Jordanes•De summa temporum vel origine actibusque gentis Romanorum
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1 Vigilantiae vestrae, nobilissime frater Vigili, gratias refero, quod me longo per tempore dormientem vestris tandem interrogationibus excitastis. Deo magno gratias, qui vos ita fecit sollicitos, ut non solum vobis tantum, quantum et aliis vigiletis. Mactae virtutis et meriti.
1 I render thanks to your vigilance, most noble brother Vigilius, because by your inquiries you have at last roused me, sleeping through a long time. Thanks be to the great God, who has made you so solicitous that you keep vigil not only for yourselves, but equally for others. Be exalted in virtue and in merit.
2 For you wish to know the miseries of the present world, and to be taught when it began and what it has endured down to us. You add, furthermore, that I, for you, how the Roman republic began and held, and has subdued almost the whole world, and even to this day holds it in imaginary fashion, plucking little blossoms from the sayings of the elders, should briefly relate: or also how the series of kings from Romulus, and thereafter from Augustus Octavian down to Justinian as Augustus, has come—although simply, yet I will lay it open to you in my own elocution. 3 Although what you admonish can agree neither with my manner of life nor with my expertise, nevertheless, lest we oppose a friend’s petitions, in whatever way we have been able, we have gathered things widely scattered.
And first, beginning from the authority of the divine Scriptures, to which it is fitting also to be subservient, and running on as far as the flood of the world by the heads of families, we came to the kingdom of Ninus, who, reigning among the race of the Assyrians, subjugated almost all Asia; and on to Arbaces the Mede, who, the kingdom of the Assyrians having been destroyed, converted it into that of the Medes and held it until Cyrus the Persian, who likewise, the kingdom of the Medes overthrown, transferred it to the Parthians; and thence to Alexander the Great the Macedonian, who, the Parthians having been defeated, changed the commonwealth into the jurisdiction of the Greeks. 4 After these, how Octavian Augustus Caesar, the kingdom of the Greeks being overthrown, brought it into the law and dominion of the Romans. And because before Augustus, already for seven hundred years, by the skill of its consuls, dictators, and kings, the Roman commonwealth had subdued not a few things, taking its origin from Romulus himself, its builder, I have, although briefly, nevertheless composed it in your name in this very small booklet, in the 24th year of the emperor Justinian, adding to it another volume on the origin and deeds of the Getic nation, which I had long since published to our common friend Castalius, to the end that, the calamity of diverse nations being learned, you may wish to be made free from every hardship and turn to God, who is true liberty.
5 Therefore, reading both little books, know that necessity ever hangs over him who loves the world. But do listen to the apostle John, who says: 'dearest, do not love the world nor the things that are in the world. For the world passes and its concupiscence; but he who has done the will of God abides forever.' And be with your whole heart loving God and neighbor, that you may fulfill the law, and pray for me, most noble and magnificent brother.
6 Romani, ut ait Iamblicus, armis et legibus exercentes orbem terrae suum fecerunt: armis si quidem construxerunt, legibus autem conservaverunt. Quod et ego, sequens eruditissimum virum, dum aliqua de cursu temporum scribere delibero, necessarium duxi opusculo meo velut insigne quoddam ornamentum praeponere. Cupio namque ad inquisitionibus amici fidelissimi, ex diversis voluminibus maiorum praelibans aliqua floscula pro captu ingenii mei in unum redigere et in modum storiunculae tam annorum seriae quam etiam eorum virorum, qui fortiter in re publica laboraverunt, gesta strictim breviterque collegere.
6 The Romans, as Iamblichus says, by exercising the orb of the earth with arms and laws made it their own: by arms indeed they constructed it, but by laws they conserved it. Which I also, following a most erudite man, while I deliberate to write some things about the course of the times, have deemed it necessary to set before my little work, as it were, a certain badge-like ornament. For I wish, in answer to the inquiries of a most faithful friend, skimming some little blossoms from diverse volumes of the ancients according to the capacity of my wit, to reduce them into one and, in the mode of a little story, to gather succinctly and briefly both the series of years and also the deeds of those men who labored bravely in the commonwealth.
7 Although I think this may seem to have been said simply to the most learned, yet I reckon it will be welcome to the mediocre, while they both read brief things without distaste and perceive what they have perused without any cosmetic coloring of words. From the origin of the world and the first creation both of man and of the elements, and up to the flood of the orb of the earth, according to the words of the truth-speaking lawgiver Moses, we have collected 2,242 years. In which years, while the nature of men was still rude and simple, there were not kings, but the heads of families were in authority in their own lineage.
9 Noe vero sexcentorum erat annorum, quando diluvium mundi crudelissima facinora expiavit. A cuius regimine vel ab ipso diluvio usque ad confusionem linguarum, que item ob delecta aedificantium turrem facta est in campo Sennahar, et usque Heber, in quo Hebreorum genus et lingua prisca remansit, quia nec in illa conspiratione interfuit, sunt anni dxxv per familias sic.
9 But Noah was 600 years old, when the flood expiated the world’s most cruel misdeeds. From his rule, or from the flood itself, up to the confusion of tongues—which likewise was done on account of the offenses of those building the tower in the plain of Shinar—and up to Eber, in whom the race of the Hebrews and the pristine language remained, because he did not take part in that conspiracy, there are 525 years, by families thus.
A confusione ergo linguarum et primatu Heber, a quo Hebrei, et usque nativitatem Abrahae, quando et primus rex in mundo in gente regnabat Assyriorum Ninus anno regni sui xlii, supra scripto familiarum serie currentes, fiunt anni dxli sic.
From the confusion of languages and the primacy of Heber, from whom the Hebrews are named, and up to the nativity of Abraham, when also the first king in the world in the nation of the Assyrians, Ninus, was reigning in the 42nd year of his reign, running through the above-written series of families, the years come to 541 thus.
11 Simul ergo ab Adam et usque ad nativitatem Abrahae, id est ab ortu mundi et usque quadragesimo secundo anno regis primi Assyriorum Nini, ut superius diximus, per familias capitaque eorum fiunt generationes viginti, anni autem IIIcccviii, unde iam relictis familiis regum seriem persequamur et, sicut Eusevius vel Hieronimus, primum Assyriorum, deinde Medorum Persarumque et Grecorum currentes, ad Romanum quomodo delatum est vel quali tempore, latius, si dominus permiserit, exequamur.
11 Accordingly, from Adam and up to the nativity of Abraham—that is, from the birth of the world and up to the forty-second year of Ninus, the first king of the Assyrians, as we said above—through the families and their heads there come to be twenty generations, and the years are 3,308; whence now, the families left aside, let us pursue the series of kings and, as Eusebius or Jerome, running first through the Assyrians, then the Medes and Persians and the Greeks, let us set forth more broadly, if the Lord permits, how it was handed down to the Roman power and at what time.
12 Origo ergo regum regnorumque antiqua Assiria nobis amplexanda est, in qua primus Ninus Beli filius, urbem sui nominis fabricans Niniven, regnavit an. xlii, ubi a primo anno ipsius Nini et usque in ultimum annum Thonos Concoloros, quem Greci Sardanafalum appellant, quem occidit Arbaces Medorum praefectus, regnum illud transferens in Medos, regnatum est a regibus trigenta et sex per annos mille ducentos quadraginta sic.
12 Therefore the origin of kings and kingdoms must be taken up by us in ancient Assyria, in which first Ninus, son of Belus, building the city of his own name, Nineveh, reigned for 42 years, where from the first year of that Ninus and up to the last year of Thonos Concoloros, whom the Greeks call Sardanapalus, whom Arbaces, prefect of the Medes, killed, transferring the kingdom to the Medes, it was ruled by kings thirty-six in number for 1,240 years, thus.
For even at that very time the Greeks laid waste Troy; whence Aeneas, fleeing, came into Italy, joining himself also with Latinus, son of Faunus, grandson of Picus, and great-grandson of Saturn, for the sake of affinity, having received his daughter Labinia in marriage. And the united Phrygian and Italian peoples they named Latins. 39 And so from then on and thereafter, although in a very poor kingdom and a narrow place, which was called the Laurentian field, after Latinus Aeneas and his successors reigned, who were also called the Silvii and the Albans, on account of the city Alba; and as for Aeneas’s posthumous son, likewise named Aeneas, who for that reason was called Silvius, because Lavinia, after the death of Aeneas, fearing Ascanius’s envy, secretly bore him in a wood and named him Aeneas Silvius.
Then indeed, after an innumerable, so to speak, number of kings of the Laurentian place and Latium—the Silvii and the Albans—who reigned for three hundred years in a part of Italy, though very poorly, Amulius, the king, had made his brother Numitor’s daughter, named Rhea, who was also called Ilia, a Vestal virgin. She, found pregnant, while she strove to excuse her crime, pretended that she had been compressed by Mars. From her, when two twin sons had been born, the king ordered them to be exposed.
52 Madidus ann. xl. Quo Medis regnante Iudeis regnabat Achas, Israhelitis alius Faceae. Annoque Madidi nono, septima Olympiade Romulus eiusque germanus, quos inter pastores diximus enutritos, collecta pastorum multitudine Romane urbis aedificia inchoaverunt suoque de nomine iunior, qui germanum peremerat, urbem vocari Romam praecepit.
52 Madidus, year 40. During which, with him reigning over the Medes, over the Jews Achas was reigning, over the Israelites another, Faceae. And in the 9th year of Madidus, in the 7th Olympiad, Romulus and his brother, whom we have said were nurtured among shepherds, with a multitude of shepherds gathered, began the buildings of the Roman city, and the younger, who had slain his brother, ordered the city to be called Rome from his own name.
Passing over by a kind of leap his acts and the series of his successors, I will run through the external kingdoms, as I have begun, and when the opportunity offers itself, I will return to that order. Only, you who read, note that from the origin of the world up to the rise of this great city there were 654 years.
Thus the kingdom of the Medes, which ruled for 258 years, was destroyed and transferred to the Persians, because Cyrus, king of the Persians, and Darius of the Medes, son of the above-written Astyages, joined by kinship, were nephew and uncle; and, rushing upon Belshazzar, great-grandson of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylonia, that is, of the Chaldeans, they overran his kingdom. And with Darius dead, Cyrus, having obtained both his own realm, that is, of the Persians, and that of his kinsman Darius, that is, of the Medes, together with that which he had captured, being in possession of a third kingdom, greatly exalted the nation of the Persians.
This same Cleopatra, indeed, the Roman commander Antony, taking up and joining to his own side, fights against his own fellow citizens. Whom Augustus Octavian, overcoming in contest on the Actian shore, brought it about that the two yoked-together spouses destroyed themselves, and their kingdom came into the empire of the Romans, where also even up to the present, and up to the end of the world, according to Daniel’s prophecy, the succession of the kingdom is owed. And it is to be stored in mind that from this point the Augustan power arises.
85 Augustus imperator, qui et Octavianus dicebatur, a quo posteri principes Augusti sunt vocati, tam cives patrios rebellans quam etiam gentes exteras superans, singularem sibi vindicat principatum, regnans per ann. lvi. Huius quadragesimo secundo anno imperii dominus noster Iesus Christus de sancta virgine natus, ut verus deus ita et verus homo, in signis et virtutibus ammirandis enituit anno ab origine mundi vd ab urbe Romae autem conditione anno dcclv.
85 Augustus the emperor, who was also called Octavian, from whom later princes are called Augusti, both subduing his own citizens in rebellion and also overcoming foreign nations, claimed for himself a singular principate, reigning for 56 years. In the 42nd year of his rule our Lord Jesus Christ, born of the holy virgin, as true God and likewise true man, shone forth in signs and admirable virtues in the year 5500 from the origin of the world, but from the founding of the City of Rome in the year 755.
86 And since you have determined to inquire into the order and acts of Roman affairs, and we have promised briefly to respond to your percontations, it is therefore necessary for us in the meantime to omit those things which are said concerning the times of the emperor Augustus, and to retrace our steps back to the beginnings of the Roman city and set forth the origin of Romulus its founder, and at the same time to demonstrate to full clarity the years and acts of his successors, the kings and the consuls, which are these.
87 Ab origine urbis Romae et usque Tarquinium regem cognomento Superbum, qui et expulsus est, numerantur anni ccxliii. Nam primus ille et urbis et imperii conditor Romulus fuit Marte, ut ipsorum verbis loquamur, genitus et Rea Siluia. Hoc de se sacerdos gravida confessa est.
87 From the origin of the city of Rome and up to King Tarquin by cognomen the Proud, who also was expelled, there are counted 243 years. For the first founder both of the city and of the imperium was Romulus, begotten by Mars and Rhea Silvia, to speak in their own words. This the pregnant priestess confessed about herself.
Nor then did rumor hesitate, when by the command of King Amullius, cast into the flowing stream with his brother Remus, he could not be extinguished, since Tiberinus too repressed the river, and a she-wolf, with her whelps left behind, following the wail, moved her udder to the infants and bore a mother’s office. 88 Thus found near a tree, Faustulus, shepherd of the royal flock, carried them into his cottage and brought them up. Alba was then the head of Latium, a work of Iulius: for it had contemned the Labinium of father Aeneas.
From these, Amulius was now reigning in the seventh generation, his brother Numitor having been expelled—Romulus from his daughter. Therefore, straightway in the first bloom of youth he drives his uncle from the citadel and restores his grandfather. He himself, a lover of the river and of the mountains among which he had been brought up, was planning the walls of a new city.
Thus, victor by augury, he rouses the city, full of hope that it would be bellicose: this the birds, accustomed to blood and booty, were promising. For the tutelage of the new city a rampart seemed sufficient: the narrowness of which, while Remus was reproaching it, he leapt over in a bound. It is doubtful whether, by his brother’s order, he was slain.
He was certainly the first victim, and he consecrated the fortification of the new city with his own blood. 90 He had made more an image of a city than a city: inhabitants were lacking. There was a place in proximity: this he makes an asylum, and straightway a wondrous multitude of men—Latin and Tuscan shepherds, even transmarine Phrygians, who under Aeneas, Arcadians, who under the leader Evander had flowed in.
The town of the Ceninenses was captured and plundered. In addition, the king brought back with his own hands the richest spoils (spolia opima) from King Agron to Jupiter Feretrius. To the Sabines the gates were betrayed by the maiden Tarpeia, not by fraud, but the girl had asked as the price for the thing which they were bearing on their left arms, uncertain whether shields or bracelets.
They, in order both to discharge their pledge and to take vengeance, overwhelmed her with their shields. Thus, the enemies admitted within the walls, there was a savage battle in the very Forum, to such a degree that Romulus prayed to Jupiter to halt the foul flight of his own men. Hence the temple and Jupiter Stator.
92 At last the abducted women, with torn locks, intervened amid the funerals: thus peace was made with Tatius and a treaty was struck. And a thing pitiable to say followed, that the enemies, leaving their seats, migrated into the new city and, with their sons-in-law, joined their ancestral wealth as a dowry. 93 With the forces soon increased, the most wise king imposed this constitution upon the commonwealth: the youth, divided by tribes, on horses and under arms so as to keep watch against sudden wars; the counsel of the state was in the hands of the elders, who, from their authority, were called Fathers, and on account of their age it was called the Senate.
94 With these things thus ordered, suddenly, when he was holding an assembly before the city at the Caprae Marshes, he was removed from sight. Some think he was torn to pieces by the senate on account of a somewhat harsher temperament; but an arising tempest and a defect of the sun gave the appearance of a consecration. To this story soon Julius Proculus lent credence, affirming that Romulus had been seen by him in a more august form than he had been; moreover, that he was mandating that they should receive him as a divinity: that in heaven he is called Quirinus: it having pleased the gods that Rome should possess the nations.
95 Successit Romulo Numa Pompilius, quem Curibus Savinis agentem ultro petiverunt ob inclitam viri religionem: ille sacra et caerimonias omnemque cultum deorum inmortalium docuit: ille pontifices augures salios ceteraque sacerdotia: annumque in xii menses, festos dies nefastosque discripsit. Ille ancilia adque palladium, secreta quedam imperii pignora, Ianumque bifrontem, Fidem pacis ac belli, in primis focum Vestae virginibus colendum dedit, ut ad simulacrum caelestium siderum custus imperii flamma vigilaret. Haec omnia quasi monitu deae egregiae, quo magis barbari acciperent.
95 Numa Pompilius succeeded Romulus, whom, while he was living at Cures among the Sabines, they sought unbidden on account of the renowned religion of the man: he taught the sacred rites and ceremonies and the whole cult of the immortal gods: he appointed pontiffs, augurs, Salii, and the other priesthoods: and he divided the year into 12 months, and marked out festival and non‑festival days. He entrusted the Ancilia and the Palladium—certain secret pledges of empire—and the two‑faced Janus, and Faith in peace and in war; and above all he gave the hearth of Vesta to be tended by the virgins, so that, as an image of the celestial stars, a flame—the guardian of the empire—might keep vigil. All these things, as if by the monition of an excellent goddess, so that the barbarians might all the more accept them.
96 Excepit Pompilium Numam Tullus Hostilius, cuius in honorem virtutis regnum ultro datum. Hic omnem militarem disciplinam artemque bellandi instituit. Itaque mirum in modum exercita iuventute provocare ausus Albanos gravem et diu principem populum.
96 Tullus Hostilius succeeded Numa Pompilius, to whom the kingship was granted unbidden in honor of his virtue. He instituted all military discipline and the art of waging war. And so, with the youth trained in wondrous fashion, he dared to challenge the Albans, a grave and long the principal people.
But since with equal strength, in frequent battles, both sides were being worn down, the fates of both peoples were entrusted, the war having been brought into a short compass, to the Horatii and the Curiatii, triplet brothers on this side and on that. A doubtful and fair contention, and marvelous in the very outcome. For, with three there wounded and here two slain, the Horatius who remained—adding stratagem to valor, in order to draw the enemy apart—feigns flight, and, attacking them one by one as they were able to pursue, prevails.
Sic (a distinction rare otherwise) victory was won by the hand of one man. Which he soon defiled by parricide. For he had seen his sister weeping, with the spoils of her betrothed—indeed, but an enemy—around her: he avenged with the sword this so immature love of the virgin, because she dared, against the laws—an abomination: but virtue removed the parricide, and the deed was beneath his glory.
97 Nor was the Alban long in good faith: for, in the Fidenate war, he sent them as aid under the treaty: midway between the two they awaited fortune. But the cunning king, when he sees the allies inclining toward the enemy, lifts spirits, as if he had mandated it. Thence hope to the Romans, fear to the enemies.
Thus the fraud of the betrayers was ineffectual. And so, the enemy having been conquered, he had the breaker of the treaty, Mettus Furetius, bound between two chariots, torn apart by swift horses; and he razed Alba itself—though a parent, yet a rival—since he first had transferred all the resources of the city and the people themselves to Rome: altogether so that the kindred city seemed not to have perished, but to have returned again into its own body.
98 Ancus deinde Marcius nepus Pompilii ex filia, pravo ingenio. Igitur et muro moenia amplexus est et influentem urbi Tyberinum ponte commisit Ostiamque in ipso maris fluminisque confinio coloniam posuit, iam tunc videlicet praesagiens animo futurum, ut totius mundi opes et comeatus illo velut maritimo urbis ospitio receperentur.
98 Then Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Pompilius by his daughter, of a crooked disposition. Therefore he both encompassed the city-walls with a wall and joined the Tiber, flowing into the city, by a bridge, and at Ostia, at the very boundary of sea and river, he set a colony, even then, it is plain, foreboding in mind that it would come to pass that the wealth and the convoys of the whole world would be received there, as it were by the city’s maritime hospitality.
99 Tarquinius postea Priscus quamvis transmarinae originis regnum ultro petens accepit ob industriam atque elegantiam, quippe qui oriundus Corintho Grecum ingenium Italicis artibus miscuisset. Hic et senatus maiestatem numero ampliavit et centuriis tribus auxit, quatenus Actius Nevius numerum augeri prohibebat, vir summus augurio. Quem rex in experimentum rogavit, fierine posset, quod ipse mente coeperat.
99 Afterwards Tarquinius Priscus, although of transmarine origin, seeking the kingship unbidden, received it on account of his industry and elegance, indeed he, sprung from Corinth, had mixed a Greek ingenium with Italian arts. He both enlarged the majesty of the senate in number and increased it by three centuries, inasmuch as Actius Nevius, a man paramount in augury, was forbidding the number to be augmented. The king asked him for an experiment, whether that could be done which he himself had conceived in mind.
100 Nor was Tarquinius more prompt in peace than in war: for he subdued the twelve peoples of Etruria with frequent arms. From there were taken the fasces, the trabeae, the curule chairs, the rings, the phalerae, the paludaments, the praetextae; from there the fact that one triumphs in a golden chariot with four horses, the painted togas and palmated (palm‑embroidered) tunics—finally, all the ornaments and insignia by which the dignity of imperium stands out, were adopted.
101 Servius Tullius deinceps gubernacula urbis invadit, nec obscuritas inhibuit quamvis matre serva creatum. Nam eximiam indolem uxor Tarquinii Tanaquil liberaliter educaverat et clarum fore visa circa caput flamma promiserat. Ergo inter Tarquinii mortem annitente regina substitutus in locum regis quasi in tempus regnum dolo partum sic egit industriae, ut iure adeptus videretur.
101 Servius Tullius thereafter seized the helm of the city, nor did obscurity inhibit him, although born from a slave mother. For Tanaquil, the wife of Tarquinius, had liberally educated his exceptional nature, and, a flame having been seen around his head, had promised that he would be illustrious. Therefore, after Tarquinius’s death, with the queen striving, he was substituted in the place of the king; as if, for the time, the kingship had been procured by guile, he so conducted himself with industry that he seemed to have obtained it by right.
102 From this man the Roman people were enrolled in the census, arranged into classes, distributed into decuries and collegia, and by the king’s highest ingenuity the republic was so ordered that all the distinctions of patrimony, dignity, age, arts, and offices were entered into the registers, and thus the greatest commonwealth was contained by the diligence of the smallest household.
103 Postremus fuit omnium regum Tarquinius, cui cognomen Superbo ex moribus datum. Hic regnum avitum, quod a Servio tenebatur, rapere maluit quam expectare, missisque in eum percussoribus scelere partam potestatem non melius egit quam adquisiverat. Nec abhorrebat moribus uxor Tullia, que, ut virum regem salutaret, supra cruentum patrem vecta carpento consternatos equos exegit.
103 Tarquinius was the last of all the kings, to whom the cognomen “the Proud” was given from his character. He preferred to snatch the ancestral kingship, which was held by Servius, rather than to wait for it, and, assassins having been sent against him, he managed the power obtained by crime no better than he had acquired it. Nor did his wife Tullia shrink from such morals, who, in order to hail her husband as king, borne in a carriage over her blood-stained father, drove on the panic-stricken horses.
104 But he himself, against the senate with slaughters, against the plebs with beatings, against all with arrogance, which for good men is heavier than cruelty, having raided about—when he had wearied out his savagery at home, at last he turned against the enemies. Thus the strong towns in Latium were captured, Ardea, Ocricolum, Gavii, Suessa Pometia. Then also he was blood-stained against his own.
For he did not hesitate to scourge his son, so that there might be trust among the enemies in his simulating desertion. 105 When he had been received by the Gaviis as he had wished, and, through messengers, was consulting what he wanted to be done, striking off with a little rod the eminent heads of poppies, since by this he wanted it to be understood that the principal men were to be killed, he thus replied in his arrogance, yet as they had perceived. 106 From the spoils of the captured cities he erected a temple.
When this was being inaugurated, with the other gods ceding, a wondrous thing is said to have appeared: Juventas and Terminus resisted. The contumacy of the divinities pleased the seers, since indeed they were promising that all things would be firm and eternal. But more horrifying was this: that, as they were constructing the temple, a human head was found in the foundations.
Nor did all hesitate that a most beautiful portent promised the seat of empire and the head of the lands. 107 The Roman people endured the king’s pride so long as lust was absent: this importunity from his children he could not tolerate. When one of them had inflicted rape upon Lucretia, a most adorned woman, the matron expiated the disgrace with iron, the imperium was abrogated from the kings.
108 Haec est prima aetas populi Romani et quasi infantia, quam habuit sub regibus septem, per annos, ut diximus, ccxliii, quadam fatorum industria tam variis ingenio, ut rei publicae ratio et utilitas postulabat. 109 Nam quid Romolo ardentius? Tali opus fuit, ut invaderet regnum.
108 This is the first age of the Roman people and, as it were, its infancy, which it had under seven kings, for 243 years, as we have said, by a certain industry of the Fates, so various in genius as the rationale and utility of the commonwealth demanded. 109 For what was more ardent than Romulus? There was need of such a one, to invade the kingdom.
110 And indeed the ornaments and insignia of Tarquinius—how much dignity did they add to the sovereign people by his very departure? The census carried out by Servius—what did it effect, except that the Roman commonwealth came to know itself? Lastly, the inopportune domination of that Proud one (Superbus) was not a little—nay rather, most—beneficial.
Thus indeed it was brought about, that the people, agitated by injuries, were inflamed with a desire for liberty. 111 And with the royal domination changed, it betook itself to the consular fillets; who, in pairs, each single year governing the republic, were in the following year succeeded by others coming in, and knowing that they presided only for single years, they acted toward others among the people in such a manner as they desired those to act toward themselves thereafter. 112 Which order held the privilege down to Augustus Caesar, being borne by 916 men in the course of the years.
458. Indeed for nine years it was without consuls, but only under the tribunes of the plebs, and for four without judges.113 For after the kings were driven out, for one year each of the senators in turn held the commonwealth for five days apiece; and then, with two consuls created, Brutus and Collatinus, they preserved the order thereafter down to Pansa and Sergius for years.
the afore-noted. 114 And because I foresaw that to write down the names and acts of all the consuls would be wearisome for me and distasteful for you who read, merely touching on some matters therefrom, I have refrained from military affairs, since I have learned that the work has been almost already undertaken and abridged by some.
115 Igitur primi consolum Brutus et Collatinus, quibus ultionem sui moriens matrona mandaverat, populus Romanus ad vindicandum libertatis ac pudicitiae decus quodam quasi instinctu deorum concitatus regem repente destituit, bona diripit, agrum Marti suo consecrat, imperium in eosdem libertatis suae vindices transfert, mutato tamen, ut diximus, et iure et nomine. 116 Quippe ex perpetuo annuum placuit, ex singulari duplex, ne potestas solitudine vel mora corrumperetur, consulesque appellavit pro regibus, ut consulere civibus suis debere meminissent tantumque libertatis novae gaudium intercesserat, ut vix mutati status fidem caperent alterumque ex consulibus Lucretiae maritum tantum ob nomen et genus regium fascibus abrogatis urbem dimitterent. 117 Itaque substitutus Oratius Publicola summo studio annisus est ad augendam liberi populi maiestatem.
115 Therefore the first of the consuls, Brutus and Collatinus, to whom the dying matron had entrusted the avenging of herself, the Roman people, stirred to vindicate the honor of liberty and pudicity by a certain, as it were, instigation of the gods, suddenly deposed the king, plundered his goods, consecrated the field to their own Mars, transferred the imperium to those same vindicators of their liberty, though, as we said, with both the law and the name changed. 116 Indeed, it pleased them to make what had been perpetual annual, and what had been singular double, lest power be corrupted by solitude or delay; and they called them consuls instead of kings, so that they might remember they ought to consult their fellow citizens; and so great was the joy of the new liberty that they could scarcely credit the altered status, and they dismissed from the city one of the consuls, Lucretia’s husband, with his fasces abrogated, merely on account of the royal name and stock. 117 And so Horatius Publicola, substituted in his place, strove with utmost zeal to augment the majesty of the free people.
For he both lowered the fasces before the assembly and granted the right of provocation against themselves, and, lest the appearance of a citadel give offense, he brought down his towering aedes into the plain. 118 But Brutus, indeed, rode the favor of the citizens even by the disaster of his own house and by parricide. For when he had discovered that his sons were intent on recalling the kings into the city, he dragged them into the Forum, and in the midst of the contio he beat them with rods and struck them with the axe, so that plainly, as a public parent, he seemed to have adopted the people to himself in place of his children.
119 Liber iam hinc populus Romanus prima adversus exteros arma pro libertate corripuit, mox pro finibus, deinde pro sociis, tum gloria et imperio, lacessentibus adsidue usque quaque finitimis: quippe cum patrii soli gliba nulla sit, sed statim hostile pomerium mediusque inter Latium adque Etruscos quasi in quodam bivio conlocatus omnibus portis in hostem incurreret, donec quasi contagio quodam per singulos itum est et proximis quibusque correptis totam Italiam sub se redigerunt. 120 Nam Porsenna rex Etruscorum ingentibus copiis aderat et Tarquinios manu reducebat. Hunc tamen quamvis et armis et fame urgueret occupatoque Ianiculo in ipsis urbis faucibus incubaret, sustenuit, reppulit, novissimae etiam tanta admiratione perculit, ut superior ultro cum pene victis amicitiae foedera feriret.
119 Now, once free from here, the Roman people seized their first arms against foreigners for liberty, soon for boundaries, then for allies, then for glory and imperium, with the neighbors constantly provoking on every side: since there is no clod of native soil, but straightway a hostile pomerium, and, placed midway between Latium and the Etruscans as if at a certain crossroads, it would rush upon the enemy from all gates, until, as if by a certain contagion, advance was made step by step and, each of the nearest seized, they brought all Italy under themselves. 120 For Porsenna, king of the Etruscans, was present with huge forces and was bringing the Tarquins back by force. Yet this man, although he pressed them both with arms and with hunger, and, the Janiculum having been occupied, lay in the very jaws of the city, they withstood, they drove back, and even struck him with such admiration for the most recent exploit that, though superior, he of his own accord concluded treaties of friendship with those almost conquered.
121 For Mucius Scevola, the bravest of the Romans, attacks the king by ambush in the very camp of the latter. But when, his stroke having been frustrated upon his purple-clad attendant, he is seized, he straightway thrust his hand into the burning fires and doubles the terror by a ruse. 'Lo, that you may know,' he says, 'what sort of man you have escaped: we three hundred have sworn the same.' While, amid a thing monstrous to tell, this man was undaunted, that man trembled, as though the king’s hand were burning.
The king, indeed, terrified by so many and so great prodigies of virtue, ordered them to go unharmed and to be free. 123 The Tarquins, however, fought for a long time, until Brutus with his own hand slew Arruns, the king’s son, and over him expired from a mutual wound, plainly as if he were following an adulterer even down to the infernal regions.
Tibur, now a suburb, and the summer delights of Praeneste, were being sought by vows proclaimed on the Capitol: 125 the same then was Fesulae as lately Carrhae; the same the Arician grove as the Hercynian forest; Fregellae as Caesoriacum; the Tiber as the Euphrates. The Curioli too—shame!—when conquered were so much a matter for glory, that Gnaeus Marcius Coriolanus would put on the captured town to his name as if it were Numantia or Africa. 126 There also exist the spoils won from Antium, which Menius affixed upon the speaker’s platform of the forum from the enemy fleet he had captured—if, however, that is to be called a fleet, for there were six rostrate ships.
But such a number constituted, in those beginnings, a naval war. Yet the Equi and the Vulsci were the most pervicacious of the Latins and, so to speak, quotidian enemies. 127 And these especially Titus Quintius tamed, that dictator from the plow, who delivered the distinguished camp of the consul Manlius, besieged and almost already captured.
he recovered it by victory. It chanced to be the very mid-season of sowing, when a lictor caught a patrician man, leaning upon his own plow, in the very work. 128 Thence, setting out into the battle-line, so that there might be no cessation from the imitation of rustic work, he sent them under the yoke after the manner of cattle; and the expedition finished, he returned to the oxen again, a triumphal husbandman.
130 Galli autem Senones gens natura ferox, moribus incondita, ad hoc ipsa corporum mole, perinde armis ingentibus, adeo omni genere terribilis fuit, ut plane nata ad hominum interitum, urbium stragem videretur. Hi quondam ab ultimis terrarum oris et cingente omnia oceano ingenti agmine profecti cum iam media vastassent, positis inter Alpes et Padum sedibus, ne his quidem contenti, per Italiam baccabantur. 131 Tunc Clusium Tusciae urbem obsidebant, ubi pro sociis ac foederatis Romanus intervenit missis ex more legatis.
130 But the Gauls, the Senones, a people fierce by nature, ill-ordered in manners, in addition by the very mass of their bodies, likewise by huge arms, were so terrible in every kind that they seemed plainly born for the destruction of men and the wreck of cities. These once, from the furthest borders of the earth, the Ocean encircling all, set out in a huge column; and when they had already laid waste the middle regions, having established seats between the Alps and the Po, not even content with these, they were running riot through Italy. 131 Then they were besieging Clusium, a city of Tuscia, where, on behalf of allies and federates, the Roman intervened, with envoys sent according to custom.
Then therefore, as at no other time, that true Roman virtus appeared. Now first the elders, who had enjoyed the most ample honors, gather in the forum; there, with the pontifex devoting, they consecrate themselves to the divine Manes, and immediately, each having returned to his own house, just as they were in their trabeae and in most ample attire, they settled themselves in their curule chairs, in order that, when the enemy had come, each might die in his own dignitas. 133 But the pontiffs and the flamines, whatever was most religious in the temples, partly hid it away again, having dug up the earth, in great jars, partly, placed upon wagons, they carry it off with them to Veii: at the same time the virgins from the priesthood of Vesta, with bare foot, accompany the fleeing sacra.
Nevertheless, Atinius, one from the plebs, is said to have taken in the fugitives, who, after setting down his wife and children, received the virgins into a wagon. So much did public religion then too, even in the last extremities, excel private affections. 134 But the youth, whom it is sufficiently agreed were scarcely a thousand men, with Manlius as leader occupied the citadel of the Capitoline hill, calling upon Jove himself as if present, that just as they had run to defend the temple, so he would protect their virtue by his numen.
135 Meanwhile the Gauls were at hand and they approach the city, lying open. There, as the praetexted elders sat in their curule chairs, they venerated them as if gods and genii; soon these same, after it became clear that they were men, they, not deigning otherwise to make any reply, with equal madness slaughter them, and they hurl torches upon the roofs and level the whole city with fire, iron, and their hands. 136 For six months (who would believe it of barbarians?) they hung about a single hill, and not by days only, but by nights also tried everything; yet Manlius, roused by the honk of a goose, cast down those coming up by night from the topmost cliff; and, that he might take away hope from the enemies, although in utmost famine, yet for a show of confidence, he hurled loaves from the citadel: 137 and on a certain stated day he sent down from the citadel the pontiff Fabius through the midst of the enemy’s guards, to complete the solemn sacred rite on the Quirinal hill: and he, by the aid of religion, returned unharmed through the midst of the enemies’ missiles and reported the gods propitious.
138 Igitur pastorum quondam casa urbs enituit: post assertam a Manlio faciem restitutamque a Camillo acrius etiam vehementiusque in finitimos resurrexit. 139 Nec tamen contenti Romani suis eos moenibus expulisse. Cum per Italiam naufragia sua latius traherent, sic persecuti sunt, ductante Camillo, ut odiae nulla Senonum vestigia supersint.
138 Therefore the city, once a shepherds’ cottage, shone forth: after the semblance asserted by Manlius and the restoration by Camillus, it rose again even more keenly and more vehemently against its neighbors. 139 Nor, however, were the Romans content to have driven them from their own walls. While they were dragging their shipwrecks more widely through Italy, thus they pursued them, with Camillus leading, that no vestiges of hatred against the Senones should survive.
Once, near the Anio, they were slaughtered, when in a single combat Manlius tore off a golden torque from the barbarian among the spoils, whence he also was called Torquatus. 140 Again in the Pomptine field, when in a similar fight Valerius, aided by a sacred bird alighting upon his helmet, carried off the spoils and he himself was called Corvinus. And nonetheless, after some years, Dolabella destroyed all their remnants in Etruria at the lake of Vadi Mountain, so that no one might survive from that clan who would boast that the Roman city had been set on fire by themselves.
141 With Manlius Torquatus turned from the Gauls, the Latins were put to the test and defeated. 142 Then the Sabines, who had been allies of their war under the leadership of Tatius, were subjected by the consul Curius Dentatus, and their regions from the Varanian spring as far as the Adriatic Sea were laid waste by fire and iron, and he added so much wealth to the Roman people that not even he who had conquered could estimate it.
Nothing more fertile in soil: therefore it is called the contest of Liber and Ceres. Nothing more hospitable to the sea: here are its noble harbors, Gaeta, Misenus, Baiae warmed by springs, the Lucrine and Avernus, certain mouths of the sea. Here are mountains friendly to vines—Gaurus, Falernus, Massicus—and, most beautiful of all, Vesuvius, an imitator of Aetnaean fire.
Cities on the sea: Formiae, Cumae, Puteoli, Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Capua itself, the very head of cities, once counted among the three greatest together with Rome and Carthage. 144 For this city, for these regions, the Roman people invades the Samnites, a nation which—if you ask about opulence—was equipped with golden and silver arms and with parti-colored dress right down to the hem; if about cunning, prowling like a wild beast in the forest-passes and advancing by the treachery of mountains; if about rage and frenzy, whipped up by sacred rites and by human victims toward the destruction of the city; if about stubbornness, with the treaty broken six times and made more spirited by the very disasters. Yet these the Roman people, in 50 years, through the Fabii and the Papirii, the fathers and their sons, so subdued and tamed, so razed even the very ruins of the cities, that today Samnium must be searched for in Samnium itself, nor does the material for 24 triumphs easily appear.
145 Nevertheless the greatest and most notable and illustrious calamity at the Caudine Forks was received from this people, with Veturius and Postumius as consuls. The army, shut in by ambush within that pass whence it could not evade, the leader, astonished at so great an occasion, Pontius, leader of the enemy, consulted his father Herennius: and he, wisely, as an elder, had advised that he should either send them all away or kill them; this man preferred to send them, stripped of arms, under the yoke, so that they would neither be friends by a benefaction and, after the disgrace, would be more enemies. 146 And so even the consuls at once, magnificently, by voluntary surrender, sever the turpitude of the treaty, and the soldier demanding vengeance, with Papirius as leader — horrible to say — with swords drawn was along the very road before the battle, and in the encounter the enemy was the author attesting that the eyes of all were aflame.
There was immense terror at so many peoples, and so great, all at once. Far and wide through Etruria the hostile standards of four columns were flying about. 148 Meanwhile the Geminian Pass in the midst, previously plainly pathless, as if the Calydonian or the Hercynian, so great was the terror that the senate warned the consul not to dare to enter upon so great a peril.
For suddenly he attacked the unorganized and straggling; and, the higher ridges having been seized, he thundered down by right upon those below. For such was the aspect of that war, as if missiles were being cast from heaven and the clouds against earth‑born men. Nor, however, was that victory bloodless.
150 Necdum Etrusco bello exempto mox sequitur Tarentinum, unum quidem in nomine, sed multiplex in victoriis. Hoc enim Campanos Apulos atque Lucanos et caput belli Tarentinos, id est totam pene Italiam, et cum his omnibus Pyrrum clarissimum Epyrotarum Greciae regem una veluti ruina pariter involuit, ut eodem tempore et Italiam consummaret et transmarinos triumphos auspicaretur. 151 Tarentus Lacedemoniorum opus, Calabriae quondam et Apuliae totiusque Lucaniae caput, cum magnitudine et muris portuque nobilis tum mirabili situ, quippe in ipsis Adriae maris faucibus posita in omnes terras Histriam Illyricum Epyron Achaiam Africam Siciliam vela dimittit.
150 And not yet with the Etruscan war removed, there soon follows the Tarentine, one indeed in name, but multiple in victories. For this one, as if in a single common ruin, wrapped up together the Campanians, the Apulians, and the Lucanians, and the head of the war, the Tarentines—that is, almost the whole of Italy—and along with all these Pyrrhus, the most illustrious king of the Epirotes of Greece, so that at the same time he might both consummate Italy and inaugurate transmarine triumphs. 151 Tarentum, a work of the Lacedaemonians, once the head of Calabria and of Apulia and of all Lucania, notable both for its magnitude and its walls and harbor and also for its wondrous site; since, set in the very jaws of the Adriatic Sea, it sends forth sails to all lands—Histria, Illyricum, Epirus, Achaea, Africa, Sicily.
152 A theater, set for a prospect of the sea, overhangs the harbor, which indeed, through miserable cupidity, was the cause of all the calamities. By chance it was celebrating games, when, as men were rowing toward the shore, they see the Roman fleet and, thinking it a foe, they signal wantonly without discrimination and heap insults. For who indeed are the Romans, or from where?
Nor was that enough. There was present without delay a legation bearing a complaint: this too they foully violate through an obscene and shameful-to-say contumely; and hence, war. 153 But the preparation was terrible, since so many peoples at once were rising for the Tarentines, and Pyrrhus, more vehement than all, who, about to vindicate a semi-Greek city from Lacedaemonian founders, was coming with the full forces of Epirus, Thessaly, and Macedonia, and with elephants unknown up to that time, by sea and land, with men, horses, arms, the terror of the beasts moreover being added.
154 At Heraclea in Campania and by the river Liris, under Laevinus, consul, the first battle, which was so atrocious that Obsidius, prefect of a Forentan troop, charging upon the king, threw him into confusion and compelled him, with his insignia cast aside, to withdraw from the battle. The issue would have been decided, had not the elephants, turning the war into a spectacle, rushed forward.
The horses, dismayed both by the magnitude and the deformity of them and by the new odor as well as the screeching, since they suspected the beasts, unknown to them, to be more formidable than they were, caused rout and carnage far and wide. 155 Then in Apulia, near Asculum, the fighting was better under the consulship of Curio and Fabricius — for by now the terror of the beasts had worn off, and Gaius Numicius, a hastatus of the Fourth Legion, had shown that the beasts could die, with the proboscis of one cut off. Therefore pila were heaped upon the beasts themselves, and torches brandished against the towers covered the entire battle-lines of the enemy with blazing ruins.
Nor was there any other end to the slaughter than that night should sever it, and the last of the fleeing, the king himself, wounded in the shoulder, was borne back by his satellites in their arms. 156 The final battle in Lucania, on the Sybarusine fields, as they call them, with the same commanders as earlier, but then with total victory. The outcome which valor was going to give, chance gave.
For when the elephants, having been advanced into the front line again, a heavy blow of a missile driven into the head turned aside one of their calves, who, as he ran back through the slaughter of his own, was keening with a shriek; the mother recognized him and, as though to avenge, leapt forth, then with her heavy mass threw everything around, as though hostile, into confusion: and thus the same wild beasts, who took away the first victory, made the second equal, and handed over the third without controversy. 157 Nor indeed was the fighting only by arms and in the field, but by counsels and at home and even within the city with King Pyrrhus. For after the first victory, the Roman virtue having been understood, he straightway despaired of arms and betook himself to wiles.
For he cremated the slain and treated the captives indulgently and restored them without price; and, envoys having been sent into the city, he strove in every way that, a treaty having been made, he might be received into friendship. 158 But both in war and in peace and abroad and at home Roman virtue then approved itself on every side; and none more than the Tarentine victory displayed the fortitude of the Roman people, the wisdom of the Senate, the magnanimity of the commanders. 159 Nor did any other triumph more beautiful or more specious enter the city.
Before this day he had seen nothing except the herds of the Volsci, the flocks of the Sabines, the carriages of the Gauls, the broken arms of the Samnites. Then, however, if you looked at the captives: Molossians, Thessalians, Macedonians, Bruttians, Apulians, and also Lucanians; if at the pomp, gold, purple, standards, panels, and Tarentine delicacies. But nothing did the Roman people look upon more gladly than those beasts with their towers, which they had feared, who, not without a sense of captivity, with necks lowered were following the victors’ horses.
162 Postremi Italicorum in fidem venere Vulsini opulentissimi Etruscorum, implorantes opem adversus servos quondam suos, qui libertatem a dominis datam in ipsos erexerant translataque in se re publica dominabantur, sed hi quoque duce Fabio Gurgite poenas dederunt.
162 Last of the Italians to come into allegiance were the Vulsinii, most opulent of the Etruscans, imploring aid against their once slaves, who had turned the liberty given by their masters against them and, with the commonwealth transferred onto themselves, were exercising dominion; but these too, with Fabius Gurges as leader, paid the penalty.
163 Domita subactaque Italia populus Romanus Appio Claudio consule primum fretum ingressus est fabulosis fame monstris estuque violentum, sed adeo non est exterritus, ut ipsam illam ruentis estus violentiam pro munere amplecteretur, quod velocitas navium mari iuvaretur, statimque ac sine mora Hyeronem Syracusanum tanta celeritate devicit, ut ille ipse prius se victum, quam hostem videret, fateretur. 164 Duellio Cornelioque consulibus etiam mari congredi ausus est. Tum quidem ipsa velocitas classis comparatae victoriae auspicium fuit.
163 Italy having been tamed and subdued, the Roman people, with Appius Claudius as consul, first entered the strait, violent with the surge and with monsters famous in fable; but he was so far from being terrified that he embraced that very violence of the rushing tide as a boon, because the speed of the ships was aided by the sea; and straightway and without delay he defeated Hiero the Syracusan with such celerity that he himself confessed himself conquered before he saw the enemy. 164 With Duillius and Cornelius as consuls, he even dared to engage at sea. Then indeed the very speed of the mustered fleet was a presage of victory.
For within the sixtieth day after the forest had been felled, a fleet of one hundred sixty ships stood at anchor, so that they seemed not made by art, but by a certain gift of the gods—trees converted into ships and transformed. The shape of the battle was marvelous indeed, since these heavy and slow ships were grasping those swift and winged vessels of the enemy. Far from them were the nautical arts: to twist aside the oars and to make sport of the rams by flight.
For iron "hands" were cast aboard and stout machines, which before the contest had been much derided by the enemy, and the foes were forced to decide the issue as if on solid ground. 165 Therefore, victorious at the Liparae (the Lipari Islands), with the enemy’s fleet sunk or put to flight, he conducted that first maritime triumph. And what joy was there of this, when Duellius the commander, not content with a one-day triumph, for his whole life, whenever he returned from dinner, ordered torches to shine before him and pipes to play before him, as if he were triumphing every day.
In comparison with so great a victory, the loss of this battle was light: the other of the consuls, Cornelius Asina, was intercepted—having been called out on a feigned conference and so overpowered—and was a proof of Punic perfidy. 166 With Calatinus as dictator, he stripped almost all the garrisons of the Carthaginians from Agrigentum, Drepanum, Panormus, Eryx, and Lilybaeum. There was panic once around the pass of the Camerinians; but by the outstanding valor of Calpurnius Flamma, a military tribune, we escaped.
Who, with a picked band of three hundred, seized a hill occupied by the enemies and thus delayed the foes while the whole army got away: and so, by a most beautiful end, he equaled the fame of Thermopylae and Leonidas—ours the more illustrious in this, that he survived so great an expedition and did not inscribe anything with blood. 167 Under Lucius Cornelius Scipio, when already Sicily was a suburban province of the Roman people, the war creeping more widely, he crossed over to Olbia, to Sardinia, and to Corsica annexed to it. There, by the destruction of the city Ateria, he terrified the inhabitants, and to such a degree did he purge the Poeni (the Carthaginians) from every land and sea, that now for victory nothing remained except Africa itself.
168 with Marcus Atilius Regulus as leader, the war was now sailing to Africa. Nor were there lacking those who, at the very name and terror of the Punic sea, lost heart: moreover, as Natio the tribune was augmenting the fear, the general, with the axe drawn over him unless he obeyed, fashioned boldness for sailing by the fear of death. Soon thereafter success was had by winds and oars, and so great was the terror of the enemy’s arrival for the Punics that Carthage would be taken with its gates almost open.
169 The first proem of the war was the city Clypea: for it projects first from the Punic shore as if a citadel and a spectacle. Both this and more than three hundred forts were laid waste. Nor was it fought with men, but with monsters too, when a serpent of wondrous magnitude, as though born for the vengeance of Africa, harassed the camp pitched near Bracada.
170 But Regulus, victor over all, when he had borne around the terror of his name far and wide, and when he had either captured a great force of youth and the leaders themselves or was holding them in chains, and had sent ahead to the city a fleet laden with immense booty and heavy with triumph, was now pressing Carthage itself, the head of the war, with a siege, and was clinging to the very gates. 171 Here fortune was turned a little, only so that there might be more insignia of Roman virtue, whose magnitude is almost approved by calamities. For when the enemies, turning to foreign auxiliaries, and Lacedaemon had sent to them Xanthippus as leader, Regulus was defeated by a man most expert in soldiery, and there was a foul disaster, unknown in experience to the Romans: for the bravest commander came alive into the hands of the enemies.
172 Yet he was indeed equal to so great a calamity, for neither was he broken by the Punic prison nor by the embassy he undertook: for, contrary to what the enemy had enjoined, he judged that neither peace should be made nor the exchange of captives accepted. Nor was his majesty disfigured either by that voluntary return to his enemies or by the ultimate, whether prison or punishment. Nay rather, by all this the more admirable, what else than that he triumphed as a victor over victors and even—since Carthage had not yielded—over Fortune?
The Roman people, however, were much fiercer and more intent for the avenging of Regulus than for victory. 173 Therefore, under the consulship of Metellus, with the Carthaginians conspiring more closely and the war returned into Sicily, at Panormus the Roman army struck down the enemy, so that they no longer thought to attack that island further. A huge proof of the victory was the capture of about a hundred elephants.
Thus also he carried off great spoils, as if he had captured that herd not by war, but by a hunt. 174 Appius Claudius the consul was overcome not by the enemies but by the gods themselves, whose auspices he had contemned, his fleet being sunk there immediately where he had ordered the sacred chicks to be thrown headlong, because he was forbidden by them to fight. 175 Marcus Fabius Buteo struck down the fleet of the enemy, already in the African sea near Aegimurum, sailing of its own accord toward Italy.
And how great a triumph then was cut off by the tempest, when the fleet, driven by adverse winds, by its own shipwreck filled Africa and the Syrtes, the shores of the dominions of all nations and of islands, with opulent booty. A great disaster, but not without some dignity of the foremost people, that a victory intercepted by the tempest and a triumph should have perished by shipwreck. And yet, when the Punic spoils were floating along all promontories and islands, the Roman people even so triumphed.
176 With Lutatius Catulus as consul, at last an end was imposed on the war near the islands whose name is Aecatae: nor was there at any other time a greater battle on the sea: for there was present a heavy fleet, burdened with supplies, troops, bulwarks, and arms, and in it, as it were, all Carthage— which very thing was its ruin. The Roman fleet was prompt, light, unencumbered, and in a certain camp-like fashion, in the likeness of an equestrian battle, was driven by oars as if by reeds, and its mobile rostra, for blows upon these or those, presented the appearance of living things. And so, in a moment of time, the enemy’s rafts, torn to pieces, covered the whole sea between Sicily and Sardinia with their own shipwreck.
177 Peracto si quidem Punico et nec dum quantulum respirato sequitur Liguricum. Nam Ligures hi imis Alpium iugis adhaerentes inter Varum Magramque amnem implicitos dumis silvestribus victitabant, quos pene maius fuit invenire quam vincere. Tuti si quidem locis et fuga durum atque velox genus ex occasione latrocinia magis quam bella faciebant.
177 With the Punic [war] indeed completed, and not yet with even a small breathing-space, there follows the Ligurian [war]. For the Ligurians, clinging to the lowest ridges of the Alps, between the Var and the Magra river, lived entangled in woodland brambles—men whom it was almost a greater task to find than to conquer. Secure, to be sure, by their locales, and in flight a tough and swift race, they practiced brigandage rather than formal wars as occasion offered.
Therefore, since for a long time and much the Decilates, the Oxuvii, the Buriates, and the Ingauni eluded by the woodland and paths, at length Fulvius hedged in their hiding-places with fire, Bebius indeed led them down into the plains, and Postumius so disarmed them that he scarcely left iron with which the earth might be cultivated.
178 Post quos mox Galli. Insubribus et his Alpium incolis animi ferarum, corpora plus quam humana erant, sed experimento depraehensum est. Quippe virtus eorum sicut primo impetu maior quam virorum est, ita sequens minor quam feminarum.
178 After whom, soon, the Gauls. Among the Insubres and these inhabitants of the Alps there were minds of wild beasts, bodies more-than-human; but it was apprehended by experience. For indeed their valor, just as at the first impetus is greater than that of men, so in what follows is less than that of women.
Alpine bodies, reared under a humid sky, have something akin to their own snows: as soon as they grow warm with battle, straightway they go into sweat and, with slight motion, are as if relaxed by the sun. 179 These men often, and at other times as well, and with Brittomarus as leader, had sworn that they would not lay down their belts before they had ascended the Capitol. But it came to pass; and Emilius, with them conquered, unbelted them on the Capitol.
And because their leader had devoted to his own Mars, as plunder from a Roman soldier, a golden torque, Jupiter intercepted the vow, and from the torques of that Ariobistus himself and of the rest of the Gauls Flaminius set up a golden trophy to Jupiter. Their king too, Viridomarus, had promised Roman arms to Vulcan: the vows fell otherwise. For with him slain, Marcellus, third after Father Romulus, hung up the spolia opima to Jupiter Feretrius.
180 Illyres autem, id est Veneti, seu Liburnes sub extremis Alpium radicibus agunt inter Arsiam Titulumque flumen longissimae per totum Adriani maris litus effusi. Hi regnante Teutana muliere populationibus non contenti licentiae scelus addiderunt. Legatos quippe Romanos, ob ea quae deliquerant iure agentes, ne gladio quidem, sed ut victimas securi percutiunt, praefectos navium igni conburunt idque quo indignius foret, mulier imperavit.
180 The Illyrians, that is, the Veneti, or the Liburnians, dwell under the farthest roots of the Alps between the rivers Arsia and Titulus, spread out in a very great length along the whole shore of the Adriatic Sea. These, with the woman Teutana ruling, not content with depredations, added the crime of license. For they strike the Roman legates—who were acting according to law concerning the things they had delinquently done—not even with the sword, but, like victims, with the axe; they burn the prefects of ships with fire; and, that it might be the more outrageous, a woman commanded it.
181 Post primum autem Punicum bellum vix quadriennium requies: ecce alterum bellum, minus quidem spatio — nec enim amplius xviii annos tenens — sed adeo cladium atrocitate terribilis, ut si quis conferat damna utriusque populi, similior victo sit populus ille qui vicit. Vrebat nobilem populum mare ablatum, raptae insulae, dare tributa quae iubere consueverat. Hinc ultionem puer Annibal ad aram patris iuraverat, nec morabatur.
181 After the First Punic War, scarcely a four-year respite: behold the second war, less indeed in duration — for it lasted no more than 18 years — but so terrible in the atrocity of its slaughters, that, if anyone should compare the losses of both peoples, that people which conquered would be more like the conquered. The noble people burned: the sea removed, the islands snatched away, and to pay tributes which it had been accustomed to order. Hence the boy Hannibal had sworn vengeance at his father’s altar, and he did not delay.
182 Therefore Saguntum was chosen as the casus belli, as it were a city of Spain and wealthy, and a great indeed, but sad monument of loyalty toward the Romans. This city, admitted into liberty by a common treaty, Hannibal, seeking pretexts for new commotions, overthrew by both his own hands and those of his men, so that, the treaty broken, he might open Italy to himself. The Romans have the highest religion of treaties: therefore, at the hearing of the siege of an allied city, mindful of the treaty struck with the Carthaginians as well, they do not immediately run to arms, while they prefer first that inquiry be made in lawful fashion.
Meanwhile, already for nine months worn out by hunger, by machines, by iron, their loyalty at length turned into rabies, they raise a monstrous pyre in the forum; then from above they, themselves and their own, with all their wealth, they destroy by sword and fire. 183 Hannibal, the author of so great a calamity, is demanded. With the Carthaginians prevaricating, the leader of the legation: 'what', he said, 'is the delay?' Fabius: 'in this bosom of mine I carry war and peace; which have you chosen?' With them shouting 'war'; 'war then', he said, 'receive.' And, shaking out in the middle of the curia the lap of his toga, not without a shudder, as if plainly he were carrying war in his bosom, he poured it out.
184 The outcome of the war was similar to its beginnings. For as if the final dire dooms of the Saguntines had prescribed these funeral offerings for themselves in that public parricide and conflagration, thus parentation was rendered to their shades by the devastation of Italy, the captivity of Africa, and the destruction of the leaders and kings who waged that war. Therefore, when once that grievous and mournful force and tempest of the Punic war moved itself into Spain, and in the Saguntine fire forged the thunderbolt long since destined for the Romans, at once, swept along by a certain impetus, it broke through the midst of the Alps and descended into Italy from those snows of fabulous altitude, as if sent from heaven.
185 And the whirlwind of the first impetus between the Padus and the Ticinus detonated at once with a strong crash. Then, with Scipio as leader, the army was routed; the commander himself, wounded, would even have come into the hands of the enemies, had not his quite-young son, still in the purple-bordered toga (praetextatus), snatched his father, whom he was shielding, from death itself. This will be Scipio, who grows for the ruin of Africa, destined to have a name from its misfortunes.
186 To the Ticinus the Trebia succeeds. Here the second tempest of the Punic war raged out upon the consul Sempronius. Then the most crafty enemies, having gotten a cold and snowy day, after they had first fomented themselves by fires, and also by oil — horrible to say — men coming from the south and from the sun overcame us by our own winter.
187 Lake Trasimene was the third thunderbolt of Hannibal, with Flaminius as commander. A new art of Punic fraud: indeed the cavalry, covered by the lake’s fog and marshy thickets, suddenly attacked the backs of the combatants. Nor can we complain of the gods: the swarms settling on the standards and the eagles unwilling to go forth had foretold the disaster impending over the temerarious leader; and an earth-tremor followed when the battle was committed—unless that dread was produced solely by the scurrying of horsemen and men and by arms brandished too vehemently.
188 The fourth, that is, almost the last wound of the empire, was Cannae, an ignoble village of Apulia, but by the magnitude of the calamity it emerged, and a nobility was obtained by the slaughter of sixty thousand. There, for the destruction of the unlucky army, leader, earth, heaven, day—the whole nature of things—conspired. For indeed Hannibal, not content with simulated deserters, who soon cut down the backs of those fighting, in addition, the crafty commander, in the open plains, having observed the genius of the place—that both the sun there was most fierce, and the dust very abundant, and the Eurus from the east always, as if by appointment—so drew up the battle-line that, with the Romans turned to face all these, holding the sky as favorable he fought with the wind, the dust, and the sun.
Accordingly two very great armies were cut down to the enemies’ satiety, until Hannibal said to his soldiers, ‘spare the iron’. 189 Of the commanders, one fled, the other was slain—doubtful which with the greater spirit: Paulus was ashamed, Varro did not despair. Proofs of the disaster: the Aufidus bloody for some time; a bridge of corpses, by the general’s order, made in the torrent Vergellus; two modii of rings sent to Carthage and the equestrian dignity assessed by a measure. 190 Then there will be no doubt that Rome would have had that as her last day, and that Hannibal could have banqueted on the Capitol within the fifth day—just as they report that that Punic man, Maharbal, said to Bomilcar—if Hannibal, in the way he knew how to conquer, had likewise known how to use the victory.
But then indeed, as it is commonly said, either the fate of the city destined to rule, or his own evil mind and the gods turned away from Carthage, carried him off in a different direction. 191 When he could have made use of the victory, he preferred to enjoy it, and with Rome left behind he proceeded to Campania and Tarentum, where soon both he himself and the ardor of his army languished, to such a degree that it has truly been said that Capua was for Hannibal a Cannae. Since indeed—who would believe it?—unconquered by the Alps and untamed by arms, he was subdued by the Campanian suns and the tepid springs of Baiae.
The treasury was ailing: the senate gladly brought its resources into the common stock, and they left to themselves no gold except what was in their bullae and individual rings. The equestrian order followed the example, and the tribes imitated the equestrian order; finally, the tablets scarcely sufficed, the hands of the scribes scarcely sufficed, with Leuinus and Marcellus as consuls, when the wealth of private citizens was being brought into the public. 193 But what then?
In electing the magistracies—what wisdom of the centuries—when the juniors sought counsel from the seniors about creating consuls? Indeed, against an enemy so often the victor, so cunning, it was necessary to fight not by virtue only, but also with his own counsels; the first hope of the returning and, so to speak, reviving imperium was Fabius, 194 who devised a new victory over Hannibal: not to fight. Hence for him the new cognomen, salutary to the Republic, “Cunctator”; hence that saying from the people, that he was called the shield of the imperium.
Therefore through all of Samnium, through the Falernian and Gauran passes, he so macerated Hannibal that, since he could not be broken by virtue, he was diminished by delay. 195 Then, with Claudius Marcellus as leader, he even dared to engage, came to close quarters and drove him within our Campania, and shut him out from the siege of the city of Nola. He also dared, with Sempronius Gracchus as leader, to follow through Lucania and to press the rear of the slayer, although then—O shame—he fought with a servile army (for to this point so many evils had compelled them); but, endowed with liberty, they made from servitude Romans.
O horrible confidence in so many adversities, O singular mind and spirit of the Roman people. So straitened and afflicted were affairs, that he ought to have doubted about his own Italy; yet he dared to look in different directions, and while the enemy was flitting at his throat through Campania and Apulia and was already making Africa out of the middle of Italy, at the same time he both sustained him and was sending arms into Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, distributed throughout the orb of lands. 196 Sicily was entrusted to Marcellus.
Nor did it hold out long: for the whole island was overcome in one city. That great and, before that time, unconquered capital, Syracuse—although they were defended by the genius of Archimedes—at last yielded. Far from helping them were the triple wall and just so many citadels, that marble harbor and the celebrated fountain of Arethusa, except in this, that they thus far profited—to the extent that the beauty of the conquered city was spared.
197 Gracchus seized upon Sardinia. Neither the ferocity of the nations nor the monstrousness of the mountains of the “Insani” — for so they are called — availed anything against him. Savagery was wrought upon the cities and upon the city of cities, Caralis, so that the contumacious people, cheap in the matter of death, might at least be tamed by desire for their native soil.
198 In truth, sent into Spain, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio almost snatched the whole province from the Punics. But, overwhelmed by the ambushes of Punic fraud, they had lost it again—though in great battles they had cut down the Punic powers. Yet the ambushes of Punic fraud crushed the one by the sword while he was marking out the camp, the other, when he had escaped into a tower, they surrounded with torches and overwhelmed.
Therefore, sent with an army to avenge his father and uncle, Scipio—to whom the fates had already decreed a great name from Africa—recovered that warlike Spain, noble in men and arms, that seedbed of the hostile army, that instructress already of Hannibal—incredible to say—the whole from the Pyrenaean mountains to the Pillars of Hercules, to the Ocean. You would not know whether more quickly or more fortunately. How swiftly, four years confess; how easily, even a single civitas proves: on the very day on which it was besieged, on that same day it was taken; and it was an omen of the African victory, that Spain’s Carthage was so easily conquered.
199 It is certain, however, that for subduing the province the singular sanctity of the leader most greatly profited, inasmuch as he would restore captive boys and girls of exceptional beauty to the barbarians, not even allowing them to be led into his sight, lest he should seem to have tasted, even with his eyes, anything of the integrity of their virginity. 200 Such things the Roman people did in the diverse regions of the earth. Yet not even for that could they remove Hannibal, clinging to the very vitals of Italy.
Most had defected to the enemy, and the most ardent leader against the Romans was employing Italian forces as well. Yet by now the Romans had shaken him out of most towns and regions. By now they had recovered Tarentum; and now Capua too—the seat, home, and second fatherland of Hannibal—was held, the loss of which gave the Punic leader such pain that from there he turned all his forces upon Rome.
201 O people worthy of the empire of the world and worthy of the favor and admiration of all men and gods! Compelled to the utmost fears, they did not desist from their undertaking; and, though anxious for their own city, nevertheless they did not neglect Capua, but, with part of the army left under the consul Appius, and part having followed Flaccus in the city, they fought absent and present at the same time. 202 Why, then, do we marvel that, as Hannibal was moving his camp from the third milestone, the very gods again stood against him?
For so great a force of rains was poured forth at each of his movements, so great a violence of winds arose, that it seemed the enemy was being removed by divine agency not from the sky, but from the very walls of the city and from the Capitol. And so he fled and yielded and withdrew himself into the farthest recess of Italy, though he had left so great a city not assailed. 203 Indeed from Spain Hasdrubal, Hannibal’s brother, was coming with a new army, new forces, a new mass of war.
It would, beyond doubt, have been all over, if that man had joined himself with his brother. But him too—only just descended from the Alps and pitching camp by the Metaurus—Claudius Nero, with Livius Salinator, utterly defeats. Nero had driven Hannibal back into the farthest angle of Italy; Livius had turned the standards to a completely opposite quarter, that is, into the very jaws, the passes, of a nascent Italy.
204 At such a distance—namely, with all the land intervening where Italy is longest—by what plan, with what speed the consuls joined their camps and overwhelmed the unsuspecting enemy, with standards brought together, and that Hannibal did not perceive this being done, is difficult to say. Certainly, when the matter was learned and Hannibal saw his brother’s head cast before his own camp, 'I recognize,' he said, 'the ill-fortune of Carthage.' This was that man’s first confession, not without a certain presage of the impending fate. 205 Already it was certain, even by his own confession, that Hannibal could be conquered.
But, full of confidence from so many prosperous things, the Roman People considered it a great thing to bring the most harsh enemy to decisive defeat in his own Africa. Therefore, with Scipio as leader, having turned with his whole might into Africa itself, he began to imitate Hannibal and to vindicate upon Africa the disasters of his own Italy. Which he—good gods!
Finally, now he was shaking by siege not from the third milestone, but the very gates of Carthage. 206 Thus it came to pass that he wrenched Hannibal, clinging to and brooding over Italy, away. There was no greater day under the Roman imperium than that, when the two greatest generals of all generals, both before and after—one, victor of Italy; the other, victor of Spain—with standards brought together at close quarters, drew up the battle line.
But there was also a colloquy between them about the terms of peace. They stood for a long time, fixed in mutual admiration: but when indeed they did not come to an agreement about peace, the signals sounded. 207 It stands, by the confession of each, that neither could the battle-line have been arrayed better nor could the fighting have been carried on more fiercely.
208 Post Africam iam vinci neminem puduit, sed aequo iure ubique subactae. Primum igitur Levino consule populus Romanus Ionium mare ingressus tota Greciae litora velut triumphanti classe peragravit. Spolia quippe Siciliae Sardiniae Africae preferebat et manifestam victoriam, quam nata in praetoria puppi laurus pollicebatur.
208 After Africa, now it shamed no one to be conquered, but everywhere they were subdued under equal law. First, therefore, under the consulship of Levinus, the Roman people, having entered the Ionian Sea, traversed all the shores of Greece with a fleet as if triumphing. For indeed it was bearing before it the spoils of Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, and a manifest victory, which the laurel grown on the flagship’s stern was promising.
Attalus, king of the Pergamenians, was present of his own accord for aid, and the Rhodians too, a nautical people, were present, by whom from the sea, the consul from the land, was shaking everything with horses and men. 209 Twice defeated, twice routed the king of the Macedonians, twice stripped of his camps, since yet nothing was more terrible to the Macedonians than the very sight of the wounds, which were opening not by darts nor by arrows nor by any Greekling steel, but, driven in by huge pila and by swords no smaller, were gaping beyond death. Indeed truly, with Flamminius as leader the Roman people penetrated the previously pathless mountains of the Chaones and the river Sau, running through precipitous places, to the very barriers of Macedonia.
210 In Numidia tunc amici populi Romani regnabant. Sed Iugurtha contra se bellum movit Romanorum propter necem Aterbalae et Empsalae Mecipsae liberos expugnataque est primum a Metello consule, dehinc a Mario domita. Mauretaniam vero Buccho rex tuebatur.
210 In Numidia at that time the friends of the Roman people were reigning. But Iugurtha, on account of the slaying of Aterbal and Empsal, the sons of Mecipsa, set in motion against himself a war of the Romans; and Numidia was first taken by storm by the consul Metellus, then subdued by Marius. Mauretania, for its part, was being protected by King Buccho.
211 But when the subjection of all the Moors was accomplished, King Juba—whatever had been the occasion of the battle—soon perceived himself overcome; having drained poison, he expired, and all Mauretania was subjugated by the Romans. For Tripolis and both the Mauretaniae, Sitifensis and Caesariensis, similarly, to Roman jurisdiction, moved by fear at the fate of the others, of their own accord subjected themselves.
212 Spanias quamvis, ut superius diximus, Saguntina cladis ab amicitiis Romanorum segregasset, Scipio tamen eos tam gratia quam virtute rursus Romanis coniuncxit rursusque resistentibus Sylla consul sedavit. Celtiberes similiter cum Numantinis adversus Romanos insurgentes Scipio iunior sedavit, conpescuit atque pene subvertit. 213 Cantabri et Astures confisi montium suorum munimine dum resistere moliuntur, plenissime demoliti sunt et in provinciam redacti, Tarraconenses Lysitani Gallicii Chartaginisii et Seticaniae contra promuntorium Africae sitae omnes uno pene proelio superatae et in provincias Romanas descriptae sunt.
212 Although the Spains, as we said above, the Saguntine calamity had segregated from the amity of the Romans, Scipio nevertheless conjoined them again to the Romans both by grace and by virtue, and when they again resisted the consul Sulla soothed them. Similarly the Celtiberians together with the Numantines, rising up against the Romans, Scipio the Younger soothed, repressed, and almost overthrew. 213 The Cantabri and Astures, trusting in the bulwark of their mountains, while they try to resist, were most fully demolished and reduced into a province, the Tarraconenses Lusitani Gallaecians Carthaginians and the Seticani, situated opposite the promontory of Africa, all were overcome in almost a single battle and were enrolled into Roman provinces.
214 Epyrotae, qui Inlyrico, quamvis cum Pyrrho rege suo contra Italiam conspirassent, tamen primum pace molliti, secundo et tertio rebellantes cum Achivis et Thessaliis edomiti Romano iugo subacti sunt. 215 Macedonia namque primum sub Philippum, deinde sub Perseo, tertio sub Pseudophilippo arma contra se provocavit Romana, oppressaque primo a Flamminio consule, secundo a Paulo, tertio a Metello superata colla submisit Romanaque provincia facta. 216 Illyriam autem Gentione suo rege Macedonibus auxiliantibus vicit Romanorum Lucius praetor et in provinciam redegit.
214 The Epirotes, who in Illyricum, although they had conspired with their king Pyrrhus against Italy, yet first were softened by peace; and rebelling a second and a third time with the Achaeans and Thessalians, they were tamed and subjected under the Roman yoke. 215 For Macedonia, first under Philip, then under Perseus, third under Pseudo-Philip, provoked the Roman arms against herself, and, crushed first by the consul Flaminius, second by Paulus, third by Metellus, after being overcome lowered her neck and was made a Roman province. 216 However, Illyria, with its king Gentius and the Macedonians giving aid, was conquered by Lucius, a praetor of the Romans, and reduced into a province.
Curio, first as proconsul, subdued the Dardanians and Mysians, and he, first of all the Romans, advanced as far as the river Danube and devastated all its locales. The same Lucius, overcoming the king of the Pannonians in combat, reduced both Pannonias into a province. But the Amantini, who are seated between the rivers Savus and Dravus, their king having been slain, on that occasion he made into a Roman province itself.
217 Marcomanni namque et Quadi in illa Valeria, que inter Draum Danubiumque interiacet, ab eodem tunc ductore oppressi finesque inter Romanos et barbaros Augustas Vindicas per Noricum Moesiamque dispositae. Daces autem post haec iam sub imperio suo Traianus, Decebalo eorum rege devicto, in terras ultra Danubium, quae habent mille milia spatia, in provinciam redegit. Sed Gallienus eos dum regnaret amisit Aurelianusque imperator evocatis exinde legionibus in Mysia conlocavit ibique aliquam partem Daciam mediterraneam Daciamque ripensem constituit et Dardaniam iunxit.
217 For the Marcomanni and the Quadi in that Valeria, which lies between the Dravus and the Danube, were at that time crushed by the same leader, and the boundaries between Romans and barbarians were arranged at Augusta Vindelicum through Noricum and Moesia. But afterward Trajan, with Decebalus their king defeated, brought the Dacians, now under his own imperium, into a province in the lands beyond the Danube, which have a stretch of 1,000 miles. But Gallienus, while he reigned, lost them; and Emperor Aurelian, having called the legions out from there, stationed them in Moesia, and there he established a certain part, Dacia Mediterranea and Dacia Ripensis, and he joined Dardania.
218 Illyricum, however, all conquered in its parts and members, has nevertheless been fitted to one body, which has within itself 18 provinces, and they are the two Norici, the two Pannonias, Valeria, Suavia, Dalmatia, Upper Moesia, Dardania, the two Dacias, Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, the two Epiri, Praevales, Crete—18 in all.
219 Thracias autem non aliter nisi occasio Macedonici belli fecit adgredere. Diri namque homines omniumque gentium ferocissimi sunt Thraces, quorum saevitiam pariter habent et Scordisci et Emimontii Asticique, ob quorum immanitatem Romani multa et gravia pertulerunt, crebrisque certatibus exercitus caesus. Ad postremum a Marco Didio et ipsi subacti, et loca eorum in provinciam redacta, iugum excepit Romanum.
219 But the Thracians were not approached except when the occasion of the Macedonian war made it so. For the Thracians are dire men, the most ferocious of all nations, whose savagery the Scordisci and the Emimontii and the Astici likewise possess; on account of whose enormity the Romans endured many and grave hardships, and in frequent encounters the army was cut down. At last they too were subdued by Marcus Didius, and their places were reduced into a province; it accepted the Roman yoke.
220 For Marcus Drusus crushed them within, in their mountains, Minucius on their Hebrus river extinguished many of them and prevailed. The Rhodopaeans were defeated by Appius Claudius, and the maritime cities of Europe, which had formerly been Roman and afterward had rebelled, Marcus Lucullus subjugated to the Romans: 221 since indeed, first in Thrace fighting against the Bessi, he defeated those who were preeminent in fortitude and fame, and, warring down the Emimontii, he brought Pulpudeva, which is now Philippopolis, and Vscudama, which they call Adrianopolis, back into the dominion of the Romans. And similarly, taking also the cities that adhered to the Pontic littoral, that is Apollonia, Galato, Parthenopolis, Thomos, Istro, and subjecting all places up to the Danube, he showed to the Scythians the virtue of the Romans.
222 Hactenus ad partes occiduas: nunc que in Eoa plaga acta sunt percurramus. Primum quidem in Asia locum Romani hereditario iure invenerunt. Nam Attalus rex amicissimus populi Romani humanis rebus excedens per testamentum suum Romanos suo in regno heredes constituit: quam pene non ante Romanus populus adiit, nisi et suo labore vicina loca cepisset, id est Lydia Caria Ellispontu utrasque Frigias.
222 Thus far as to the occidental parts: now let us run through the things that were done in the Eoan quarter. First indeed, in Asia the Romans found a position by hereditary right. For Attalus, a king most friendly to the Roman people, departing from human affairs, by his testament appointed the Romans heirs in his own kingdom: which the Roman people had scarcely approached before, unless also by their own labor they had seized the neighboring places, that is Lydia, Caria, the Hellespont, and both Phrygias.
223 For Rhodes, a most-renowned island and the metropolis of all the Atria’s islands, together with almost all the Cyclades, fearing Roman arms, had long since joined itself as federate to that people and was granting succors in naval war. With them Servilius, dispatched as proconsul, as it were in a piratical war, nevertheless secured Pamphylia, conquered Lycia and Pisidia, and made them a province. Bithynia indeed King Nicomedes, dying, left to the Romans by testamentary voice.
224 Gallogreciam autem, id est Galatiam, Syriaci belli ruina convoluit. Fuit namque inter auxilia regis Anthiochi: an fuisse cupidus triumphi Manlius Visus simulaverit, dubium est. Duobus itaque proeliis fusi fugatique sunt, quamvis sub adventu ostis relictis sedibus in altissimos se montes recepissent.
224 But Gallo-Greece, that is Galatia, the crash of the Syrian war engulfed. For it was among the auxiliaries of King Antiochus; whether Manlius Visus, desirous of a triumph, pretended that it had been so, is doubtful. Therefore in two battles they were routed and put to flight, although at the advent of the foe, with their seats abandoned, they had withdrawn into the most lofty mountains.
The Coloscobegi had occupied Olympus, the Tectosages Magaba. On both sides, brought down by slings and arrows, they surrendered themselves into perpetual peace: but, once bound, they proved a certain marvel, in that they tried the chains with bites and the mouth, and offered their throats in turn to be throttled. For the wife of Orgiacontes, having suffered rape by a centurion, by a memorable example escaped custody and carried back to her husband the wrenched-off head of the adulterous enemy.
225 The senate indeed appointed Deiotarus, its friend, over Galatia. But after these things Caesar reduced them and made them into provinces. The Cappadocians also, established under King Epafras, first through their own legates sought the amity of the Romans; then, when King Acuriobarzanes succeeded and had been expelled by Mithridates, they of their own accord surrendered themselves to Roman servitude, and they appellated their great city Mazaca “Caesarea” in honor of Caesar.
After these things, again under the emperor Claudius, their king Archelaus, coming to Rome as if a friend of the Roman people and passing away there, by a testamentary voice bequeathed Cappadocia to the Romans, and thus now afresh it was made into a province. 226 Pontus, conquered by Pompey together with its king Mithridates, was likewise made a province. Pylaemenes, king of Paphlagonia, a friend of the Roman people, while he was being troubled by many, sought the aid of the Romans.
227 Hactenus intra Taurum: nunc ulterius transgrediamur et quae patriae aut quibus subiugantibus populo Romano coniunctae sint, memorabimus. Anthiocus Syriae fortissimus rex magnum apparatum belli contra populum Romanum commovit. xxx milia si quidem armatorum currusque falcatos quam plures, elefantos innumeros turritos et ad instar murale in acie ordine sitos.
227 Thus far within the Taurus: now let us cross farther and we shall recount which countries, and under which subjugators, were joined to the Roman people. Antiochus, the most valiant king of Syria, stirred up a great preparation of war against the Roman people. 30 thousand indeed of armed men, and very many scythed chariots, elephants without number turreted and, in the likeness of a wall, set in order in the battle line.
Scipio, brother of Scipio Africanus, met him in Asia at the city of Magnesia; and when battle had been joined, Antiochus was vanquished, and, a pact having been struck with the Romans, he departed from Asia and was permitted by the Senate’s counsel to reign beyond the Taurus; and his sons, having been brought to Rome as hostages, the Senate allowed to reign in their native place after their father’s death. 228 The Cilicians together with the Isaurians, having turned pirates and often arousing brigandage on the great sea, were defeated and prostrated by the proconsul Servilius. This Servilius also, first of the Romans, made the ridge of the Taurus passable, and, triumphing over their spoils, was called Isauricus and Cilicus.
229 Cyprum Cato classe navigera directus invasit. Negantibus Cypriis habere se aliquid magnas illis opes repperit proscriptionibusque multavit. Quod non ferens Gnosius rex eorum veneno hausto semet occidit et sic Cyprus Romana facta provincia.
229 Cato, dispatched with a naval fleet, invaded Cyprus. While the Cypriots denied that they had anything, he found great riches among them and punished them with proscriptions. Not bearing this, the Gnosian king of theirs, having drunk poison, killed himself, and thus Cyprus was made a Roman province.
Libya, that is, the Pentapolis, though in its entirety granted by that first Ptolemy to the Romans under liberty, nevertheless, with some resisting, thereafter by Apion’s counsel (i.e., will) was subjected to the Roman people. All Egypt was possessed by the friends of the Romans, that is, the Lagids, through the Ptolemies. After these things Cleopatra and Antony, vindicating a claim by their own right, lose both themselves and those very holdings.
230 Montes vero Armeniae primum per Lucullum Romana arma viderunt, per quem et in Hosroine Saracinorum filarchi devicti Romanis se dediderunt. Mesopotamiamque idem ipse, Nitzebem quoque urbem invasit. Post quem Pompeius eadem loca ingrediens Romano confirmavit imperio.
230 But the mountains of Armenia first saw Roman arms through Lucullus, through whom also in Osroene the phylarchs of the Saracens, once defeated, surrendered themselves to the Romans. And the same man invaded Mesopotamia and the city of Nisibis as well. After him Pompey, entering the same places, confirmed them under Roman imperium.
232 Babylonii autem crebro concertantes sepenumero victi, numquam tamen ad integrum domiti sunt. Quos tamen primum Lucius Sylla proconsul sub Arsacem eorum regem devicit ab eoque rogatus per legatos pacem concessit. Secundo dum Lucius Lucullus a Pontico regno Tigranem Armeniae regem cum decem et octo milibus superatum expelleret, omnemque Armeniam invasam ad Mesopotamiam venit, ibi Nitziben cum fratre regis Parthorum cepit, aequa sorte Persidam cupiens devastare, nisi Pompeius a senatu directus ei advenisset successor.
232 The Babylonians, however, frequently contending and many times defeated, were never yet subdued to the full. Them, nevertheless, Lucius Sulla, proconsul, first defeated while Arsaces, their king, was in power, and, having been asked by him through envoys, he granted peace. Secondly, when Lucius Lucullus from the Pontic kingdom was driving into exile Tigranes, king of Armenia, defeated with eighteen thousand, and, with all Armenia overrun, came to Mesopotamia, there he took Nisibis together with the brother of the king of the Parthians, wishing to devastate Persia in equal turn, had not Pompey, dispatched by the senate, arrived to him as successor.
233 Here indeed Pompey, coming immediately, soon, in a nocturnal battle in Lesser Armenia, charging upon Mithridates and throwing down 42 thousand of his men-at-arms, set the camp ablaze. Whence Mithridates, fleeing with his wife and two bodyguards, came to the Bosporus, and, held fast by excessive desperation, took poison. But since not even thus did death approach him, he asked the other of the two bodyguards.
to kill himself. 234 Pompey, however, while pursuing the king of Greater Armenia, as to why he had furnished aid to Tigranes against the Romans, he in the city of Artaxata, laying down his royal power, of his own accord proffered his diadem to Pompey; but Pompey, led by piety, in turn granted him to reign over Greater Armenia, taking away from him Mesopotamia and Syria and the part of Phoenicia together with Armenia. For over the Bosporans and the Colchians Pompey appointed Aristarchus as king, and, pursuing the Albanians, he for the third time overcame their king Orodes.
236 His et aliis rebus in Syria bene gestis unius foedavit avaritia. Nam Crassus consul, dum Parthico inhiat auro, undecim legiones pene cum suo capite amisit. Cuius conspectu et filius hostilibus telis effossus et ipse peremptus caputque eius praecisum cum dextera manu ad regem reportatum ludibrium fuit neque indigno: aurum enim liquidum in rictum oris infusum est, ut cuius animus arserat auri cupiditate, eius etiam mortuum et exsangue corpus auro ureretur.
236 With these and other affairs in Syria well accomplished, the avarice of one man defiled them. For Crassus the consul, while he gaped after Parthian gold, almost lost eleven legions together with his own head. Before his very eyes his son, pierced through by hostile missiles, was slain, and he himself was killed; and his head, cut off along with his right hand and carried back to the king, was made a mockery—and not undeservedly: for liquid gold was poured into the gape of his mouth, so that he whose spirit had burned with cupidity for gold, his body also, dead and bloodless, might be seared by gold.
237 Hac ergo clade Parthi altius animos elevantes per Pacorum ducem Syriam invadunt ducemque Labinium, quem dudum ceperant, exercitui praeponentes contra socios, id est Romanos in proelio dirigunt. Sed Ventidius Bassus Persas sub utroque duce Syriam populantes superatos effugat Labiniumque interfecit, Pacorum vero regium iuvenem telis undique circumseptum extinxit moxque caput eius dempto et circumlato per urbes que disciverant Syriam sine bello recepit. Sic Crassianam cladem Ventidius Pacori caput Labiniique morte pensavit.
237 Therefore, by this disaster the Parthians, lifting their spirits higher, invade Syria under the leader Pacorus, and, appointing as general Labinius—whom they had previously taken—array him against their allies, that is, the Romans, in battle. But Ventidius Bassus, after defeating the Persians who were ravaging Syria under both leaders, put them to flight, and killed Labinius; and Pacorus, a royal youth, surrounded with missiles on every side, he extinguished; and soon, his head having been removed and carried around through the cities which had seceded, he recovered Syria without war. Thus Ventidius balanced the disaster of Crassus with Pacorus’s head and the death of Labinius.
238 Not even thus was the Roman people content to forget the Crassian demise, but it still raged against the Parthians. 239 For Marcus Antonius, having entered Media, stirred arms against them; where, at first defeating them, then, with two legions, corrupted by inanition and winter, he scarcely fled into Armenia with the Parthians following, and there he was snatched away. 240 Thereafter, under Augustus Octavian, the Armenians commixed with the Parthians are more swiftly overcome through Claudius Caesar, the grandson of Augustus.
241 Sic quoque dum in partibus orientalium Romanus laborat exercitus, occiduae plagae infesti sunt. Norici in Alpibus Noricis habitantes credebant, quasi in rupes et nives bellum non posset ascendere: sed mox omnes illius cardinis populos Brennos Teutonios Cennos atque Vendilicos, per eodem Claudio Caesarem Romanus vicit exercitus. Quae tamen fuerit Alpinarum gentium feritas, facile est vel per mulieres ostendere, quae deficientibus telis infantes suos adflictos humi in ora militum adversa miserunt.
241 Thus also, while in the parts of the Orient the Roman army labors, the occidental quarters are hostile. The Norici, dwelling in the Noric Alps, believed as though war could not climb onto crags and snows; but soon all the peoples of that quarter—the Brenni, Teutoni, Ceni, and Vendilici—the Roman army conquered by means of that same Claudius Caesar. What, however, was the ferocity of the Alpine nations it is easy even to show through the women, who, their missiles failing, hurled their infants, dashed upon the ground, into the faces of the opposing soldiers.
242 Nor were the Illyrians kindled in savagery any less than these. Against whom Augustus himself, having gone out from nearby, ordered a bridge to be made, by which to cross the waters. And while the soldiers were being thrown into confusion for the ascent by the waters and by the enemies, he himself snatched up a shield and was the first to enter the way.
Then, with the column following, when the bridge, wrenched away by the multitude, had collapsed, with his hands and legs wounded, more splendid with blood and made greater by the peril itself, he fell upon the backs of the enemy. 243 The Pannonians, in truth, are walled in by two fierce rivers, the Dravus and the Savus. Against them he sent Duennius, who conquered them more swiftly than their rivers run with rapid course.
244 The Dalmatians likewise, dwelling together in the forests, were laying waste for the most part by brigandage: to tame whom he dispatches Vibius, who compelled the savage race to dig the earth and to repurge gold from the veins. 245 But the Moesians—how fierce, how truculent they were! When one of the leaders, before the battle-line, silence having been requested, said, 'who are you?'
The answer was: 'The Romans, lords of the nations.' And he: 'so it will be,' he said, 'if you conquer us.' But soon it came to battle, nor were they able to hear the battle-clarion: thus they were overcome by Marcius. 246 The Thracians, however, often before, then nevertheless, with Romaetalcus reigning over them, defected from the Romans. For he had accustomed the barbarians both to discipline and to military standards; but, thoroughly subdued by Piso, they were displaying frenzy even in their very captivity: for, gnawing with their teeth at the chains with which they had been bound, they themselves were punishing their own savagery.
247 Dacia too, situated beyond the Danube, and from there the Dacians, with the channel of the Danube frozen, more often crossing into Romania for thefts—sending Lentulus, he conquered, expelled, and subjugated them. The Sarmatians too, through this same Lentulus, he drove beyond the Danube. They have nothing where they dwell except snows and hoarfrosts and forests, and so great a barbarity is in them that they do not even understand peace.
248 Marmaridas vero et Garamantes in orientali hiemali plaga per Quirinum subegit. 249 Germanos Gallos Brittones Spanos Hiberes Astures Cantabros occiduali axe iacentes et post longum servitium desciscentes per se ipse Augustus accedens rursus servire coegit Romanisque legibus vivere.
248 The Marmaridae indeed and the Garamantes in the eastern, wintry quarter he subdued through Quirinus. 249 The Germans, Gauls, Britons, Spaniards, Iberians, Asturians, Cantabrians, lying under the western axis and, after a long servitude, defecting—Augustus himself, by approaching in person, compelled them again to serve and to live by Roman laws.
250 Cleopatra vero Alexandrinorum regina ex genere Lagidarum Ptholomeorumque successor prius contra viri sui Ptholomei insidias Gaium Iulium Caesarem interpellavit, qui ob stupri, ut perhibent, gratiam regnum eius confirmavit ipsamque in urbem cum magna pompa Alexandriae remisit regnare. Cassius Iudea capta templum spoliavit. 251 Occiso vero in curia Romae Caesare Octavianus nepus eius suscepit Angustus principatum, quem Antonius dum invideret nihilque laedere posset, urbem Romam ingreditur et ad partes Aegypti quasi Romanae rei publicae provisor accedit.
250 But Cleopatra, queen of the Alexandrians, of the line of the Lagids and successor of the Ptolemies, first, against the plots of her husband Ptolemy, appealed to Gaius Julius Caesar, who, for the favor of debauchery, as they report, confirmed her kingdom and sent her back to the city of Alexandria with great pomp to reign. Cassius, Judaea having been captured, despoiled the temple. 251 But when Caesar was slain in the Curia at Rome, Octavian, his nephew, assumed the principate as Augustus; and Antony, while he envied him and could harm him in nothing, enters the city of Rome and goes over to the party of Egypt, as if a provisor of the Roman commonwealth.
When he found Cleopatra now widowed from her husband and reigning, associating himself also with her, he began to prepare domination for himself; and, forgetful of the quiet of the toga and of the fasces of the fatherland’s name, wholly into that monster he had defected, as in mind so also in spirit and in attire. 252 A golden staff in his hand, an acinace at his side, a purple garment bound with huge gems. The diadem was lacking, so that, as the queen, the king himself too might enjoy it.
Hearing this, Augustus Caesar had crossed over from Brundisium of Calabria into Epirus, so that he might remove him from the tyranny begun. For Antony was already besieging the whole Actian shore with fleets. But soon, when it came to battle and Caesar’s fleet began to throw his shipping into turmoil, the queen, first as leader of flight, with a golden stern and a purple sail, put out into the deep.
For beauty was within the modesty of the princeps. Nor was she anxious about life, which was being taken away, but about a portion of the kingdom. 254 When she despaired of this from the princeps and learned that she would be kept for a triumph, having found her guard more incautious, she withdrew into the mausoleum of the kings; and there, clothed in the greatest adornments, as she was wont, upon a throne crammed with odors she placed herself next to her own Antony, and, serpents applied to her veins, thus was loosed from life as if from sleep.
Here is the end of the wars of Augustus Caesar, both with citizens and with foreigners. 255 Thus also Augustus Caesar Octavianus, than whom no emperor was more felicitous in wars nor more moderate in peace, was most civil in all things. He, with all the nations composed in one peace from the east to the west, from the north to the south, and through the whole circle of the Ocean, himself then closed the gates of Janus, 256 and, conducting the census at Rome with Tiberius, found the number of human beings to be 33,300,000, and he ordered the whole world—pacified by the notice of the coming Jesus Christ—to be registered, and he reigned for years.
56. But in the forty-second year of his imperium, the Lord Jesus Christ, from the Holy Spirit and Mary the virgin, true God and true man, deigned to be born.257 For fourteen remaining years after the Lord’s advent, ruling in peace with bodily presence, he too held a singular principate, and, leaving to posterity the same power of imperium together with his own name of Augustus, he departed from human affairs, leaving as successor Tiberius, his stepson.
259 Gaius Caesar cognomento Caligula regnavit ann. iii menses x. Hic namque Memmium Regulum coegit ut uxorem suam sibi loco filiae coniugem daret strumentaque matrimonii ut pater conscriberet. Haec et his similia perpetrans nec non et in templo Hierosolimitano Iovis statuam per Gaium Petronium statuens et in Alexandria Iudeos per Flaccum Avilium praefectum oppraemens postremo a protectoribus suis in palatio Romae occisus est anno aetatis vicensimo nono.
259 Gaius Caesar surnamed Caligula reigned 3 years, 10 months. For he compelled Memmius Regulus to give his wife to him as a spouse in the place of a daughter, and to write the instruments of marriage as a father. Doing these and similar things, and also setting up in the Jerusalem temple a statue of Jupiter through Gaius Petronius, and in Alexandria oppressing the Jews through Flaccus Avilius, the prefect, at last he was slain by his protectors in the palace at Rome, in the twenty-ninth year of his age.
He led the army, and there, without any battle or bloodshed, within very few days he received the greatest part of the island into surrender. Moreover, he added the Orcades islands, situated beyond Britain in the ocean, to the Roman Empire. And in the sixth month from which he had set out he returned to Rome, and there he died at the age of 64.
For he lost two legions in Armenia together with the province itself at the same time, which, serving under the Parthian yoke, brought grievous infamy upon the Romans. 262 Alongside every crime and parricide that he had committed against his own parents, he added a deed to set Rome on fire after the manner of Troy; and, laying hands upon the Christians, he stirs up a persecution and in the city put to death the very doctors of the faith, Peter and Paul, fixing the one to a cross, beheading the other. And with his reign torn out in such disgrace, Galba in Iberia, Vitellius in Germany, and Otho at Rome seized the empire, and yet all perished by a swift destruction.
265 Domitianus frater Titi, filius Vespasiani, regnavit ann. xv m. v, tantaeque fuit superviae ut se dominum ab omnibus primum appellari praeciperet multosque nobilium exilio relegans nonnullosque occidens de substantiis eorum aureas argenteasque sibi statuas fecit. Manusque in Christianos iniciens, Iohannem apostolum et evangelistam, postquam in fervente oleo missum non potuisset extingui, Pathmo eum insulam exulem relegavit, ubi apocalypsim vidit.
265 Domitian, brother of Titus, son of Vespasian, reigned for 15 years and 5 months, and was of such arrogance that he ordered that he be called “lord” by all first and foremost; and, relegating many of the nobles to exile and killing some, he made for himself golden and silver statues from their properties. And laying hands upon the Christians, John the apostle and evangelist—after he had been cast into boiling oil and could not be extinguished—he banished as an exile to the island of Patmos, where he saw the Apocalypse.
267 Traianus pene omnium imperatorum potior regnavit an. xviii m. vi. Hic enim de Dacis Scythisque triumphavit Hiberosque et Sauromatas, Osroenos, Arabas, Bosforanos, Colchos edomuit, postquam ad feritatem prorupissent. Seleuciam et Tesifontem Babyloniamque pervasit et tenuit. 268 Nec non et in mari rubro classem, unde Indiae fines vastaret, instituit ibique suam statuam dedicavit et post tot labores apud Seleuciam Isauriae profluvio ventris extinctus est anno aetatis lxiii.
267 Trajan, almost superior to all emperors, reigned 18 years and 6 months. For he triumphed over the Dacians and the Scythians, and he subdued the Iberians and the Sarmatians, the Osroeni, Arabs, Bosporans, and Colchians, after they had broken out into savagery. He overran and held Seleucia and Ctesiphon and Babylonia. 268 And indeed he also established a fleet on the Red Sea, whence he might lay waste the borders of India, and there he dedicated his own statue; and after so many labors, at Seleucia of Isauria, he was extinguished by a flux of the belly, in the 63rd year of his age.
270 calling Jerusalem indeed Aelia from his own name, he allowed none of the Jews to enter. For it is clear that he was envious of Trajan’s deeds, because, as he soon succeeded him, immediately, with no necessity compelling it, recalling the army to himself, he left Mesopotamia and Assyria and Armenia to the Persians, establishing the river Euphrates as the boundary and limit between the Parthians and the Romans. In his reign Aquila the Pontic translated the Scriptures from Hebrew.
272 Marcus Antoninus, qui et Verus, et Lucius Aurelius Commodus affinitate coniuncti aequo iure imperium administraverunt. E quibus iunior contra Parthos arma movens magna egit et fortia Seleuciamque urbem eorum cum quadringenta milia pugnatorum cepit, e quibus cum magna gloria triumphavit. Senior vero multis bellis sepe interfuit sepiusque per duces suos triumphum revexit, maxime de gente Quadorum.
272 Marcus Antoninus, who is also Verus, and Lucius Aurelius Commodus, joined by affinity, administered the imperium with equal right. Of these, the younger, moving arms against the Parthians, did great and brave deeds and took their city Seleucia with four hundred thousand fighting men, over whom he triumphed with great glory. The elder indeed was often present in many wars, and more often through his leaders he brought back a triumph, especially over the nation of the Quadi.
274 Helvius Pertinax maior sexagenario cum praefecturam ageret, ex senatus consulto imperator creatus regnavit m. vi. Hic etenim obsecrante senatu ut uxorem suam Augustam filiumque Caesarem appellaret, 'sufficere', inquid, 'debet quod ego ipse invitus regnavi, cum non merer.' Nimis aequissimus omniumque communis, quem Iulianus iuris peritus in palatio eius peremit ipseque postea a Severo occisus est.
274 Helvius Pertinax, older than sixty, while he was holding the prefecture, was created emperor by decree of the senate, and he reigned 6 months. For when the senate was beseeching that he should entitle his wife Augusta and his son Caesar, “it ought to suffice,” he said, “that I myself have reigned unwillingly, since I did not merit it.” Most exceedingly equitable and accessible to all, he was slain in his palace by Julianus, a jurist, and he himself afterward was killed by Severus.
275 Severus genere Afer Tripolitanus regnavit an. xviii ultusque occisionem Pertinacis in Iuliano, se quoque Pertinacem appellavit. Hic etenim Parthos et Adiabennos contra Romaniam insurgentes mirabiliter superavit. Arabas quoque interiores ita cecidit ut regionem eorum Romanam provinciam faceret.
275 Severus, African by stock, a Tripolitanian, reigned 18 years, and, having avenged the slaying of Pertinax upon Julianus, he also called himself Pertinax. For he wondrously overcame the Parthians and the Adiabeni rising against Romania. He likewise struck down the Inner Arabs so that he made their region a Roman province.
Thus also, triumphing, he was called Parthian, Arabic, and Adiabennic. 276 In his reign a certain Samaritan, Symmachus, having become a proselyte of the Jews, likewise transfused the divine Scriptures from the Hebrew speech into the Greek tongue and established his own edition. After him, almost in the third year, Theodotion the Pontic, following, likewise composed his own edition of the Scriptures in the same work.
280 Alexander Mamae filius ignobilis fortunae existens adhuc iuvenis regni moderatione suscepit moxque contra Xersen regem Persarum arma arripiens mirabiliter de Parthorum spoliis triumphavit. Sub huius item imperio in Nicopolim Actiacam, id est Epiro, editio quae sexta dicitur divinarum scripturarum in dolio reperta est. Ipseque Mogontiaco tumulto occiditur militari, cui successit Maximinus ex corpore militari in regno.
280 Alexander, son of Mamaea, being of ignoble fortune, while still a youth undertook the governance of the realm, and soon, taking up arms against Xerxes, king of the Persians, he marvellously triumphed with the spoils of the Parthians. Under his rule likewise, at Actian Nicopolis, that is, in Epirus, the edition of the divine scriptures which is called the sixth was found in a jar. And he himself was killed at Mogontiacum in a military tumult, and Maximinus from the military body succeeded him in rule.
281 Maximinus genere Gothico, patre Micca Ababaque Alana genitus matre, sola militum voluntate ad imperium concedens, bellum adversus Germanos feliciter gessit, indeque revertens, contra Christianos movens intestino proelio, vix tres annos regnans, Aquileia a Puppieno occisus est.
281 Maximinus, of Gothic stock, born of a father Micca and a mother Ababa, an Alan, acceding to the imperium by the soldiers’ will alone, waged war successfully against the Germans; and returning thence, setting in motion an intestine war against the Christians, after reigning scarcely three years, at Aquileia he was slain by Pupienus.
282 Gordianus ammodo puer imperator factus vix regnavit sex annos. Hic etenim mox Romae ingressus est, ilico Puppienum et Albinum, qui Maximino occidentes tyrannidem arripuissent, occidit, Ianumque geminum aperiens ad Orientem profectus Parthis intulit bellum, indeque cum victoria revertens fraude Philippi praefecti praetorii haut longe a Romano solo interfectus est.
282 Gordian, still a boy, made emperor, scarcely reigned six years. For he soon entered Rome, and immediately put to death Pupienus and Albinus, who, having slain Maximinus, had seized tyranny; and, opening the twin Janus, he set out to the Orient and brought war upon the Parthians; and thence returning with victory, by the deceit of Philip, prefect of the praetorium, he was slain not far from Roman soil.
283 Philippus in imperio impudenter ingressus est regnavit ann. vii. Hic etenim filium suum idem Philippum consortem regni fecit ipseque primus omnium imperatorum Christianus effectus est tertioque anno imperii sui festivitatem Romanae urbis, millesimo anno quod expleverat, caelebravit urbemque nominis sui in Thracia, que dicebatur Pulpudeva, Philippopolim reconstruens nominavit.
283 Philip entered upon the imperium impudently and reigned 7 years. For he made his son, likewise Philip, a consort in the rule; and he himself, the first of all emperors, became a Christian; and in the 3rd year of his reign he celebrated the festival of the Roman city, at the 1,000th year which it had completed, and the city of his name in Thrace, which was called Pulpudeva, rebuilding it he named Philippopolis.
284 Decius e Pannonia inferiore Budalie natus occisis Philippis utrisque regnavit an. uno et mensibus tribus, armaque in Christianos erecta ob Philipporum nominis odium. Ipse bellantibus Getis cum filio suo crudeli morte occubuit Abritto.
284 Decius, born at Budalia in Lower Pannonia, after both the Philippi had been slain, reigned for 1 year and 3 months, and he raised arms against the Christians out of hatred for the name of the Philippi. He himself, while the Getae were warring, fell by a cruel death at Abritto together with his son.
287 Valerianus et Gallienus, dum unus in Retia a militibus, alter Romae a senatu in imperio levarentur, regnaverunt an. xv. Valerianus si quidem in Christianos persecutione commota statim a Sapore rege Persarum capitur ibique servitute miserabili consenescit. Gallienus illius exitum cernens Christianis pacem dedit. Sed dum nimis in regno lasciviret nec virile aliquid ageret, Parthi Syriam Ciliciamque vastaverunt, Germani et Alani Gallias depraedantes Ravennam usque venerunt, Greciam Gothi vastaverunt, Quadi et Sarmatae Pannonias invaserunt, Germani rursus Spanias occupaverunt.
287 Valerian and Gallienus, while the one in Raetia was being raised to the imperium by the soldiers, the other at Rome by the senate, reigned 15 years. Valerian indeed, with a persecution against the Christians stirred up, was immediately captured by Shapur, king of the Persians, and there in miserable servitude grew old. Gallienus, seeing his end, gave peace to the Christians. But while he was too wanton in his rule and did nothing virile, the Parthians devastated Syria and Cilicia, the Germans and Alans, plundering the Gauls, came as far as Ravenna, the Goths devastated Greece, the Quadi and Sarmatians invaded the Pannonias, the Germans again occupied the Spains.
288 Claudius regnavit ann. i m. viiii, qui Gothos iam per xv annos Illiricum Macedoniamque vastantes bello adortus incredibili strage delevit, scilicet ut in curia ei cIypeus aureus et in Capitolio statua aurea poneretur. Occisusque Sirmium est.
288 Claudius reigned 1 year 9 months, who, having attacked in war the Goths already for 15 years ravaging Illyricum and Macedonia, destroyed them with incredible slaughter, such that in the Curia for him a golden shield (clipeus) and on the Capitol a golden statue were set up. And he was slain at Sirmium.
290 Aurelianus Dacia Ripense oriundus regnavit an. v m. vi. Qui mox Tetricum apud Catalaunos prodente exercitum suum Gallias recepit, expeditioneque facta in Danubium Gothos magnis proeliis profligavit cultoresque divini nominis persecutus est. Odenathus Palmyrenus ante ipsum collecta rusticorum manu Persas de Mesopotamia expellens ipse ea loca invaserat. 291 Quem uxor sua occisum Orientis tenebat imperium; contra quam expiditionem suscipiens Aurelianus apud Hymmas vicino Antiochiae superavit Romaeque in triumpho suo vivam perduxit, ac dehinc secundo arripiens expeditionem inter Byzantium et Heracleam in Caeno Frurio viae veteris occiditur.
290 Aurelian, originating from Dacia Ripensis, reigned 5 years 6 months. He soon recovered the Gauls, Tetricus at the Catalauni betraying his own army, and, an expedition made to the Danube, he routed the Goths in great battles, and persecuted the worshippers of the divine name. Odaenathus the Palmyrene, before him, having gathered a band of rustics, expelling the Persians from Mesopotamia, had himself seized those places. 291 He having been slain, his wife held the rule of the East; against whom undertaking an expedition, Aurelian defeated her at Hymmas, near Antioch, and led her alive to Rome in his triumph; and thereafter, seizing a second expedition, he is slain between Byzantium and Heraclea, at Caeno Frurio of the old road.
296 Dioclitianus Delmata, scribe filius, imperator electus regnavit ann. xx. Hic etenim mox in regno levatus est, ilico Aprum in militum contione percussit, iurans sine suo scelere illum Numerianum interemisse. Et mox in consortio suo Maximianum Herculium ascivit.
296 Diocletian, a Dalmatian, the son of a scribe, chosen emperor, reigned for 20 years. For he, soon raised to the throne, immediately struck down Aper in an assembly of the soldiers, swearing that, without any guilt on his own part, that man had slain Numerian. And soon he took Maximian Herculius into his consortship.
This Maximian, with the multitude of rustics crushed—whom they call the Bacaudae—restored peace to Gaul. 297 At that time Carausius, having assumed the purple, had occupied the Britains; Narseus, king of the Persians, had brought war upon the Orient; the Quinquegentiani had infested Africa; Achilleus had invaded Egypt. 298 On account of which Constantius and Galerius Maximianus are taken up as Caesars into the rule.
Of whom Constantius was the grandson of Claudius through a daughter, Galerius was born in Dacia not far from Serdica. And so that Diocletian might also join them by affinity, Constantius took the stepdaughter of Herculius, Theodora, by whom he also procreated six children; but Galerius took Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian, both repudiating their former marriage. 299 Indeed, the nation of the Carpi was then vanquished and transferred onto Roman soil.
Then indeed, Diocletian, first of all emperors, commanded that he be adored as a god, and he set gems into his garments and footwear and a diadem upon his head, whereas before him all had only the purple cloak, so that they might be distinguished from private persons, and were saluted as the other judges. 300 Therefore, with an expedition taken up by each of the princes, Diocletian, the tyrant of Egypt having been defeated in the eighth month, subdued the entire province. Maximianus Herculius in Africa overmatched the Quinquegentiani.
Constantius near the Lingones in one day struck down 60,000 Alamanni. 301 Galerius Maximianus, defeated in the first battle by Narseus, ran, purple-clad, before Diocletian’s carriage. Stung by this shame, in the second he fought manfully, overcame Narseus, drove off his wives and children, and was received by Diocletian with condign honor.
302 After which victory Diocletian and Maximian marvelously triumphed at Rome, with the children and wives of the king of the Persians going before them, and with that immense booty of peoples of diverse nations. Thus too, with a persecution stirred up against the Christians, Diocletian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
304 Iulianus apostata regnavit an. uno m. viii, relictaque Christianitate ad idolorum cultura conversus est multosque blanda persecutione inliciens ad sacrificandum idolis conpulit. Ipse si quidem vir egregius et rei publicae necessarius Parthis ingenti apparatu intulit bellum. Vbi proficiscens Christianorum post victoriam sanguinem diis suis votavit nonnullaque Parthorum oppida in deditione accepit multaque vi populatus est, castraque aliquandiu apud Ctesifontem habuit.
304 Julian the Apostate reigned 1 year and 8 months, and, Christianity left behind, having turned to the cult of idols, and enticing many by a bland persecution, he compelled them to sacrifice to idols. He himself indeed, a remarkable man and necessary to the commonwealth, brought war upon the Parthians with enormous apparatus. When setting out, he vowed to his gods, after victory, the blood of Christians, and he received some towns of the Parthians in surrender and ravaged much by force, and for some time he held camp near Ctesiphon.
305 Whence having gone out, led by the trick of a certain turncoat into the deserts, when by the force of thirst, worn out by the heat of the sun, the army was perishing, he himself, anxious at such great crises, while he wandered incautiously through the vastness of the desert, was struck in the groin by the lance of a certain oncoming enemy horseman and perished, in the thirty-third year of his age. After him, on the following day, Jovianus, primicerius of the domestics, was taken up into the kingship by the army.
He himself, in truth, was outstanding and similar to Aurelian in character, except that some alleged his excessive severity and parsimony to be cruelty and avarice. Leaving his brother in the East in the rule, he himself held the Hesperian West. 308 During his reign then, another Valentinian, assuming tyranny in Britain, was suppressed on the Continent.
To Constantinople also a certain Procopius, rising against Valens and prevailing nothing, goes out of the city, and, tyrannizing in Phrygia Salutaris, was extinguished; and many of the Procopian party were cut down and proscribed. Valens, persuaded and baptized by Eudoxius, bishop of the Arians, rises hostile against the orthodox. 309 Valentinian at Amiens appointed his son Gratian emperor, whom he had from Severa, his earlier yoke-mate, and he moved the battle-array against the Saxons and the Burgundians, who had first pitched camp on the bank of the Rhine with more than 80,000 armed men; but by a sudden apoplexy and an eruption of blood he died at Bregitione.
310 Tunc Gratianus Valentiniano fratre de Iustina secunda uxore natu in regno consortem adsumit. Nam Valentinianus senior dudum laudante Severa uxore sua pulchritudine Iustinae sibi eam sociavit in matrimonio legesque propter illam concessit, ut omnes viri, qui voluissent, inpune bina matrimonia susciperent, quia ideo populosas fore gentes, quia hoc apud eos solemne est et multarum uxorum unus maritus auditur. 311 Acceptaque ergo, ut diximus, Valentinianus Iustina edidit ex ipsa quattuor filios, Valentinianum supra dictum imperatorem et Gratam Iustamque et Gallam.
310 Then Gratian takes as a consort in the realm Valentinian, his brother, born from Justina, his second wife. For the elder Valentinian, with Severa his wife praising the beauty of Justina, joined her to himself in matrimony, and on account of her conceded laws, that all men who wished might with impunity contract two matrimonies, because for that reason the nations would be populous, since among them this is customary and one husband is spoken of as the husband of many wives. 311 And Justina therefore having been taken, as we have said, Valentinian begot from her four children, Valentinian the aforesaid emperor, and Grata and Justa and Galla.
From whom Galla, thereafter, the emperor Theodosius—Flacilla being deceased, who had borne Arcadius and Honorius—engendered Placidia, who was the mother of the modern Emperor Valentinian the Younger. But let us return to the proposed subject. 312 Emperor Valens, a law having been given that monks should serve in the military, ordered those unwilling to be executed.
At that time also Theodosius, afterwards the father of the emperor Theodosius, and many of the nobles were slain by the insanity of Valens. Emperor Gratian laid low more than 30 thousand of the Alamanni near the town Argentarium of Gaul in war and pacified the Gauls. 313 The nation of the Huns, rushing upon the Goths, subjugates some of them, drives others to flight.
Who, coming into Romania, were received without the laying down of arms, and, through the avarice of the duke Maximus, compelled by hunger, were forced to rebel; and the Romans having been overcome in an encounter, they pour into Thrace. 314 Against whom Valens, compelled to depart from Antioch, proceeds into Thrace; and there, a lamentable war having been joined, the emperor, wounded by an arrow, is carried into a most wretched hut, where, the Goths supervening and fire being applied beneath, he was cremated by the conflagration. But the Goths, the emperor having been slain, now secure, hasten to the Constantinopolitan city, where then Dominica Augusta, the wife of Valens, by largessing much money to the plebs, drove the enemies away from the devastation of the city, and faithfully and manfully kept the regnum for his kinsmen, until he had appointed Theodosius.
315 Theodosius Spanus, Italicae divi Traiani civitatis a Gratiano Augusto apud Sirmium post Valentis interitum factus est imperator, regnavitque an. xvii; veniensque Thessalonica ab Acolio sancto episcopo baptizatus est ammodumque religiosus ecclesiae enituit propagator rei publiceque defensor eximius. Nam Hunnos et Gothos, qui eam sub Valente defetigassent, diversis proeliis vicit atque a prava vastatione conpescuit. Cum Persis quoque petitus pacem pepigit.
315 Theodosius the Spaniard, of Italica, the city of the deified Trajan, was made emperor by the Augustus Gratian at Sirmium after the death of Valens, and he reigned 17 years; coming to Thessalonica he was baptized by Acolius, a holy bishop, and, being very religious, he shone as a propagator of the Church and an outstanding defender of the res publica. For the Huns and the Goths, who had wearied it under Valens, he conquered in diverse battles and restrained from depraved devastation. When attacked by the Persians as well, he concluded peace.
316 Maximus, however, the tyrant, who had slain Gratian and was claiming the Gauls for himself, approaching at Milan together with the emperor Valentinian from the East, he shut him in, captured him, killed him. 317 He also, endowed with divine aid, defeated the tyrant Eugenius and Arbogast, with ten thousand of their combatants destroyed. For this Eugenius, relying on the forces of Arbogast, after he had extinguished Valentinian at Vienne, seized the realm, but soon, together with his life, he lost the empire.
319 Archadius et Honorius fratres filii Theodosii imperatoris utrumque imperium divisis tantum sedibus tenere coeperunt, id est Archadius senior Constantinopolitanam urbem, Honorius vero Romanam. Tunc Rufinus patricius Archadio principi insidias tendens Halaricum Gothorum regem, ut Grecias devastaret, missis clam pecuniis invitavit. Porro detectus Rufinus ab Italiae militibus et Archadio cum Gaina comite missus, ante portas urbis detruncatus est caputque eius et dextera manus Constantinopolim ad ludibrium circumductum uxoremque eius exulatam opes cunctas Eutropius spado promeruit.
319 Arcadius and Honorius, brothers, sons of the emperor Theodosius, began to hold both empires with only the seats divided, that is, Arcadius the elder the Constantinopolitan city, but Honorius the Roman. Then Rufinus the patrician, laying snares against the prince Arcadius, invited Halaric, king of the Goths, by moneys sent secretly, to devastate Greece. But Rufinus, detected by the soldiers of Italy and, by Arcadius, sent with the count Gainas, was cut down before the gates of the city; and his head and right hand were led around Constantinople for mockery, and his wife was exiled, and Eutropius the eunuch earned all the wealth.
320 Gildo then, count of Africa, long ago appointed by Theodosius, and as if despising the youthful rule of both, began to wish to hold Africa for himself; and when he saw himself detected by his own brother Mascezel and near to oppression, he destroyed himself by his own hand. But Gaina, the above-named count, stirring up a civil war at Constantinople, threw the whole city into turmoil with fire and iron, and fleeing to the Hellespont lived in piratic fashion. Against him, a naval battle having been engaged, many of his Goths were slain.
But indeed the Hesperian tract, in the reign of the emperor Honorius, first Radagaisus the Scythian flooded in with two hundred thousand of his own. Whom Huldin and Sarus, kings of the Huns and Goths, overcoming, sold all the captives whom they had brought back for one gold piece apiece. 322 But Stilicho the comes, whose two daughters, Maria and Hermantia, each were wives of the prince Honorius, and both died virgins, with Honorius spurned and gaping after his kingdom, stirred up the peoples of the Alans, Sueves, and Vandals—enticed by gifts and monies—against the realm of Honorius, wishing to appoint as Caesar his son Eucherius, a pagan and contriving plots against Christians.
323 Theodosius iunior Archadii filius loco patris successit in imperio, aduliscens egregius, regnavitque an. xliii. Halaricus rex Vesegotharum vastatam Italiam Romam ingressus est opesque Honorii Augusti depraedatas Placidiam sororem eius duxit captivam, quam post haec Atauulfo successori suo, in matrimonio ut acciperet, delegavit. 324 Constantinus tunc quidam Gallias occupatas invasit imperio filiumque suum Constantem ex monacho Caesarem ordinavit.
323 Theodosius the Younger, son of Arcadius, succeeded to the empire in the place of his father, a distinguished adolescent, and he reigned 43 years. Alaric, king of the Visigoths, after laying waste Italy, entered Rome and, having despoiled the wealth of Honorius Augustus, led his sister Placidia away captive; after this he consigned her to his successor Ataulf, that he might receive her in matrimony. 324 Then a certain Constantine, having seized the Gauls, usurped the imperial power and appointed his son Constans, from being a monk, as Caesar.
But soon he himself at Arelate (Arles), his son at Vienna (Vienne), lost the kingship along with life. 325 And likewise, unmindful of their demise, Iobinus and Sebastianus there in the Gauls set about a tyranny, but they too immediately ceased to be. After these things Heraclianus arrived with seven hundred and three armed ships to depredate the city of Rome; against whom Count Marinus, having gone out, so terrified him that he fled to Carthage with only one ship, where, soon after entering, he was killed.
326 Valia, king of the Visigoths, with peace made with Honorius, returned his sister Placidia, whom—joining her in marriage to Constantius the patricius, who had recalled her—Honorius departed from human affairs. Maximus and Jovinus, out of Spain, bound in irons, were led away and slain. 327 John, however, with Honorius deceased, invaded the western kingdom.
Whose sister Honoria, while she was being forced to guard her virginity for the court’s honor, secretly, with a little client sent, invited Attila, king of the Huns, into Italy. And when Attila was coming she could not fulfill her vow, and the deed which she had not done with Attila she committed with Eugenius, her procurator. For which reason, tried by her brother, she was sent to Constantinople to Prince Theodosius.
329 After these things, in the 3rd year the emperor Valentinian came from Rome to Constantinople to take in marriage Eudoxia, the daughter of the princeps Theodosius, and, with the whole Illyricum given as a gift by his father-in-law, after the nuptials were celebrated he withdrew with his wife to his own realms. 330 The African province was handed over to the Vandals by Count Bonifatius and removed from Roman law, because Bonifatius, when he had fallen into the offense of Valentinian, wished to defend himself to the public harm, and, with Gizeric, king of the Vandals, invited from the Spains, he brought forth the stratagem which he had conceived. 331 Attila, king of the Huns, having joined to himself the Gepids with Ardaric, and the Goths with Valamir, and various other nations with their kings, laid waste all Illyricum and Thrace and both Dacias, Moesia and Scythia.
332 Marcianus imperator regnavit an. vi m. vi. Hic etenim mox defuncto Theodosio in regno ascitus Pulcheriam germanam Theodosii, quae in palatio iam matura mulier virginitatem servaverat, in matrimonio adsumens regnum quod delicati decessores prodecessoresque eius per annos fere sexaginta vicissim imperantes minuerant, divina provisione sic reparavit ut exultatio ingens cunctis adcresceret. 333 Nam cum Parthis et Vandalis omnino infestantibus pacem instituit, Attilae minas conpescuit, Novades Blemmesque Ethiopia prolapsos per Florum Alexandrinae urbis procuratorem sedavit et pepulit a finibus Romanorum, obitumque Attilae et Zenonis Isauri interitum, antequam moriretur, felix conperit infelicium; omniumque inimicorum suorum colla domini virtute calcans sexto anno sextoque mense regnans in pace quievit. 334 Valentinianus autem occidentalis imperator dolo Maximi patricii, cuius etiam fraude Aetius perierat, in campo Martio per Optilam et Thraufistilam Aetii satellites iam percusso Eraclio spadone truncatus est.
332 Emperor Marcian reigned 6 years 6 months. For he, soon after Theodosius died, being admitted to the kingship and taking in marriage Pulcheria, sister of Theodosius, who in the palace, now a mature woman, had preserved virginity, repaired by divine provision the realm which his delicate predecessors and predecessors, ruling by turns for almost 60 years, had diminished, in such a way that a huge exultation increased for all. 333 For he instituted peace with the Parthians and Vandals, who were altogether harrying; he checked Attila’s threats; the Nobades and the Blemmyes, having slipped down from Ethiopia, through Florus, procurator of the city of Alexandria, he soothed and drove from the borders of the Romans; and the death of Attila and the destruction of Zeno the Isaurian, before he died, happy among the unhappy, he learned; and, treading by the Lord’s virtue upon the necks of all his enemies, reigning in the 6th year and 6th month, he came to rest in peace. 334 Valentinian, however, the Western emperor, by the trick of the patrician Maximus, by whose fraud Aetius too had perished, in the Campus Martius, by Optila and Thraufistila, Aetius’s satellites, with the eunuch Heraclius already struck, was cut down.
That same Maximus also seized his empire, and in the third month of his tyranny he was torn limb from limb at Rome by the Romans. Then Geiseric, king of the Vandals, invited by Eudoxia, the wife of Valentinian, entered Rome from Africa and, the city having been stripped of all goods, took that same Eudoxia with her two daughters with him as he returned to Africa.
335 Leo Bessica ortus progeniae Asparis patricii potentia ex tribuno militum factus est imperator. Cuius nutu mox loco Valentiniani apud Ravennam Maiorianus Caesar est ordinatus, qui tertio necdum anno expleto in regno apud Dertonam occiditur locoque eius sine principis iussu Leonis Severianus invasit; 336 sed et ipse tyrannidis sui tertio anno expleto Romae occubuit. Tunc Leo Anthemium divi Marciani generum ex patricio Caesarem ordinans Romae in imperio distinavit Bigelemque Getarum regem per Ardaburem Asparis filium interemit.
335 Leo, sprung from Bessica, by the power of the progeny of Aspar the patrician, from a tribune of soldiers was made emperor. At his nod, soon, in place of Valentinian at Ravenna, Majorian was appointed Caesar; he, with not yet the third year of his reign completed, is slain at Dertona, and in his place Severianus, without the order of the prince Leo, seized it; 336 but he too, with the third year of his tyranny completed, died at Rome. Then Leo, appointing Anthemius, the son-in-law of the divine Marcian, from patrician to Caesar, dispatched him to Rome into the imperium, and he did away with Bigelus, king of the Getae, through Ardabur, the son of Aspar.
337 Sending Basiliscus, his kinsman—that is, the brother of the Augusta Verina—with an army to Africa, who, assailing Carthage often in a naval battle, earlier, overcome by greed, sold out for monies to the king of the Vandals, rather than restore it into the power of the Romans. 338 Moreover, at the instigation of Zeno, his son-in-law, he butchered Aspar the patrician with his sons Ardabures and Patriciolus in the palace; and with Anthemius slain at Rome, he appointed Nepos, the son of Nepotianus—his granddaughter having been joined to him in marriage—as Caesar at Ravenna through Domitianus, his client. This Nepos, having obtained the legitimate rule, expelling Glycerius—who had imposed the rule upon himself in tyrannical manner—from the imperial power, made him bishop at Salona of Dalmatia.
342 Learning of this, Zeno withdrew to Chalcedon and, without any injury to the Republic, retired to Isauria, preferring that he alone with Augusta Ariagne be exiled rather than that, on his account, anything disadvantageous from civil wars should come upon the Republic. Basiliscus, recognizing this and rejoicing at Zeno’s flight, ordained his son Marcus as Caesar. He, inflated by Nestorian perfidy, immediately attempted to do many things against the church; but, God willing, the inflated man burst before he could have stood as a penitent.
343 For Zeno, returning again to his own realm, sent both him and his father and mother into exile at the town of Lemnus in the province of Cappadocia. Where, since the charity of God and of neighbor toward them had grown cold, they were consumed by cold and lost their life along with their kingdom. 344 But in the Hesperian part, Orestes, having driven the emperor Nepos into flight, installed his own son Augustulus into the empire.
But soon Odoacer, by stock a Rugian, fortified by the bands of the Thorcilingi, the Sciri, and the Heruli, invaded Italy and, having torn the emperor Augustulus from his rule, condemned him to the penalty of exile in the Lucullan castle of Campania. 345 Thus too the Hesperian kingdom and the principate of the Roman people, which in the 709th year from the founding of the City Octavian Augustus, first of the Augusti, began to hold, perished with this Augustulus in the 522nd year of the reigns of the emperors who had gone before, the kings of the Goths thereafter holding Rome. 346 But Theodoric, son of Triarius, by surname the Squinter (Strabo), king of the Goths, having mustered his men, came armed as far as Anaplus at the 4th mile from the City; yet harmful to none of the Romans, he straightway turned back, and hurrying further toward Illyricum, while he advanced among the moving wagons of his people, he was transfixed and perished, fixed by the point of a spear lying upon a cart through the impulse of his stumbling horse, and by his death he bestowed a feast-day upon the republic.
347 Valamer, king of the Goths, having perished in the war of the Sciri, Theodemir succeeded to his brother’s realm together with his brother Vidimer and his son Theodoric. But when the lot was cast, to Vidimer with his son Vidimer fell the Hesperian parts; to Theodemir with his son Theodoric, Illyricum and Thrace, to be laid waste. And so, Pannonia having been left behind, the one undertook Italy, the other Illyricum, to be ravaged; but both kings, having soon entered the places allotted by lot, immediately depart from human affairs, Vidimer in Italy, Theodemir in Illyricum.
Leaving behind their sons, they departed: of whom Vidimer, defeated by the Italians in battles, turned toward the regions of Gaul and Spain, Italy having been left aside; 348 but Theodoric, enticed by the humanity of Zeno Augustus, came to Constantinople, where, having been made Master of Soldiers of the Presence, he carried out the triumph of an ordinary consul by a public grant. But because at that time, as we have said, Odoacer had occupied the kingdom of Italy, Emperor Zeno, perceiving that already the gentes possessed that fatherland, preferred that it be entrusted to Theodoric as if now to his own client rather than to that man whom he did not even know. And thus deliberating with himself, sending him to the parts of Italy, he commends to him the Roman people and the senate.
349 And the king of the nations and Roman consul Theodoric sought Italy and received Odoacer, wearied by great battles, at Ravenna in surrender. Then indeed, as if suspect, killing him at Ravenna in the palace, he maintained both the kingdom of his nation and the principate of the Roman people prudently and peacefully for thirty years. But Illus the Isaurian, Master of the Offices and in private life most friendly to Emperor Zeno and joined to him by affection, while he spoke in secret with her husband into the detraction of Ariagne Augusta, stirred up the Augustus in jealousy.
350 He, deliberating to destroy her, tacitly committed the matter to one of his own. But while that man endeavors to do it, he divulges to a certain chamber‑woman that he will commit the crime that same night. The Queen learned of the crime, and, having placed that same woman who had suggested the matter upon her own little bed, she slipped away to the episcopium to Acacius, with no one knowing.
351 And on the following day Zeno, reckoning that the deed had been perpetrated, while, as if bearing a certain mourning, he admitted no one; Bishop Acacius entered and arraigns the impiety of the act and demands the assurance of pardon, and he pledges that the Augusta is innocent of suspicion; and the Augusta, the pledge of pardon having been received by a pact, returns. And while she often deliberates with herself by what means she might exact vengeance on her enemy, having found (as she supposed) an opportunity, she orders one of her own, standing in a hidden spot, to slay Illus as he was withdrawing from her. He, obeying the queen’s precepts, while eagerly he strikes with the sword at the head, cut off not the neck, as he desired, but that man’s ear.
352 Evading that peril, Illus, soon withdrawing from the city and hostile to Zeno, invaded the Orient. Against him Leontius was sent, and, ensnared by his cajoling words, seized the diadem; and together Leontius and Illus, made enemies of the republic, as tyrants run riot through the parts of Syria and Isauria; and with a gift to the Isaurians added beyond the customary, all together conspire against Zeno, and they rage upon the treasures of Zeno, found in the most fortified Papirius castle. 353 But not long after, by the army of Zeno, in the same castle they were captured and beheaded, and their heads, brought to Constantinople and fixed on spear-shafts, rotted away.
354 Anastasius ex silentiario subito ab Ariagne Augusta in imperio sumptus simulque imperator et maritus innotuit, regnavitque ann. xxvii m. ii. Contra quem Isauri dum sibi quod illis tyrannus ille adiecerat donativum et Zenon reconciliationis gratia invitus largierat ab isto fraudantur, arma arripiunt. 355 Consertoque proelio iuxta Cotziaium Frygiae civitatem castra metati pene per sex continuos annos rei publicae adversantur; ubi et Lilingis, eorum et in bello et in consilio praevius, quamvis pedibus ob corporis debilitate signis, eques tamen in bello acerrimus, dum peremptus fuisset, omnes Isauri fugierunt atque dispersi sunt et devicti et perquaquam exilio relegati urbesque eorum nonnullae solo usque prostratae.
354 Anastasius, from silentiarius, was suddenly taken up into the imperium by Ariagne Augusta, and at once became known as both emperor and husband, and he reigned ann. 27 m. 2. Against whom the Isaurians, while they are defrauded by him of the donative which that tyrant had added to them and which Zeno, for the sake of reconciliation, had reluctantly bestowed, seize arms. 355 And with battle joined near Cotziaium, a city of Phrygia, having pitched camp, for nearly six continuous years they oppose the commonwealth; where also Lilingis, their leader both in war and in counsel, although in his feet marked because of a debility of body, yet as a horseman in war most keen, when he had been slain, all the Isaurians fled and were scattered and were defeated and altogether relegated into exile, and some of their cities were laid even to the ground.
356 For indeed, under Anastasius, wearied by various battles—and now in Illyricum with Sabinianus and Mundo at Margus, now with Pompeius at Adrianople, now with Aristo at Tzorta, now with the Parthians into Syria, to say nothing of internal slaughter and of fights in the forum of the royal city—and at last, when contending against Italy with warfare more piratical than public Mars, he was foiled. 357 But also, what was more to be lamented, he prolonged a civil war for 6 years against his own servant Vitalianus, from Scythia. He, namely Vitalianus, with 60 thousand armed men, approaching for the third time, hostile not to the republic but to the king, wore down many suburban districts of the royal city with plunder and spoils.
358 Against whom, while Hypatius, nephew of the Caesar, goes out about to fight with a numerous army, he is beforehand captured by Hunnic auxiliaries and, sitting on a mule, is shamefully sold to Vitalianus, before in open battle he might show himself an enemy on the opposing side. After him likewise Rufinus and Alathor, masters of soldiers.
often they were overpowered, often mocked by him and scorned. 359 Thus also, walled-in by the battle-lines of his enemies from different quarters, Anastasius often groaned, and yet he never came to hear the vengeance of any of his enemies; just as he himself did not keep the rights of the Church, nay rather, grieving and raging, beyond eighty years of age and in the 28th year of his reign he departed from human affairs, and the republic, crushed, scarcely, with Justin succeeding him, breathed a little.
For he lopped off Amantius and Andreas with iron, and sent Misahel and Ardabur into exile at Serdica. He also, having apprehended and imprisoned Theocritus, henchman of Amantius—whom that same Amantius had secretly prepared for reigning—crushed him with huge stones and, salted, cast him into a whirlpool, depriving him of burial together with the empire which he had gaped after; 361 and he struck a pact with Vitalian and, having called him to himself, made him Master of Soldiers of the Praesent command and ordinary consul; whom, again holding under suspicion of the former deed, he slew in the palace, having him hacked with 16 wounds, together with Celerianus and Paul, his henchmen. 362 This emperor also, four months before his decease, taking counsel for his own old age and the utilities of the commonwealth, appointing Justinian, his nephew from his sister, as consort of the reign and successor of the empire, departed from human affairs.
Afterwards indeed, sins bringing it to pass, on the day of the Sabbath of holy Pascha, a contest having been entered, at the impulse of the army and not of the leader, in the river Euphrates, as they fled the Parthians, the numerous Roman army rushed to ruin. And Illyricum, often being devastated by the Heruli, the Gepids, and the Bulgars, he frequently withstood through his own judges and manfully cut them down. 364 After these things, when Hypatius and Pompeius, plotters against his realm, with a civilian band gathered had come in around—and Hypatius, girt with a golden torque in place of a diadem and already occupying the emperor’s seat, while Pompeius, armored beneath a cloak and already assaulting the palace—he quashed them both, detained before the doors of the palace, captured and chained; and with their heads cut off he caused them to lose the imperium before they could have it.
And their associates, who had escaped from the slaughter, having been proscribed, he triumphed from the spoils, as though, a great enemy having been laid low. 365 And in the same year, after long and immense labor—what had been done against the Parthians by the sweats of the Romans—through Rufinus the patrician and through Hermogenes the master of offices, both sent as legates by the prince, peace was drawn up and a treaty concluded, and gifts were destined by each prince for one another in turn. 366 Soon also, with the army from the Eastern quarter disbanded, he chose that same leader whom he had previously sent to the East, Belisarius, to whom, numerous and very stout soldiers having been assigned, he sends to the southern region against the Vandals.
With God favoring him, with the facility with which he had come, with that celerity he overcame the Vandals, and, joining Libya to the body of the whole commonwealth, in the royal city he presented King Gelimer and the wealth of Carthage to the prince, the people looking on. Remunerated by his notice and soon designated Ordinary Consul, Belisarius triumphed from the Vandal spoils.
367 In Italia vero Theodorico rege defuncto Athalaricus nepus eius ipso ordinante successit, octo annos quamvis pueriliter vivens matre tamen regente Amalasuentha degebat, quando et Gallias diu tentas Francis repetentibus reddidit. 368 Mortuoque Athalarico mater sua Theodahadum consubrinum suum regni sui participem faciens non post multum ipso iubente occisa est. Et quia dudum se suoque filio commendaverat principi Iustiniano, is mortem eius audiens doluit nec passus est inultum transire.
367 In Italy, indeed, with King Theodoric deceased, Athalaric, his nephew, succeeded by his own ordering; although living in a boyish way for eight years, he nevertheless passed his life with his mother Amalasuntha governing, at which time also he returned Gaul, long contested, to the Franks who were demanding it back. 368 And with Athalaric dead, his mother, having made Theodahad, her cousin, a partner in her rule, not long after was killed at his order. And because she had long before commended herself and her son to the Emperor Justinian, he, hearing of her death, grieved and did not allow it to pass unavenged.
But soon, appointing that same war-leader, who had been the tamer of the Punics and, triumphing over Vandalic resources, was still in the fasces, to the vanguard of diverse nations, he dispatched him to the Hesperian parts. 369 Who at his first approach straightway overran Sicily, its dux Sinderith having been overcome; where, while he remained for some time for the sake of ordering the country, he learned that in Africa civil wars were raging and an intestine battle was running riot. For Stotzas, almost the lowest of the soldiers, and a petty client of Martinus the Magister...
Stotzas, almost the lowest of the soldiers and a hanger‑on of Martinus, master of the soldiery, seizing tyranny and becoming the author of the seditious, was raging against the general Solomon, Cyril, Marcellus, Fara, and other diverse judges having been slain by guile, and he was devastating all Africa in tyrannical fashion. 370 Therefore Belisarius, the sea from Sicily into Africa having been traversed with his accustomed felicity, puts the rebels to flight, frees the province, and, placing Solomon again at Carthage, returns to Sicily. Where soon Evermud, son‑in‑law of Theodahad, king of the Goths, who had come as an adversary with an army, seeing the prosperity of the consul, of his own accord gave himself to the victor’s side and urges that he should come to the aid of Italy, now gasping and suspicious of his arrival.
Therefore, Belisarius, with the army constructed and leading a column both naval and equestrian, invested Naples, and, besieging it for a few days, by night invaded through the aqueduct and, both the Goths who were present and the Romans rebelling having been slain, he most fully despoiled the city. 371 Which Theodahad noticing, appointing Vitiges, one leader among others of the army, he dispatches him against Belisarius. 372 Who, having entered Campania, soon came to the Barbaric fields; immediately he received the favor of the army, which held suspicion against Theodahad; and, 'what,' he says, 'do you want?' and they to him: 'let him be taken from the midst, he who wishes his crimes to be excused with the blood of the Goths and by their destruction.' And, an onset having been made upon him, with one voice they proclaim Vitiges king.
But he, lifted up to the kingdom, which he himself had desired, soon consents to the people’s wishes, and, sending agents from among his associates, he extinguishes Theodahadus as he was returning to Ravenna. 373 And confirming his own reign, he launches an expedition, and, his private wife repudiated, he couples to himself the royal girl Maathesuenta, granddaughter of King Theodoric, more by force than by love. And while he is delighting in his new nuptials at Ravenna, the consul Belesarius entered the Roman city and, being received by that people once Roman and by the senate, now with the very name almost buried along with its virtue, immediately seizes the neighboring places, the fortifications of cities and towns.
374 And in the first Gothic encounter, with Hunnila leading, he overcomes them at the Perusine town and, with more than seven thousand slaughtered, he drives the rest in rout as far as Ravenna. But in the second, with Vitigis himself besieging the Roman citadels, he engages him; and, his machines and towers, with which he was trying to approach the city, having been consumed by fire, he foils him for the span of a year, though laboring under famine. 375 After these things, having pursued him to Ariminum and from there having driven him off, he received him, shut up in Ravenna, into surrender; and the one consul, while he fought against the Getae, with nearly equal outcome also triumphed over the Franks, who had come with their king Theodepert to the number of more than two hundred thousand.
But because, occupied with other matters, he did not wish to be implicated elsewhere, he granted peace at the request of the Franks and, without loss of his own, drove them out from the Italian borders; and, having taken the king and queen and likewise the wealth of the palace, he brought them back to the prince who had sent him. And thus, within the space of a little time, Justinian the emperor, through the most faithful consul, subjected two kingdoms and two republics to his dominion.
376 Quod Parthus conperiens facibusque invidiae exardescens in Syriam movit procinctum, et Callinicum Soras Neocaesariamque devastans Anthiochiam venit. Vbi Germanus patricius cum Iustino filio suo eodemque consule postquam ab Africana provincia remeasset, dum adventum Parthorum obviare nequit, relicta urbe ad partes secessit Ciliciae. Persi vero vacuam ab exercitu Anthiochiam nancti populumque per Orontis alveum ad Seleuciam maritimam cum militibus mixtis fugientem aspiciunt nec secuntur, sed predas per urbem certatim diripiunt vicinasque urbes et oppida partim invasa partim pecuniae quantitate multata praetereunt et totius Cylesyriae bona sibi unius in anni spatium pene Parthus adsumit.
376 Which, the Parthian learning and blazing with the torches of envy, he moved a battle-preparation into Syria, and devastating Callinicum, Sura, and Neocaesarea, came to Antioch. Vbi Germanus the patrician, with Justin his son and likewise consul, after he had returned from the African province, since he could not go to meet the arrival of the Parthians, the city having been left, withdrew to the parts of Cilicia. The Persians indeed, finding Antioch empty of an army, see the populace fleeing along the channel of the Orontes to maritime Seleucia, mingled with the soldiers, and they do not pursue, but they tear away spoils throughout the city in emulous rivalry, and the neighboring cities and towns they pass by, partly having been invaded, partly mulcted with a sum of money, and the Parthian almost appropriates to himself for the space of a single year the goods of all Coele-Syria.
377 Nor even thus does he withdraw, but unceasingly he fights against the Roman commonwealth. Against him the Vandalic and Getic consul, as usual, is detailed. Who, although he did not subdue him as he did the remaining nations, nevertheless compelled him to gather himself within his own borders; and even a victory over this people would have been won for the fortunate leader, had not the disaster of Italy, which had arisen after his departure, given him a swift successor, Martin.
378 Cladem vero quam diximus in Esperia plaga ut liquidius lector cognoscat, apertius memorabo. Egrediente Belesario consule ab Italia et ut diximus, rege regina opesque palatii ad principem reportante Gothi, qui trans Padum in Liguria consistebant, recrudiscentes animos ad bella consurgunt et ordinato sibi regulo Heldebado militi existunt adversi; contra quos dum non unius, sed diversorum temptat varius apparatus, illi fortiores effecti persistunt annique spatio vix emenso Heldebadus interficitur et loco eius succedit Erarius; 379 qui et ipse vix anno expleto peremptus est et in regno. Malo Italiae Baduila iuvenis nepus asciscitur Heldebadi.
378 The disaster indeed which we mentioned in the Hesperian quarter, that the reader may know more clearly, I will relate more openly. As Belisarius the consul was going out from Italy and, as we said, while he was carrying back the king, the queen, and the wealth of the palace to the emperor, the Goths, who were stationed beyond the Po in Liguria, their spirits recrudescing for wars, rise up, and, having appointed for themselves a regulus, Heldebadus, a soldier, they stand forth as adversaries; against whom, while a varied apparatus—not of one, but of different leaders—makes trial, they, made stronger, persist, and with scarcely the space of a year elapsed Heldebadus is slain and in his place Erarius succeeds; 379 who also himself, with scarcely a year completed, was slain, and in his kingship. To the harm of Italy, Baduila, a young man, the nephew of Heldebadus, is adopted.
Who soon, and without delay, with battle joined at Faventia, a town in the soil of Emilia, overcame the Roman army; and not long after these things likewise, through his own men, at the Mucelli of the grain-supply Tuscia, fighting successfully, he puts the judges to flight, wins over the army to himself partly by gifts, partly by blandishments, and overruns all Italy with Rome herself, and destroying the fortifications of all the cities, with Rome demolished, he transfers all the senators, stripped bare, to the land of Campania. 380 Against him, as we said above, Belisarius is directed from the East with a few, thinking to find intact the whole army which he had sent down. And therefore, after he entered Ravenna and found not those with whom he might meet him, and, the Adriatic Sea having been re-crossed, he returns to Epirus, where John and Valerian joined him; while they contend in public assemblies and in quarrels, Totila, who is Baduila, carries through hostile work in Italy.
Belesarius also, impatient at such great cruelty, setting sail with a naval fleet from Sicily, through the swell of the Tyrrhenian Sea made his way back to the Roman port and, taking up station, went out to the city; and when he observed how it had been destroyed and desolated, he grieved, and, exhorting his comrades to the restoration of so great a city, girds himself for it. 381 Where, not yet surrounded by a rampart, he encounters Totila as a hostile force; but, unshaken in his accustomed victories, although he went out against him with few men, he so put him to flight that more of the fugitives were drowned in the Tiber than fell by the sword. And then, having encouraged the army, he returns to Sicily, in order both to provide a supply of grain for Rome and, being near the Strait, to harry Totila, who was lingering in Campania.
But, as is wont, there is a change of affairs and the will of princes is different. 382 Theodora Augusta, resting in the Lord, Belesarius is summoned to the City from Sicily. After whose departure, Totila, secure, with rage renewed, the Isaurians betraying it, invades Rome; and thus, forces taken up on every side and girded with military aid, he enters and seizes Sicily.
383 Against whom, while Germanus the patrician was preparing to set out with the army, having taken in marriage Mathesuentha, the granddaughter of King Theodoric and left behind by Vitigis now dead, the prince having handed her over to him, he breathed out his last in the city of Sardica, leaving a pregnant wife, who after his death bore him a posthumous son and named him Germanus; with this good fortune discovered by Totila for himself, almost insulting the Romans, he devastates nearly all Italy.
384 Africa vero a Mauris dudum perempto Solomone Stotzas et Iohannes invicem singulari certamine corruunt; aliusque Iohannis, qui Stotzas iunior dicebatur, suscepta tyrannide Guntharic mag. militum secum suadet. Qui interfecto Areobinda iugalem eius neptem imperatoris sibi cupiens sociare praevenitur ab Artabane.
384 But in Africa—Solomon having some time before been slain by the Moors—Stotzas and John fall, each by the other, in single combat; and another John, who was called Stotzas the Younger, having assumed tyranny, draws to his side Guntharic, magister of the soldiery. He, after killing Areobindus, wishing to join to himself as spouse his consort, the emperor’s niece, is forestalled by Artabanes.
Who, with him butchered at a banquet and the emperor’s niece rescued, sends her to the city to the prince with honor, and at the same time dispatched to him the tyrant John bound with iron chains, who had succeeded the slain Stotzas in the same tyranny. 385 Whom, in the city, the prefect, after he had been battered and his hands cut off, fixed upon the gibbet as an example to the rest. Thereafter John the patrician, surnamed Troglita, with the procuration of Africa entrusted to him; Artabanes was recalled as master of soldiers.
he received the dignity of Master of Soldiers in the Presence. Nor, with not much time intervening, though eager to lay hands upon the emperor himself, having been detected and proven, by imperial piety he nevertheless remained unpunished, and, as if well-disposed, he hastened with the patrician Liberius into Sicily against Totila. John, however, prosperously residing in the African province, the Moors of the adverse party having been overcome by means of the Pacific Moors, in one day cut down seventeen of their prefects, and, at the Lord’s bidding, obtained the peace of all Africa.
386 Langobardorum gens, socia Romani regni principibus, et Theodahadi sororis filiam dante sibi imperatore in matrimonio iungens regi suo, contra emulos Romanorum Gepidas una die pugna commissa eorum pene castra pervasit, cecideruntque ex utraque parte amplius lx milia; 387 nec par, ut ferunt, audita est in nostris temporibus pugna a diebus Attilae in illis locis, praeter illa quae ante hanc contigerat sub Calluce mag. mil. idem cum Gepidas aut certe Mundonis cum Gothis, in quibus ambobus auctores belli pariter conruerunt.
386 The nation of the Langobards, ally to the princes of the Roman realm, and—with the emperor giving to them in marriage the sister’s daughter of Theodahad—joining her to their own king, against the rivals of the Romans, the Gepids, with battle joined in a single day, nearly overran their camp, and more than 60 thousand fell on both sides; 387 nor, as they say, has an equal battle been heard of in our times in those places since the days of Attila, except for those which before this had occurred under Calluc, master of soldiers, the same with the Gepids, or certainly of Mundus with the Goths, in both of which alike the authors of the war fell.
388 Hi sunt casus Romanae rei publicae preter instantia cottidiana Bulgarum, Antium et Sclavinorum. Que si quis scire cupit, annales consulumque seriem revolvat sine fastidio repperietque dignam nostri temporis rem publicam tragydiae. Scietque unde orta, quomodo aucta, qualiterve sibi cunctas terras subdiderit et quomodo iterum eas ab ignaris rectoribus amiserit.
388 These are the misfortunes of the Roman commonwealth, besides the quotidian urgencies of the Bulgars, the Antae, and the Slavs. And if anyone desires to know, let him turn back the annals and the series of consuls without fastidiousness, and he will find the res publica of our time worthy of a tragedy. And he will know whence it originated, how it was augmented, in what manner it subjected all lands to itself, and how again it lost them through unknowing rulers.