William of Tyre•HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM
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Eodemque anno, qui erat ab Incarnatione Domini 1096, mense Augusto, quintadecima die mensis, vir magnificus et illustris Godefridus, Lotharingiae dux, post discessum Petri Eremitae et ejus exercitus casum, ut praediximus, lamentabilem; post legionum Godescalci stragem praemissam; post illud etiam infortunii genus, quod, ut praemisimus, subsequenti multitudini citra Hungariam accidisse dicitur: convocatis viae consortibus et compositis de more sarcinis, iter aggressus est. Fuerunt autem qui ejus castris se adjunxerunt viri nobiles et inclyti, et perpete digni memoria, dominus Balduinus ejus frater uterinus; dominus Balduinus de Montibus, Hamaucorum comes; dominus Hugo, comes de Sancto Paulo, et Engelramus filius ejus, egregiae indolis adolescens; dominus Garnerus comes, cognomento de Gres; dominus Renardus comes Tullensis, et Petrus frater ejus; dominus Balduinus de Burgo, ejusdem ducis consanguineus; dominus Henricus de Ascha, et Godefridus frater ejus; Dodo de Cons; Cono de Monte acuto, et alii plures, quorum nomina non tenemus, vel numerum. Hi omnes uno et individuo comitatu pariter incedentes, vicesima Septembris die in provinciam quae dicitur Osterich, ad locum qui dicitur Tollenburch, cum omni tranquillitate sani et incolumes pervenerunt.
And in the same year, which was from the Incarnation of the Lord 1096, in the month of August, on the fifteenth day of the month, the magnificent and illustrious man Godfrey, duke of Lotharingia, after the departure of Peter the Hermit and the lamentable downfall of his army, as we have foretold; after the slaughter of the legions of Godescalc sent ahead; after also that kind of misfortune which, as we premised, is said to have befallen the subsequent multitude on this side of Hungary: having called together companions of the way and, as was customary, having arranged the baggage, set out on the march. Now there were those who joined themselves to his camp, noble and renowned men and worthy of perpetual memory: Lord Baldwin his uterine brother; Lord Baldwin of the Mountains, count of Hainaut; Lord Hugh, count of Saint-Pol, and Enguerrand his son, a youth of excellent disposition; Lord Garner, count, by surname of Gres; Lord Renard, count of Toul, and Peter his brother; Lord Baldwin of Bourcq, the same duke’s kinsman; Lord Henry of Ascha, and Godfrey his brother; Dodo of Cons; Cono of Monte Acuto; and many others, whose names we do not hold, nor the number. All these, advancing together in one and indivisible company, on the twentieth day of September came, safe and unharmed with all tranquility, into the province which is called Osterich, to the place which is called Tollenburch.
Now that is the place where the river Lintax separates the borders of the Empire from the Kingdom of Hungary. Arriving there, very anxious about the things said to have happened to Godescalc and his legions, they deliberate how they might proceed with safety in the work undertaken. And at length, by common counsel, it was agreed that, a legation having been sent to the king of Hungary, they should be instructed more fully what the cause had been, why the army of the preceding brethren had so perished among them; and that, opportunity found, they should convene with the lord king concerning peace, and, old quarrels set aside, work out how free transit through Hungary might be granted to them.
For to enter other ways seemed a detriment of the commenced journey. Therefore a noble man, Godfrey of Ascha, brother of Henry, was sent—because he had had familiarity with that same king for many times past—together with certain honorable and noble men, to perform the office of that same legation: who, arriving to the king, the due address of salutation having been paid, faithfully executing what had been enjoined upon him, spoke to the king in these words:
Vir illustris et magnificus, dominus Godefridus, Lotharingiae dux, et alii Dei cultores, qui cum eo sunt principes, divinis obsequiis mancipati, ad vestram nos direxerunt eminentiam, scire per nos cupientes: quare fidelium populus, quorum reliquias in via reperimus nobis occurrentes, tantam apud vos, qui de numero fidelium dicimini, repererunt inhumanitatem, ut tutius ad hostes quoslibet declinare potuissent. Quod si praedicti populi tanta fuit culpa, ut extremis suppliciis digna fuerit flagellari; qui me miserunt, parati sunt eorum interitum aequanimiter tolerare. Nam quaecunque ex merito poena infligitur, minus ad iram provocat, et majore sustinenda est patientia.
The illustrious and magnificent lord Godfrey, duke of Lotharingia, and the other worshipers of God, who with him are princes, bound to divine services, have directed us to your eminence, desiring to know through us: why the people of the faithful, whose remnants we found on the road meeting us, found such inhumanity with you, who are said to be of the number of the faithful, that they could more safely have turned aside to any enemies whatsoever. But if so great was the fault of the aforesaid peoples that it was worthy to be scourged with extreme punishments; those who sent me are ready to endure their destruction with equanimity. For whatever punishment is inflicted according to merit provokes less to anger, and must be borne with greater patience.
But if it is otherwise, and without any cause you have calumniated the innocents, so as to hand them over to death, they cannot dissemble the injury inflicted upon the servants of God; rather, they are prepared to vindicate the blood of their brothers. Therefore concerning these matters they await your answers through our ministry, and will dispose their spirits according to their tenor. With these things said, he made an end of his plea. To him the king, hedged about by a retinue of his satellites, replied in these words: It is pleasing, man of friendships, Godefrid, to whom, your merits requiring it, we long ago conferred our favor, that you have come in to us, both that we may renew the old friendship, and that before so discreet a judge we may establish our innocence.
Indeed we are also, as you say, of the number of the faithful; and would that by deed we might be able to fulfill the virtue of this name! But those who went before you, both those following Peter the Hermit, and those adhering to Godescalcus, and those who within the borders of our kingdom were striving to storm our castle and to enter upon us violently, were followers of Christ neither in fact nor in name. For when at first we had received Peter and his armies with hospitality, sharing with them the goods which were with us both gratis and at a just price, in the manner of a serpent in the bosom, and of mice in a scrip, they ill-remunerated their hosts.
For on the extreme borders of our kingdom, when now they were bound to repay thanks for benefits conferred, by breaking open one of our cities, and utterly destroying the people who were in it, with their spoils, flocks, and herds, they went away like violent plunderers. But the expeditions of Godescalc, as though we had endured no injury at all from the former, being admitted without annoyance and difficulty, not fearing to exercise rapine in the midst of this kingdom, to bring in violence, to procure conflagrations, and for slight causes to work slaughter, by the enormity of their delicts provoked the Lord to wrath. We also, not being able to bear the molestations of our subjects, laid on our hand, providing a remedy for a matter in peril.
Whence also, deterred by the example of the former, lest for a third time we should undergo the injuries of the now detestable squadrons, it seemed more advisable to ward from the borders of our kingdom maniples of such impious men, plainly odious to God, than to suffer injuries and enormous damages from them, or to contend with them in hostile fashion. Let this, therefore, with you, a prudent and industrious man, suffice to have been alleged for our excuse. For (the Lord lives, we have expounded the pure truth, just as it is.) With these things said, he orders those same envoys to be received hospitably and with much honor, until, after holding a colloquy with his own, he may dispatch messengers to the aforesaid princes, who will carry fitting replies.
At length, having sent some of his household along with the envoys who had come to him, he wrote back to the duke and the princes in these words: We have indeed heard, and long since learned from report, that you are held among your own as a great prince, illustrious and outstanding by merit; and that prudent men, even those placed far off, admire the sincerity of your faith and the commendable constancy of your mind. We also, drawn by the good odor of your name and the fervor of your works, have purposed to honor you, though absent, and to honor you the more readily. And we believe that the noble men who are with you, inflamed with the zeal of the Christian faith, have a pious purpose.
Whence also the merits by which friends are wont to be acquired, we do not wish to lie idle and torpid in us; but we are ready to expend upon all the due charity, and to abound in works of fraternal dilection toward them. Wherefore, since the occasion thus offers itself, we ask that you be willing to be present at our castle, by the name Ciperon, so that with you we may mingle colloquies long desired, and apply a fitting consent to your desires.
Dux igitur, audita regis legatione habitoque suorum consilio, cum trecentis equitibus ex omni comitatu electis, die praefixa, ad locum pervenit destinatum. Ubi ponte transito, regem inveniens, ab eo benignissime, et cum multa susceptus est honorificentia. Tandem post multam hinc inde sibi mutuo familiaritatem exhibitam, placuit ut datis obsidibus de numero nobilium electis, omni rancore deposito, et pace plenius reformata, regni aditus duci et suis legionibus panderetur.
Therefore the duke, the king’s legation having been heard and counsel of his own men taken, with three hundred horsemen chosen from the whole retinue, on the appointed day came to the destined place. There, the bridge having been crossed, finding the king, he was received by him most benignly and with much honorificence. At length, after much familiarity mutually shown on both sides, it was agreed that, hostages having been given, chosen from the number of the nobles, all rancor being laid aside and peace more fully reformed, the approaches of the kingdom should be laid open to the duke and to his legions.
Therefore the king, that he might have fuller confidence with the legions of such great men admitted, lest perchance on any occasion, trusting in their own valor and their number, they should presume to disturb the kingdom, asked for Lord Baldwin, the duke’s brother, with his wife and household, as a hostage. To this the duke, running together with grateful assent, delivered his brother as a hostage under the agreed terms; and, the legions having been let in, he entered the kingdom. Furthermore, the king, faithfully fulfilling what he had promised, by edictal law ordered through all the regions to which the army was about to come, that at a just price and with equal weight the things necessary for victual be furnished to the legions; and that a forum, with throngs of wares for sale, should perpetually accompany those setting out.
The Duke, moreover, throughout the whole camp, both privately and publicly, ordered proclamations to be issued by voice, under penalty of death and of the publication (confiscation) of all goods, that no one should dare to inflict rapine, violence, or injury upon those approaching the army; but that, with fraternal charity, contracts of purchases and sales should be transacted, in the bond of peace. And so it came to pass, the Lord’s mercy going before, that, traversing all Hungary, they did not offend one another even in a light word. The King, however, accompanying the departing army with almost equal steps, with vast forces of his own, leading the hostages with him, was attending on the left flank, prepared, so that if perchance any sedition should arise, it might be immediately quelled by his presence.
At length, indeed, arriving at Malevilla, of which above we have frequently made mention, they sat down on the bank of the river Savoa, until a passage for the army might be prepared. Therefore, rafts having been composed, because they had found few ships, and less than sufficient for transferring so great a people: after a thousand mail-clad horsemen had been ferried across, who might fortify the further bank against whatever ambushes of the enemy, so that the transferred people might find a quiet seat, they vied eagerly to pass themselves over to the opposite side. And scarcely had the plebs sailed across, and some of the princes; and behold, the king, with an enormous retinue of his men, suddenly was present, and he handed back lord Baldwin and his wife, and the other hostages together, into the hand of the lord duke, just as had been stipulated from the beginning; and, honoring both the lord duke and the remaining princes with bountiful gifts, he returned.
The Duke, indeed, following the expeditions that had been ferried across, betook himself, with the residue of the princes and the people, in due order, to the further bank; and, coming to Bellegrava, a town of Bulgaria, of which we have made mention above, he encamped there. Thence, the packs arranged and the legions readied for the journey, traversing Bulgaria’s forests and the groves lying open far and wide, he reached first Niz, then Stralicia.
Conjicere est ex his locis, qui aliquando uberiores et omnimodis commoditatibus refertae fuerunt provinciae, quanta sit Graecorum miseria, et eorum debilitas imperii. Nam postquam deficientibus apud Constantinopolim Latinis principibus, in eorum potestatem sub primo Nicephoro, peccatis exigentibus, descendit imperium, statim barbarae nationes de Graecorum imbecillitate confisi, in eorum provincias irruentes, pro arbitrio suo regionis coeperunt tractare habitatores. Inter quas Bulgarorum gens inculta, a tractu septentrionali egressa, a Danubio usque ad urbem regiam, et iterum ab eodem flumine ad mare Adriaticum, universas occupaverat regiones; ita ut confusis provinciarum nominibus et terminis.
From these places—provinces which once were more fertile and in every way filled with commodities—one may conjecture how great is the misery of the Greeks, and the weakness of their empire. For after, the Latin princes at Constantinople failing, the empire, sins requiring it, descended into their power under the first Nicephorus, straightway the barbarian nations, confident in the feebleness of the Greeks, rushing into their provinces, began to treat the inhabitants at their own arbitrium. Among these, the uncultivated nation of the Bulgars, having come forth from the northern tract, from the Danube as far as the royal city, and again from the same river to the Adriatic Sea, had occupied all the regions; such that the names and boundaries of the provinces were thrown into confusion.
the whole tract, which in length is said to have a journey of thirty days, but in breadth ten, or more, is called Bulgaria: the wretched Greeks not knowing that this very name proclaims their ignominy. For on the Adriatic Sea lay both Epiruses, of which the metropolis of the one is Durachium, once the realm of a strenuous and admirable man, Pyrrhus, king of the Epirotes. But where the duke with his comitatus was about to pass, there had been two Dacias, namely the Riparian, which on the left, as they went along the banks of the Danube, they left behind; and the Mediterranean, through which, making their journey, and through the once exceptional cities Niz and Stralicia, passing through they traversed.
There were also other provinces in the same tract, Arcadia, Thessaly, Macedonia, and the three Thracias, which were involved in a calamity equal to the others. Nor had the Greeks lost only these aforesaid provinces through their mollity; but even afterward, with that same people of the Bulgars subjugated by Basil, their emperor, in the further provinces, and especially those which border on foreign kingdoms, and through which one approaches them, namely in both Dacias, even today they do not permit inhabitants to enter, nor the region to be cultivated; so that, with woods and thickets widely occupying the places, they present no facility to those wishing to enter, having greater confidence in the difficulty of the roads and the armature of briars than in their own strength for resisting. In the same way they leave First Epirus— which has its beginning from Durachium and extends as far as the mountain called Bagularius, a journey of 4 days—through which all the other princes had their passage, deserted and empty of inhabitants; so that for those wishing to approach, the deserted and pathless groves, lacking in provisions, supply an impediment in the stead of bars.
Therefore the aforesaid Dacia Mediterranea, which by another name is called Moesia, the lord duke, traversing with his legions, and, the passes which in the vernacular are called of Saint Basil having been overpassed, descending to leveler places that furnish an abundance of provisions, he came as far as Philippopolis, a noble and most copious city. There, having learned that Lord Hugh the Great, brother of Lord Philip king of the Franks, together with certain other nobles, were being detained in chains by the emperor, he, messengers sent with all speed, by letters and by viva voce admonishes and more diligently entreats that he allow the aforesaid men, having the vow of the same pilgrimage, and consigned to chains without fault, to depart released. For the aforesaid illustrious man, as almost the first of all to have undertaken the journey, the Alps traversed, had descended into Italy, and thence, coming into Apulia, crossing the sea with a scant retinue, had halted at Durachium, awaiting those who were following: not fearing that in the realm of the Greeks, who were said to be reckoned by Christian profession, anything sinister would befall himself and his; where, bound and chained by the governor of the region, he was conveyed to be delivered to the emperor, to be dealt with at his discretion.
Thus then the emperor was detaining him in prison with himself as though a brigand, or a defendant on a homicide charge, awaiting the arrival of the princes who were said to be following, so that, if they should come prosperously, he might seem to have released him for their sake; but if not, he would consign him to perpetual fetters.
Praeerat autem per idem tempus Graecorum imperio vir nequam et subdolus, Alexius nomine, agnomine dictus Connino. Qui cum esset in imperiali palatio a domino Nicephoro, cognomento Botoniath, qui tunc in sceptris agens principabatur, plurimum honoratus; et megadomestici dignitate, quem nos majorem senescalcum appellare consuevimus, fungeretur officio, ab imperatore secundus, contra dominum et benefactorem suum malitiose recalcitrans, quinto vel sexto anno, antequam populus noster accederet, depulso domino imperium invaserat; et detinere praesumebat violenter occupatum. Missi ergo domini ducis legati ad imperatorem accedentes, praedictum nobilem virum cum sociis suis, sicut eis fuerat injunctum, instantissime postulant absolvi.
But at that same time there presided over the empire of the Greeks a wicked and underhanded man, Alexius by name, by agnomen called Connenus. He, though in the imperial palace by lord Nicephorus, by cognomen Botoniath, who then, wielding the scepters, was reigning, was held in very great honor; and, discharging the office with the dignity of megadomesticus, which we are accustomed to call the greater seneschal, second to the emperor—maliciously kicking back against his lord and benefactor—had, in the fifth or sixth year before our people approached, with his lord deposed, invaded the empire, and was presuming to detain what he had seized by violence. Therefore, the envoys of the lord duke, having been sent, approaching the emperor, most insistently demand that the aforesaid noble man with his companions, as had been enjoined upon them, be released.
When this was flatly denied them by that same emperor, they returned to our expeditions, which had already passed beyond Adrianople, there residing in the pastures. But after the duke and the other princes, with the same envoys reporting, learned that the emperor by no means wished to absolve the aforesaid nobles, by common counsel they exposed that whole region to their legions for plunder. And when they had made a continuous stay there for eight days, they ravaged everything.
Hearing this, the emperor dispatches envoys to that same duke, requesting that his army desist from plunder, and that he receive, set free, the nobles whom he had demanded back. To which word the duke gladly acceding, with plunder inhibited to his men, and his legions pacified, he arrived at Constantinople; where, before the city, with a strong hand and a copious army, he pitched tents and encamped. And the aforesaid noble men—namely Lord Hugh the Great, Drogo of Nesle, William the Carpenter, Clarembald of Vendôme—coming out to meet him, betook themselves outside the city into the duke’s camp, to render thanks for their liberation; whom, received with much charity and due honor, he benignly kept with him for some while, fraternally sympathizing with the troubles they had endured beyond their deserts.
Interea vix mutuos dissolverant amplexus et alternis erant confabulationibus recreati, cum ecce imperatoris adsunt nuntii, monentes ut ad dominum imperatorem cum paucis dux introire festinet. Dux vero, habito consilio, illuc ire distulit; unde indignationem plurimam concipiens imperator, forum rerum venalium legionibus quae cum duce advenerant interdixit. Porro principes populi videntes indigentiam et alimentorum defectum, rursum de communi consilio per suburbana longe lateque cum ingentibus armatorum copiis discurrentes, greges et armenta undique contrahunt; et alimentorum omnimodam in castra referunt opulentiam; ita ut usque ad satietatem minores etiam abundarent.
Meanwhile they had scarcely dissolved their mutual embraces and had been refreshed by conversations in turn, when behold the emperor’s messengers are present, advising that the duke hasten to enter to the lord emperor with a few. The duke, however, having held counsel, deferred going thither; wherefore the emperor, conceiving very great indignation, interdicted the market of saleable things to the legions which had come with the duke. Moreover the princes of the people, seeing indigence and a defect of provisions, again by common counsel, running through the suburbs far and wide with huge companies of armed men, gather flocks and herds from everywhere; and they bring back into the camp an all‑mannered opulence of provisions; so that even the lesser ranks abounded up to satiety.
Therefore, seeing the whole region exposed to plunder and conflagrations, fearing lest something even worse might befall, he ordered commerce to be restored again. And when the solemn day of the Lord’s Nativity was impending, our leaders, out of regard for religion, decreed among themselves to restrain their hands from all booty and from any injury through those four days. When these had been accomplished in complete quiet and tranquility, a messenger of the emperor was present, admonishing with pacific words, and yet in guile, that, the bridge having been crossed, which is next to the palace that is called Blaquernas, they should transfer their legions, to lodge in the many palaces which were upon the shores of the Bosphorus.
He could, however, easily persuade; for the greatest importunity of the pressing winter and an unheard-of intemperance of rains prevailed, so that their pavilions could scarcely keep back the drippings: whence both provisions and every kind of equipment, from the dampness of continual water, were corrupted and became putrid. But neither men, nor beasts of burden, nor any whatever of the other animals, were able any longer to tolerate the penetrating force of cold and the frequent, nay almost continuous, sprinkling of snows, by all which they were tormented beyond their powers without cease. In these matters, although the emperor seemed in word to sympathize, yet his mind was far otherwise: and to this his whole intention hastened, that, the legions having been stationed in narrower places, they might have less license of roaming; and he himself might receive a greater power of restraining them at his discretion.
Mare Ponticum (quod ab adjacente regione nomen accepit) praedictae civitati a parte septentrionali positum est, ab eadem triginta distans milliaribus, a quo in modum fluminis, per quasdam angustias in austrum descendit quaedam ejus portio, quae spatio ducentorum triginta milliarum decurrens in directum inter Seston et Abidon urbes antiquissimas, quarum altera in Europa est, altera in Asia, in nostrum mare labitur Mediterraneum. Quae influxio a praedicto mari transfusa, postquam triginta milliariis a primis faucibus, unde habet introitum, continuo tractu descendit, sinum facit in partem occidentalem, cujus longitudo est ad millia quinque, vel sex; latitudo vero quasi unius. Hoc autem ita angustum mare, quod a Pontico in Mediterraneum per ducenta triginta milliaria protenditur, Bosphorus Propontidis sive Hellespontus appellatur.
The Pontic Sea (which from the adjacent region has received its name) is situated on the northern side of the aforesaid city, at a distance of thirty miles from it; from which, in the manner of a river, through certain narrows a certain portion of it descends to the south, and, running for a space of two hundred and thirty miles in a straight line between Sestos and Abydos, most ancient cities—of which the one is in Europe, the other in Asia—flows into our sea, the Mediterranean. This inflow, poured from the aforementioned sea, after it descends in a continuous course for thirty miles from the first jaws where it has its entrance, makes a bay on the western side, whose length is five or six miles; the breadth, indeed, about one. But this so narrow sea, which is stretched from the Pontic into the Mediterranean for two hundred and thirty miles, is called the Bosporus of the Propontis or the Hellespont.
But that it is so, Solinus in the seventeenth On Memorabilia bears witness, saying thus: As great a gulf of Europe as begins at the Hellespont is terminated at the mouth of the Maeotis, and all this breadth, which divides Europe and Asia, is tightened into a narrowness of seven stadia. This is the Hellespont, which Xerxes traversed by a bridge made of ships. Europe then stretches toward the Asian city Priapus, where Alexander the Great, from love of mastering the world, crossed over; and the sea, spread out thence with a very open expanse, is again narrowed into the Propontis; soon it is compressed to five hundred paces and becomes the Thracian Bosporus, where Darius transported his forces. Moreover, the reasons for these names seem to have been derived from the ancient fables of the poets.
For the Bosphorus is so called because Jupiter, having assumed the effigy of a bull, is read to have carried off Europa, the daughter of Agenor, across that sea; but the Hellespont from Helle, the sister of Phrixus, who upon a ram with that same brother of hers is likewise said to have crossed the strait. In common speech, however, it is called the Arm of Saint George, the boundary of Europe and Asia, whose length is that which we have said. But as to breadth there is not everywhere the same measure; for according to the situation and disposition of the adjacent regions, now it is contracted to the space of a single mile; now it spreads out for 30 or more.
The aforesaid gulf, however, tending, as we premised, toward the West, is a port among those which the world has, most famous for its convenient station: beneath which and the Bosphorus, in a certain corner, is situated the aforesaid city, formerly called Byzantium: an ignoble place, and, among the cities of Thrace, as it were the last; now, marked with the happier appellation of the Enlarger Augustus, it has been made the chief of the provinces and the familiar domicile of the empire: begrudging both the name of elder Rome and its prerogative of dignity. First founded by Pausanias, king of the Spartans, according to what is contained in the third book of Paulus Orosius, having the form of a triangle, of three unequal sides, whose first side from that angle which is contained between the harbor and the Hellespont, where is the church of Saint George, which is called Mangana, as far as the new palace, whose name is Blaquernas, is stretched straight along the port; but the second, from that same monastery of Saint George as far as the Golden Gate, is led along the Hellespont; while the third, from that same gate as far as the aforesaid palace Blaquernas, across the fields, distinguished with walls, towers, and outworks, is extended. Moreover, a certain river enters the harbor, modest indeed in summer; but in winter it is wont to become more torrent-like by reason of the rain-waters, having a bridge set over it, which, our army crossing, between the Pontic Sea and the Bosphorus and the harbor, betook themselves into the many buildings which were on the very shore of the Bosphorus for the sake of lodging.
And while they were making a stay there, awaiting the arrival of the remaining princes, the duke was solicited by frequent embassies of the emperor, to come in to him. He, holding his familiarity in suspicion and dreading a colloquy, was afraid to accede to his summons. Nevertheless, seeing that it would be altogether indecent and against the discipline of honesty, if he did not either come in his own person or at least send suitable responsals on his behalf: he dispatches noble men, Lord Conon of Montacute, and likewise Lord Baldwin of the Borough, and Henry of Ascha, to that same emperor, that they might have him excused.
He, seeing the constancy of the lord duke, and that he could by no means summon him to himself, again interdicted the sale of provisions. But not even thus could he soften the spirit of the constant man; wherefore, aggravating his hand, he secretly sent archers who, conveyed by ships to that part in which the duke had pitched his camp, upon arriving, at earliest morning, in the very crepuscule of day, transfixed with arrows many of our men who had gone out to the sea, and those who were watching from the windows, killing a great many.
Quod postquam duci nuntiatum est, convocatis populi principibus, de communi consilio fratri praecepit, ut assumpta parte militiae properet pontem occupare, per quem transierant, ne in illis angustiis intercepti, gentis suae dispendia patiantur. Ille vero impiger, quingentos sibi assumens loricatos, ad praedictum pontem properans festinat, et occupat violenter. Jam enim non solum illi, qui in navibus descenderant, hostes se exhibebant, verum universa civitas contra eos hostiliter armabatur.
When this was reported to the duke, having convoked the chiefs of the people, by common counsel he instructed his brother that, having taken a part of the soldiery, he should hasten to occupy the bridge by which they had crossed, lest, intercepted in those narrows, they suffer losses of their people. He, indeed, untiring, taking to himself five hundred mail‑clad men, hurrying to the aforesaid bridge, hastens, and seizes it by force. For now not only those who had disembarked from the ships were exhibiting themselves as enemies, but the whole city was arming itself in hostile fashion against them.
Our men, indeed, perceiving that their adversaries were studiously and by design prepared against them, and that even all the citizens were rushing to arms for their destruction, having applied fire beneath, set ablaze all the palaces in which they had been lodged, in an unbroken stretch for six or seven miles, both private and imperial. Then, with the lituus-trumpets blaring, at the admonition of the cornicines from the various quarters to which for the sake of lodging they had betaken themselves, massed together, and, snatching up arms, they headlong followed the leader, who, the battle-lines already arrayed, was hastening to the bridge. For those who had greater experience of the military art greatly feared that, if the bridge were occupied by the enemies, being found in narrower places, they would be more easily burdened; wherefore, with such urgency, scarcely having awaited the maniples of foot, the whole band of cavalry had assembled thither.
But running ahead, Lord Baldwin, the duke’s brother, as we have aforesaid, had violently occupied the bridge, the enemies being unwilling; and with them driven off and turned to flight, he had vindicated the farther bank of the river for our men. Therefore the duke and the whole army, with their packs and all manner of household gear, crossing without difficulty, again took their stand before the city in places free and broadly lying open. Where, a conflict being held between the church of the holy martyrs Cosmas and Damian, which today in vulgar appellation is called the Castle of Bohemond, and the new palace, which is called Blachernae, which is situated in a corner of the city next to the port, around the vespertine hour, with countless slain, our men, the Greeks being no longer able to sustain the weight of the war, compelled them to withdraw within the city.
But our men, the field manfully obtained, as victors encamped in a place suitable to that purpose. And perhaps, with the citizens rushing in again, a more perilous engagement and a larger slaughter would have followed, hatred ministering fervor, had not night, rushing on, imposed an end to the mutual combats. Here for the first time it lay open, and without hesitation it became manifest, with what intention the aforesaid wicked emperor had ordered the camp to be transferred: namely, that he might restrain the suspected people in that constriction of places, as if within certain barriers.
Postea demum luce reddita, edictum est publice, ut ad arma populus consurgeret: et pars sub certis ducibus deputatis, universam perlustraret regionem; et alimentorum, quorum imperator commercium interdixerat, copias, vel violenter, vel cum pretio comportaret, gregibus et armentis, frugibus et universis alimentorum generibus non parcentes; pars vero cum duce et quibusdam aliis magnatibus, ad tutelam castrorum in exercitu remaneret. Fraudem imperatoris et suorum compertam habentes, contra ejus muscipulas, quanta poterant, se armabant cautela. Factum est igitur, ut qui pabulatum egressi sunt, sex diebus continuis cum ingenti, tam equitum quam peditum multitudine, suburbana per circuitum usque sd sexaginta milliaria confringentes, tantam alimentorum in castra die octava contulerunt copiam, ut amplius esset opinione hominum; et vix gregum et armentorum, vehiculorum quoque et jumentorum turbas ante se trahere possent.
Afterwards at length, when light was restored, it was publicly edicted that the people should rise to arms: and that a part, under certain appointed leaders, should traverse the whole region; and should bring in supplies of provisions, the commerce of which the emperor had interdicted, either by force or for a price, sparing neither flocks and herds, grains and all kinds of provisions; but that a part, indeed, with the leader and certain other magnates, should remain in the army for the protection of the camp. Having discovered the fraud of the emperor and his men, they armed themselves, against his snares, with as much caution as they could. It came to pass, therefore, that those who went out to forage, for six continuous days, with an enormous multitude of both horsemen and foot-soldiers, devastating the suburban areas in a circuit up to sixty miles, on the eighth day brought into the camp so great a supply of provisions that it exceeded the opinion of men; and they could scarcely drag before them the crowds of flocks and herds, and likewise of vehicles and beasts of burden.
Dum haec vero in castris aguntur, ecce domini Boamundi nuntius praesens ante ducem astitit, praedicti principis litteras deferens in haec verba: Noveris, virorum optime, quod tibi contra feram pessimam et cum homine nequam incumbit negotium, cujus propositum est semper fallere et omnem Latinorum nationem usque ad mortem modis omnibus persequi; et quod de eo recte sentiam, tuo quoque aliquando approbabitur judicio. Novi enim Graecorum malitiam et odium adversus Latinorum nomen pertinax et obstinatum. Cede ergo, si placet, urbe relicta, ad partes Adrianopolitanas vel circa Philipoppolim, et legiones tibi a Domino commissas, in locis uberibus, alimentis et otio praecipe recreari.
But while these things are being transacted in the camp, behold, the messenger of lord Boamund stood present before the duke, bearing the letters of the aforesaid prince in these words: Know, best of men, that there presses upon you an affair against a most savage beast and with a wicked man, whose purpose is always to deceive and to persecute by all means the whole nation of the Latins even unto death; and that I judge rightly about him will also at some time be approved by your judgment. For I know the malice of the Greeks and the hatred against the Latin name, pertinacious and obstinate. Withdraw therefore, if it pleases, the city left behind, to the parts of Adrianople or around Philippopolis, and the legions entrusted to you by the Lord command to be refreshed, in fertile places, with provisions and with leisure.
I, however, with the Lord as author, around the beginning of spring will hasten to be present, to minister counsel and aid, in fraternal charity, as to my lord, against the impious prince of the Greeks. Therefore, the letters having been read through, and their tenor more fully understood, by the common counsel of the princes he replied by letters and by living voice in these words: I know, most beloved brother, and I have long since been taught by report that, with inexorable hatred, the Greeks’ astuteness has most ardently endeavored always to persecute our people; and if anything was lacking to my knowledge before, I learn it more fully every day by experience; nor do I doubt that you are moved by just zeal against them, and that you judge rightly of their iniquity. But, having the fear of God before my eyes, and considering my purpose, I shrink from turning arms owed to the infidels upon the Christian people. Your coming, however, desirable to us, and the presence of other princes devoted to God, the army, beloved of God—who is with us—awaits most eagerly.
Imperator ergo cum suis familiaribus et domesticis anxius plurimum, tum quia totam regionem praedae videt expositam, suorum gemitus et lamenta non perferens; tum quia domini Boamundi adfuisse legationem, eumque in proximo venturum cognoverat, iterum nuntiis suis dominum ducem, ut ad se ingrediatur, sollicitat: timens, ne si conveniat, qui venturi erant principes, antequam ducem sibi reddat placabilem, in ejus ruinam unanimiter consentiant. Instat ergo propensius, ut sibi ducis prius reconciliet animum, monens et exhortans attentius, ut recepto filio suo Joanne Porfiro genito, quem ei pro obside dirigebat, ad se sine aliquo mentis scrupulo ingrediatur. Placuit ergo verbum principibus, et recepto per Cononem de Monteacuto et Balduinum de Burgo, viros nobilissimos, qui ad hoc missi erant, imperatoris filio, et diligenti custodiae in manu fratris deputato, ipse assumptis reliquis principibus, fratre super exercitum, ut ejus curam haberet, relicto, in urbem ingressus, imperatori diu desideratam suam obtulit praesentiam.
Therefore the emperor, with his familiars and domestics exceedingly anxious—both because he sees the whole region exposed to plunder, and, not bearing the groans and lamentations of his own; and because he had learned that an embassy of lord Bohemond had been present and that he would come shortly—again by his messengers urges the lord duke to come in to him, fearing lest, if the princes who were to come should convene, before he renders the duke placable to himself, they might unanimously consent to his ruin. He presses, then, the more earnestly, to reconcile first to himself the mind of the duke, warning and exhorting more attentively that, on receiving his son John Porphyrogenitus, whom he was sending to him as a hostage, he should enter to him without any scruple of mind. The proposal pleased the princes; and, the emperor’s son having been received by Conon of Montaigu and Baldwin of Bourg, most noble men who had been sent for this, and having been assigned to diligent custody in the hand of the brother, he himself, taking along the remaining princes, with his brother left over the army, that he might have its care, entered the city and offered to the emperor his long-desired presence.
Where, with much honor, illustrious men standing by and wishing to gaze upon the man about whom they had heard much and had in part come to know, having been received, and the princes who had come with him, as their dignity demanded, both honored with a salutation and likewise admitted to the kiss of peace, he inquires more carefully about their safety; and running through the names of each, that he might win their favor for himself, he showed himself to each affable and benign. At last, however, meeting the duke, he addresses him with these words: Our empire has heard, dearest duke, that among your princes you are most powerful; and the purpose of piety, which you zealously pursue, armed with a commendable fervor of devotion, is not unknown; and what is more, celebrated fame proclaims far and wide that you are a man of constant spirit and sincere faith. Whence even with many who have not seen you in person, the elegance of your manners requiring it, you have merited favor.
Wherefore we also, wishing to embrace you with all the bowels of charity, and to honor you more earnestly, have decreed today, in the presence of the magnates of our sacred palace, to adopt you as a son; placing our empire in your power, so that through you, in the face of the present and the future multitude, it may be able to remain unharmed and intact. With these things said, him clothed in imperial garments, with a certain solemnity applied according to the custom of the court, which is wont to be done in arrogations of this kind, he adopted as a son according to the custom of the region, peace and grace on both sides being more fully reformed.
Quo facto, apertis thesauris suis tam domino duci, quam ejus consortibus, dona ingentia in auro, gemmis et holosericis, et vasis pretiosis, hominum aestimationem tam operis elegantia quam dignitate materiae penitus excedentia, pro sua liberalitate contulit; ita ut usque ad supremum muneribus cumulati, et divitiarum incomparabiles copias, et principis admirarentur munificentiam. Nec semel tantum erga ducem tanta functus est liberalitate; sed ab Epiphaniorum die usque ad Ascensionem Domini singulis hebdomadibus, quantum duo viri fortes aureae monetae poterant humeris sustinere; de aereis vero denariis, decem modii, de imperiali palatio ei ministrabantur. Qui tamen omnia, nihil sibi faciens residui, nobilibus et populo, prout cuique videbatur necessarium, liberaliter erogabat.
This done, with his treasures opened he bestowed, both upon the lord duke and upon his companions, enormous gifts in gold, gems, and holoserics, and in precious vessels, utterly exceeding human estimation as much by the elegance of the workmanship as by the dignity of the material, according to his liberality; so that, heaped with gifts up to the very brim, they marveled both at the incomparable supplies of riches and at the prince’s munificence. Nor did he exercise so great liberality toward the duke only once; but from the day of the Epiphany up to the Ascension of the Lord, each week as much in gold coin as two stout men could bear upon their shoulders, and, as for bronze denarii, ten modii, were supplied to him from the imperial palace. He, however, distributing all liberally to the nobles and to the people, as to each seemed necessary, made nothing remain over for himself.
Egressing therefore from the lord emperor, having taken leave for the time, they returned to the camp. Whence they sent back John, the emperor’s son, whom they had detained in the camp as a hostage until the lord duke’s return, to his father with an honorable retinue. The emperor, moreover, with an edict publicly manifested, the penalty of death to be inflicted upon its violators, ordered that to the duke’s army whatever necessities should be sold at a just price and with equal weight.
The duke likewise, nonetheless, in the camp by a herald’s voice forbade under penalty of death, lest either violence or injury be inflicted upon the emperor’s men. And thus, supporting one another quite suitably, they made use of mutual commerce with all tranquillity. At length, however, in mid-March, the duke, hearing that other princes, stationed nearby, were coming with their armies, at the emperor’s suggestion; and with that very course being desired both by his plebs and by the patres, with a ship made ready, crossing the Hellespont, stationed his army in Bithynia, which is the first of the Asiatic provinces to present itself; and he encamped in the Chalcedonian pagus.
Now Chalcedon is a city in Bithynia, where, in the time of lord Leo the elder, the pope, and lord Marcian Augustus, the fourth general synod convened, of 636 Fathers, against the impieties of Eutyches the monk and of Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria: a place, namely, near to Constantinople and separated only by the interposition of the Bosporus; whence it was possible for all to gaze upon the city situated nearby; and those who were drawn by urgent affairs could go to the royal city three or even four times in a day and return to the camp without difficulty. But that he had, by his persuasions, compelled the duke’s army to cross over more quickly did not proceed from sincerity of faith; rather by his customary fraud he circumvented the duke, lest, with others arriving, his forces could be mingled with theirs. For he also compelled the rest who followed afterward to cross singly by the same artifice, so that never were there two armies at the same time before the city.
Interea dum haec circa Constantinopolim per imperatorem et hominum ducem sic geruntur, dominus Boamundus, Roberti Guischardi filius, princeps Tarentinus, qui ante ingruentem hiemem cum suo exercitu Adriaticum mare transiens, Durachium usque pervenerat, per deserta Bulgariae suos, qui eum subsequebantur, operiens, pedetentim accedebat. Adhaeserant porro ei, et ejus castris se adjunxerant, tam de Italia, quam de aliis provinciis viri nobiles, et potentes plurimi: quorum ad perpetuam memoriam numerum et nomina ex parte comprehendimus. Tancredus, Willelmi marchionis filius; Richardus de Principatu, filius Guillelmi Ferrebrachia, fratris Roberti Guischart; Ranulfus, frater ejus; Robertus de Anxa, Hermannus de Carni, Robertus de Surdavalle, Robertus, filius Tristani; Hunfredus, filius Rodulfi; Richardus, filius comitis Ranulfi, et comes de Rosinolo cum fratribus suis, et Boelus Carnotensis; Alberedus de Cagnano; Hunfredus de Monte scabioso.
Meanwhile, while these things around Constantinople were thus being carried on by the emperor and the leader of men, lord Bohemund, son of Robert Guiscard, the Tarentine prince, who, before the oncoming winter, crossing the Adriatic Sea with his army, had come as far as Dyrrachium, through the wastes of Bulgaria, awaiting his own who were following him, was drawing near little by little. Moreover, there had adhered to him and had joined his camp, both from Italy and from other provinces, very many noble and powerful men: of whom, for perpetual memory, we in part set down the number and the names. Tancred, son of William the marquis; Richard of the Principate, son of William Iron-Arm, brother of Robert Guiscard; Ranulf, his brother; Robert of Anxa, Hermann of Carni, Robert of Surdavalle, Robert, son of Tristan; Humphrey, son of Ralph; Richard, son of Count Ranulf, and the count of Rosinol with his brothers, and Boel of Chartres; Albered of Cagnano; Humphrey of Monte Scabioso.
These therefore all, having followed Lord Boamund’s standards, had come as far as the city Castorea, where they kept the festal days of the Lord’s Nativity. Since there the citizens did not offer wares for sale to the passing people, they were compelled to seize violently flocks and herds, and the other things necessary for victuals, and to inflict damages upon the inhabitants of the places, who abominated them as though enemies. Thence, having progressed, they encamped in a most fertile region, whose name is Pelagonia.
Where, hearing that nearby there was a municipality filled with inhabitants who were solely heretics, they hasten thither with all speed, and, violently seizing the stronghold, with the buildings set on fire and the townspeople partly by the sword, partly consumed by the blaze, they carried off from there all the booty and rich spoils. But the emperor, hearing that the legions of the aforesaid lord Boamund were approaching, secretly instructs the primicerii of his armies, whom he had stationed in those same regions for the purpose of remaining there, that with all the forces of those regions they should pursue them up to the river Bardarius from the flank, without intermission, so that, if perchance a suitable chance were given them, and thus an opportunity should offer itself by night or by day, secretly or otherwise, they might attempt to weary the army as it advanced. For he held the entry of lord Boamund most suspect.
For both at his hands and at his father’s, he had suffered many and very frequent injuries. Nevertheless, as he was a crafty man, able to simulate and dissimulate his purpose, having sent certain nobles from among his household to that same distinguished man, he addressed him with pacific words in guile, trying whether by any means he could deceive him. Now the tenor of the words which he had put forth both viva voce and by letters through the aforesaid messengers was of this kind:
Compertum habet, et nullatenus dubitat nostrum imperium, a Deo protectum, quod magnus et potens sis princeps, et egregius, magnifici quoque, et praepotentis, et industrii principis filius: teque hactenus, meritis tuis id exigentibus, charum semper habuimus et acceptum, licet te praesentem non inspexerimus. Et nunc, quoniam ad servitutem Dei et pietatis obsequia accinctum te et ejusdem peregrinationis cum caeteris Deo devotis principibus consortium iniisse audivimus, fortius amare et honorare propensius, cordi nobis est, et in prompta fixum gerimus voluntate. Quapropter, dilectissime noster, populis praecipe, qui te sequuntur, subjectis nostris parcere; violentiam, rapinas et incendia fac cessare, ad nostram quantocius accedens praesentiam, securus de multiplici honore et gratia nostra, qua multipliciter te proposuimus praevenire.
Our empire, protected by God, holds it as ascertained and by no means doubts that you are a great and potent prince, and an egregious one, the son also of a magnificent, prepotent, and industrious prince: and you we have hitherto, your merits requiring it, always held dear and acceptable, although we have not beheld you in person. And now, since we have heard that you are girt for the service of God and the offices of piety, and that you have entered the consortium of that same pilgrimage with the other princes devoted to God, it is at our heart to love you more strongly and to honor you more readily, and we bear this fixed in a prompt will. Wherefore, our most beloved, command the peoples who follow you to spare our subjects; cause violence, rapines, and burnings to cease; drawing near to our presence as soon as possible, secure of manifold honor and of our grace, with which we have purposed manifoldly to go before you.
We have also given in mandates to the bearers of the present [letters], that they procure for your armies the necessaries at a just price, so that without interruption a plenty of things for sale may attend them. These words of the emperor, although on the surface they seemed to have much humanity, yet within hid a poison admixed. But Boamund, as a man skillful and shrewd, having the emperor’s malice ascertained, dissembling his own purpose, bore himself more cautiously, returning thanks to the emperor for that he deigned to be solicitous about his condition. With these guides, therefore, reaching as far as the river Bardarius, when already, the stream having been sailed across in part, the army was standing on the farther bank, while a part still was pressing the plan of crossing, lo, the emperor’s satellites, who with an innumerable host were following the footsteps of our army, thinking that they had found an opportunity, rush hostilely upon that part of the army which was still in the array for crossing, pressing them with as much importunity as they could.
Which when Tancred understood, as he was a most expeditious man, he flies thunderbolt-like; and swimming across the river which was between, he reached the further bank. Him the knights followed, about two thousand, and at their very first arrival they dissolve with swords the cohorts aforesaid; and, turning them to flight, by cutting down they pursued them a little, and with very many of them slain, also seizing some, they set them before lord Bohemond. When they were more diligently interrogated, why they were persecuting the Christian army, they answered that they were the emperor’s men, and that, earning stipends, it behooved them to soldier at his command. Here at last it became more fully known to all that whatever the emperor spoke to them was fraud and circumvention; yet because they had to pass through him, while others were unwilling, Bohemond preferred rather to dissemble the injuries than to provoke him uselessly to wrath.
Transcursa igitur Macedonia et universa Illyrico, competendi moderamine itinere maturato, ad urbem coepit appropinquare. Cumque in vicino esset constitutus, quinta feria ante Paschalem solemnitatem, suscepta iterum imperatoris legatione, persuadente ut dimisso exercitu ad se cum paucis et familiaribus suis ingrederetur, substitit aliquantulum; et effectui mancipare quod praecipiebatur, distulit, suspectam illius habens malitiam. Dumque sic fluctuaret in incerto, ecce vir illustris dux Godefridus, ab imperatore multa precum victus instantia, ut domino Boamundo exiret obviam, et eum ad se nihil dubitantem introduceret, cum honesto principum comitatu praedicto viro occurrit magnifice.
Macedonia therefore and all Illyricum having been traversed, with the march hastened under the governance of pressing-on, he began to approach the city. And when he was positioned nearby, on the Thursday before the Paschal solemnity, having again received the emperor’s legation, which was persuading that, the army having been dismissed, he should come in to him with a few and with his familiars, he halted for a little; and he deferred to consign to effect what was being enjoined, holding his malice suspect. And while he was thus wavering in uncertainty, behold, the illustrious man Duke Godfrey, overcome by the emperor’s much urgency of entreaties that he should go out to meet lord Bohemond and should introduce him to himself doubting nothing, with an honorable company of princes met the aforesaid man magnificently.
Where, receiving one another with mutual embraces and with the kiss of sincere charity, after pleasing conversations and mutual inquiries about each one’s condition, Boamund, admonished by the lord duke to go in to the emperor as he had been summoned, although at first he showed himself hard to move and did not sufficiently heed the duke’s admonitions, holding, as we said above, the emperor’s colloquies suspect, afterwards, however, overcome by honorable persuasion, with the duke going before, went in confidently to the emperor. There he was received by the same in the kiss of peace and with manifold grace and with multiple honor; and after many counsels held familiarly with them both, Lord Boamund was made, as it is said, the emperor’s man, fealty being rendered by hand, and an oath being sworn corporally, in the manner that the faithful are wont to render to their lords. This done, from the imperial wardrobes there were offered to the aforesaid man gifts in gold, garments, vessels, and precious stones, incomparable both in price and in dignity.
Therefore, with these matters thus pacified, while lord Bohemond was still making delay in the palace, Tancred, a man commendable in all respects, his nephew by a sister, diligently declining the emperor’s presence and colloquies, had meanwhile transferred the whole army into Bithynia, beyond the Bosporus in the Chalcedonian pagus (where also the army of the lord duke, having been ferried across, had for some time been residing, awaiting the arrival of those following), and he encamped. When this had become more fully known to the emperor, that lord Tancred had thus shunned his presence, he took it very hard. But after the manner of a prudent man, dissembling the injury, again and again heaping the present princes with immense gifts, he sent them back with much honor to their own camp across the Bosporus, where, their columns joined and united in full charity, each army was residing in sight of the city, awaiting the coming of the subsequent princes, so that, their legions joined, they might with one mind pursue the journey which they had undertaken.
Interea vir illustris Flandrensium comes Robertus, qui a principio ineuntis hiemis cum suo comitatu mare transiens, a Baro Apuliae civitate maritima Durachium descenderat, in locis fertilibus, silvis, pascuis et omnimoda commoditate refertis, instantis brumae declinaverat importunitatem: tandemque circa veris initium iter arripiens, reliquos principes, qui jam mare transierant, ut eis adjungeretur, multa prosecutus est instantia. Qui antequam Constantinopolim perveniret, sicuti et aliis acciderat, legatos suscepit imperiales, per quos ei mandabatur, quatenus relicto exercitu, ad ejus praesentiam paucis comitatus, accederet. Ipse autem, quomodo qui eum praecesserant cum domino imperatore se habuissent, plenius edoctus, Constantinopolim perveniens, palatium cum paucis consortibus ingressus est.
Meanwhile the illustrious man Robert, Count of the Flemings, who from the beginning of the incipient winter, crossing the sea with his retinue, had from Bari, the maritime city of Apulia, put in at Durachium, in regions fertile and filled with woods, pastures, and every manner of convenience, had avoided the importunity of the impending winter: and at length, around the beginning of spring, taking up the journey, he pressed with much urgency to be joined to the other princes who had already crossed the sea. He, before he should arrive at Constantinople, just as had happened also to the others, received imperial legates, through whom it was enjoined upon him that, leaving the army behind, he should approach his presence accompanied by a few. He himself, moreover, being more fully instructed how those who had preceded him had borne themselves with the lord emperor, arriving at Constantinople, entered the palace with a few companions.
Where, having been received by the emperor with much honor and treated benignly, he rendered exact fidelity, following the footsteps of the others, in person. Whence also, having obtained greater favor, he received enormous gifts, his associates likewise being honored with equal liberality according to their station. After, in fact, when for several days his army there near the city had been refreshed both with provisions and with leisure; and he himself, having gone in to the emperor repeatedly, had conferred sufficiently with him about the things which seemed necessary, leave having been taken, transferring his cohorts, he sailed to the companions of the way, by whom he was received kindly and with full charity, and he was joined to their armies with his own retinue.
Where, as day by day by mutual confabulations about the various events of things which had befallen each of them on the journey, they refreshed themselves one with another; and rolled back their labors with a certain grateful memory, the discussion at last would return to that which was pressing, that they should more diligently inquire among themselves when and how they might aim at the consummation of the work begun. And while they were anxious about this, and were charging their companions who were following with delay, imputing to them that the times were passing without fruit, lo, a messenger of the Count of Toulouse and the Bishop of Le Puy informs that both are present and will shortly enter the city.
Porro hi duo magni et illustres viri, ab initio suscepti itineris cum suis expeditionibus, comites sibi perpetuo adhaeserunt indivisi. Erantque cum eis viri nobiles et apud suos tam nobilitate quam morum elegantia clarissimi: dominus videlicet Willelmus Aurasiensis episcopus et Rambaldus ejusdem civitatis comes, Gaustus de Bederz, Girardus de Rosseilon, Guillelmus de Montepessulano, Guillelmus comes Forensis, Raimundus Pelez, Centonius de Bear, Guillelmus Amaneu; et alii multi, quorum etsi nomina non tenemus, certum est tamen ea in libro vitae conscripta esse. Quippe qui patriam cognationem et amicos, et late diffusa patrimonia relinquentes, Christum secuti sunt, voluntariam amplexi paupertatem.
Moreover, these two great and illustrious men, from the beginning of the undertaken journey, with their expeditions, adhered to one another as inseparable companions continually. And with them were noble men and, among their own, most renowned both for nobility and for elegance of manners: namely Lord William, bishop of Orange, and Rambaud, count of the same city, Gaustus of Bederz, Gerard of Roussillon, William of Montpellier, William, count of Forez, Raymond Pelez, Centonius of Béarn, William Amanieu; and many others, whose names, even if we do not retain them, it is certain nevertheless that they are inscribed in the book of life. For they, leaving fatherland, kin, and friends, and patrimonies spread far and wide, followed Christ, having embraced voluntary poverty.
All these, following the aforesaid venerable men with all reverence, descended into Italy; and, Lombardy having been traversed, through that region which is called Forum Julii, passing near Aquileia into Istria, thence at length they descended into Dalmatia. Now Dalmatia is a far‑extending region situated between Hungary and the Adriatic Sea, having four metropolises, Iazara and Salona, which by another name is called Spaletum, Antibarium and Ragusa; inhabited by a most ferocious people, accustomed to rapine and slaughters: wholly occupied by mountains and woods, and also by great rivers, and by pastures too spread far and wide, so that it has but rare cultivation of the fields, the inhabitants of the places placing all their confidence of living in flocks and herds—except a few who dwell on the maritime shores, who, unlike the others in manners and in language, have the Latin idiom; the rest using the Slavonic speech and the garb of barbarians. Therefore, having entered this province, they found much difficulty of the journey, chiefly on account of the imminence of winter and the excessive inequality of the places; and, moreover, enduring a grievous lack of victuals and aliments, for several days they labored in dangerous wise under hunger.
The inhabitants of the places, indeed, abandoning the cities and garrisons, to the mountains and the dense thickets of the woods, with wives and children, and with all their substance, fleeing like rustic wild beasts, dreaded the sight of our men. Secretly, however, and from afar, following the tracks of the departing army, they would, finding apart infirm elders, and also very aged old women who were proceeding with a slow pace on the way, kill them. But the count, bearing the due solicitude for the whole multitude, having sent ahead several of the chiefs to go before the columns, he himself, with a very large band of mail‑clad men, always advanced as the rearmost, and took lodging last of all.
Moreover, the air was caliginous and the darkness continual, almost palpable, so that those who were following could scarcely keep the tracks of those going before; and those who went ahead could scarcely discern the places before them for a stone’s throw before them. For the land, as we have said above, abounding in streams and rivers, and almost wholly marshy, gave off each day so much dampness from itself and such a thickness of mists, that they rendered the air almost suffocatory. Besides, the Dalmatian Slavs, as natives, having expertise of the places, through the steep places of the mountains and the dense parts of the groves, following the army on the flank, with frequent irruptions, coming forth from the woods, were overwhelming the unarmed people.
But the count, and other magnates, making very frequent onsets upon such men themselves, were slaying many of them, stabbed through with lances and hewn down with swords; and they would have killed more, and more often, if not because, having woods nearby and fleeing to them, they were grasping an immediate remedy. It happened, however, on a certain day, that, of the aforesaid malefactors, when some were captured, the count ordered hands and feet to be amputated, so that their associates, at least deterred by this penalty, might dread to pursue the army. And when for three continuous weeks, with so toilsome a journey, they had run through part of the region, arriving at a place whose name is Scodra, they found there the king of the Slavs.
And since the lord Count, as he was a kindly man, affable and merciful, by much liberality of gifts contracting friendship, hoped to obtain for his people the favor of the natives, so that at least he might secure an abundance of commerce and of vendible goods: yet not even by this way could he soften the ferocity of the aforesaid nation, whom thereafter he found much more savage. And when for nearly forty days they had traversed all Dalmatia with much labor, at length they arrived at Dyrrhachium.
Imperator vero comitis suspectum habens adventum, eo quod vir prudens et magnificus esset, et majores secum traheret copias, missa multo ante legatione honestorum virorum, qui ei apud Durachium occurrerent, praecepit, ut advenientem ex parte ejus officiosissime salutatum, honeste tractarent. Qui dicto parentes, in ejus praesentia constituti, viva voce et litteris eum blande allocuti sunt, imperatoris porrigentes epistolam, cujus hic tenor erat: Jamdudum, comes dilectissime, tuae prudentiae opinio celebris et probitatis late diffusa fragrantia ad nostri pervenit aures imperii; et meritis exigentibus, nos ad tui dilectionem invitavit, propositum habentes personam tuam amare et honorare propensius. Unde et tuum adventum cum multo desiderio exspectavimus, multa de publicis negotiis cum tua nobilitate imperio nostro charissima, tractare cupientes.
The emperor, however, holding the count’s arrival in suspicion, because he was a prudent and magnificent man, and was drawing larger forces with him, having sent long before a legation of honorable men to meet him at Durachium, ordered that, the one arriving, on his behalf they should most dutifully greet him and treat him honorably. They, obeying the command, once set in his presence, addressed him blandly by living voice and by letters, presenting the emperor’s epistle, whose tenor was this: Long since, most beloved count, the celebrated report of your prudence and the widely diffused fragrance of your probity has reached the ears of our empire; and, the merits demanding it, has invited us to love for you, having the purpose to love and honor your person more earnestly. Whence also we have awaited your arrival with much desire, wishing to treat many matters of public business with your nobility, most dear to our empire.
Whence we admonish more attentively, that, passing through our lands without tumult and scandals, you hasten to come to us, secure of our favor and manifold honor, with which we have proposed to anticipate you. Moreover, to the bearers of these presents we have given in mandates, that an abundance of things for sale and a continual commerce be made to be exhibited to your people on good terms. By these letters both the count and his army were very much exhilarated, and, taking up the journey again, after running across forests and mountains, and the whole region of the Epirotes, by the toil of many days, at length they descended into a district whose name is Pelagonia, overflowing with all supplies, and pitched camp. There, when the man of venerable life, the lord Bishop of Le Puy, having followed the convenience of lodging, had placed his tents a little farther from the camp, apart, he was seized by Bulgars rushing in.
But because so great a pontiff was still necessary for the people of God, by chance, through his mercy he was preserved alive. For while one of the marauders was seeking gold from him, he was defending him against the rest: among whom, a tumult having been aroused at the voice of those contending, the whole army was stirred; and, seizing arms and rushing upon the aforesaid malefactors, they freed the lord bishop with his followers. At length, the journey being resumed, passing through Thessalonica and all Macedonia, with labors continued through many days, they arrived at Rodostum, a maritime city, situated upon the Hellespont, at a distance of a journey of 4 days from Constantinople.
Where again the emperor’s legation met the count, and also some nuncios of the princes who had gone before, admonishing and exhorting more strenuously, that, the army being left behind and following little by little, he himself might come unencumbered with a few, so that, the negotiations with the emperor having been transacted. with his army approaching, he might be able to follow up the rest more quickly; and that, for the peoples wishing to hasten, he should furnish no impediment. Moreover, he too had sent messengers ahead, who, having themselves returned, likewise encouraged him to the same.
Evictus igitur comes tam imperialium legatorum instantia quam verbo principum, qui eum maturare hortabantur, relicto exercitu sub cura et sollicitudine episcoporum et aliorum nobilium, qui in castris erant, ipse cum paucis Constantinopolim ingressus, saepius citatus, praecedentibus eum imperialibus apocrisiariis, suam imperatori praesentiam exhibuit. Ibi tam ab eo quam a suis illustribus et inclytis, qui ei assistebant, honorifice susceptus, et benigne plurimum, plena humanitate tractatus est. Ubi postmodum blandis persuasionibus et multa instantia pulsatus, ut imperatori fidelitatem et juramentum secundum formam aliorum principum, qui eum praecesserant, exhiberet, negavit constantissime.
Overcome, therefore, as much by the insistence of the imperial legates as by the word of the princes, who urged him to make haste, the Count, leaving the army under the care and solicitude of the bishops and other nobles who were in the camp, he himself, having entered Constantinople with a few, being often summoned, with imperial apocrisiaries going before him, presented his presence to the emperor. There, both by him and by his illustrious and renowned men who stood by him, he was honorably received, and very kindly, treated with full humanity. Where afterwards, pressed by smooth persuasions and much urgency, that he should exhibit to the emperor fealty and an oath according to the form of the other princes who had preceded him, he very steadfastly refused.
Meanwhile, indeed, while these things were being transacted at Constantinople, the emperor, indignant that the count refused to do homage to him after the manner of the others, secretly commands the primicerii of his legions, which were stationed in those parts, that, suddenly rushing upon the count’s army, they should attempt to harass it by whatever means they could, even so far as not to fear to work slaughter among them. He dared to attempt this, relying on that confidence, that he had bound all the princes by fidelity given to himself; and that all their army had crossed that sea, whence it was not easy to cross back. For as many ships as came thither either for the sake of commerce or for the transferring of the populace, all were at once constrained to leave the further shore, so that for them there might be a lack of a supply of ships, and they might think in vain about returning.
For indeed to this end he had compelled them, as we have said before, to cross singly, by blandishments and crafty persuasions, lest, with their ranks joined together, they might be able to convene before the city. For he regarded our men’s arrival as suspect, and their gathering as far more formidable. And what he had conferred upon the princes as if liberally was neither of liberality nor of grace, but of desperate fear and fraudulent cunning.
Igitur qui imperatoris mandatum susceperant, centuriones, et quinquagenarii, et numeris militaribus praepositi, regiam exsequentes jussionem, praemonitis agminibus, clam et de nocte in domini comitis irruunt expeditiones; dum incautos reperiunt, et nihil tale verentes, plurimos ex eis interficiunt: ita ut antequam expergefacti arma corriperent, et fuga foeda et strages miserabilis intercederet. Tandem vero honestioribus viris admonentibus ad cor redeuntes, resumptis animis ac viribus, praedictae imperatoris latrocinanti familiae multa suae gentis intulerunt dispendia. Et licet pro tempore et loco satis viriliter nostri restitissent, viae tamen considerantes difficultatem, et crebra quae ex insperato diebus pene singulis occurrebant discrimina, liquefiebant in se ipsis, quasi assumpti poenitentes itineris; et minus minusque fervebant in eo quod erant aggressi, taedio laborum fatigati vehementius, ita ut multos non solum de plebeiis, verum et de majoribus incepti poeniteret; et diffidentes de consummatione propositi, votorum immemores, redire disponerent.
Therefore those who had received the emperor’s mandate—the centurions, the officers of fifty, and those set over the military numeri—executing the royal injunction, after their columns had been forewarned, secretly and by night rush upon the lord count’s expeditions; and while they find them off their guard and fearing nothing of the sort, they slay very many of them: so that, before they, awakened, might seize their arms, there intervened both foul flight and a wretched massacre. At length, however, being admonished by more honorable men, returning to their senses, with spirit and strength resumed, they inflicted many losses upon the plundering household of the aforesaid emperor. And although, considering the time and place, our men had stood their ground quite manfully, yet, considering the difficulty of the way and the frequent dangers which, unexpectedly, occurred almost every day, they were melting within themselves, as though repenting of the journey undertaken; and they burned less and less hot for that which they had engaged in, being more vehemently wearied by the tedium of labors, so that many, not only of the plebeians but even of the greater men, repented of the enterprise; and, distrusting the completion of the purpose, forgetful of their vows, they resolved to return.
But unless they had been called back by admonitions and exhortations from the bishops and the clergy, and rekindled to the prosecution of their vow, they were ready to desert the ranks and to attempt a return to their own homes, at whatever peril. When this was reported to the lord count, touched inwardly with grief of heart, he cries out that he has been betrayed; and, having sent several nobles from among his faithful men, he imputes to the emperor the infamous charge of treachery, asserting that while by the emperor’s summons and repeated legations he was in his service, he had, contrary to good morals, ordered his own men to be armed against his (the count’s) army. But also to the princes, at whose prayer and urgency he had hastened after the army was dismissed, he makes known the lamentable mishap that had befallen his men and the emperor’s most manifest fraud, demanding vengeance for these things as from brothers.
But if the count had had a faculty, equal to his passions and will, of avenging the wrong done to his own, beyond all doubt he could not have been torn from the emotion of mind which he had conceived, neither by threats, nor by terrors, nor by the intervention of certain princes. For he was said to be a spirited man and perpetually mindful of injuries, and one who abounded exceedingly in his own sense. The emperor, therefore, seeing the matter had gone too far and repenting of the deed, has the princes—namely lord the Duke, lord Bohemond, lord the Count of Flanders, who were still lingering on the farther shore of the sea with their legions—summoned to himself, that through their intervention he might be able to reconcile to himself the mind of lord the Count.
Who, convening at his summons, and although what had happened displeased them much, yet seeing that there was no place for reclaiming vengeance, admonish the lord count apart and with honest persuasions exhort him to be willing to dissemble the injury, which they reckon common; lest, prosecuting vengeance, he undertake a labor of many days, and furnish an impediment to those willing to proceed on the way of the Lord. And it came to pass at length that, at the pious intercession of the princes, the count, as a discreet man, softening his exasperated spirit, yielded to the counsel of the princes, committing himself to their disposition. But they, meeting the emperor familiarly, unanimously protest how grievously they bear what had happened.
Understanding their indignation and the steadfastness of their unanimity, the emperor, before the count and the whole court, both of foreigners and of his own domestics, descended into an excuse, swearing and calling to witness that neither with his knowledge nor by his mandate had what was said to have happened come to pass. Nevertheless, in keeping with this his innocence, he said he was prepared to satisfy the count. And so, day by day, more and more the guile of the Greeks and the emperor’s fraud were being uncovered, so that now there was no one among the princes to whom it was not manifest, and clearer than the noonday light, with how great a hatred he pursued our people and held the whole race of the Latins in aversion.
Comes igitur juxta principum exhortationem, imperatori reconciliatur; et secundum tenorem juramentorum, quem alii praebuerant, et ipse juramentum fidelitatis exhibens, in plenam gratiam reversus, donis ingentibus et cumulatae liberalitatis, quae et numerum et pondus excederet, honoratus est. Accipientes porro et alii principes iterata dona et sumentes licentiam, ipsumque comitem specialiter rogantes, ne moram post eos faceret, ad suas in Bithynia, transito Hellesponto, se conferunt legiones. Interim quoque et domini comitis exercitus Constantinopolim pervenit, qui statim de mandato ipsius, ad eos, qui se praecesserant, transiens, reliquis exercitibus est adjunctus.
Accordingly the count, in keeping with the exhortation of the princes, is reconciled to the emperor; and, according to the tenor of the oaths which the others had proffered, he too, exhibiting an oath of fealty, having returned into full favor, was honored with vast gifts and with a heaped-up liberality, which exceeded both number and weight. Moreover, the other princes, receiving repeated gifts and taking leave, and specially requesting the count himself that he make no delay after them, have their legions betake themselves to their own [quarters] in Bithynia, the Hellespont having been crossed. Meanwhile the lord count’s army also reached Constantinople, which, immediately at his command, crossing over to those who had gone before, was adjoined to the remaining armies.
But the Count, indeed, making a stay in the city for the sake of household affairs, for several days at once both handled domestic business, and, on behalf of public matters, in the manner of a prudent man, did not cease to be solicitous. For, as he had been entreated by the other princes, he frequently, with honorable persuasions, invited the emperor, as also the others before him had severally done, to accompany those setting out, and to be willing to be the leader and moderator of the Lord’s army. But the aforesaid emperor, often and more often admonished by each one of our princes, and especially by the lord Count of Toulouse, to deign to be the leader and companion of the Lord’s army, and to be willing to obtain the primacy of the peoples who had bound themselves to divine services: excused himself, saying that he had very fierce enemies around him—the Bulgars, the Cumans, and the Pechenegs—who without intermission were circling the borders of the empire, seeking an opportunity, so that they might suddenly be able to rush in and disturb its tranquility.
Therefore, although it would very much accord with his vows to have a consortium in so great a peregrination and to expect a participation in the future retribution, he could not, he said, abandon the care of the realm and provide to the enemies set around an occasion for maligning. But whatever he was saying was guile and circumvention, nor did he allege these things on his own behalf for any other cause, except that, envying our advances, under some sought-for color (pretext), he might withdraw his help from our people, and hinder the process, so far as it was permitted him, by all modes. But those who had already crossed the sea—namely lord Godefridus, lord Boamundus, and lord Robert, count of the Flemings, and the lord Bishop of Le Puy—having their packs arranged, gird themselves again for the journey, having the plan to proceed toward Nicaea little by little, and thus to wait for their own men who were following.
And when through the day they had advanced toward Nicomedia, which is the greatest metropolis of that province, namely Bithynia, the venerable priest Peter the Hermit, from those bordering places in which he had avoided the harshness of winter, with the few remaining of his retinue, meeting the legions as they were setting out and, the legions and princes having been greeted, was joined to their companies. There, kindly received by all and diligently questioned about the lot of his people, he laid the matter open to them in detail: how the people who had gone before with him were stiff-necked, incredulous, and altogether indomitable; and that the misfortune befalling them had happened more by their own fault than by another’s deed. Wherefore the princes, sympathizing with him and with the affliction of his people, generously bestowed many things upon him and upon those who were following him.
Therefore, the army having been multiplied, and, as diverse forces came together into one, made more numerous by the grace of God, completing the journey with appropriate moderation, they reached Nicaea. There, with the camps arranged around in a ring, yet assigning places for the princes who were to come, they besieged the city in the month of May, on the fifteenth day of the month. But the Count of Toulouse, the business at the royal city having been handled, having taken leave from the emperor, and honored again with an immense liberality of gifts, with his own men, whom he had detained with him, having followed the camp with all speed, swiftly arrived at the aforesaid city.
Interea vir illustris dominus Robertus Normannorum comes et alii in eodem comitatu viri clarissimi: dominus videlicet Stephanus Carnotensium comes et Blesensium, dominus quoque Eustachius, domini Godefridi ducis frater, missa iterum legatione, tam domino imperatori quam fratribus, adventum suum in proximo futurum denuntiant. Erat autem cum eis, Stephanus comes de Albamarla, Alanus Fergandus et Conanus, ambo de Britannia, magni viri; sed et comes Perchensis Rotholdus, Rogerus de Barnevilla. Hi omnes cum aliis multis viris praeclaris et nobilibus, cum Flandrensium comite et domino Hugone Magno, anno praeterito, circa hiemis ingruentis initia, in Apuliam descenderant; aliisque Durachium transeuntibus, ipsi temporis abhorrentes asperitatem, tam in Apulia quam in Calabrorum finibus in locis commodis hiemem transegerunt.
Meanwhile the illustrious man Lord Robert, count of the Normans, and others in the same comitatus, most renowned men: namely Lord Stephen, count of the Carnotenses and of the Blesenses, and likewise Lord Eustace, brother of Lord Duke Godfrey, sending a legation again, announce both to the lord emperor and to the brothers that their arrival would be at hand. There was moreover with them Stephen, count of Albemarle, Alan Fergant and Conan, both of Brittany, great men; and also Rotrou, count of Perche, and Roger of Barneville. All these, with many other most illustrious and noble men, together with the count of the Flemings and Lord Hugh the Great, in the previous year, about the beginnings of the encroaching winter, had descended into Apulia; and while others were crossing to Dyrrachium, they themselves, abhorring the asperity of the season, both in Apulia and in the borders of the Calabrians, passed the winter in convenient places.
At length indeed, about the beginning of spring, their companions of the way having been convoked and the packs arranged for the journey, descending to the sea, and following the footsteps of the others, they arrived at Dyrrhachium. Whence, the journey being continued, desiring to redeem the delay which they had made in Apulia, they prosecute the march with all urgency. And at length, the Lord assisting, having enjoyed the desired tranquillity, the intervening provinces traversed—namely Illyricum, Macedonia, and both Thraces—they reached Constantinople: where, summoned by the lord emperor, and, after the manner of the others, having entered the palace, they were received by him and by the illustrious men who attended him with much honor.
At length, after many consultations, held both in common with those three and separately with each of them, they urgently request from them, with bland persuasions and many pollicitations, that same thing which they had obtained from the others. But these, having the example of the others before their eyes (for they had been sufficiently instructed about everything before they approached the emperor, saying to themselves: For neither are we greater than our fathers), rendering exact fidelity, and, according to the form of the juraments exhibited by those who had gone before, tendering the solemn pledges, bound themselves to the emperor. Whence, received into ampler favor, they were deemed worthy to carry back greater gifts.
With the treasuries opened, therefore, they received gifts in gold, in precious garments, and in vessels too, worthy of admiration both for material and for workmanship, and also in all-silk fabrics, of wonderful and unheard-of valuation, such as they had not previously seen; which even for those themselves upon whom the liberality was being conferred brought stupefaction of mind, exceeding the measure and dignity of our affairs. Laden, therefore, with such great gifts, lest they might seem to fasten causes of delay upon their companions of the way, having taken leave from the emperor, with the Hellespont crossed, hastening the march with their legions they arrived at Nicaea, where the whole army of the Christians was standing fast; received by the princes who had gone before with much embrace of charity, and with the desire of all running together to welcome them, obtaining the place deputed to them, they pitched camp.
Adjunxerat se etiam nostrorum castris quidam Graecus, Tatinus nomine, imperatoris familiaris admodum, vir nequam et perfidus, nares habens mutilas in signum mentis perversae. Hic ex imperiali jussione, nostris ducem viae ad ampliorem cautelam postulantibus, designatus fuerat dux itineris et comes futurus. Electus ob hoc quod et locorum plenam habere dicebatur experientiam; et de ejus malitia et perplexa dolositate plurimum praesumebat imperator.
To our camp there had also attached himself a certain Greek, by name Tatinus, very much a familiar of the emperor, a vile and perfidious man, having his nostrils mutilated as a sign of a perverse mind. By imperial injunction, when our men were asking for a guide of the way for ampler caution, he had been designated guide of the march and to be a companion. He was chosen for this, because he was said to have full experience of the places; and the emperor presumed much upon his malice and intricate guile.
This man also, with a small band of his own, had attached himself to our princes, so that there might not be lacking the goose, to make a din among swans, and the perverse serpent among eels. For all the things that were being done on the expedition, and all the things that were said by individuals, he reported to the emperor, twisting them by a sinister, subversive interpretation; and in turn from him, through frequent go-betweens, he was receiving the pattern of contrivance and fraud. Here for the first time, from diverse armies which had followed the princes in various ways, and through different places and at various times, there was made one army of the living God, from the multiplicity of parts coming together mutually, recovering its integrity. For from the time when the aforesaid, God-beloved leaders and captains of the armies had set out, their homes left behind, nowhere had it been granted them to see one another mutually, and to confer and discourse among themselves about public business, unless after they, gathering before the aforesaid city, pitched camp.
When the number of the legions had been reviewed, they were found to have six hundred thousand foot-soldiers of mixed sex; and indeed one hundred thousand mail-clad horsemen, all of whom, standing before the aforesaid city, were giving every effort to its expugnation, consecrating to the Lord with all devotion the first-fruits of their labors.