Cicero•ORATORIA
Abbo Floriacensis1 work
Abelard3 works
Addison9 works
Adso Dervensis1 work
Aelredus Rievallensis1 work
Alanus de Insulis2 works
Albert of Aix1 work
HISTORIA HIEROSOLYMITANAE EXPEDITIONIS12 sections
Albertano of Brescia5 works
DE AMORE ET DILECTIONE DEI4 sections
SERMONES4 sections
Alcuin9 works
Alfonsi1 work
Ambrose4 works
Ambrosius4 works
Ammianus1 work
Ampelius1 work
Andrea da Bergamo1 work
Andreas Capellanus1 work
DE AMORE LIBRI TRES3 sections
Annales Regni Francorum1 work
Annales Vedastini1 work
Annales Xantenses1 work
Anonymus Neveleti1 work
Anonymus Valesianus2 works
Apicius1 work
DE RE COQUINARIA5 sections
Appendix Vergiliana1 work
Apuleius2 works
METAMORPHOSES12 sections
DE DOGMATE PLATONIS6 sections
Aquinas6 works
Archipoeta1 work
Arnobius1 work
ADVERSVS NATIONES LIBRI VII7 sections
Arnulf of Lisieux1 work
Asconius1 work
Asserius1 work
Augustine5 works
CONFESSIONES13 sections
DE CIVITATE DEI23 sections
DE TRINITATE15 sections
CONTRA SECUNDAM IULIANI RESPONSIONEM2 sections
Augustus1 work
RES GESTAE DIVI AVGVSTI2 sections
Aurelius Victor1 work
LIBER ET INCERTORVM LIBRI3 sections
Ausonius2 works
Avianus1 work
Avienus2 works
Bacon3 works
HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE11 sections
Balde2 works
Baldo1 work
Bebel1 work
Bede2 works
HISTORIAM ECCLESIASTICAM GENTIS ANGLORUM7 sections
Benedict1 work
Berengar1 work
Bernard of Clairvaux1 work
Bernard of Cluny1 work
DE CONTEMPTU MUNDI LIBRI DUO2 sections
Biblia Sacra3 works
VETUS TESTAMENTUM49 sections
NOVUM TESTAMENTUM27 sections
Bigges1 work
Boethius de Dacia2 works
Bonaventure1 work
Breve Chronicon Northmannicum1 work
Buchanan1 work
Bultelius2 works
Caecilius Balbus1 work
Caesar3 works
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI VII DE BELLO GALLICO CUM A. HIRTI SUPPLEMENTO8 sections
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI III DE BELLO CIVILI3 sections
LIBRI INCERTORUM AUCTORUM3 sections
Calpurnius Flaccus1 work
Calpurnius Siculus1 work
Campion8 works
Carmen Arvale1 work
Carmen de Martyrio1 work
Carmen in Victoriam1 work
Carmen Saliare1 work
Carmina Burana1 work
Cassiodorus5 works
Catullus1 work
Censorinus1 work
Christian Creeds1 work
Cicero3 works
ORATORIA33 sections
PHILOSOPHIA21 sections
EPISTULAE4 sections
Cinna Helvius1 work
Claudian4 works
Claudii Oratio1 work
Claudius Caesar1 work
Columbus1 work
Columella2 works
Commodianus3 works
Conradus Celtis2 works
Constitutum Constantini1 work
Contemporary9 works
Cotta1 work
Dante4 works
Dares the Phrygian1 work
de Ave Phoenice1 work
De Expugnatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum1 work
Declaratio Arbroathis1 work
Decretum Gelasianum1 work
Descartes1 work
Dies Irae1 work
Disticha Catonis1 work
Egeria1 work
ITINERARIUM PEREGRINATIO2 sections
Einhard1 work
Ennius1 work
Epistolae Austrasicae1 work
Epistulae de Priapismo1 work
Erasmus7 works
Erchempert1 work
Eucherius1 work
Eugippius1 work
Eutropius1 work
BREVIARIVM HISTORIAE ROMANAE10 sections
Exurperantius1 work
Fabricius Montanus1 work
Falcandus1 work
Falcone di Benevento1 work
Ficino1 work
Fletcher1 work
Florus1 work
EPITOME DE T. LIVIO BELLORUM OMNIUM ANNORUM DCC LIBRI DUO2 sections
Foedus Aeternum1 work
Forsett2 works
Fredegarius1 work
Frodebertus & Importunus1 work
Frontinus3 works
STRATEGEMATA4 sections
DE AQUAEDUCTU URBIS ROMAE2 sections
OPUSCULA RERUM RUSTICARUM4 sections
Fulgentius3 works
MITOLOGIARUM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Gaius4 works
Galileo1 work
Garcilaso de la Vega1 work
Gaudeamus Igitur1 work
Gellius1 work
Germanicus1 work
Gesta Francorum10 works
Gesta Romanorum1 work
Gioacchino da Fiore1 work
Godfrey of Winchester2 works
Grattius1 work
Gregorii Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Gregorius Magnus1 work
Gregory IX5 works
Gregory of Tours1 work
LIBRI HISTORIARUM10 sections
Gregory the Great1 work
Gregory VII1 work
Gwinne8 works
Henry of Settimello1 work
Henry VII1 work
Historia Apolloni1 work
Historia Augusta30 works
Historia Brittonum1 work
Holberg1 work
Horace3 works
SERMONES2 sections
CARMINA4 sections
EPISTULAE5 sections
Hugo of St. Victor2 works
Hydatius2 works
Hyginus3 works
Hymni1 work
Hymni et cantica1 work
Iacobus de Voragine1 work
LEGENDA AUREA24 sections
Ilias Latina1 work
Iordanes2 works
Isidore of Seville3 works
ETYMOLOGIARVM SIVE ORIGINVM LIBRI XX20 sections
SENTENTIAE LIBRI III3 sections
Iulius Obsequens1 work
Iulius Paris1 work
Ius Romanum4 works
Janus Secundus2 works
Johann H. Withof1 work
Johann P. L. Withof1 work
Johannes de Alta Silva1 work
Johannes de Plano Carpini1 work
John of Garland1 work
Jordanes2 works
Julius Obsequens1 work
Junillus1 work
Justin1 work
HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI46 sections
Justinian3 works
INSTITVTIONES5 sections
CODEX12 sections
DIGESTA50 sections
Juvenal1 work
Kepler1 work
Landor4 works
Laurentius Corvinus2 works
Legenda Regis Stephani1 work
Leo of Naples1 work
HISTORIA DE PRELIIS ALEXANDRI MAGNI3 sections
Leo the Great1 work
SERMONES DE QUADRAGESIMA2 sections
Liber Kalilae et Dimnae1 work
Liber Pontificalis1 work
Livius Andronicus1 work
Livy1 work
AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI37 sections
Lotichius1 work
Lucan1 work
DE BELLO CIVILI SIVE PHARSALIA10 sections
Lucretius1 work
DE RERVM NATVRA LIBRI SEX6 sections
Lupus Protospatarius Barensis1 work
Macarius of Alexandria1 work
Macarius the Great1 work
Magna Carta1 work
Maidstone1 work
Malaterra1 work
DE REBUS GESTIS ROGERII CALABRIAE ET SICILIAE COMITIS ET ROBERTI GUISCARDI DUCIS FRATRIS EIUS4 sections
Manilius1 work
ASTRONOMICON5 sections
Marbodus Redonensis1 work
Marcellinus Comes2 works
Martial1 work
Martin of Braga13 works
Marullo1 work
Marx1 work
Maximianus1 work
May1 work
SUPPLEMENTUM PHARSALIAE8 sections
Melanchthon4 works
Milton1 work
Minucius Felix1 work
Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Mirandola1 work
CARMINA9 sections
Miscellanea Carminum42 works
Montanus1 work
Naevius1 work
Navagero1 work
Nemesianus1 work
ECLOGAE4 sections
Nepos3 works
LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM24 sections
Newton1 work
PHILOSOPHIÆ NATURALIS PRINCIPIA MATHEMATICA4 sections
Nithardus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATTUOR4 sections
Notitia Dignitatum2 works
Novatian1 work
Origo gentis Langobardorum1 work
Orosius1 work
HISTORIARUM ADVERSUM PAGANOS LIBRI VII7 sections
Otto of Freising1 work
GESTA FRIDERICI IMPERATORIS5 sections
Ovid7 works
METAMORPHOSES15 sections
AMORES3 sections
HEROIDES21 sections
ARS AMATORIA3 sections
TRISTIA5 sections
EX PONTO4 sections
Owen1 work
Papal Bulls4 works
Pascoli5 works
Passerat1 work
Passio Perpetuae1 work
Patricius1 work
Tome I: Panaugia2 sections
Paulinus Nolensis1 work
Paulus Diaconus4 works
Persius1 work
Pervigilium Veneris1 work
Petronius2 works
Petrus Blesensis1 work
Petrus de Ebulo1 work
Phaedrus2 works
FABVLARVM AESOPIARVM LIBRI QVINQVE5 sections
Phineas Fletcher1 work
Planctus destructionis1 work
Plautus21 works
Pliny the Younger2 works
EPISTVLARVM LIBRI DECEM10 sections
Poggio Bracciolini1 work
Pomponius Mela1 work
DE CHOROGRAPHIA3 sections
Pontano1 work
Poree1 work
Porphyrius1 work
Precatio Terrae1 work
Priapea1 work
Professio Contra Priscillianum1 work
Propertius1 work
ELEGIAE4 sections
Prosperus3 works
Prudentius2 works
Pseudoplatonica12 works
Publilius Syrus1 work
Quintilian2 works
INSTITUTIONES12 sections
Raoul of Caen1 work
Regula ad Monachos1 work
Reposianus1 work
Ricardi de Bury1 work
Richerus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATUOR4 sections
Rimbaud1 work
Ritchie's Fabulae Faciles1 work
Roman Epitaphs1 work
Roman Inscriptions1 work
Ruaeus1 work
Ruaeus' Aeneid1 work
Rutilius Lupus1 work
Rutilius Namatianus1 work
Sabinus1 work
EPISTULAE TRES AD OVIDIANAS EPISTULAS RESPONSORIAE3 sections
Sallust10 works
Sannazaro2 works
Scaliger1 work
Sedulius2 works
CARMEN PASCHALE5 sections
Seneca9 works
EPISTULAE MORALES AD LUCILIUM16 sections
QUAESTIONES NATURALES7 sections
DE CONSOLATIONE3 sections
DE IRA3 sections
DE BENEFICIIS3 sections
DIALOGI7 sections
FABULAE8 sections
Septem Sapientum1 work
Sidonius Apollinaris2 works
Sigebert of Gembloux3 works
Silius Italicus1 work
Solinus2 works
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI Mommsen 1st edition (1864)4 sections
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI C.L.F. Panckoucke edition (Paris 1847)4 sections
Spinoza1 work
Statius3 works
THEBAID12 sections
ACHILLEID2 sections
Stephanus de Varda1 work
Suetonius2 works
Sulpicia1 work
Sulpicius Severus2 works
CHRONICORUM LIBRI DUO2 sections
Syrus1 work
Tacitus5 works
Terence6 works
Tertullian32 works
Testamentum Porcelli1 work
Theodolus1 work
Theodosius16 works
Theophanes1 work
Thomas à Kempis1 work
DE IMITATIONE CHRISTI4 sections
Thomas of Edessa1 work
Tibullus1 work
TIBVLLI ALIORVMQUE CARMINVM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Tünger1 work
Valerius Flaccus1 work
Valerius Maximus1 work
FACTORVM ET DICTORVM MEMORABILIVM LIBRI NOVEM9 sections
Vallauri1 work
Varro2 works
RERVM RVSTICARVM DE AGRI CVLTURA3 sections
DE LINGVA LATINA7 sections
Vegetius1 work
EPITOMA REI MILITARIS LIBRI IIII4 sections
Velleius Paterculus1 work
HISTORIAE ROMANAE2 sections
Venantius Fortunatus1 work
Vico1 work
Vida1 work
Vincent of Lérins1 work
Virgil3 works
AENEID12 sections
ECLOGUES10 sections
GEORGICON4 sections
Vita Agnetis1 work
Vita Caroli IV1 work
Vita Sancti Columbae2 works
Vitruvius1 work
DE ARCHITECTVRA10 sections
Waardenburg1 work
Waltarius3 works
Walter Mapps2 works
Walter of Châtillon1 work
William of Apulia1 work
William of Conches2 works
William of Tyre1 work
HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM24 sections
Xylander1 work
Zonaras1 work
[1] Illud vero quid est? quam habet in se rationem, quam consuetudinem, quam similitudinem veritatis? quod ratio, quod consuetudo, quod rei natura respuit, id credendumne est?
[1] But what, indeed, is that? What reason does it have in itself, what consuetude, what similitude of truth? That which reason, which consuetude, which the nature of the thing rejects—is that to be believed?
[2] Numquid cuiquam iniquissimo disceptatori haec suspicio relinquenda est?
[2] Is this suspicion to be left to any most iniquitous arbitrator?
[3] Quid potest auctoritatis habere testis in dicendo suo testimonio falsa veris miscens?
[3] What authority can a witness have, in delivering his own testimony, mixing false with true?
[4] Hoc ipso argumento cetera testimonia repudiare debetis.
[4] By this very argument you ought to repudiate the other testimonies.
[6] Cn. Pompeius eximia virtute et felicitate in Hispaniafr6] bellum gessit.
[6] Gnaeus Pompeius waged war in Spain with exceptional virtue and felicity.
[8] Cn. Pompei, summi imperatoris et fortissimi viri, gestum est subsidiis.
[8] It was carried out by the subsidies of Cn. Pompey, a supreme commander and a most valiant man.
[9] Quid pugnant, quid struunt, quid nituntur? Fragmenta Niebuhr.
[9] What are they fighting, what are they contriving, what are they striving? Fragments of Niebuhr.
[1] . . .
[1] . . .
[2] Quid accusas, quid reprendis? Nam quod in tabulis dodrantariis et quadrantariis, quas ait ab Hirtuleio institutas, Fontei officium desiderat, non possum existimare utrum ipse erret an vos in errorem inducere velit. Quaero enim abs te, M. Plaetori, possitne tibi ipsi probata esse nostra causa, si, qua in re abs te M. Fonteius accusatur, auctorem habet eum quem tu maxime laudas Hirtuleium; qua in re autem laudas Hirtuleium, Fonteius idem fecisse reperitur.
[2] What do you accuse, what do you reprehend? For as to his missing in the three-quarter and quarter tablets, which he says were instituted by Hirtuleius, the official involvement of Fonteius, I cannot decide whether he himself errs or wishes to lead you into error. For I ask you, M. Plaetorius, whether our cause can be approved by you yourself, if, in the matter for which M. Fonteius is accused by you, he has as his author the man whom you most highly praise, Hirtuleius; and in the matter for which you praise Hirtuleius, Fonteius is found to have done the same.
You reprehend the kind of disbursement; the public records convict that Hirtuleius discharged in the same way. You praise him for having instituted the three‑quarter tables; Fonteius instituted the same, and with the same kind of money. For lest perchance you be unaware and suppose that those tables pertain to a different account of old debt, they were established for a single cause and in a single category.
[3] . . . cite . . . Nemo, nemo, inquam, iudices, reperietur qui unum se in quaestura M. Fonteio nummum dedisse, aut illum ex ea pecunia quae pro aerario solveretur detraxisse dicat; nullius in tabulis ulla huius furti significatio, nullum in eis nominibus intertrimenti aut deminutionis vestigium reperietur. Atqui homines, si qui in hoc genere quaestionis accusati sunt, reprehensos videmus primum testibus; difficile est enim eum qui magistratui pecuniam dederit non aut induci odio ut dicat aut cogi religione; deinde si qua gratia testes deterrentur, tabulae quidem certe incorruptae atque integrae manent. Fac omnis amicissimos Fonteio fuisse, tantum hominum numerum ignotissimorum atque alienissimorum pepercisse huius capiti, consuluisse famae; res ipsa tamen ac ratio litterarum confectioque tabularum habet hanc vim ut ex acceptis et datis quidquid fingatur, aut surripiatur, aut non constet, appareat.
[3] . . . quickly . . . No one, no one, I say, judges, will be found who says that in the quaestorship of M. Fonteius he gave a single coin, or says that he took away from that money which was being paid on behalf of the treasury; in no one’s tablets will any indication of this theft be found, no trace among those entries of any detriment or diminution will be discovered. And yet, if any men have been accused in this kind of inquiry, we see them first taken to task by witnesses; for it is difficult that one who has given money to a magistrate not be either induced by hatred to speak or compelled by religion; then, if any favor deters the witnesses, the tablets at least certainly remain uncorrupted and intact. Grant that all were most friendly to Fonteius, that so great a number of the most unknown and most alien men spared this man’s head, took thought for his reputation; nevertheless the thing itself and the method of the records and the compilation of the tablets has this force, that from receipts and disbursements whatever is fabricated, or pilfered, or does not stand, becomes apparent.
They have entered all the monies received for the Roman people; if forthwith they either paid or gave to others sums equally great, so that what has been received for the Roman people is entered as an expense to someone, certainly nothing can have been deducted. But if they carried anything home, from their chest, from the ra . . .
[4] Deorum hominumque fidem! testis non invenitur in ducentiens et triciens sestertio! Quam multorum hominum?
[4] By the faith of gods and men! A witness is not found in a matter of 23,000,000 sesterces! How many men?
Was money given “extra ordinem”? Nay rather, not a single coin was moved without many letters. What then is this accusation, which can more easily scale the Alps than ascend a few steps of the aerarium, which would more diligently defend the treasury of the Ruteni than that of the Roman People, which more willingly employs unknown rather than known men, foreigners rather than domestics as witnesses, and thinks it can more plainly establish the charge by the libido of barbarians than by the letters of our own people?
[5] Duorum magistratuum, quorum uterque in pecunia maxima tractanda procurandaque versatus est, triumviratus et quaesturae, ratio sic redditur, iudices, ut in eis rebus quae ante oculos gestae sunt, ad mu
[5] The account of two magistracies—the triumvirate and the quaestorship—each of which was engaged in handling and procuring the greatest sums of money, is rendered thus, judges: that in those matters which were conducted before our very eyes, and pertained to many, being completed in public and private records, no indication of theft, no suspicion of any offense is discovered.
[6] Hispaniensis legatio consecuta est turbulentissimo rei publicae tempore, cum adventu L. Sullae maximi exercitus in Italiam cives vi dissiderent,
[6] The Spanish commission ensued at the most turbulent time of the republic, when, upon the arrival of L. Sulla with a very great army into Italy, the citizens were at variance by force, not by judgments and laws; and, with the commonwealth in such a desperate condition, what sort of . . .
[7] Si nulla pecunia numerata est, cuius pecuniae quinquagesima est?
[7] If no money has been counted out, the fiftieth part of what money is it?
[8] Frumenti maximus numerus e Gallia, peditatus amplissimae copiae e Gallia, equites numero plurimi e Gallia.
[8] The greatest quantity of grain from Gaul, infantry of the most ample forces from Gaul, equestrians most numerous in number from Gaul.
[9] Gallos post haec dilutius esse poturos, quod illi venenum esse arbitrabuntur.
[9] The Gauls, after this, will drink more watered-down, because they will consider that to be a poison.
[10] Plaetori matrem dum vixisset ludum, postquam mortua esset magistros habuisse.
[10] that for Plaetor his mother, while she was alive, was a school; after she had died, he had teachers.
[11] . . . hoc praetore oppressam esse aere alieno Galliam. A quibus versuras tantarum pecuniarum factas esse dicunt? a Gallis?
[11] . . . that under this praetor Gaul was oppressed by debt. By whom do they say loan rollovers of such great pecuniary sums were made? by the Gauls?
[12] Videte quo descendam, iudices, quam longe videar ab consuetudine mea et cautione ac diligentia discedere. Vnae tabulae proferantur, in quibus vestigium sit aliquod quod significet pecuniam
[12] See to what I am descending, judges, how far I seem to depart from my custom and caution and diligence. Let a single ledger be produced, in which there is some trace that signifies money given to
what is this cause, what defense? M. Fonteius was prefect over the Province of Gaul, which consists of those kinds of men and communities who, to pass over the old matters, partly within our memory have waged bitter and long wars with the Roman people, partly now have been subdued by our generals, now conquered in war, now marked by triumphs and monuments, now punished by the senate with confiscations of fields and cities, partly those who with M. Fonteius himself joined steel and hands, and by much of his sweat and labor fell under the sway and dominion of the Roman people.
[13] Est in eadem provincia Narbo Martius, colonia nostrorum civium, specula populi Romani ac propugnaculum istis ipsis nationibus oppositum et obiectum; est item urbs Massilia, de qua ante dixi, fortissimorum fidelissimorumque sociorum, qui Gallicorum bellorum pericula praecipuis
[13] In the same province there is Narbo Martius, a colony of our fellow-citizens, a lookout-post of the Roman people and a bulwark opposed and set against those very nations; likewise there is the city Massilia, of which I spoke before, of the bravest and most faithful allies, who compensated the dangers of the Gallic wars with the chief rewards of the
[14] Is qui gessit in iudicium vocatur, vos qui in re non interfuistis causam una cum populo Romano cognoscitis, dicunt contra quibus invitissimis imperatum est, dicunt qui ex agris ex Cn. Pompei decreto decedere sunt coacti, dicunt qui ex belli caede et fuga nunc primum audent contra M. Fonteium inermem consistere. Quid? coloni Narbonenses quid volunt, quid existimant?
[14] He who managed it is called into judgment; you, who were not present in the matter, are learning the case together with the Roman people; those speak against him upon whom the command was imposed most unwillingly, those speak who were compelled by the decree of Cn. Pompeius to depart from their fields, those speak who, after the carnage and rout of the war, now for the first time dare to stand against M. Fonteius unarmed. What? What do the colonists of Narbo want, what do they think?
Through you they want this man <safe>; through him they reckon themselves unscathed. What of the city of the Massilians? When he was present, it has honored him with the most ample honors it had; but, he being absent, it prays and beseeches you that its religion, commendation, and authority may seem to have had some weight with your minds.
[15] Quid? civium Romanorum quae voluntas est? Nemo est ex tanto numero quin hunc optime de provincia, de imperio, de sociis et civibus meritum esse arbitretur.
[15] What then? What is the will of the Roman citizens? There is no one out of so great a number who does not reckon that this man has deserved very well of the province, of the imperium, and of the allies and citizens.
Since, therefore, judges, you know who have attacked M. Fonteius, who would wish him defended, determine now what your equity, what the dignity of the Roman people demands—whether you would prefer both to trust and to consult your own colonists, your own merchants, your most friendly and most ancient allies, or those to whom you ought to accord neither trust on account of their irascibility nor honor on account of their infidelity.
[16] Quid? si maiorem etiam hominum honestissimorum copiam adferam quae huius virtuti atque innocentiae testimonio possit esse, tamenne plus Gallorum consensio valebit quam summa auctoritas omnium? Cum Galliae Fonteius praeesset, scitis, iudices, maximos populi Romani exercitus in duabus Hispaniis clarissimosque imperatores fuisse.
[16] What then? If I should bring forward an even greater abundance of most honorable men, which could serve as testimony to this man’s virtue and innocence, will still the consensus of the Gauls have more weight than the highest authority of all? When Fonteius was presiding over Gaul, you know, judges, that the greatest armies of the Roman people were in the two Spains, and the most illustrious commanders.
How many Roman equestrians, how many military tribunes, of what sort and how many and how often did legates <went out> to them! Besides, the army of Gnaeus Pompeius, the greatest and most well-appointed, wintered in Gaul with M. Fonteius commanding. Does it seem to you that Fortune herself wished to supply sufficiently many, sufficiently suitable witnesses and those privy to the matters which were being conducted in Gaul while M. Fonteius was praetor? Whom, out of so great a number of men, can you produce as a witness in this case?
[17] Dubitabitis etiam diutius, iudices, quin illud quod initio vobis proposui verissimum sit, aliud per hoc iudicium nihil agi nisi ut M. Fonteio oppresso testimoniis eorum quibus multa rei publicae causa invitissimis imperata sunt, segniores posthac ad imperandum ceteri sint, cum videatis eos oppugnare quibus
[17] Will you hesitate any longer, judges, to believe that what I set before you at the beginning is most true—that nothing else is being transacted through this trial except that, with M. Fonteius crushed by the testimony of those upon whom, for the sake of the Republic, many requisitions were most unwillingly imposed, the rest henceforth may be more sluggish in issuing commands—when you see that the attackers are men whose victory would not allow the Roman imperium to remain unharmed?
Obiectum est etiam quaestum M. Fonteium ex viarum munitione fecisse, ut aut ne cogeret munire, aut id quod munitum esset ne improbaret. Si et coacti sunt munire omnes et multorum opera improbata sunt, certe utrumque falsum est, et ob vacationem pretium datum, cum immunis nemo fuerit, et ob probationem, cum multa improbata sint.
It has also been alleged that M. Fonteius made profit from the roadworks, so that either he would not compel them to build, or he would not disapprove that which had been built. If both all were compelled to build and the works of many were disapproved, certainly both charges are false—both that a price was paid for exemption, since no one was exempt, and that it was paid for approval, since many things were disapproved.
[18] Quid? si hoc crimen optimis nominibus delegare possimus, et ita non ut culpam in alios transferamus, sed uti doceamus eos isti munitioni praefuisse qui facile officium suum et praestare et probare possunt, tamenne vos omnia in M. Fonteium iratis testibus freti conferetis? Cum maioribus rei publicae negotiis M. Fonteius impediretur, et cum ad rem publicam pertineret viam Domitiam muniri, legatis suis, primariis viris, C. Annio Bellieno et C. Fonteio, negotium dedit; itaque praefuerunt; imperaverunt pro dignitate sua quod visum est et probaverunt; quod vos, si nulla alia ex re, ex litteris quidem nostris quas exscripsistis et missis et adlatis certe scire potuistis.
[18] What? if we can delegate this charge to the best authorities by name, and that not so as to transfer the blame onto others, but so as to demonstrate that those presided over that construction who can easily both perform their office and prove it, will you nevertheless, relying on angry witnesses, lay everything upon M. Fonteius? When M. Fonteius was hindered by greater businesses of the republic, and since it pertained to the republic that the Via Domitia be built, he entrusted the business to his legates, men of the first rank, Gaius Annius Bellienus and Gaius Fonteius; and so they were in charge; they commanded, in keeping with their dignity, what seemed proper, and they approved it; which, if from no other source, at least from our letters—which you have transcribed—both those sent and those brought in, you certainly could have known.
[19] Satis opinor esse perspicuum, iudices, hanc rationem munitionis neque ad M. Fonteium pertinere et ab eis esse tractatam quos nemo possit reprehendere.
[19] I think it sufficiently perspicuous, judges, that this account of the fortification-works does not pertain to M. Fonteius, and that it has been handled by those whom no one can reprehend.
Cognoscite nunc de crimine vinario, quod illi invidiosissimum et maximum esse voluerunt. Crimen a Plaetorio, iudices, ita constitutum est, M. Fonteio non in Gallia primum venisse in mentem ut portorium vini institueret, sed hac inita iam ac proposita ratione Roma profectum. Itaque Titurium Tolosae quaternos denarios in singulas vini amphoras portori nomine exegisse; Croduni Porcium et Munium ternos <et> victoriatum, Vulchalone Servaeum binos et victoriatum; atque in his locis ab eis portorium esse exactum si qui Cobiomago--qui vicus inter Tolosam et Narbonem est--deverterentur neque Tolosam ire vellent; Elesiodulis C. Annium senos denarios ab eis qui ad hostem portarent exegisse.
Learn now about the wine charge, which they wished to be most invidious and the greatest. The charge, judges, has been thus constituted by Plaetorius: that it did not first come into M. Fonteius’s mind in Gaul to institute a portorium on wine, but that, this plan already entered upon and proposed, he set out from Rome. And so Titurius at Tolosa exacted four denarii on each amphora of wine in the name of the portorium; at Crodunum Porcius and Munius three denarii <and> a victoriatus; at Vulchalo Servaeus two denarii and a victoriatus; and in these places the portorium was exacted by them if any should turn aside at Cobiomagus--which is a village between Tolosa and Narbo--and not wish to go to Tolosa; at Elesioduli Gaius Annius exacted six denarii from those who were carrying to the enemy.
[20] Video, iudices, esse crimen et genere ipso magnum--vectigal enim esse impositum fructibus nostris dicitur, et pecuniam permagnam ratione ista cogi potuisse confiteor--et invidia vel
[20] I see, judges, that there is a charge, and by its very kind a great one—for it is said that a tax has been imposed upon our fruits, and I confess that by that plan a very great sum of money could have been exacted—and in odium even
[21] 'At hoc Galli negant.' At ratio rerum et vis argumentorum coarguit. Potest igitur testibus iudex non credere? Cupidis et iratis et coniuratis et ab religione remotis non solum potest sed etiam debet.
[21] 'But this the Gauls deny.' But the reason of things and the force of the arguments refutes it. Therefore, can a judge not believe witnesses? Of the covetous and the irate and the conspirators and those removed from religion, not only can he not believe, but he even ought not to.
Indeed, if, because the Gauls say it, on that account M. Fonteius is to be esteemed guilty, what need have I of a wise judge, what of an equitable inquisitor, what of an orator not a dullard? For the Gauls say it; we cannot deny it. If here you think that these are the parts of an ingenious, expert, and equitable judge—namely, that, since the witnesses do speak, without any hesitation it must be believed—then Salus herself cannot protect the innocence of brave men; but if, in matters to be judged, the wisdom of the judge holds no small part for estimating each several matter and weighing it with its proper moment, see that your parts are much greater and more grave for thinking than mine are for speaking.
[22] Mihi enim semper una quaque de re testis non solum semel verum etiam breviter interrogandus est, saepe etiam non interrogandus, ne aut irato facultas ad dicendum data aut cupido auctoritas attributa esse videatur; vos et saepius eandem rem animis agitare et diutius uno
[22] For my part, a witness on each single matter is to be questioned not only once but also briefly, and often even not to be questioned, lest either the faculty for speaking seem to have been given to an angry man or authority to have been attributed to one desirous; you, however, can both more often revolve the same matter in your minds and think longer about each one
[23] Quid est igitur ubi elucere possit prudentia, ubi discerni stultus auditor et credulus ab religioso et sapienti iudice? Nimirum illud in quo ea quae dicuntur a testibus coniecturae et cogitationi traduntur, quanta auctoritate, quanta animi aequitate, quanto pudore, quanta fide, quanta religione, quanto studio existimationis bonae, quanta cura, quanto timore dicantur. An vero vos id in testimoniis hominum barbarorum dubitabitis quod persaepe et nostra et patrum memoria sapientissimi iudices de clarissimis nostrae civitatis viris dubitandum non putaverunt?
[23] What, then, is there wherein prudence can shine forth, wherein a foolish and credulous hearer may be distinguished from a religious and wise judge? Surely in this: that the things said by witnesses are committed to conjecture and cogitation— with how great authority, with how great equanimity of mind, with how much modesty, with how much faith, with how much religion, with how great a zeal for good estimation, with how much care, with how much fear they are spoken. Or will you really doubt, in the testimonies of barbarian men, that which very often in our memory and in that of our fathers the wisest judges did not think should be doubted concerning the most illustrious men of our city?
[24] Ecquem hominem vidimus, ecquem vere commemorare possumus parem consilio, gravitate, constantia, ceteris virtutibus, honoris, ingeni, rerum gestarum ornamentis M. Aemilio Scauro fuisse? Tamen huius cuius iniurati nutu prope terrarum orbis regebatur iurati testimonio neque in C. Fimbriam neque in C. Memmium creditum est; noluerunt ei qui iudicabant hanc patere inimicitiis viam, quem quisque odisset, ut eum testimonio posset tollere. Quantus in L. Crasso pudor fuerit, quod ingenium, quanta auctoritas, quis ignorat?
[24] Have we seen any man, can we truly recall any man equal in counsel, gravity, constancy, and the other virtues, in the ornaments of honor, talent, and deeds accomplished, to Marcus Aemilius Scaurus? Yet the sworn testimony of this man, at whose nod, though unsworn, nearly the circle of the lands was governed, was not believed against Gaius Fimbria nor against Gaius Memmius; those who were judging did not wish this road to be open to enmities, that whomever anyone hated he might be able to remove by testimony. How great a sense of shame there was in Lucius Crassus, what genius, how great authority—who does not know?
[25] Fuit, fuit illis iudicibus divinum ac singulare, iudices, consilium, qui se non solum de reo sed etiam de accusatore, de teste iudicare arbitrabantur, quid fictum, quid fortuna ac tempore adlatum, quid pretio corruptum, quid spe aut metu depravatum, quid a cupiditate aliqua aut inimicitiis profectum videretur. Quae si iudex non amplectetur omnia consilio, non animo ac mente circumspiciet, si, ut quidque ex illo loco dicetur, ex oraculo aliquo dici arbitrabitur, profecto satis erit, id quod dixi antea, non surdum iudicem huic muneri atque officio praeesse; nihil erit quam ob rem ille nescio quis sapiens homo ac multarum rerum peritus ad res iudicandas requiratur.
[25] There was, there was in those judges, judges, a divine and singular counsel: they thought that they ought to judge not only concerning the defendant but also concerning the accuser and the witness—what was feigned, what was brought in by fortune and by timing, what was corrupted by a price, what was depraved by hope or fear, what seemed to have proceeded from some cupidity or from enmities. If a judge will not embrace all these things with counsel, will not look around them with spirit and mind, if he will suppose that whatever is said from that place is being said as from some oracle, assuredly it will be enough, as I said before, that a judge not deaf preside over this function and office; there will be no reason why that I‑know‑not‑what wise man and skilled in many things should be required for judging matters.
[26] An vero illi equites Romani quos nos vidimus, qui nuper in re publica iudiciisque maxime floruerunt, habuerunt tantum animi, tantum roboris ut L.
[26] Or indeed did those Roman equestrians, whom we have seen, who lately flourished most in the commonwealth and in the courts of justice, have so much spirit, so much robustness as not to believe L.
[27] Si, qui ob aliquod emolumentum suum cupidius aliquid dicere videntur, eis credi non convenit, credo maius emolumentum Caepionibus et Metellis propositum fuisse ex Q. Pompei damnatione, cum studiorum suorum obtrectatorem sustulissent, quam cunctae Galliae ex M. Fontei calamitate, in qua illa provincia prope suam immunitatem ac libertatem positam esse arbitratur. An, si homines ipsos spectare convenit, id quod in teste profecto valere plurimum debet, non modo cum summis civitatis nostrae viris sed cum infimo cive Romano quisquam amplissimus Galliae comparandus est? Scit Indutiomarus quid sit testimonium dicere?
[27] If it is not fitting to believe those who seem to speak somewhat too eagerly on account of some emolument of their own, I suppose a greater emolument was set before the Caepiones and the Metelli from the condemnation of Q. Pompeius—when they had removed the detractor of their party-studies—than before all Gaul from the calamity of M. Fonteius, in which that province thinks its own immunity and liberty are all but set. Or, if it is proper to regard the men themselves, that which in a witness surely ought to prevail most, is any most distinguished man of Gaul to be compared not only with the highest men of our state but with the lowest Roman citizen? Does Indutiomarus know what it is to give testimony?
[28] Recordamini, iudices, quanto opere laborare soleatis non modo quid dicatis pro testimonio sed etiam quibus verbis utamini, ne quod minus moderate positum, ne quod ab aliqua cupiditate prolapsum verbum esse videatur; voltu denique laboratis ne qua significari possit suspicio cupiditatis, ut et, cum proditis, existimatio sit quaedam tacita de vobis pudoris ac religionis et, cum disceditis, ea diligenter conservata ac retenta videatur.
[28] Remember, judges, how greatly you are wont to labor not only over what you say for testimony but also what words you use, lest any word seem less moderately placed, lest any seem to have slipped forth from some cupidity; with your countenance, finally, you labor that no suspicion of cupidity can be signified, so that both, when you come forth, there is a certain silent estimation about you of modesty and religion, and, when you depart, it may seem that these have been diligently preserved and retained.
[29] Credo haec eadem Indutiomarum in testimonio timuisse aut cogitavisse, qui primum illud verbum consideratissimum nostrae consuetudinis 'arbitror', quo nos etiam tunc utimur cum ea dicimus iurati quae comperta habemus, quae ipsi vidimus, ex toto testimonio suo sustulit atque omnia se 'scire' dixit. Verebatur enim videlicet ne quid apud vos populumque Romanum de existimatione sua deperderet, ne qua fama consequeretur eius modi, Indutiomarum, talem virum, tam cupide, tam temere dixisse; non intellegebat se in testimonio nihil praeter vocem et os et audaciam neque civibus suis neque accusatoribus nostris praestare debere.
[29] I believe that Indutiomarus feared or considered these same things in his testimony, who first removed that word most deliberate of our custom, 'I am of opinion,' which we even then employ when, under oath, we say those things which we have ascertained, which we ourselves have seen, from his whole testimony, and said that he 'knew' everything. For he was, clearly, fearing lest he lose anything of his estimation with you and the Roman people, lest some report of this sort ensue, “Indutiomarus, such a man, has spoken so eagerly, so rashly”; he did not understand that in testimony he ought to furnish nothing except voice and face and audacity, neither to his fellow citizens nor to our accusers.
[30] An vero istas nationes religione iuris iurandi ac metu deorum immortalium in testimoniis dicendis commoveri arbitramini? quae tantum a ceterarum gentium more ac natura dissentiunt, quod ceterae pro religionibus suis bella suscipiunt, istae contra omnium religiones; illae in bellis gerendis ab dis immortalibus pacem ac veniam petunt, istae cum ipsis dis immortalibus bella gesserunt. Hae sunt nationes quae quondam tam longe ab suis sedibus Delphos usque ad Apollinem Pythium atque ad oraculum orbis terrae vexandum ac spoliandum profectae sunt.
[30] Or do you really think that those nations are moved, in giving testimony, by the religion of an oath and by fear of the immortal gods? who differ so greatly from the custom and nature of the other nations, in that the others undertake wars for their own religions, these against the religions of all; the former, in conducting wars, seek peace and pardon from the immortal gods, the latter have waged wars with the immortal gods themselves. These are the nations who once set out so far from their seats as far as Delphi, to Apollo Pythius and to the oracle of the world, to vex and to despoil.
[31] Postremo his quicquam sanctum ac religiosum videri potest qui, etiam si quando aliquo metu adducti deos placandos esse arbitrantur, humanis hostiis eorum aras ac templa funestant, ut ne religionem quidem colere possint, nisi eam ipsam prius scelere violarint? Quis enim ignorat eos usque ad hanc diem retinere illam immanem ac barbaram consuetudinem hominum immolandorum? Quam ob rem quali fide, quali pietate existimatis esse eos qui etiam deos immortalis arbitrentur hominum scelere et sanguine facillime posse placari?
[31] Finally, can anything seem sacred and religious to those who, even when at times, driven by some fear, they suppose the gods must be placated, defile with human sacrifices the altars and temples of those gods, so that they cannot even cultivate religion unless they have first violated that very thing with a crime? For who is unaware that they retain down to this day that immense and barbarous custom of the immolation of human beings? Wherefore, with what faith, with what piety do you judge those to be, who even suppose that the immortal gods can most easily be appeased by the crime and blood of men?
[32] Hoc vestrae mentes tam castae, tam integrae sibi suscipient ut, cum omnes legati nostri qui illo triennio in Galliam venerunt, omnes equites Romani qui in illa provincia fuerunt, omnes negotiatores eius provinciae, denique omnes in Gallia qui sunt socii populi Romani atque amici, M. Fonteium incolumem esse cupiant, iurati privatim et publice laudent, vos tamen cum Gallis iugulare malitis? Quid ut secuti esse videamini? voluntatemne hominum?
[32] Will your minds, so chaste, so unimpaired, take this upon themselves: that, whereas all our legates who in that three-year period came into Gaul, all Roman knights who were in that province, all the negotiators of that province, and finally all in Gaul who are allies and friends of the Roman People, desire M. Fonteius to be unharmed and, under oath, praise him both privately and publicly, you nevertheless prefer to cut the throat with the Gauls? What, so that you may seem to have followed what? the will of men?
Will, then, the will of enemies be graver for you than that of citizens? Or the dignity of the witnesses? Can you, then, put unknowns before known men, iniquitous before equitable, foreigners before our own countrymen, greedy before moderate, mercenaries before those who act gratuitously, impious before religious, those most inimical to this empire and name before the good and faithful and the allies and citizens?
[33] An vero dubitatis, iudices, quin insitas inimicitias istae gentes omnes et habeant et gerant cum populi Romani nomine? Sic existimatis eos hic sagatos bracatosque versari, animo demisso atque humili, ut solent ei qui adfecti iniuriis ad opem iudicum supplices inferioresque confugiunt? Nihil vero minus.
[33] Or do you truly doubt, judges, that all those nations both have and wage inborn enmities against the name of the Roman people? Do you so suppose that they are here, cloaked and trousered, moving about with a downcast and humble spirit, as those are wont who, afflicted by injuries, flee as suppliants and inferiors to the aid of the judges? Nothing, indeed, less.
These men, on the contrary, roam cheerful and erect everywhere throughout the whole forum with certain threats and with a barbarous and immense terror of words; which indeed I would not believe, unless I had several times heard it from the accusers themselves together with you, judges, when they were instructing you to beware lest, with this man absolved, some new Gallic war be incited.
[34] Si M. Fonteium, iudices, in causa deficerent omnia, si turpi adulescentia, vita infami, magistratibus quos ante oculos vestros gessit
[34] If, judges, everything were failing in the case of M. Fonteius—if, with a shameful adolescence, a disreputable life, the magistracies which he exercised before your eyes
[35] Nunc vero cum laedat nemo bonus, laudent omnes vestri cives atque socii, oppugnent idem qui saepissime hanc urbem et hoc imperium oppugnarunt, cumque inimici M. Fontei vobis ac populo Romano minentur, amici ac propinqui supplicent vobis, dubitabitis non modo vestris civibus, qui maxime gloria ac laude ducuntur, verum etiam exteris nationibus
[35] Now indeed, since no good man harms him, all your citizens and allies praise him, while those same men assail him who have most repeatedly assaulted this city and this empire; and when the enemies of M. Fonteius threaten you and the Roman People, while his friends and kinsmen supplicate you, will you hesitate to show not only to your own citizens, who are chiefly guided by glory and praise, but also to foreign nations
[36] Magna me hercules causa, iudices, absolutionis cum ceteris causis haec est, ne quae insignis huic imperio macula atque ignominia suscipiatur, si hoc ita perlatum erit in Galliam, senatores equitesque populi Romani non testimoniis Gallorum, sed minis commotos rem ad illorum libidinem iudicasse. Ita vero, si illi bellum facere conabuntur, excitandus nobis erit ab inferis C. Marius qui Indutiomaro isti minaci atque adroganti par in bello gerendo esse possit, excitandus Cn. Domitius et Q. Maximus qui nationem Allobrogum et
[36] By Hercules, judges, a great reason for acquittal, along with the other reasons, is this: lest any conspicuous blot and ignominy be taken on by this imperium, if this shall thus be carried into Gaul—that senators and equites of the Roman people, moved not by the testimonies of the Gauls but by threats, have judged the matter according to those men’s caprice. Indeed, if they try to make war, we shall have to rouse for ourselves from the lower world Gaius Marius, who could be a match for that menacing and arrogant Indutiomarus in waging war; we must rouse Gnaeus Domitius and Quintus Maximus, that they may once again finish off and crush by their arms the nation of the Allobroges and the remnants
[37] Quod si in turpi reo patiendum non esset ut quicquam isti se minis profecisse arbitrarentur, quid faciendum vobis
[37] Now, if even in a base defendant it ought not to be endured that those men should think they have accomplished anything by their threats, what do you think ought to be done by you in the case of M. Fonteius? About this man, judges—for now, with the case almost pleaded in two actions, I seem bound to say this—about this man you have heard not even from enemies any fabricated imputation of disgraces, not to say a charge, nay not even a slander. Has any defendant ever, especially one engaged in this course of life—in seeking honors, in holding powers, in administering commands—been so accused that no reproach, no crime, no turpitude, born of lust or of petulance or of audacity, was thrown at him by the accuser, if not true, yet at least feigned with some show of reason and suspicion?
[38] M. Aemilium Scaurum, summum nostrae civitatis virum, scimus accusatum a M. Bruto. Exstant orationes, ex quibus intellegi potest multa in illum ipsum Scaurum esse dicta, falso; quis negat? verum tamen ab inimico dicta et obiecta.
[38] We know that Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, a foremost man of our state, was accused by Marcus Brutus. The orations survive, from which it can be understood that many things were said against that very Scaurus—falsely; who denies it? Yet nevertheless they were said and alleged by an enemy.
How many things M'. Aquilius heard in his own trial, how many L. Cotta, and finally P. Rutilius! who, although he was condemned, yet seems to me nevertheless to be numbered among the best and most innocent men. That man, therefore, that very most holy and most temperate, heard many things in his own case which pertained to the suspicion of sexual outrages and lusts.
[39] Exstat oratio hominis, ut opinio mea fert, nostrorum hominum longe ingeniosissimi atque eloquentissimi, C. Gracchi; qua in oratione permulta in L. Pisonem turpia ac flagitiosa dicuntur. At in quem virum! qui tanta virtute atque integritate fuit ut etiam illis optimis temporibus, cum hominem invenire nequam neminem posses, solus tamen Frugi nominaretur.
[39] There exists the oration of a man who, as my opinion bears, was by far the most ingenious and most eloquent of our countrymen, Gaius Gracchus; in which oration very many foul and flagitious things are said against Lucius Piso. But against what a man! who was of such virtue and integrity that even in those best times, when you could find no man to be worthless, yet he alone was named Frugi.
When Gracchus ordered that he be summoned into the assembly, and the usher asked which Piso, since there were several: “You compel me,” he said, “to say my enemy, Frugi.” Therefore that man—whom not even an enemy could sufficiently indicate in naming unless he had first praised him, who by a single cognomen made clear not only who he was but also what sort he was—nevertheless was being called into a false and iniquitous imputation of reproaches;
[40] M. Fonteius ita duabus actionibus accusatus est ut obiectum nihil sit quo significari vestigium libidinis, petulantiae, crudelitatis, audaciae possit; non modo nullum facinus huius protulerunt sed ne dictum quidem aliquod reprehenderunt. Quod si aut quantam voluntatem habent ad hunc opprimendum aut quantam ad male dicendum licentiam, tantum haberent aut
[40] M. Fonteius has thus been accused in two actions in such a way that nothing has been alleged by which a vestige of libido, petulance, cruelty, or audacity can be indicated; not only did they bring forth no crime of his, but they did not even censure any saying. But if they had as much spirit for lying or as much talent for feigning as they have either the will to crush this man or the license for speaking ill, M. Fonteius would not have been in better fortune for not having to hear reproaches than those of whom I spoke before. An upright man, therefore, judges—upright, I say—and in all parts of life moderate and temperate, full of modesty, full of duty, full of religion, you see placed in your good faith and power, and so placed that he has been committed to your trust, handed over to your power.
[41] Videte igitur utrum sit aequius hominem honestissimum, virum fortissimum, civem optimum dedi inimicissimis atque immanissimis nationibus an reddi amicis, praesertim cum tot res sint quae vestris animis pro huius innocentis salute supplicent, primum generis antiquitas, quam Tusculo, ex clarissimo municipio, profectam in monumentis rerum gestarum incisam ac notatam videmus, tum autem continuae praeturae, quae et ceteris ornamentis et existimatione innocentiae maxime floruerunt, deinde recens memoria parentis, cuius sanguine non solum Asculanorum manus, a qua interfectus est, sed totum illud sociale bellum macula sceleris imbutum est, postremo ipse cum in omnibus vitae partibus honestus atque integer, tum in re militari cum summi consili et maximi animi, tum vero usu quoque bellorum gerendorum in primis eorum hominum qui nunc sunt exercitatus.
[41] See then whether it is more equitable that a most honorable man, a most brave man, a best citizen be handed over to the most hostile and most savage nations, or be returned to his friends, especially since there are so many things which, as suppliants, plead with your minds for the safety of this innocent man: first, the antiquity of his lineage, which, proceeding from Tusculum, from a most illustrious municipality, we see engraved and marked in the monuments of deeds; then, moreover, his continuous praetorship, which flourished greatly both with the other ornaments and with the esteem of innocence; next, the fresh memory of his father, by whose blood not only the hands of the Asculans, by whom he was slain, but that whole Social War was steeped with the stain of crime; finally, he himself, while in all parts of life honorable and unimpaired, yet in military matters both of the highest counsel and of the greatest spirit, and indeed also in the practice of waging wars, is, among the men who now exist, preeminently exercised.
[42] Qua re si etiam monendi estis a me, iudices, quod non estis, videor hoc leviter pro mea auctoritate vobis praecipere posse, ut ex eo genere homines quorum cognita virtus, industria, felicitas in re militari sit diligenter vobis retinendos existimetis. Fuit enim maior talium
[42] Wherefore, if you even need to be admonished by me, judges—which you do not—I seem able, modestly in proportion to my authority, to prescribe this to you: that you should consider that men of that kind, whose proven virtue, industry, and felicity in military affairs are known, must be carefully retained by you. For there was formerly a greater supply of such men in this commonwealth; and when that was the case, provision was made for them not only for their safety but also for their honor. What are you now to do, with military studies among the youth grown obsolete, and the bravest men and highest commanders consumed partly by age, partly by the discords of the state and the calamity of the commonwealth, when so many wars are either of necessity undertaken by us or arise sudden and unforeseen?
[43] Recordamini quos legatos nuper in bello
[43] Recall what legates L. Julius had recently in the
[44] At infestis prope signis inferuntur Galli in M. Fonteium et instant atque urgent summo cum studio, summa cum audacia. Video, iudices; sed multis et firmis praesidiis vobis adiutoribus isti immani atque intolerandae barbariae resistemus. Primum obicitur contra istorum impetus Macedonia, fidelis et amica populo Romano provincia; quae cum se ac suas urbis non solum consilio sed etiam manu M. Fontei conservatam esse dicat, ut ipsa per hunc a Thraecum adventu ac depopulatione defensa
[44] But with standards almost hostile the Gauls advance against M. Fonteius and press on and bear hard with the utmost zeal, with the utmost audacity. I see it, judges; but with many and firm defenses, with you as helpers, we shall resist that monstrous and intolerable barbarity. First, Macedonia is interposed against the assaults of those men, a province faithful and friendly to the Roman people; which, since it says that it and its cities have been preserved not only by the counsel but also by the hand of M. Fonteius, just as it was itself through him defended from the coming and devastation of the Thracians, so now from this man’s very head it drives away the onsets and terrors of the Gauls.
[45] Constituitur ex altera parte ulterior Hispania, quae profecto
[45] On the other side is set Further Spain, which assuredly not only can, by its own religio, resist the cupidity of those men, but also can refute the perjuries of criminal men by its testimonies and laudations. And from Gaul itself as well, most faithful and most weighty auxiliaries are taken. There comes to the aid of this wretched and innocent man the whole civitas of the Massilians, which labors not only for this reason—that it may seem to return equal gratitude to the man by whom she herself was preserved—but also because it deems that by that condition and that fate it has been established in those lands, to the end that those peoples may be able to do no harm to our men.
[46] Propugnat pariter pro salute M. Fontei Narbonensis colonia, quae per hunc ipsa nuper obsidione hostium liberata nunc eiusdem miseriis ac periculis commovetur. Denique ut oportet bello Gallico, ut maiorum iura moresque praescribunt, nemo est civis Romanus qui sibi ulla excusatione utendum putet; omnes illius provinciae publicani, agricolae, pecuarii, ceteri negotiatores uno animo M. Fonteium atque una voce defendunt. Quod si tantas auxiliorum nostrorum copias Indutiomarus ipse despexerit, dux Allobrogum ceterorumque Gallorum, num etiam de matris hunc complexu, lectissimae miserrimaeque feminae, vobis inspectantibus avellet atque abstrahet?
[46] The Narbonensian colony likewise fights for the safety of M. Fonteius, which by this man himself was lately freed from a siege of enemies, and now is moved by this same man’s miseries and dangers. Finally, as is fitting in a Gallic war, as the laws and mores of the ancestors prescribe, there is no Roman citizen who thinks that he should avail himself of any excuse; all the publicans, farmers, herdsmen, and the other negotiators of that province defend M. Fonteius with one mind and with one voice. But if Indutiomarus himself, leader of the Allobroges and of the other Gauls, has looked down on such great forces of our auxiliaries, surely he will not even, before your eyes, tear and drag him from the embrace of his mother, a most select and most wretched woman?
especially since on the other side a Vestal virgin holds her own brother clasped in embrace and implores your good faith, judges, and that of the Roman people; she who for so many years has been occupied in appeasing the immortal gods on behalf of you and your children, that she may now be able, for her own safety and that of her brother, to placate your minds.
[47] Cui miserae quod praesidium, quod solacium reliquum est hoc amisso? Nam ceterae feminae gignere ipsae sibi praesidia et habere domi fortunarum omnium socium participemque possunt; huic vero virgini quid est praeter fratrem quod aut iucundum aut carum esse possit? Nolite pati, iudices, aras deorum immortalium Vestaeque matris cotidianis virginis lamentationibus de vestro iudicio commoneri; prospicite ne ille ignis aeternus nocturnis Fonteiae laboribus vigiliisque servatus sacerdotis vestrae lacrimis exstinctus esse dicatur.
[47] To this wretched woman, what protection, what solace remains, if this one be lost? For other women can themselves beget for themselves protections and can have at home a partner and participant in all fortunes; but for this maiden, what is there besides her brother that can be either pleasant or dear? Do not allow, judges, the altars of the immortal gods and of Mother Vesta to be reminded, by the daily lamentations of the maiden, of your judgment; see to it that that eternal fire, preserved by the nightly labors and vigils of Fonteia, be not said to have been extinguished by the tears of your priestess.
[48] Tendit ad vos virgo Vestalis manus supplices easdem quas pro vobis dis immortalibus tendere consuevit. Cavete ne periculosum superbumque sit eius vos obsecrationem repudiare cuius preces si di aspernarentur, haec salva esse non possent. Videtisne subito, iudices, virum fortissimum, M. Fonteium, parentis et sororis commemoratione lacrimas profudisse?
[48] The Vestal virgin stretches out to you her suppliant hands, the same which she is accustomed to stretch out to the immortal gods on your behalf. Beware lest it be perilous and arrogant to repudiate her entreaty—she whose prayers, if the gods were to spurn them, these things could not remain safe. Do you see, judges, how suddenly the bravest man, M. Fonteius, at the remembrance of his parent and his sister, has poured forth tears?
He who has never quailed in the battle-line, who, armed, has often hurled himself into the very hands and multitude of the enemy, when in dangers of that kind used to think that he was leaving to his own the same consolations that his own father had left to himself—this same man now, with mind discomposed, dreads lest he may not only fail to be an ornament and an aid to his people, but even, with most bitter mourning, leave to the wretched an eternal disgrace and ignominy.
[49] O fortunam longe disparem, M. Fontei, si deligere potuisses ut potius telis tibi Gallorum quam periuriis intereundum esset! Tum enim vitae socia virtus, mortis comes gloria fuisset; nunc vero qui est dolor victoriae te atque imperi poenas ad eorum arbitrium sufferre qui aut victi armis sunt aut invitissimi paruerunt! A quo periculo defendite, iudices, civem fortem atque innocentem; curate ut nostris testibus plus quam alienigenis credidisse videamini, plus saluti civium quam hostium libidini consuluisse, graviorem duxisse eius obsecrationem quae vestris sacris praesit quam eorum audaciam qui cum omnium sacris delubrisque bella gesserunt.
[49] O fortune far disparate, M. Fonteius, if you had been able to choose that you should perish rather by the weapons of the Gauls than by perjuries! For then virtue, companion of life, and glory, companion of death, would have been yours; but now what a grief it is that you should suffer, at the discretion of those who either were conquered by arms or obeyed most unwillingly, the penalties of your victory and your command! From this peril defend, judges, a brave and innocent citizen; take care that you seem to have believed our witnesses more than the alien-born, to have consulted more for the safety of citizens than for the lust of enemies, to have deemed weightier the obsecration of her who presides over your sacred rites than the audacity of those who have waged wars against all sacred rites and shrines.