento iuramentum afferre.

And so, with the Supreme Pontiff Eugene presiding together with the cardinals, bishops, and other venerable and learned men in the already mentioned city of Paris, the aforesaid Bishop Gilbert is presented before the consistory to answer concerning these chapters. Two masters are produced against him: Adam de Parvoponte, a subtle man and recently made a canon of the Paris church, and Hugh de Campoflorido, the king’s chancellor; they asserting, and as if under oath promising, that they had heard some of these things from his own mouth— not without the astonishment of many who were present, that great men, trained in the reasoning of disputation, should bring forth an oath as an argument.

Capitulum LIIII.

Chapter 54.

Ibidem dum hinc inde multa sibi obicerentur, pluriumque inpulsionibus ad responsionem de re tam ineffabili cogeretur, intra caetera dixisse traditur: 'Audacter confiteor patrem alio esse patrem, alio Deum, nec tamen esse hoc et hoc'. Cuius dicti obscuritatem tamquam verborum profanam novitatem tam inpacienter magister Iohelinus Suessionensium episcopus excepit, ut iuxta proverbium medium vitando incurreret ripam; nondum enim auctoritatem illam Augustini legerat vel fortassis lectam intellexerat, qua de eodem altissimo loqui gestiens secrete inter caetera dicit: Sic aliud est Deo esse, aliud subsistere, sicut aliud [est] Deo esse, aliud patrem esse vel dominum esse. Quod enim est ad se dicitur, pater autem ad filium, et dominus ad servientem creaturam. Ait ergo predictus episcopus: 'Quid est quod dicis, esse Deum nichil est?' Erat quippe quorumdam in logica sententia, cum quis diceret Socratem esse, nichil diceret.

In the same place, while many things were being alleged against him from this side and that, and while by the impulsions of more people he was being driven to a response regarding a matter so ineffable, he is reported to have said among other things: 'Boldly I confess that the Father is Father in one way, God in another, and yet that it is not “to be this and this.”' The obscurity of this statement, as though a profane novelty of words, Master Iohelinus, bishop of the Suessionenses, received so impatiently that, according to the proverb, by avoiding the middle he ran upon the bank; for he had not yet read, or perhaps, though he had read, had not understood that authority of Augustine, who, eager to speak about the same Most-High, says privately among other things: Thus it is one thing for God to be, another to subsist, just as it [is] one thing for God to be, another to be Father or to be Lord. For that which He is is said with reference to Himself, but Father with reference to the Son, and Lord with reference to the serving creature. Therefore the aforesaid bishop said: 'What is this that you say, that “to be God” is nothing?' For indeed, according to the opinion of certain men in logic, when someone said “Socrates to be,” he said nothing.

Quos prefatus episcopus sectans talem dicti usum haut premeditate ad theologiam verterat. Quo verbo omnium pene auditorum ab illo in se retorsit spicula. Post haec sedato clamore, cum a circumstantibus rogaretur episcopus Gisilbertus, ut, quare in theologia personas in tantum distingueret, aperire vellet, breviter respondit: 'Quia omnis persona res est per se una'. Et ita non sine magno multorum qui aderant stupore conventus ea die solvitur.

Following these, the aforesaid bishop, pursuing such a usage of the expression, had without premeditation turned it to theology. By that word he turned back upon himself the barbs of almost all the hearers. After this, the clamor having been stilled, when Bishop Gisilbert was asked by those standing around to be willing to make clear why in theology he distinguished the persons to such an extent, he briefly responded: 'Because every person is an entity, per se one.' And thus, not without great astonishment of many who were present, the assembly was dissolved that day.

Alia rursus die in causam ductus pulsatusque de novitate dictionis, eo quod in prosa de sancta trinitate tres personas tria singularia vocaverit, N.Rotomagensis archiepiscopus causam adgravavit, dicens Deum potius debere dici unum singulare quam tria singularia, non tamen sine multorum scandalo, cum Hylarius in libro de synodis dicat: Sicut duos deos dicere profanum est, ita singularem et solitarium dicere sacrilegium est; et item in eodem: Nichil solitarium ex divinis sacramentis ad suspicionem audientium et ad occasionem blasphemantium proferamus. Episcopus vero Pictavinus in prefatis dictis suis simplicem se habuisse sensum testabatur, affirmans per singularia non theologicas personas, sed ipsarum excellentiam intellexisse, secundum quod antonomasice Paulum solemus vocare apostolum vel gloriosam Dei genitricem virginem singularem, eo quod nec est nec fuit nec erit talis virgo, quae videlicet simul sit mater et virgo; ea rationis proportione trium personarum excellentiam se considerasse, cum tria singularia diceret, asserebat, cum nec sit nec fuerit nec futurus sit talis pater, qui scilicet sit pater et Deus, atque in eundem modum talis filius, talis spiritus sanctus. Quia vero personam in theologia tamquam rem per se unam prenominatum virum intellexisse diximus, in ipsius sensum paulisper introire libet, quatinus eiusdem iudicium dictionis facilius posteris pateat.

On another day again, led into the case and arraigned on account of the novelty of diction, because in prose about the Holy Trinity he had called the three persons “three singulars,” N., archbishop of Rouen, aggravated the case, saying that God ought rather to be called one singular than three singulars—not, however, without the scandal of many, since Hilary in the book On the Synods says: Just as to say two gods is profane, so to say “singular” and “solitary” is sacrilege; and likewise in the same place: Let us bring forth nothing solitary from the divine sacraments to the suspicion of hearers and to the occasion of blasphemers. But the bishop of Poitiers testified that in his aforesaid statements he had had a simple sense, affirming that by “singulars” he had understood not the theological persons, but the excellence of the same, according to which, by antonomasia, we are accustomed to call Paul “the Apostle,” or the glorious Mother of God “a singular virgin,” because there neither is, nor was, nor will be such a virgin, namely one who is at once mother and virgin; by that proportion of reasoning he asserted that he had considered the excellence of the three persons when he said “three singulars,” since there neither is, nor was, nor will be such a father, namely one who is father and God, and in the same way such a Son, such a Holy Spirit. But because we have said that the aforesaid man understood “person” in theology as a thing per se one, it is pleasing to enter for a little into his meaning, so that the judgment of the same diction may more easily be laid open to posterity.

Ad cuius intelligentiam haec divisio premittenda videtur.

For the understanding of which, this division seems to be premised.

Capitulum LV.

Chapter 55.

In naturis proprietas substantialis alia universalis, alia est singularis vel individualis vel particularis; individualis alia personalis, alia non. Personam autem a personalitate quasi denominative sumptam voco, non quam Greci ab anteponendo prosopon, Latini a personando dicunt, sed eam, quam Boetius in libro de persona et natura contra Euticen et Nestorium disputans a Grecis ypostasin, non ethimologiam vocis, sed rei rationem secutus, personam vocavit, secundum hoc et sic eam diffiniens: Persona est rationalis naturae individua substantia. Universalem vero dico non ex eo, quod una in pluribus sit, quod est inpossibile, sed ex hoc, quod plura in similitudine uniendo ab assimilandi unione universalis quasi in unum versalis dicatur.

In natures a substantial property is partly universal, partly singular or individual or particular; the individual is partly personal, partly not. But I call “person,” taken quasi-denominatively from “personality,” not that which the Greeks, by prefacing prosopon, and the Latins, from personare, say, but that which Boethius in the book On Person and Nature, disputing against Eutyches and Nestorius, following the Greeks’ hypostasis—following not the etymology of the word but the rationale of the thing—called “person,” and in accordance with this thus defined it: Persona est rationalis naturae individua substantia. But I call “universal” not from this, that one is in many—which is impossible—but from this: that by uniting many in likeness, from the union of assimilating it is called “universal,” as it were “turned into one.”

Qualis est a plurium similitudine maior corporeitas, minor animalitas, minima vel ultima humanitas significata. Unde Boetius: Species est forma individuorum et ultima similitudo. Post hanc enim non similitudo, sed dissimilitudo potius occurrit.

Such as is, from the similarity of many, the greater corporeity, the lesser animality, the least or ultimate humanity signified. Whence Boetius: Species is the form of individuals and the ultimate similitude. After this, indeed, not similitude but rather dissimilitude occurs.

Ex quo patet alterum membrum, quare videlicet singularem, individualem vel particularem dixerim proprietatem, eam nimirum, quae suum subiectum non assimilat aliis, ut humanitas, sed ab aliis dividit, discernit, partitur, ut ea, quam ficto nomine solemus dicere Platonitas, a dividendo individua, a partiendo particularis, a dissimilando singularis dicta. Nec opponas, quod potius a dividendo dividuam quam individuam dici oporteat; nam cum suum subiectum non solum ab aliis dividat vel dissimilet, sed etiam in sua individualitate et dissimilitudine tam firmiter manere faciat, ut nec sit nec fuerit nec futurum sit aliud subiectum, quod secundum eiusmodi proprietatem illi assimilari queat, melius individuum privando quam dividuum ponendo vocatur, eiusque oppositum, quod se dividendo pluribus communicat et communicando dividit, rectius dividuum dici debet. Sed notandum, quod individuum et singulare non sunt ad se convertentia; nam omne individuum singulare, sed non omne singulare individuum.

From which the other member is clear, namely why I have called the property singular, individual, or particular: to wit, that which does not assimilate its subject to others, as humanity does, but divides, discerns, portions it off from others, as that which by a fictive name we are wont to call Platonity—called individual from dividing, particular from parting, singular from dissimilating. Nor should you object that it ought rather to be called dividual than individual from dividing; for since it not only divides or makes its subject dissimilar from others, but also causes it to remain so firmly in its own individuality and dissimilarity that there neither is, nor was, nor will be another subject which, according to a property of this sort, could be assimilated to it, it is better called individual by privating than dividual by positing; and its opposite, which by dividing itself communicates to many and by communicating divides, ought more rightly to be called dividual. But it should be noted that individual and singular are not convertible to each other; for every individual is singular, but not every singular is individual.

Haec enim albedo singulare est, sed non [est] individuum. Denique in naturis nullum simplex individuum esse potest. Item non omne individuum personale, sed omne personale individuum secundum premissam subdivisionem, qua dictum est individuum aliud personale, aliud non, quod ex anteposita personae diffinitione facilius patebit.

For this albedo is singular, but not [is] an individual. Finally, in natures no simple individual can exist. Likewise, not every individual is personal, but every personal [thing] is an individual according to the premised subdivision, wherein it was said that an individual is of one sort personal, of another not, which will be more easily evident from the previously posited definition of person.

Cum enim omne esse ex forma sit, quilibet subsistens rem et nomen a sua capit forma. Item, cum omnis diffinitio alterius sit et alteri conveniat, non sine rationis via altero pro altero uti licet. Persona igitur a suo esse, quod ficto nomine personalitas dici potest, vocabulum trahit, sed in diffinitione individua substantia tantum persona non dicitur nisi cum adiunctione rationalis naturae.

Since every being is from form, every subsisting thing takes both its thing and its name from its own form. Likewise, since every definition is of another and befits another, it is not permitted, without the way of reason, to use the one for the other. Therefore the person draws its vocable from its own being, which by a coined name can be called personality; but in the definition “individual substance” alone “person” is not said, except with the addition of “rational nature.”

Cuius rei causa videndum est aput Grecos, qui dicendi inopes non sunt, aliud usyan, aliud usyosin, aliud ypostasin vocari. At nos usyan essentiam, usyosin subsistentiam dicere possumus, ypostasin ex Latini eloquii penuria uno non valentes verbo exprimere. Nam cum tam aput nos quam aput illos substantia vel ypostasis a substando notetur, in hoc est differentia, quod nostra substantia ad cuncta quae substant est vaga, eorum vero ypostasis ad ea tantum quae in rationali substant natura est accommoda.

The reason for this matter must be looked for among the Greeks, who are not indigent in speaking: that one thing is called usyan, another usyosin, another ypostasin. But we can call usyan “essence,” usyosin “subsistence”; ypostasin we are not able to express by a single word, owing to the penury of Latin eloquence. For since both among us and among them “substance” or “hypostasis” is marked from “standing under,” herein is the difference: our substantia is vague, extending to all things that are substance, whereas their ypostasis is accommodated only to those which are in the nature of a rational substance.

Quare Latinus interpres, cum verbum ex verbo non posset exprimere, maluit sensum ex sensu retinendo personam potius quam substantiam transferre. Unde et personae predictaadhibetur diffinitio: persona est rationalis naturae individua substantia. Patet igitur, quod non omne individuum est persona, quia non omnis individua substantia est rationalis natura; sicut esse huius berilli singularis, vel, ut consortio rationis utar, ipse berillus vel est individuum vel individua substantia, non tamen rationalis natura. Quamvis, etiamsi rationalis naturae esset, tamen nondum plenarie berillus individua substantia dici posset.

Wherefore the Latin interpreter, since he could not express word from word, preferred rather to transfer “person” than “substance,” retaining sense from sense. Whence also the aforesaid definition is applied to “person”: a person is an individual substance of rational nature. It is clear, therefore, that not every individual is a person, because not every individual substance is of rational nature; just as the being of this singular beryl, or, so that I may use the fellowship of reason, the beryl itself either is an individual or an individual substance, yet not of rational nature. Although, even if it were of rational nature, nevertheless the beryl could not yet be fully called an individual substance.

Neque enim individuam substantiam dicere solemus eam rem singularem, quae cum alia itidem re singulari ad aliquod totum constituendum convenire valens non est per se una. Nam per se unum est, quod nec actu nec natura potest, potuit, poterit cum alio ad constituendum aliquod totum concurrere. Ex quo fit, ut haec anima, quae substantia est et rationalis naturae, tamen, quia hoc modo non est per se una vel individua, eo quod cum hoc corpore ad constituendum hunc hominem conveniat, non videatur dici persona, cum, secundum quod ostensum est, ab ea removeatur diffinitio haec: persona est rationalis naturae individua substantia. Quare et diffinitum iuxta logicorum regulam: a quocumque diffinitio et diffinitum.

Nor indeed are we accustomed to call that singular thing an individual substance, which, being able to come together with another likewise singular thing for the constituting of some whole, is not one per se. For that is one per se which neither in act nor by nature can, could, or will be able to concur with another for constituting some whole. Whence it comes about that this soul, which is a substance and of rational nature, nevertheless, because in this mode it is not one per se or individual, in that it consorts with this body for constituting this man, does not seem to be called a person, since, as has been shown, this definition is removed from it: persona est rationalis naturae individua substantia. Wherefore also the definiendum, according to the logicians’ rule: from whatever the definition is removed, the definiendum [is removed].

Hic leo etiam, quamquam prefato modo res sit per se una et individua, tamen, quia rationalis natura non est, secundum strictam personae acceptionem persona dici nequit. Restat, ut hic angelus et hic homo tantum plenarie in naturalibus persona vocentur. Predictus ergo episcopus duas in naturalibus regulas ponens, quae tales sunt: diversorum subsistentium diversas esse subsistentias, diversarum personarum diversas esse personales proprietates, unam a theologia exclusit, alteram admisit.

This lion also, although in the aforesaid manner the thing is per se one and individual, yet, because it is not a rational nature, cannot, according to the strict acceptation of “person,” be called a person. It remains that this angel and this man alone are fully called “person” in naturalibus. Therefore the aforesaid bishop, positing two rules in naturalibus, which are such: that the subsistences of diverse subsistents are diverse, and that the personal properties of diverse persons are diverse, excluded one from theology, admitted the other.

Priorem enim, qua totidem dicuntur subsistentiae quot subsistentes, cum ab orthodoxis inter Arrium et Sabellium dividentibus tres personae et una credatur essentia, penitus amovit, alteram admittens, cum nulla personalis proprietas in sancta trinitate patris sit quae filii vel e converso. Ex quo personam a premisso naturalium usu, non ab eo quod prosopon vocatur, ad theologiam transsumptam asserebat, illud Hylarii frequenter inducens: Absit, ut idem nunc se patrem, nunc se filium larvali similitudine mentiatur. Inde eas personas etiam per se unas dicebat. Quod autem alio patrem dixit, alio Deum esse, nec tamen esse hoc et hoc, hunc sensum habuit: Deus in substantia predicatur, pater ad aliquid, quae diversa predicamenta esse etiam in theologia, ex libro Boetii, quem de sancta trinitate scripsit, probatur, nec propter hoc recte concludi, si est alio pater, alio Deus, ergo est hoc et hoc, cum hoc non recte concludatur, nisi prius concesso, quod utraque de Deo predicentur in substantiam, ut cum dicimus: 'Deus est bonus, sapiens, omnipotens'. Haec enim cum predicentur in substantiam, si diversa essent, procul dubio Deus esset hoc et hoc.

For the former rule, by which as many subsistences are said as there are subsistents, he entirely removed, since among the orthodox, drawing a line between Arius and Sabellius, three persons and one essence are believed; the other rule he admitted, since there is no personal property in the Holy Trinity of the Father which is the Son’s, or conversely. From which he asserted that “person” was transferred into theology from the aforesaid use concerning things of nature, not from that which is called prosopon, frequently adducing that saying of Hilary: Far be it that the same one should now, by a mask-like semblance, pretend himself to be Father, now himself to be Son. Thence he even said those persons are per se ones. But as to his saying that in one respect he is Father, in another God, and yet that he is not this and that, he had this sense: “God” is predicated in substance, “Father” relatively (ad aliquid)—which are different predicaments also in theology, as is proved from the book of Boethius which he wrote on the Holy Trinity—and therefore it is not rightly concluded: if he is in one respect Father, in another God, then he is this and that, since this is not rightly concluded unless it is first conceded that both are predicated of God in substance, as when we say: “God is good, wise, omnipotent.” For since these are predicated in substance, if they were diverse, without doubt God would be this and that.

Cum vero idem sit Deum esse sapientem, quod bonum, ut bene contra usum naturalium liceat dicere: 'Est sapientia bonus, bonitate sapiens', acsi ita in naturalibus procederem: 'Haec margarita est albedine candida, candore alba', non est hoc et hoc, sed est hoc. Quid senserit, posui; quid sentiendum sit, iudicent alii. Sed haec hactenus.

Since indeed for God to be wise is the same as to be good, so that it is quite proper, contrary to the usage of things natural, to say: 'He is by wisdom good, by goodness wise,' and as if I were to proceed thus in things natural: 'This pearl is bright-white by whiteness, by brightness white,' it is not this and that, but this. What he thought I have set down; what is to be thought, let others judge. But so much for these matters for now.

Nunc ad hystoriae seriem revertamur.

Now let us return to the series of the history.

Capitulum LVI.

Chapter 56.

Cum ita per aliquot dies iam sepe dictus episcopus coram summo pontifice de fide sua in civitate Parisius discuteretur, sentiens papa, utpote vir cautus et religiosus, causae dificultatem, protelandam eam usque ad universale concilium adiudicavit. Erat enim in proxima medianae quadragesimae dominica apud illius Galliae metropolim Remis generale indictum concilium, tam ex eo, quod pretaxatus papa persecutionem populi sui declinando in Galliis morabatur, quam ob hoc, quod quidam pene laicus, heretici honorem in vaccis populorumaffectans, examini aecclesiae reservandus in vinculis tenebatur. Iste in angulis Galliae, id est circa Brittanniam et Guasconiam, eo quod remotis ibi a corde Franciae populis simplicitas vel potius, ut ita dixerim, stulticitas, cui facile error obrepere solet, habundat, verbum predicationis assumpserat Eumque tamquam Dei filium se nominans multam post se rudis populi traxit multitudinem, dicens, quod ipse esset, per quem omnis oratio concluditur, cum dicimus: Per eum.

While thus for several days the already-often-mentioned bishop was being examined before the supreme pontiff regarding his faith in the city of Paris, the pope—perceiving, as a cautious and religious man, the difficulty of the case—adjudged that it should be postponed until the universal council. For on the next Sunday of Mid-Lent there had been proclaimed a general council at Reims, the metropolis of that Gaul, both because the aforesaid pope, shunning the persecution of his people, was staying in the Gauls, and because a certain almost layman, aspiring to the honor of a heretic among the herds of the peoples, was being held in chains to be reserved for the Church’s examination. This man, in the corners of Gaul, that is, around Brittany and Gascony—because there the peoples, remote from the heart of France, abound in simplicity, or rather, so I should say, stupidity, upon which error is wont easily to creep—had taken up the word of preaching; and styling himself as the Son of God, he drew after himself a great multitude of a rude people, saying that he himself was the one through whom every prayer is concluded, when we say: Through him.

Capitulum LVII.

Chapter 57.

Igitur volvente tempore, cum eadem mediana quadragesima adveniret, dumque nos a Turcis dispersi Hierusalem tendentes per altum navigaremus equor, in basilica beatae Dei genitricis semperque virginis Mariae Remis, presidente summo pontifice Eugenio, sedit concilium. Productus fuit ibi, ut fingere liceat, cum scriptulis suis predictus Eum, vir rusticanus et illitteratus nec heretici nomine dignus, ac pro contumaci fatuitate vel fatua contumacia sua puniendus Sigerioabbati Sancti Dyonisii, qui regni negotia ob absentiam regis in occidentali Francia iuxta illius cenobii prerogativam amministrabat, commissus ab eoque artae custodiae mancipatus vitam in brevi finivit. Venerunt ad predictum concilium cum bulla aurea nuncii iunioris Romanorum regis Heinrici, tam de sublimatione sua ad imperiumRomano pontifici significantes quam de tribus fratribus Poluniae, qui eiecto quarto et seniore ducatum inter se diviserant, ac de episcopis illius provinciae, qui super hoc patri ipsorum iuramentum prestiterant, querimoniam facientes.

Therefore, as time rolled on, when that same mid-Lent arrived, and while we, scattered by the Turks and making for Jerusalem, were sailing across the deep sea, in the basilica of the blessed Mother of God and ever-virgin Mary at Reims, with the supreme pontiff Eugenius presiding, the council sat. There was brought forward there, if it be permitted so to put it, with his little writings, the aforesaid “Eum,” a rustic and illiterate man, not worthy of the name heretic, and, to be punished for his contumacious fatuity, or fatuous contumacy, he was committed to Sigerius, abbot of Saint Dionysius, who, on account of the king’s absence, was administering the business of the kingdom in western France according to that monastery’s prerogative; and by him consigned to strict custody, he ended his life shortly. Envoys of the younger King of the Romans, Henry, came to the aforesaid council with a golden bull, both signifying to the Roman pontiff his elevation to the empire and making complaint about the three brothers of Poland, who, having cast out the fourth and elder, had divided the duchy among themselves, and about the bishops of that province, who in this matter had rendered an oath to their father.

Famae quoque malum, omnibus motabilibus velocius, iuxta illud:Fama malum, quo non velocius ullum Mobilitate viget, inmensitatem saliex naturae suae celeritate transvolans, de expeditionis nostrae eventu certa promens indicia, in auribus oreve omnium ibi versabatur.

Also the evil of Rumor, swifter than all things movable, according to that: Rumor, an evil than which none is swifter; it thrives by mobility, leaping over immensity, flying across by the celerity of its nature, bringing forth sure indications of the outcome of our expedition, was circulating in the ears or on the lips of all there.

Capitulum LVIII.

Chapter 58.

Itaque finita synodo salutiferisque ad innovationem seu confirmationem antiquorum ibidem promulgatis decretorum capitulis, prudentiores et viciniores ad causam episcopi Giliberti terminandam reservantur. Decursa medianae quadragesimae ebdomada sacroque dominicae passionis tempore inchoante episcopus Pictavinus, manente adhuc summo pontifice Remis, rursus ad iudicium trahitur. In cubiculo, ubi urbis episcopus cum senioribus sedit, vocatur et ab eo, quid de fide sanctae trinitatis sentiat, subtiliter interrogatur.

And so, the synod having been concluded, and the salutary chapters of decrees for the innovation or confirmation of ancient matters having been promulgated there, the more prudent and the nearer are reserved for bringing the case of Bishop Gilibert to a termination. The hebdomad of Mid-Lent having elapsed, and the sacred season of the Lord’s Passion beginning, the bishop of Poitiers, while the Supreme Pontiff was still remaining at Reims, is again dragged to judgment. In the chamber, where the city’s bishop sat with the elders, he is summoned and by him is subtly questioned what he thinks concerning the faith of the Holy Trinity.

Ille orthodoxorum patrum, quas non in scedulis decisas, sed in corpore librorum integras attulerat, legi faciens auctoritates, eandem se quam illi fidem tenere asserebat. Cumque huiuscemodi sermone seu legendi prolixitate dies detineretur, tamquam tedio affectus Romanus inquit antistes: 'Multa, frater, dicis, multa et ea fortassis, quae a nobis non intelliguntur, legi facis; sed simpliciter a te cognoscere velim, anne illam summam essentiam, qua tres personas profiteris Deum, unum credas esse Deum'? Qui diutina collationefatigatus minus premeditate respondit: 'Non'. Quod dictum mox ab eius ore raptum notarius excepit, scribens in hunc modum: Episcopus Pictaviensis scripsit et dixit, quod divina essentia non est Deus. In commentario enim super Boetium de trinitate, ubi auctor theologica a naturalibus predicamenta discernens inter caetera posuit: Substantia qua Deus est, iste apposuit: non quae Deus est, id est, ut non ad subsistentem, sed ad subsistentiam referatur. Sicque in haec verba conventus ea die dimittitur. Episcopus totum quod superfuit illius diei spacium cum nocte sequente amicos suos ex cardinalibus, quos habuit non paucos, circuit.

He, having the authorities of the orthodox fathers read—which he had brought not cut up on little slips, but whole in the body of books—asserted that he held the same faith as they. And when by such talk or by the prolixity of reading the day was being detained, as if affected by tedium the Roman prelate said: “Much, brother, you say; much also you have read, and perhaps things which are not understood by us; but I would like to learn simply from you whether that supreme essence, by which you profess three persons to be God, you believe to be one God?” He, wearied by the long colloquy, responded with less premeditation: “No.” Which utterance, immediately snatched from his mouth, the notary recorded, writing in this manner: “The bishop of Poitiers wrote and said that the divine essence is not God.” For in the commentary upon Boethius On the Trinity, where the author, distinguishing theological from natural predicaments, among other things set down: Substance by which God is, he appended: not that which God is, that is, that it be referred not to the subsistent, but to the subsistence. And so with these words the assembly was dismissed that day. The bishop spent all the remaining space of that day with the following night making the rounds of his friends among the cardinals, of whom he had not a few.

In crastinum ipso denuo coram summo pontifice in causa posito recitatur scriptum. Cuius ut ab eo reddatur ratio, exposcitur. Ipse se hoc non simpliciter concessisse asserebat.

On the next day, when he himself was again placed on trial before the Supreme Pontiff, the writing was recited. An account of it is demanded from him. He asserted that he had not conceded this simply.

Dicebat enim hoc nomen 'Deus' quandoque in designatione naturae, quandoque in designatione personae unius etiam poni. In designatione naturae, ut cum dicitur: Deus tuus unus est, personae, ut cum dicitur: Pater est Deus, filius est Deus, personae et unius tantum de tribus, ut ibi: Ascendit Deus in iubilatione, quod de persona filii dictum esse nemo ambigit. Quare et aiebat se divinitatem esse Deum in illo tantum sensu concedere, quo Deus ponitur pro natura.

For he would say that this name 'Deus' is sometimes set in the designation of nature, sometimes also in the designation of a single person. In the designation of nature, as when it is said: Your God is one, of person, as when it is said: The Father is God, the Son is God, of person and of only one of the three, as there: God ascended in jubilation, which no one doubts was said of the person of the Son. Wherefore he also said that he conceded that divinity is God only in that sense in which God is put for nature.

In eo vero absolute concedere non audere, quo pro qualibet personarum hoc nomen 'Deus' accommodatur, ne videlicet, si indeterminate profiteretur divinitatem esse Deum, id est quamlibet personarum, cogeretur sine determinatione concedere quidquid de qualibet personarum et de essentia, sicque in hanc incideret absurditatem, ut, sicut personam filii, ita divinam essentiam indeterminate incarnatam passam confiteretur. Ex qua absurditate facile sensus hereticus iuxta Sabellium emergeret, ut eadem res diceretur et generans et genita et eadem se ipsam genuisse. Quod autem inter naturam et personam non mathematica abstractione, sed theologica consideratione quoquo modo divideret ratio, et ratione et auctoritate probare nitebatur.

But in that sense he did not dare to concede absolutely, in which this name “God” is accommodated to any of the persons, lest, namely, if he were to profess indeterminately that the divinity is God—that is, any one of the persons—he would be compelled, without determination, to concede whatever is said of any of the persons and of the essence, and thus fall into this absurdity: that, just as he confesses the person of the Son to have been incarnate and to have suffered, so he would confess the divine essence indeterminately incarnate to have suffered. From which absurdity a heretical sense, after Sabellius, would easily emerge, such that the same reality would be said to be both generating and generated, and the same to have begotten itself. But that reason divides between nature and person not by mathematical abstraction, but by theological consideration, in whatever way, this he strove to prove both by reason and by authority.

Ratione, ne videlicet iuxta Arrium, sicut personarum, ita et pluralitatem admitteret essentiarum, vel secundum Sabellium ad essentiae singularitatem Christianae fidei religio pluralitatem restringeret personarum, hac Theodoriti contra Sabellium utens auctoritate: Oportet igitur desiderantem spirituales divitias et volentem Christianorum dogmata vendicare rerum non ignorare proprietatem, ne forte aliud pro aliis intelligens circa dogmata peccet. Qui enim naturam et personam idem esse intelligit, aut in divisionem Arrii incidit aut in confusionem Sabellii. Et illa Hylarii: Discerne igitur, o heretice, spiritum Christi ab spiritu Dei et excitati a mortuis spiritum Christi a spiritu Dei Christum a mortuis excitantis. Et quero nunc, in spiritu Dei utrum naturam an rem naturae significatam existimes.

By reason, namely, lest, according to Arius, he admit a plurality of essences just as of persons, or, according to Sabellius, the religion of the Christian faith restrict the plurality of persons to the singularity of the essence, using this authority of Theodoret against Sabellius: Therefore it is meet for the one desiring spiritual riches and wishing to vindicate the dogmas of the Christians not to be ignorant of the property of things, lest perhaps, understanding one thing in place of others, he sin concerning the dogmas. For he who understands nature and person to be the same falls either into the division of Arius or into the confusion of Sabellius. And that of Hilary: Discern therefore, O heretic, the Spirit of Christ from the Spirit of God, and the Spirit of Christ raised from the dead from the Spirit of God raising Christ from the dead. And I now inquire, in “the Spirit of God,” whether you suppose it to signify the nature or a thing of the nature signified.

Non idem est enim natura, quod naturae res est; sicuti non idem est homo et quod hominis est, nec idem est ignis et quod ignis est ipsius. Et secundum hoc non idem est Deus et quod Dei est. Item quod non natura, sed filii persona carnem suscepisse credenda sit, hac auctoritate Toletani conciliiostendit: Solus verbum caro factum est et habitabitin nobis.

For nature is not the same as the thing of nature; just as man is not the same as what is man’s, nor is fire the same as what is of fire itself. And according to this, God is not the same as what is God’s. Likewise, that not the nature, but the person of the Son is to be believed to have assumed flesh, he shows by this authority of the Council of Toledo: Only the Word was made flesh and will dwell in us.

Et cum tota cooperata sit trinitas formationem suscepti hominis, quoniam inseparabilia sunt opera trinitatis, solus tamen accepit hominem in singularitate personae, non [in] unitate divinae naturae, id est id quod est proprium filii, non quod commune trinitati. Quam auctoritatem cum determinare vellet, Clarevallensis abbas aliqua verba, quae cardinalibus displicerent, protulit, episcopo Pictavino dicente: 'Et hoc scribatur'. Ad quod ille respondit: 'Scribatur stilo ferreo, ungue adamantino'. Moxque ad publicum progressus omnes quos poterat convocavit. Ibi cum archiepiscopis, episcopis virisque religiosis et eruditis contra quatuor predicta, quae Pictavino episcopo inponebantur, capitula fidem suam in hunc modum ipse cum aliis et alii cum ipso exposuerunt:

And since the whole Trinity cooperated in the formation of the assumed man, because the works of the Trinity are inseparable, yet he alone assumed the man in the singularity of the person, not [in] the unity of the divine nature, that is, that which is proper to the Son, not that which is common to the Trinity. When he wished to determine that authority, the Abbot of Clairvaux brought forward some words which displeased the cardinals, the Bishop of Poitiers saying: 'And let this too be written.' To which he replied: 'Let it be written with an iron stylus, with an adamantine claw.' And soon, having gone forth to the public, he convoked all whom he could. There, with archbishops, bishops, and religious and erudite men, against the four aforesaid chapters which were being imputed to the Bishop of Poitiers, he with others and others with him set forth their faith in this manner:

Capitulum LVIIII.

Chapter 59.

Credimussimpliciter naturam divinitatis esse Deum nec aliquo sensu katholico posse negari, quin divinitas sit Deus et Deus divinitas. Si vero dicitur sapientia sapientem, magnitudine magnum, aeternitate aeternum, unitate unum, divinitate Deum esse et alia huiusmodi, credamus nonnisi ea sapientia, quae est ipse Deus, sapientem esse, nonnisi [ea] magnitudine, quae est ipse Deus, magnum esse, nonnisi ea aeternitate, quae est ipse Deus, aeternum esse, nonnisi ea unitate, quae ipse est, unum esse, nonnisi ea divinitate Deum, quae est ipse, id est se ipso sapientem, magnum, aeternum, unum Deum. Cum de tribus personis, patre [et] filio [et] spiritu sancto loquimur, ipsas unum Deum, unam divinam substantiam fatemur esse.

We simply believe the nature of divinity to be God, nor can it in any catholic sense be denied that divinity is God and God is divinity. But if it is said that by wisdom one is wise, by magnitude great, by eternity eternal, by unity one, by divinity God, and other things of this sort, let us believe that it is only by that wisdom which is God himself that he is wise; only by that magnitude which is God himself that he is great; only by that eternity which is God himself that he is eternal; only by that unity which he himself is that he is one; only by that divinity that he is God, which is he himself—that is, by himself wise, great, eternal, one God. When we speak of the three persons, the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, we confess them to be one God, one divine substance.

Et e converso: cum de uno Deo, una divina substantia loquimur, ipsum unum Deum, unam divinam substantiam esse tres personas profitemur. Credimus solum Deum patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum aeternum esse nec aliquas omnino res, sive relationes sive proprietates sive singularitates vel unitates dicantur, et huiusmodi alia adesse Deo, quae sint ab aeterno et non sint Deus. Credimus ipsam divinitatem, sive substantiam divinam sive naturam divinam dicas, incarnatam, sed in filio esse.

And conversely: when we speak of one God, one divine substance, we profess that this one God, this one divine substance, is three persons. We believe that God alone—the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit—is eternal, and that there are absolutely no things at all, whether they be called relations or properties or singularities or unities and other things of this sort, that are present to God which are from eternity and are not God. We believe that divinity itself—whether you call it the divine substance or the divine nature—was incarnate, but in the Son.

Capitulum LX.

Chapter 60.

Quod Gallicanae aecclesiae factum tam graviter sacer cardinalium senatus accepit, ut cum magna mentis indignatione curiam intraret ac tamquam unum corpus effecti una omnes voce pontifici suo dicerent: 'Scire debes, quod a nobis, per quos tamquam per cardines universalis aecclesiae volvitur axis, ad regimen totius aecclesiae promotus, a privato universalis [aecclesiae ] pater effectus, iam deinceps te non tuum, sed nostrum potius esse oportere nec privatas et modernas amicitias antiquis et communibus preponere, sed omnium utilitati consulere Romanaeque curiae culmen ex officii tui necessitudine curare et observare debere. Sed quid fecit abbas tuus et cum eo Gallicana aecclesia? Qua fronte, quo ausu cervicem contra Romanae sedis primatum et apicem erexit?

What the deed of the Gallican church was, the sacred senate of the cardinals took so gravely that, with great indignation of mind, it entered the Curia, and, as having been made one body, with one voice all said to their pontiff: 'You must know that by us, through whom, as through the hinges, the axis of the universal church is turned, having been promoted to the governance of the whole church, from a private person you were made father of the universal [church], henceforth it is fitting that you be not your own but rather ours, and that you not set private and modern friendships before the ancient and common ones, but look to the utility of all, and, from the necessity of your office, care for and maintain the summit of the Roman Curia. But what has your abbot done, and with him the Gallican church? With what brow, with what daring did it raise its neck against the primacy and apex of the Roman See?

Haec est enim sola quae claudit, et nemo aperit, aperit, et nemo claudit. Ipsa sola de fide catholica discutere habens a nullo, etiam absens, in hoc singulari honore preiudicium pati potest. Sed ecce Galli isti, etiam faciem nostram contempnentes, super capitulis, quae his diebus nobis assidentibus agitata sunt, tamquam finitivae sententiae ultimam manum apponendo, nobis inconsultis, fidem suam scribere presumpserunt.

For this is the only one that shuts, and no one opens; opens, and no one shuts. She alone, having the competence to discuss the Catholic faith, can suffer prejudice from no one—even when absent—in this singular honor. But behold these Gauls, even contemning our face, concerning the capitula which in these days, we being in session, were debated, as though by putting the finishing hand to a definitive sentence, without consulting us, presumed to write their creed.

Certe, si in oriente, utpote Alexandria vel Antiochia, coram omnibus patriarchis huiusmodi tractaretur negotium, nichil firma stabilitate solidum sine nostra diffiniri valeret auctoritate, quin immo iuxta antiquorum patrum instituta vel exempla Romano servaretur examini terminandum. Quomodo ergo isti in nostra presentia usurpare audent, quod etiam remotioribus et maioribus, nobis absentibus, non licet? Volumus igitur, ut huic tam temerariae novitati celeriter assurgas ipsorumque contumaciam punire non differas'. Quos Romanus pontifex blando mitigans eloquio, abbate ad se vocato, de hoc facto qualitateve facti sollerter inquirit.

Certainly, if in the Orient, for instance at Alexandria or Antioch, such a business were handled before all the patriarchs, nothing could be defined with firm stability, solid, without our authority; nay rather, according to the institutes or examples of the ancient fathers, it would be kept for Roman examination to be terminated. How then do these men in our presence dare to usurp what is not permitted even to more remote and greater ones, we being absent? We wish, therefore, that you quickly rise up against so rash a novelty and do not delay to punish their contumacy'. The Roman pontiff, softening them with bland eloquence, having summoned the abbot to himself, adroitly inquires about this deed and the quality of the deed.

Cui ille humiliter et cum reverentia respondit se vel dominos episcopos nil de prefatis capitulis diffinisse, sed quia ab episcopo Pictavino audierat, ut fides sua scriberetur, idcirco, quia solus nollet, illorum auctoritate ac testimonio simpliciter se quid sentiret exposuisse. Hocque tam humili quam modesto ipsius responso predicta cardinalium indignatio conquievit, ita tamen, ut prefatum scriptum, tamquam inconsulta curia prolatum, velut auctoritatis pondere carens, pro simbulo in aecclesia, quod in conciliis contra hereses congregatis fieri solet, non haberetur. Benedictus per omnia Deus, qui sic aecclesiae suae, sponsae suae previdit, ne vel summa membra a capite suo dissiderent, vel tantus religiosarum et discretarum personarum numerus Gallicanae aecclesiae aliquod iudicii pondus asede Romana reportans scismatis non parvi occasio esset!

To whom he, humbly and with reverence, replied that neither he nor the lord bishops had defined anything about the aforesaid chapters, but because he had heard from the bishop of Poitiers that his faith should be written, therefore, because he did not want to do it alone, by their authority and testimony he had simply set forth what he thought. And by so humble as well as modest an answer of his the aforesaid indignation of the cardinals subsided—yet in such a way that the aforesaid writing, as having been produced without the Curia’s being consulted, and as lacking the weight of authority, should not be held as a symbol in the Church, as is wont to be done in councils convened against heresies. Blessed through all things be God, who thus provided for His Church, His bride, lest either the highest members be at variance with their head, or so great a number of religious and discreet persons of the Gallican Church, carrying back from the Roman See some weight of judgment, should be an occasion of no small schism!

Capitulum LXI.

Chapter 61.

Haec pauca ex multis de illius concilii agenda dixisse sufficiat, hoc tamen apposito, quod de tribus capitulis propter premissam tumultuationem nil diffiniri potuit. Nec mirum; in quarto enim non multum ab aliis discordabat episcopus Gilibertus, cum illi profiterentur naturam incarnatam, sed in filio, iste personam filii incarnatam, non sine sua natura. De predicatione personarum quid diffinirent, cum eius usum quidem, quid scilicet proprie predicari diceret, ab aliis magistris etiam in naturalibus alienum non haberent?

Let these few things out of many about the agenda of that council suffice to have been said, with this, however, appended: that concerning the Three Chapters, on account of the aforementioned tumultuation, nothing could be defined. Nor is it a wonder; for in the fourth [chapter] Bishop Gilbert did not differ much from the others, since they professed a nature incarnate, but in the Son, whereas he [professed] the person of the Son incarnate, not without its own nature. What could they define about the predication of persons, when, as to its use—namely, what he said is properly to be predicated—they did not hold it, along with other masters, to be alien even in natural matters?

De proprietatibus, an personae essent, tam ob predictam causam quam ob theologicas rationes, quae hinc inde habentur, suppressum est. De primo tantum Romanus pontifex diffinivit, ne aliqua ratio in theologia inter naturam et personam divideret, neve Deus divina essentia diceretur ex sensu ablativi tantum, sed etiam nominativi. Unde adhuc a probatioribus eiusdem episcopi auditoribus tenetur, ne ratio ibi discernat in intelligendo, sed in dicendo.

On the properties—whether they were persons—both on account of the aforesaid cause and on account of theological reasons, which are had on this side and that, the matter was suppressed. Concerning the first only the Roman pontiff defined, that no rationale in theology should divide between nature and person, and that God should not be said by the divine essence in the sense of the ablative only, but also of the nominative. Whence it is still held by the more approved auditors of that same bishop, that reason should there discern not in understanding, but in speaking.

Episcopus vero premissam summi pontificis sententiam reverenter excipiens, archidiaconibus suisin gratiam receptis, cum ordinis integritate et honoris plenitudine ad propriam dyocesimremeavit. Utrum autem predictus abbas Clarevallensis in hoc negotio ex humanae infirmitatis fragilitate tamquam homo deceptus fuerit, vel episcopus tamquam vir litteratissimus propositum astute celando aecclesiae iudicium evaserit, discutere vel iudicare nostrum non est. Quod enim sancti et sapientes viri, corruptibili carne circumdati, frequenter in talibus fallantur, et novis et antiquis probatur testimoniis.

The bishop, indeed, reverently receiving the aforesaid sentence of the supreme pontiff, his archdeacons having been received back into favor, returned to his own diocese with the integrity of rank and the fullness of honor. But whether the aforesaid abbot of Clairvaux in this matter, through the fragility of human infirmity, was deceived as a man, or whether the bishop, as a most lettered man, by cleverly concealing his purpose, escaped the Church’s judgment, it is not ours to discuss or to judge. For that holy and wise men, encompassed with corruptible flesh, are frequently in such matters deceived, is proved by both new and ancient testimonies.

Nam, ut de illo taceam, quod beatus GregoriussanctoDavid, in quem spiritus Domini directus asseritur, ad patriam, a qua a filio propulsus fuerat, revertenti, a servo Mifiboset cum xeniis occurrenti surreptum inducit, exemplo, Christianis temporibus beatus Epiphanius, Salaminae Cypri episcopus, tam eximiae, ut mortuum quoque suscitaret, sanctitatis, adversus Iohannem Crisostomum, cuius hodie in aecclesia viget memoria, tam acriter ab emulis eius induci potuit, ut eum in propria civitate declinans nec communicare volens etiam populum sibi commissum, quantum in ipso fuit, contra illum concitaret. Quod in priori nostra ex Tripartita sumptum hystoria plenius dictum est. Hactenus ista.

For, to be silent about that instance which blessed Gregory adduces as an example, namely that Saint David—into whom the Spirit of the Lord is asserted to have been directed—when returning to the fatherland from which he had been repulsed by his son, was met by the servant Mifiboset with gifts, and was led astray by a surreptitious deception; in Christian times blessed Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis of Cyprus, a man of such eminent sanctity that he even raised a dead man, could be so sharply induced by that man’s rivals against John Chrysostom—whose memory flourishes in the Church today—that, shunning him in his own city and unwilling to communicate, he even stirred up, so far as in him lay, the people committed to him against that man. This was stated more fully in our former history, taken from the Tripartite. So much for these matters thus far.

Capitulum LXII.

Chapter 62.

Cum haec et huiusmodi aguntur in Gallia, exercitus noster, ut supra dictum est, navigandi labore dispersus pelagus operiebat, quolibet, prout poterat et quando, diversa per loca litus attingere conante. Nam Lodewicus Francorum rex iuxta Antiochiam, patrui comparis suaeprincipis terram, circa mediam quadragesimam applicuit in eo loco qui Portus Sancti Symeonis vocatur, aliis ex nostris aput Tholomaidam, quae et Achon [vocatur], aliis aput Tyrum, aliis inter Tyrum et Sydonem in Sarepta oppido Sydoniorum non sine naufragii metu optatum portum capientibus, nonnullis ipsum naufragium passis, quibusdam aquis absorptis, caeteris seminudis evadentibus. Illi ergo qui tam mature applicuerant circa palmas Civitatem Sanctam intraverunt, dominicam passionem sanctamque resurrectionem, singula loca, ubi haec facta sunt, circumeundo ac, ut dicitur, oculo ad oculum videndo, cum multa cordis devotione celebrantes.

While these things and the like are being done in Gaul, our army, as was said above, dispersed by the labor of navigation, was covering the open sea, each, as it could and when, attempting to reach the shore in different places. For Louis, king of the Franks, near Antioch—in the land of the prince, the paternal uncle of his consort—about mid-Lent made landfall at the place which is called the Port of Saint Symeon, others of ours at Ptolemais, which also [is called] Achon, others at Tyre, others between Tyre and Sidon at Sarepta, a town of the Sidonians, taking the desired harbor not without fear of shipwreck, some suffering shipwreck itself, some swallowed by the waters, the rest escaping half-naked. Those, therefore, who had arrived so early entered the Holy City around Palm Sunday, celebrating the Lord’s Passion and the holy Resurrection, going around each place where these things were done and, as it is said, seeing eye to eye, with much devotion of heart.

At Conradus Romanorum princeps, habens adhuc in comitatu suo ex principibus Ordelebum Basiliensem episcopum, Arnaldum cancellarium suum, Fridericum ducem Suevorum, Heinricum ducem Baioariorum, Gwelfonem ducem aliosque comites virosque illustres et nobiles, in ipsa paschali ebdomada Ptolomaide applicans ac post paucos dies Hierosolimam veniens in magna cleri et populi iocunditate cum ingenti honore suscipitur. Mortuustunc fuit in comitatu regis vir clarissimus Fridericus Ratisponensis aecclesiae advocatus ac ad Urbem Sanctam deportatus et in cimiterio militum Templi non longe ab antiquo templo Domini sepultus. Rexper aliquot ibi dies in palatio Templariorum, ubi olim regia domus, quae et templum Salemonis, constructa fuit, manens et sancta ubique loca peragrans, per Samariam et Galileam Ptolomaidam rediit, omnes adventantes quos poterat milites pecunia ad remanendum inducens.

But Conrad, prince of the Romans, still having in his retinue among the princes Ordeleb of Basel, bishop, Arnold his chancellor, Frederick, duke of the Swabians, Henry, duke of the Bavarians, Duke Welf, and other counts and men illustrious and noble, landing at Ptolemais in that very Paschal week and, after a few days, coming to Jerusalem, is received with great joy by the clergy and the people, with immense honor. Then there died in the king’s retinue a most renowned man, Frederick, advocate of the church of Regensburg, and he was carried to the Holy City and buried in the cemetery of the knights of the Temple, not far from the ancient temple of the Lord. The king spent several days there in the palace of the Templars, where once the royal house—which is also Solomon’s Temple—had been constructed, remaining and traversing the holy places everywhere; through Samaria and Galilee he returned to Ptolemais, inducing by money all the knights who were arriving, whom he could, to remain.

Convenerat enim cum regeillius terrae et patriarchamilitibusque Templi circa proximum Iulium in Syriam ad expugnationem Damasci exercitum ducere. Qua de re multa large dispersa pecunia militem quem tunc poterat collegit.

For he had agreed with the king of that land and the patriarch and the soldiers of the Temple to lead an army into Syria about the next July for the expugnation of Damascus. Concerning this matter, with much money lavishly disbursed, he collected such soldiery as he could at that time.

Capitulum LXIII.

Chapter 63.

Rex etiam Franciae Lodewicus idem pro posse suo sectans, de Antiochia reversus, aput Tyrum manebat. Ambo itaque inter Tyrum et Ptolomaidam in loco, qui Palma nomen a re sortitus appellatur, mense Iunio circa nativitatem sancti Iohannis baptistae conveniunt, de die, loco, ubi et quando exercitus instauraretur, ordinantes. Nondum tamen ex tot et tantis attritionibus fastus inter eos regalis decoctus conquieverat.

The King of France also, Louis, likewise pursuing the same to the extent of his power, having returned from Antioch, was staying at Tyre. Both therefore meet between Tyre and Ptolemais, in a place which is called Palm, the name drawn from the fact, in the month of June around the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist, arranging about the day and the place, where and when the army should be re-established. Yet the regal fastuousness between them, though decocted by so many and such great attritions, had not yet come to rest.

Unde, quem et proventum et eventum haec quoque Damascena sortita fuerit expeditio, alias et fortassis ab aliis dicenda erunt.

Therefore, what yield and outcome this Damascene expedition also may have obtained will have to be told elsewhere, and perhaps by others.

Capitulum LXIIII.

Chapter 64.

Expleta vero hac expeditione principes ad propria redire disponunt, Romanus quidem per Greciam, alter vero per Calabriam et Apuliam. Itaque Conradus Romanorum princeps naves apud Ptolomaidam ingressus ac per equor navigans, fratrem et amicum suum Manuel regiae urbis principem in Achaiae seu Thessaliae finibusinveniens adiit cum eoque, tamquam ex longa via fatigatus laboribusque fractus et non modica infirmitate correptus, per aliquod temporis spacium quievit. Ibi de reditu ordinans Fridericum ducem, fratris sui filium, ad cognoscendum vel potius ad corroborandum imperii statum premisit.

With this expedition truly completed, the princes resolve to return to their own places, the Roman indeed through Greece, but the other through Calabria and Apulia. And so Conrad, prince of the Romans, having boarded ships at Ptolemais and sailing over the sea, finding and meeting his brother and friend Manuel, the prince of the royal city, on the borders of Achaia or Thessaly, rested with him for some space of time, as if wearied from a long journey, broken by labors, and seized by no moderate infirmity. There, arranging for the return, he sent ahead Frederick the duke, his brother’s son, to recognize—or rather to corroborate—the state of the Empire.

Qui per Bulgariam Pannoniamque iter faciens mense Aprili ad propria rediit illoque quosdam ex propriis ministerialibus suis pro bono pacis, boni iudicis exercens officium, suspendio peremit. Porro patruus suus rex, transactis aliquot, quibus in Grecia quieverat, diebus, ducens secum predictumBasiliensem episcopum et cancellarium Arnaldum fratremque suum Noricorum ducem Heinricum - nam Gwelfo dux per Calabriam et Apuliam reversus fuerat -, per Illiricum Dalmaticumque remigans equor, in propriis imperii sui finibus aput PolamHystriae civitatem applicuit, ibique sonipede insidens ac per Aquilegiam transiens, in Iuvavia, quae nunc Salzeburga dicta Baioariae metropolitana sedes esse noscitur, pentecosten celebravit, expletis ab eo, quo idem festum in Pannoniae finibus egerat, duobus annis. Inde Ratisponae cum magna principum frequentia curiam celebravit.

Who, making a journey through Bulgaria and Pannonia, returned to his own in the month of April, and there, exercising the office of a good judge for the good of peace, he removed by hanging certain men from among his own ministerials. Moreover, his paternal uncle the king, after several days had passed in which he had rested in Greece, taking with him the aforesaid predictumBasiliensem bishop and the chancellor Arnaldus and his brother Henry, duke of the Noricans - for Duke Welf had returned through Calabria and Apulia -, crossing back the Illyrian and Dalmatian sea, made landfall within the proper borders of his empire at PolamHystriae, the city of Histria, and there, mounting his steed and passing through Aquileia, at Iuvavia, which now, called Salzburg, is known to be the metropolitan see of Bavaria, he celebrated Pentecost, two years having been completed since he had kept that same feast in the borders of Pannonia. Thence at Ratisbon he held a court with a great concourse of princes.

Capitulum LXV.

CHAPTER 65.

Porro, quia nonnulli ex pusillis aecclesiae fratribus scandalizatimirantur, mirando scandalizantur de pretaxatae nostrae expeditionis labore, quod tam arduo et bono inchoata principio tam humilem et non bonum exitum acceperit, ipsis hoc modo respondendum videtur. Nichil vere dici bonum potest, illo solo excepto, qui non aliunde, sed ex se habens quod est, et verissime esse et verissime bonus esse dicitur, iuxta illud: Nemo bonus nisi solus Deus. Caetera vero ab eo non ex ipsius essentiae sectione, sed ex eiusdem bonitatis denominatione bona dicuntur. Quidquid autem in naturalibus bonum vocatur, aut id fit simpliciter aut secundum quid.

Moreover, since some of the lesser brothers of the church are scandalized as they marvel, and by marveling are scandalized, at the toil of our aforementioned expedition—because, begun from so arduous and good a principle, it received so lowly and not-good an outcome—it seems that one ought to reply to them in this way. Nothing truly can be said to be good, that one alone excepted, who, not having from elsewhere but from himself that he is, is said most truly both to be and to be most truly good, according to this: No one is good except God alone. The rest, however, are called good by him, not from a partition of his essence, but from a denomination of that same goodness. And whatever in natural things is called good, either is so simply, or in a certain respect.

Sed si simpliciter fit, tunc datum naturae dicitur, sicut concessum gratiae donum, iuxta illud: Omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum est. Ipsum vero datum naturae, quod simpliciter bonum diximus, velut in civili facultate generalissimum, per donum gratiae tamquam per differentiam ad constituendam quodammodo speciem informatur, secundum quod aliqua dicimus iusta, sobria. Cum ergo aliqua simpliciter in nativis bona dicuntur, procul dubio bonum naturae intelligitur. Unde dictum est: Vidit Deus cuncta quae fecerat, et erant valde bona. Quomodo lapis et lignum erit bonum.

But if it comes to be simply, then it is called a thing given to nature, just as a conceded gift of grace, according to that: Every best gift and every perfect gift is from above. The very datum of nature—which we have called simply good—like the most general in a civic faculty, is informed, as it were, through the gift of grace as through a differentia to constitute in some manner a species, according to which we call some things just, sober. When therefore some things are said to be simply good in the native things, without doubt the good of nature is understood. Whence it was said: God saw all the things that he had made, and they were very good. How will a stone and wood be good.

Cum autem ad eius proximam speciem descendimus, universalitate generis per specificam differentiam, quam donum gratiae diximus, ad rationalem restricta naturam, illam tantum solemus dicere iustam vel sobriam. Numquam vero lapidem sicut bonum sic vocamus sobrium vel iustum. Denique, ut verbis Boetii in libro Regularumutar, qui bonum generale iustum speciale ponens adnectit: Nec species descendit in omnia, id est: ut de omnibus quae supponuntur generi predicetur, ita ex opposito dicere licet, quod genus ad ea tantum, ad quae species predicatione sua non contrahatur.

But when we descend to its nearest species, the universality of the genus, by the specific difference which we have called the gift of grace, being restricted to rational nature, we are accustomed to call that alone just or sober. Never indeed do we call a stone, as we call it good, thus sober or just. Finally, that I may use the words of Boethius in the book of the Rules, who, positing good as general and just as special, annexes: Nor does the species descend into all, that is: so that it be predicated of all the things which are subjected to the genus; thus conversely it is permitted to say that the genus is only to those things to which the species is not contracted by its predication.

Iuxta logicorum enim regulam methodus a genere ad destruendum, a specie valet ad astruendum. Sicut ergo, cum simpliciter aliquid bonum dico, naturae datum, quod velut univoce de suis speciebus predicatur, intelligo, sic, cum secundum quid aliquid bonum esse assero, utilitatem potius quam naturae fontem intueor. Quo usu eius acceptio ad infinita equivocatur.

According to the logicians’ rule, the method from genus avails for destroying, from species for establishing. Thus, when I simply call something good, I understand a datum of nature, which, as it were, is predicated univocally of its species; so, when I assert that something is good in a certain respect, I look to utility rather than to the fount of nature. By this usage its acceptation is equivocated to infinity.

Hinc dicimus equum bonum ex usu vectigandi, vestem bonam ex utilitate induendi, alimentum bonum ex emolumento nutriendi. Item eadem ratione, quod alteri speciei bonum, alteri asseritur malum. Verbi gratia: Iusquiamum alit passerem, necat hominem.

Hence we say a horse is good from the use of riding, a garment good from the utility of donning, an aliment good from the emolument of nourishing. Likewise by the same rationale, what is good for one species is asserted to be evil for another. For example: henbane sustains the sparrow, kills the man.

Eadem quoque res alia et alia consideratione eiusdem speciei contentis vel etiam eidem singulari erit bona et erit non bona. Unde et solemus dicere: 'Bonum est isti calorem febrilem sentienti bibere aquam, bonum est illi propter infirmitatem stomachi iuxta apostolummodico vino uti'; nec ex hoc sequitur, si secundum quid bonum est isti vel illi, simpliciter esse bonum; sicut non sequitur, si Ethyops est albus dente, ergo est albus, vel e converso: non est niger dente, ergo non est niger. Quod etiam ex divinae paginae usu patet.

The same thing also, by one and another consideration, will be good and will not be good for those contained under the same species, or even for the same individual. Whence we are wont to say: 'It is good for this man, who is sensing febrile heat, to drink water, it is good for that one, on account of weakness of stomach, according to the Apostle, to use a little wine'; nor does it follow from this, if in a certain respect it is good for this man or that, that it is simply good; just as it does not follow: if an Aethiopian is white in tooth, therefore he is white; or conversely: he is not black in tooth, therefore he is not black. Which also is evident from the usage of the divine page.

Velut cum dicimus: 'Non erat bonum Iudeis vel Iude Christum tradere vel crucifigere, etsi nobis esset bonum'. Sicut vero in humana phylosophia album habere dentem non aufert Ethyopi esse nigrum, sic in divina pagina malum Iudeorum non demit universitati passionem Christi esse bonam. Ex quo fit a simili propter eandem causam de predicta nostra expeditione, quod, etsi non fuit bona pro dilatatione terminorum vel commoditate corporum, bona tamen fuit ad multarum salutem animarum, sic tamen, ut bonum non pro dato naturae, sed pro utili semper accipias, et ex eo usu haec emergat subdivisio, ut, sicut supradiximus, bonum quandoque simpliciter dici, quandoque secundum quid, et quando secundum quid dicitur, ad diversum usum utilis equivocari, ita hoc modo bonum idem utile, quandoque simpliciter, quandoque secundum quid vocari. Quamvis, si dicamus sanctum illum abbatemspiritu Dei ad excitandos nos afflatum fuisse, sed nos ob superbiam lasciviamque nostram salubria mandata non observantes merito rerum personarumve dispendium reportasse, non sit a rationibus vel antiquis exemplis dissonum; quamquam et spiritus prophetarum non semper subsit prophetis.

Just as when we say: 'It was not good for the Jews or for Judas to hand over or crucify Christ, even if it was good for us.' And as in human philosophy having a white tooth does not take away from an Ethiopian being black, so in the divine page the evil of the Jews does not remove, for the universality, that the Passion of Christ is good. Whence it follows by a like argument for the same reason concerning our aforesaid expedition, that, although it was not good for the dilation of borders or the convenience of bodies, nevertheless it was good for the salvation of many souls; yet in such wise that you always take “good” not for what is given by nature, but for the useful, and that from this usage there emerges this subdivision: that, as we said above, “good” is sometimes said simply, sometimes in a certain respect; and when it is said in a certain respect, “useful” is equivocated to a different use; thus in this way “good,” being the same as “useful,” is sometimes called simply, sometimes in a certain respect. Although, if we say that that holy abbot was breathed upon by the Spirit of God to rouse us, but that we, on account of our pride and wantonness, not observing the health-giving mandates, deservedly brought back loss of things or of persons, it is not out of tune with reasons or with ancient examples; although the spirit of the prophets does not always be under the prophets.

Qualiter vero predictus bonus vir ei libro, quem Eugenio papae de Consideratione scribens super hac re ad excusationem sui apollogeticum interseruerit, curiosus rerum indagator invenire potest.

How indeed the aforesaid good man interwove in that book—which, writing to Pope Eugene, On Consideration, he composed—an apologetic on this matter for his own excuse, a curious investigator of things can discover.

Quomodo autem Eugenius papa Romanorum principem de tam gravi tribulatione redeuntem paternis consolationum verbis exceperit, subter annotatum est:

How, moreover, Pope Eugenius received the Prince of the Romans, returning from so grave a tribulation, with paternal words of consolations, is noted below:

Capitulum LXVI.

Chapter 66.

Eugeniusepiscopus, servus servorum Dei, karissimo in Christo filio Conrado, Dei gratia Romanorum regi illustri, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum in hoc mundo cuncta mutabilitatis ordo corrumpat, sicut nec prosperis elevari, ita nec frangi adversis confidentes de divina miseratione debemus, quia Dei et hominum mediator ammiranda dispensatione consuevit omnem filium, quem recipit, adversitatibus flagellare, ut, dum ipsum per amorem ad aeterna premia vocat, presens mundus eius animum per turbationes, quas ingerit, a se ipso repellat, tantoque facilius ab huius saeculi amore recedat, quanto magis impellitur, dum vocatur. Quod in Israhelitico populo Moysevocante et Pharaone signatur.

Eugenius the bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his most dear in Christ son Conrad, by the grace of God illustrious king of the Romans, greeting and apostolic blessing. Since in this world the order of mutability corrupts all things, we ought, trusting in divine misericord, neither to be lifted up by prosperities nor to be broken by adversities; because the Mediator of God and men, by admirable dispensation, is accustomed to scourge with adversities every son whom He receives, so that, while He calls him through love to eternal prizes, the present world, by the disturbances which it thrusts in, may drive his mind away from itself, and that he may so much the more easily withdraw from the love of this age, the more he is impelled while he is being called. Which is signified in the Israelite people, with Moses calling and Pharaoh opposing.

Moyses namque tunc ad vocandum missus est, cum Pharao duris eum operibus perurgebat, quatinus alter vocando pertraheret, alter impelleret seviendo, ut plebs in servitio turpiter fixa vel provocata bonis vel impulsa molestiis moveretur. Hoc itaque rationis debito incitati discretionem tuam commonemus et exhortamur in Domino, quatinus tribulationes, quas tibi et exercitui tuo omnipotens Deus irrogavit, patienter supportes et in eo spem tuam constituas, qui quem vult permittit affligi et confidentes in se misericorditer liberare consuevit. Si enim patientiam et humilitatem in adversis perfecte tenueris, per desertum huius vitae sub protectione columnae nubis et ignis, id est patientiae solatio et karitatis ardore, intrepidus perduceris. Quia igitur personam tuam vera karitate diligimus et de te valde confidimus, si post tuum reditum sine dilatione de his, quae ad honorem sanctae aecclesiae et regni spectare noscuntur, tecum mutuis potuissemus tractare colloquiis, nobis utique gratum fuisset.

Moses, for indeed at that time he was sent to call, when Pharaoh was pressing him hard with harsh labors, in order that the one by calling might draw them, the other by raging might impel them, so that the people, shamefully fixed in servitude, whether provoked by good things or driven by troubles, might be moved. Therefore, stirred by the debt of reason, we admonish your discretion and exhort you in the Lord, that you patiently bear the tribulations which almighty God has imposed upon you and your army, and set your hope in him, who permits whom he wills to be afflicted and is wont mercifully to free those who are confident in him. If indeed you shall have perfectly held patience and humility in adversities, through the desert of this life under the protection of the column of cloud and of fire, that is, by the solace of patience and the ardor of charity, you will be led unafraid. Since, therefore, we love your person with true charity and have great confidence concerning you, if, after your return, without delay, concerning those things which are known to pertain to the honor of the holy church and of the kingdom, we could have treated with you by mutual colloquies, it would, of course, have been pleasing to us.

Verum quia id nobis temporis qualitas denegavit et de tua salute sumus solliciti, quosdam de fratribus nostris, postquam te ad Longobardiae partes auctore Domino incolomem pervenisse accepimus, sicut per venerabiles fratres nostros Artwicum Bremensem archiepiscopum et A[nshelmum] Havelbergensem episcopum tibi significavimus, ad tuam serenitatem duximus destinandos, ut affectum et benivolentiam, quam erga te gerimus, tibi exponerent, et quod de te audire cupimus ipsorum relatione nosceremus. Quibus dedimus in mandatis, ut tibi, tamquam karissimo filio nostro et catholico principi atque speciali Romanae sanctae aecclesiae defensori, ipsius aecclesiae statum et nostrum exponerent. Qui siquidem in Tusciam usque progressi, ex quo te ad Teutonicas partes pertransisse noverunt, longitudinem viae et difficultatem itineris propter aestatis intemperiem metuentes ad nostram presentiam redierunt.

But since the condition of the time denied that to us, and we are solicitous for your safety, after we learned, by the Lord as author, that you had come safe and sound to the parts of Lombardy—as we signified to you through our venerable brothers Artwic, Archbishop of Bremen, and A[nselm], Bishop of Havelberg—we judged that certain of our brothers should be sent to your Serenity, that they might set forth to you the affection and benevolence which we bear toward you, and that by their report we might learn what we desire to hear about you. To whom we gave in mandates that, to you as our dearest son and a catholic prince and special defender of the Holy Roman Church, they should set forth the state of that Church and our own. Who indeed, having advanced as far as Tuscany, since they learned that you had passed through to the Teutonic parts, fearing the length of the way and the difficulty of the journey on account of the intemperance of summer, returned to our presence.

Caeterum, quia statum tuum et dilecti filii nostri Heinrici iunioris regis, quem post discessum tuum paterno affectu dileximus et in posterum actiones eius prosperari in Domino preoptamus, cognoscere cupimus, cum fratres nostri propter aestatis fervorem laborem tanti itineris perficere non valerent, per fidelem nostrum Franconem, latorem presentium, et apostolica scripta tuam excellentiam visitantes nobilitatem tuam monemus et exhortamur in Domino, quatinus ea quae circa te et ipsum geruntur et statum regni per eundem Franconem nobis studeas intimare, et hoc tempore devotionem, quam erga matrem tuam sanctam Romanam aecclesiam geris, ostendas, ut nostro respondere affectui congrue videaris et beati Petri apostolorum principis intercessionibus, cui te totum debes exponere, creatoris nostri largiorem debeas gratiam promereri. Datum Tusculani VIII. Kal.

Moreover, because we desire to know your condition and that of our beloved son Henry the Younger, king, whom after your departure we have loved with a paternal affection and whose actions we desire beforehand to prosper in the Lord for the future, since our brothers, on account of the fervor of summer, were not able to accomplish the labor of so great a journey, through our faithful Francon, the bearer of the present letters, and by apostolic writings visiting your excellence, we admonish and exhort your nobility in the Lord, that you strive to intimate to us through the same Francon the things that are being transacted around you and himself and the state of the kingdom, and that at this time you show the devotion which you bear toward your mother, the holy Roman Church, so that you may seem suitably to respond to our affection and by the intercessions of blessed Peter, prince of the apostles, to whom you ought to expose yourself wholly, you may deserve to obtain the more bountiful grace of our Creator. Given at Tusculum on the 8th day before the Kalends.

Iulii.

of July.

Capitulum LXVII.

Chapter 67.

Circa idem tempus filius regis Heinricus, quem ipse, ut supra dictum est, per electionem principum regem ordinaverat, diem obiit, habens adhuc alium fratrem parvulum nomine Fridericum. Ea quoque tempestate in inferiori Traiecto Fresiae urbe Hardeliboeiusdem aecclesiae pontifice obeunte, grave scisma ibidem oritur, quibusdam FridericumAdulfi comitis filium, aliis Herimannum acclesiae sancti Gereonis in suburbio Coloniensi sitae prepositum in illius aecclesiae presulem eligentibus. Illi vero qui Herimannum elegerant alios preoccupantes principem aput Noricum castrum adeunt ab eoque investituram regalium suscipiunt.

Around the same time the son of King Henry, whom he himself, as was said above, had through the election of the princes ordained as king, met his day, still having another very small brother by the name Frederick. In that same season, at Lower Utrecht, the city of Frisia, with Hardeliboei, the pontiff of the same church, passing away, a grave schism arose there, some electing Frederick, the son of Count Adolf, others Hermann, provost of the church of Saint Gereon situated in the suburb of Cologne, as prelate of that church. But those who had elected Hermann, forestalling the others, approach the prince at the Noric castle and from him receive the investiture of the regalia.

Quos altera pars in civitatem Galliae Spiram subsecuta inducias ab eo usque ad proximos dies rogationum in palatium Noviomagense accepit. Inter haec Arnaldus quoque Coloniensis archiepiscopus, vir ad omnia aecclesiastica et secularia negotia inutilis, vitam finivit.

Whom the other party, having followed to the city of Gaul, Spires, received a truce from him until the next days of the Rogations at the Noviomagense palace. Meanwhile, Arnold too, the archbishop of Cologne, a man useless for all ecclesiastical and secular business, ended his life.

Capitulum LXVIII.

CHAPTER 68.

Igitur Conradus rex tam de subrogatione Coloniensis quam super determinatione illius controversiae, quae in Traiectensi agitabatur aecclesia, examen laturus inferiores Rheni partes adiit, habens secum ex Baioaria Ottonem Frisingensem et [ex] Saxonia Albertum Misinensem episcopos. Cumque ad Bobardiam villam regalem in territorium Treverorum super Rhenum positam venisset, legatos obvios habuit nunciantes Arnaldum cancellarium suum in prefata Coloniensi aecclesia electum esse, sed eum huius rei assensum usque ad adventum ipsius distulisse. Quod verbum gratanter rex accepit, ac inde extra viam paulisper digrediens duas arces fortissimas, quarum altera super Mosellam Cohema, altera super Rheni litus posita Rineccadicebatur, expugnavit, in Cohema presidia ponens, alteram ignibus tradens.

Therefore King Conrad, about to bring an examination both concerning the subrogation of Cologne and over the determination of that controversy which was being agitated in the Traiectensian church, approached the lower parts of the Rhine, having with him from Bavaria Otto of Freising and [from] Saxony Albert, bishop of Meissen. And when he had come to Boppard, a royal villa set upon the Rhine in the territory of the Treveri, he had legates meet him announcing that Arnold, his chancellor, had been elected in the aforesaid church of Cologne, but that he had deferred his assent to this matter until his (the king’s) arrival. Which word the king gladly received, and from there, stepping a little aside from the road, he stormed two very strong citadels, of which the one set above the Moselle was called Cohema, the other, set upon the bank of the Rhine, was called Rinecca; placing garrisons in Cohema, he consigned the other to the flames.

Ibi prenominatum Coloniensem electum excipiens cum eoque ad inferiora descendens capellam operosam, quam ille non longe a Colonia in proprio fundo construxerat, a predictis, quos secum duxerat, episcopis consecrari fecit. Inde naves ingressus ac per Rhenum remigans Coloniam Agrippinam venit, cum maximo cleri ac populi tripudio susceptus. Igitur finita, ut assolet, processionis sollempnitate, rex in principali beati Petri aecclesia sedens Arnaldum renitentem valde et reclamantempontificatus simul et ducatus regalibus investit, sicque ad Noviomagense palatium, Traiectensium causam iudicaturus, venit.

There, receiving the afore‑named elect of Cologne and descending with him to the lower parts, he caused an industrious/ornate chapel, which that man had constructed not far from Cologne on his own estate, to be consecrated by the aforesaid bishops whom he had led with him. Thence, having entered ships and rowing along the Rhine, he came to Colonia Agrippina, received with the greatest rejoicing of clergy and people. Therefore, the solemnity of the procession having been finished, as is customary, the king, sitting in the principal church of blessed Peter, invested Arnald—very resistant and protesting—with the pontificate and the dukedom at the same time by royal prerogatives, and thus he came to the Noviomagus palace, about to judge the case of the Traiectenses.

Traiectenses Fridericum in civitate non sine fastu habebant, Herimanno eiecto. Itaque conductum primo de personarum incolomitate petentes cum magna multitudine navium a Rheno per Gual fluvium, qui ab eo scissus ipsius brachium esse noscitur, veniunt. Quos rex in causam ponens ad pacemque cum adversariis suis sine litis contestatione revocare volens, cum hoc modo procedere non posset, tandem eis iuris districtionem obtulit.

The Traiectensians had Frederick in the city not without pomp, Hermann having been cast out. Therefore, requesting first a safe-conduct concerning the safety of their persons, they come with a great multitude of ships from the Rhine by the Gual river, which, split off from it, is known to be its arm. The king, putting them into suit and wishing to recall them to peace with their adversaries without contestation of the lawsuit, since he could not proceed in this way, at length offered them the distraint of the law.

Illi viaticum redeundi postulaverunt, dicentes se, eo quod causa ipsa tamquam aecclesiastica ad aecclesiasticum iudicem, id est ad aures summi pontificis, translata esset, respondere coram cincto iudice non posse.

They asked for travel-money for returning, saying that, because the case itself, as an ecclesiastical matter, had been transferred to an ecclesiastical judge, that is, to the ears of the Supreme Pontiff, they could not answer before a girt judge.

Contra quos, utpote adversus Romanum principem agentes maiestatis reos, quia in continenti propter prestitum commeatum ulcisci non valuit, acerba rex usus conquestione, mox etiam pro huius temeritatis debita vindicta sumenda ad civitatem ipsorum processisset, nisi quod propter quorumdam Noricorum comitum insolentiam in eandem revocabatur provinciam.

Against whom, inasmuch as, acting against the Roman princeps, they were guilty of the crime of Majesty (treason), because he could not avenge them immediately on account of the safe‑conduct that had been granted, the king, employing a bitter complaint, would soon also have advanced to their city to exact the due vengeance for this temerity, if not that, on account of the insolence of certain Noric counts, he was being called back into that same province.

Capitulum LXVIIII.

Chapter 69.

Igitur proximum pentecosten in Confluentia, ubi et nuncios regis Hyspanorum iam diu secum moratos dimisit, sub corona incedendo celebrans, Baioariam ingreditur, Ratisponaeque curiam habens duos ex cardinalibus Romanae sedis legatos, Iordanem scilicet et Octavianum, obvios excepit. Post haec palatino comite Ottone ob filiorum suorum excessusproscripto, vicinum eius castrum Cheleheimdictum, rapido Danubii fluminis ambitu clausum, obsidione cingit eumque ad hoc, ut unum filiorum suorum obsidem daret, coegit. Inde in Gallias rediens Traiectensium negotium, revocatis omnibus ad subiectionem Herimanni, cum imperii honore terminavit; ac ne aliquis in posterum eius facti scrupulus haberetur, a Romana sede ratihabitionem optinuit.

Therefore, at the next Pentecost at Confluentia, where he also dismissed the envoys of the king of the Spaniards who had long tarried with him, celebrating by proceeding under the crown, he enters Bavaria, and, holding court at Ratisbona, he received, as they met him, two legates from among the cardinals of the Roman See, namely Jordan and Octavian. After this, the Count Palatine Otto having been proscribed on account of the excesses of his sons, he girds with siege his neighboring castle called Cheleheim, enclosed by the swift circuit of the river Danube, and forced him to this: that he give one of his sons as a hostage. Thence returning into the Gauls, he settled the business of the Traiectenses, with all recalled to the subjection of Herimann, with the honor of the Empire; and lest any scruple of that deed be had in future, he obtained ratihabition from the Roman See.

Capitulum LXX.

CHAPTER 70.

Ipse vero non multo post, omnibus bene in Gallia et Germania compositis, cum etiam iurata expeditione in proximo imperii coronam accepturus esset, non sine suspitione quorumdam, quos ex Italia habuit, medicorum, quasi ex Rogerii Siculi metu submissorum, morbo corripitur, sicque tanto tamen non fractus infirmitatis dolore, curiam celebraturus Babenberg venit; ubi cum multorum planctu raptus prioris fortitudinis in ultimo discrimine retinens animum, proxima a capite ieiunii sexta feria id est XV. Kal. Marcii, vitam finivit, regalia duci Friderico cum unico suo item Friderico commendans. Erat enim tamquam vir prudens de filio suo adhuc parvulo, ne in regem sublimaretur, quasi desperatus; idcirco et privatae et rei publicae melius profuturum iudicabat, si is potius, qui fratris sui filius erat, ob multa virtutum suarum clara facinora sibi succederet.

But he himself, not long after, everything in Gaul and Germany having been well set in order, and when, with a sworn expedition, he was about to receive the crown of the Empire shortly, was seized by illness, not without suspicion of certain physicians whom he had from Italy, as if sent in by Roger of Sicily out of fear; and thus, yet not broken by so great a pain of weakness, he came to Bamberg to hold a court; where, snatched away with the lamentation of many, while at the last crisis he kept the resolve of his former fortitude, on the Friday next after the beginning of the Fast, that is, the 15th day before the Kalends of March, he ended his life, commending the regalia to Duke Frederick and likewise to his only son, Frederick. For, as a prudent man, he was, as it were, in despair about his son, still a very small child, that he should not be raised to the kingship; therefore he judged it would better profit both private and public affairs, if rather he who was his brother’s son, on account of many illustrious feats of his virtues, should succeed to him.

Volentibus vero familiaribus suis iuxta eius, ut asserebant, peticionem eum ad Laureacense monasterium deferre ibique in proprio fundo iuxta patremhumare, Babenbergensis aecclesia contumeliosum hoc sibi fore iudicans, non permisit, quin immo convenientissimum et honestissimum et aecclesiae illi et imperio decernens, iuxta tumbam imperatoris Heinrici, eius loci fundatoris, qui nuperauctoritate Romanae aecclesiae in loca sancta levatus pro sancto habetur, regio cultu eum sepelivit. Haec et alia, augustorum invictissime, excellentiae tuae scribuntur, quedam tibi ut tibi, quedam tibi, sed non ut tibi, quae acutus clericorum tuorum discernere debebit oculus. Verum quia, iuxta quod proposui, decursis summatim avi, patris patruique tui non sine aliqua tui mentione factis, ad tua principaliter gesta venimus, huic primo volumini quiescendi paulisper causa finem inponere liceat, ut ad ea, quae de tua dicenda erunt magnificentia, fortior resumatur spiritus.

But when his familiars, in accordance with his request, as they asserted, wished to carry him to the Laureacensian monastery and there on his own estate to bury him beside his father, the Church of Bamberg, judging this would be contumelious to itself, did not permit it; nay rather, determining what was most convenient and most honorable both for that church and for the empire, it buried him with royal cult beside the tomb of Emperor Henry, the founder of that place, who recently, by authority of the Roman Church, having been elevated to the holy places, is held as a saint. These things and others, most unconquered of emperors, are written to your Excellency, some to you as to you, some to you, but not as to you, which the sharp eye of your clerics will have to discern. But since, according to what I proposed, after running briefly through the deeds of your grandfather, father, and uncle, not without some mention of you, we have come chiefly to your deeds, let it be permitted to impose an end upon this first volume for the sake of resting a little, so that a stronger spirit may be resumed for those things which are to be said concerning your magnificence.