Nepos: LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM

[1] EPAMINONDAS, Polymnidis filius. Thebanus. De hoc priusquam scribimus, haec praecipienda videntur lectoribus, ne alienos mores ad suos referant neve ea, quae ipsis leviora sunt, pari modo apud ceteros fuisse arbitrentur.

[1] EPAMINONDAS, son of Polymnis. A Theban. Before we write about him, these points seem to be enjoined upon readers: that they not refer alien mores to their own, nor suppose that those things which are to themselves of less weight were in the same way among others.

2 Scimus enim musicen nostris moribus abesse a principis persona, saltare vero etiam in vitiis poni; quae omnia apud Graecos et grata et laude digna ducuntur.

2 For we know that music, according to our customs, is absent from the persona of a leader, and that to dance is even placed among vices; all of which among the Greeks are considered both pleasing and worthy of praise.

3 Cum autem exprimere imaginem consuetudinis atque vitae velimus Epaminondae, nihil videmur debere praetermittere, quod pertineat ad eam declarandam.

3 But since we wish to express the image of Epaminondas’s consuetude and life, we seem bound to pretermit nothing that pertains to its being declared.

4 Quare dicemus primum de genere eius, deinde, quibus disciplinis et a quibus sit eruditus; tum de moribus ingeniique facultatibus, et si qua alia memoria digna erunt; postremo de rebus gestis, quae a plurimis animi anteponuntur virtutibus.

4 Wherefore we shall speak first of his lineage; then, by what disciplines and by whom he was educated; next, of his morals and the faculties of his intellect, and if there are any other things worthy of memory; finally, of his deeds, which by very many are preferred to the virtues of the mind.

[2] Natus est igitur patre, quo diximus, genere honesto, pauper iam a maioribus relictus, eruditus autem sic ut nemo Thebanus magis. Nam et citharizare et cantare ad chordarum sonum doctus est a Dionysio, qui non minore fuit in musicis gloria quam Damon aut Lamprus, quorum pervulgata sunt nomina; cantare tibiis ab Olympiodoro, saltare a Calliphrone.

[2] He was born, then, of the father whom we have mentioned, of honorable lineage, already left poor by his forebears, yet educated in such a way that no Theban more so. For he was taught both to play the cithara and to sing to the sound of the strings by Dionysius, who was in musical glory no less than Damon or Lamprus, whose names are widely spread; to sing to the pipes (tibiae) by Olympiodorus, and to dance by Calliphron.

2 At philosophiae praeceptorem habuit Lysim Tarentinum, Pythagoreum; cui quidem sic fuit deditus, ut adulescens tristem ac severum senem omnibus aequalibus suis in familiaritate anteposuerit, neque prius eum a se dimisit, quam in doctrinis tanto antecessit condiscipulos, ut facile intellegi posset pari modo superaturum omnes in ceteris artibus.

2 But he had Lysis of Tarentum, a Pythagorean, as a preceptor of philosophy; to whom indeed he was so devoted that, as a youth, he preferred in close familiarity a sad and severe old man before all his equals, nor did he dismiss him from his side before he had so far surpassed his fellow-disciples in the doctrines that it could easily be understood that in like manner he would surpass all in the other arts.

3 Atque haec ad nostram consuetudinem sunt levia et potius contemnenda; at in Graecia utique olim magnae laudi erant.

3 And these things, by our custom, are light and rather to be contemned; but in Greece, assuredly formerly, they were of great praise.

4 Postquam ephebus est factus et palaestrae dare operam coepit, non tam magnitudini virium servivit quam velocitati. Illam enim ad athletarum usum, hanc ad belli existimabat utilitatem pertinere.

4 After he became an ephebe and began to give effort to the palaestra, he served not so much the magnitude of strength as velocity. For he judged the former to pertain to the use of athletes, the latter to the utility of war.

5 Itaque exercebatur plurimum currendo et luctando ad eum finem, quoad stans complecti posset atque contendere. In armis vero plurimum studii consumebat.

5 Therefore he was trained very much by running and wrestling to that end, until, standing, he could clasp and contend. In arms, however, he consumed the greatest share of his zeal.

[3] Ad hanc corporis firmitatem plura etiam animi bona accesserant. Erat enim modestus, prudens, gravis, temporibus sapienter utens; peritus belli, fortis manu, animo maximo; adeo veritatis diligens, ut ne ioco quidem mentiretur.

[3] To this firmness of body there had also been added more good qualities of spirit. For he was modest, prudent, grave, wisely using the times; expert in war, brave in hand, of the greatest spirit; so devoted to truth that he did not lie even in jest.

2 Idem continens, clemens patiensque admirandum in modum, non solum populi, sed etiam amicorum ferens iniurias; in primis commissa celans, quod interdum non minus prodest quam diserte dicere, studiosus audiendi: ex hoc enim facillime disci arbitrabatur.

2 The same man, continent, clement, and patient in an admirable manner, bearing the injuries not only of the people but even of friends; above all concealing things entrusted, which sometimes profits no less than speaking eloquently, studious of listening: for from this he judged that one learns most easily.

3 Itaque cum in circulum venisset, in quo aut de re publica disputaretur aut de philosophia sermo haberetur, numquam inde prius discessit, quam ad finem sermo esset adductus.

3 Thus, whenever he came into a circle in which either the Commonwealth was being debated or discourse on philosophy was being held, he never left from there before the discourse had been brought to its end.

4 Paupertatem adeo facile perpessus est, ut de re publica nihil praeter gloriam ceperit. Amicorum in se tuendo caruit facultatibus, fide ad alios sublevandos saepe sic usus est, ut iudicari possit omnia ei cum amicis fuisse communia.

4 He endured poverty so easily that he took nothing from the republic except glory. In defending himself he did without the resources of his friends; he so often used his credit to relieve others that it can be judged that all things were common to him with his friends.

5 Nam cum aut civium suorum aliquis ab hostibus esset captus aut virgo amici nubilis, quae propter paupertatem collocari non posset, amicorum consilium habebat et, quantum quisque daret, pro facultatibus imperabat.

5 For whenever either one of his fellow citizens had been captured by the enemies, or a friend’s maiden of marriageable age who, on account of poverty, could not be settled in marriage, he would take counsel of his friends and, according to means, would levy how much each should give.

6 Eamque summam cum fecerat, priusquam acciperet pecuniam, adducebat eum, qui quaerebat, ad eos, qui conferebant, eique ut ipsi numerarent, faciebat, ut ille, ad quem ea res perveniebat, sciret, quantum cuique deberet.

6 And when he had made up that sum, before he received the money, he would bring the one who was asking to those who were contributing, and he would have them themselves count it out to him, so that the recipient might know how much he owed to each.

[4] Temptata autem eius est abstinentia a Diomedonte Cyziceno. Namque is rogatu Artaxerxis regis Epaminondam pecunia corrumpendum susceperat. Hic magno cum pondere auri Thebas venit et Micythum adulescentulum quinque talentis ad suam perduxit voluntatem, quem tum Epaminondas plurimum diligebat.

[4] But his abstinence was tested by Diomedon of Cyzicus. For he, at the request of King Artaxerxes, had undertaken to corrupt Epaminondas with money. He came to Thebes with a great weight of gold and brought Micythus, a very young man, over to his will with five talents—whom Epaminondas at that time loved most greatly.

Micythus Epaminondam convenit et causam adventus Diomedontis ostendit.

Micythus met Epaminondas and showed the cause of Diomedon’s advent.

2 At ille Diomedonti coram 'Nihil' inquit 'opus pecunia est. Nam si rex ea vult, quae Thebanis sunt utilia, gratis facere sum paratus; sin autem contraria, non habet auri atque argenti satis. Namque orbis terrarum divitias accipere nolo pro patriae caritate.

2 But he, before Diomedon, said, 'There is no need of money. For if the king wants those things which are useful to the Thebans, I am prepared to do them gratis; but if the contrary, he does not have enough of gold and silver. For I am unwilling to accept the world's riches in exchange for the love of my fatherland.'

3 Tu quod me incognitum temptasti tuique similem, existimasti, non miror tibique ignosco; sed egredere propere, ne alios corrumpas, cum me non potueris. Et tu, Micythe, argentum huic redde, aut, nisi id confestim facis, ego te tradam magistratui'.

3 As for you, because you tested me as unknown and supposed me like yourself, I do not marvel and I pardon you; but go out quickly, lest you corrupt others, since you have not been able to corrupt me. And you, Micythus, give back the silver to this man, or, unless you do that forthwith, I will hand you over to the magistrate'.

4 Hunc Diomedon cum rogaret, ut tuto exiret suaque, quae attulerat, liceret efferre, 'Istud quidem' inquit 'faciam, neque tua causa, sed mea, ne, si tibi sit pecunia adempta, aliquis dicat id ad me ereptum pervenisse, quod delatum accipere noluissem'. A quo cum quaesisset, quo se deduci vellet, et ille Athenas dixisset, praesidium dedit, ut tuto perveniret. Neque vero id satis habuit, sed etiam, ut inviolatus in navem escenderet, per Chabriam Atheniensem, de quo supra mentionem fecimus, effecit.

4 When Diomedon asked him that he might go out safely and be allowed to carry out his own belongings, which he had brought, 'That indeed,' he said, 'I will do, not for your sake, but for mine, lest, if money were taken from you, someone say that what had been snatched away had come to me, a thing which, though proffered, I had been unwilling to accept.' And when he had asked him to what place he wished to be conducted, and he said Athens, he gave an escort, so that he might arrive safely. Nor indeed did he hold that sufficient, but he also brought it about, through Chabrias the Athenian, of whom we made mention above, that he boarded the ship unmolested.

6 Abstinentiae erit hoc satis testimonium. Plurima quidem proferre possimus, sed modus adhibendus est quoniam uno hoc volumine vitam excellentium virorum complurium concludere constituimus, quorum separatim multis milibus versuum complures scriptores ante nos explicarunt.

6 This will be sufficient testimony of his abstinence. We could indeed bring forth very many things, but a measure must be applied, since in this one volume we have determined to conclude the life-stories of several excellent men, which several writers before us have unfolded separately in many thousands of verses.

[5] Fuit etiam disertus, ut nemo ei Thebanus par esset eloquentia, neque minus concinnus in brevitate respondendi quam in perpetua oratione ornatus.

[5] He was eloquent as well, so that no Theban was equal to him in eloquence, and he was no less polished in the brevity of replying than he was adorned in continuous oration.

2 Habuit obtrectatorem Menecliden quendam, indidem Thebis, et adversarium in administranda re publica, satis exercitatum in dicendo, ut Thebanum scilicet: namque illi genti plus inest virium quam ingenii.

2 He had as a detractor a certain Meneclides, likewise from Thebes, and an adversary in the administration of the republic, sufficiently exercised in speaking, as a Theban, to be sure: for that people has more of force than of ingenuity.

3 Is quod in re militari florere Epaminondam videbat, hortari solebat Thebanos, ut pacem bello anteferrent, ne illius imperatoris opera desideraretur. Huic ille 'Fallis' inquit 'verbo civis tuos, quod hos a bello avocas: otii enim nomine servitutem concilias.

3 He, because he saw Epaminondas flourish in the military sphere, used to exhort the Thebans to prefer peace to war, lest the services of that general be missed. To him that man said, 'You deceive your fellow citizens with a word, since you call them away from war: for under the name of leisure you are procuring servitude.'

4 Nam paritur pax bello. Itaque, qui ea diutina volunt frui, bello exercitati esse debent. Quare, si principes Graeciae vultis esse, castris est vobis utendum, non palaestra.

4 For peace is begotten by war. Therefore, those who wish to enjoy it for a long time ought to be exercised in war. Wherefore, if you wish to be princes of Greece, you must use the camp, not the palaestra.

5 Idem ille Meneclides cum huic obiceret, quod liberos non haberet neque uxorem duxisset, maximeque insolentiam quod sibi Agamemnonis belli gloriam videretur consecutus, 'At' ille 'desine' inquit, 'Meneclida, de uxore mihi exprobrare: nam nullius in ista re minus uti consilio volo'. - Habebat enim Meneclides suspicionem adulterii -.

5 That same Meneclides, when he used to reproach him because he had no children and had not taken a wife, and most of all for insolence, in that he seemed to himself to have attained the glory of Agamemnon’s war, “But,” said he, “stop, Meneclides, reproaching me about a wife: for in that matter I wish to use the counsel of no one less.” - For Meneclides had a suspicion of adultery -.

6 'Quod autem me Agamemnonem aemulari putas, falleris. Namque ille cum universa Graecia vix decem annis unam cepit urbem; ego contra ea una urbe nostra dieque uno totam Graeciam Lacedaemoniis fugatis liberavi.'

6 'But as for your thinking that I emulate Agamemnon, you are mistaken. For he, with all Greece, scarcely in ten years took one city; I, on the contrary, with our one city and in a single day, with the Lacedaemonians put to flight, freed all Greece.'

[6] Idem cum in conventum venisset Arcadum, petens, ut societatem cum Thebanis et Argivis facerent, contraque Callistratus, Atheniensium legatus, qui eloquentia omnes eo praestabat tempore, postularet, ut potius amicitiam sequerentur Atticorum, et in oratione sua multa invectus esset in Thebanos et Argivos in eisque hoc posuisset,

[6] The same man, when he had come into the assembly of the Arcadians, seeking that they make an alliance with the Thebans and Argives, and on the other hand Callistratus, legate of the Athenians, who in eloquence excelled all at that time, was demanding that they rather follow the friendship of the Athenians, and in his oration had inveighed much against the Thebans and Argives and had put forward this point among them,

2 animum advertere debere Arcades, qualis utraque civitas civis procreasset, ex quibus de ceteris possent iudicare: Argivos enim fuisse Orestem et Alcmaeonem matricidas: Thebis Oedipum natum, qui cum patrem suum interfecisset, ex matre liberos procreasse:

2 the Arcadians ought to direct their attention to what sort of citizen each city had procreated, from which they could judge concerning the rest: for among the Argives were Orestes and Alcmaeon, matricides; at Thebes Oedipus was born, who, after he had killed his father, procreated children from his mother:

3 huic in respondendo Epaminondas, cum de ceteris perorasset, postquam ad illa duo opprobria pervenit, admirari se dixit stultitiam rhetoris Attici, qui non animadverterit innocentes illos natos domi, scelere admisso, cum patria essent expulsi, receptos esse ab Atheniensibus.

3 to this, in responding, Epaminondas, when he had finished speaking about the rest, after he came to those two reproaches, said that he marveled at the stupidity of the Attic rhetor, who had not noticed that those innocents, born at home, once the crime had been committed and they had been expelled from their fatherland, had been received by the Athenians.

4 Sed maxime eius eloquentia elusit Spartae, legati ante pugnam Leuctricam. Quo cum omnium sociorum convenissent legati, coram frequentissimo legationum conventu sic Lacedaemoniorum tyrannidem coarguit, ut non minus illa oratione opes eorum concusserit quam Leuctrica pugna. Tum enim perfecit, quod post apparuit, ut auxilio Lacedaemonii sociorum privarentur.

4 But most of all his eloquence made its mark at Sparta, when he was envoy before the Leuctrian battle. When to that place the envoys of all the allies had assembled, in the presence of a most crowded convocation of legations he thus proved the tyranny of the Lacedaemonians, that he shook their power no less by that oration than by the Leuctrian battle. For then he accomplished, as afterwards appeared, that the Lacedaemonians were deprived of the aid of their allies.

[7] Fuisse patientem suorumque iniurias ferentem civium, quod se patriae irasci nefas esse duceret, haec sunt testimonia. Cum eum propter invidiam cives sui praeficere exercitui noluissent duxque esset delectus belli imperitus, cuius errore eo esset deducta illa multitudo militum, ut omnes de salute pertimescerent, quod locorum angustiis clausi ab hostibus obsidebantur, desiderari coepta est Epaminondae diligentia. Erat enim ibi privatus numero militis.

[7] That he was patient and bore the injuries of his fellow citizens, since he deemed it impious to be angry with his fatherland, these are the testimonies. When, on account of envy, his fellow citizens were unwilling to set him over the army and a leader was chosen inexpert in war, by whose error that multitude of soldiers had been brought to such a pass that all were greatly afraid for their safety, because, shut in by the narrowness of the places, they were being besieged by the enemies, the diligence of Epaminondas began to be desired. For he was there as a private in the number of the soldiers.

2 A quo cum peterent opem, nullam adhibuit memoriam contumeliae et exercitum obsidione liberatum domum reduxit incolumem. Nec vero hoc semel fecit, sed saepius.

2 When they sought aid from him, he brought to bear no remembrance of the contumely, and he led the army, freed from the siege, home unharmed. Nor indeed did he do this once, but rather often.

3 Maxime autem fuit illustre, cum in Peloponnesum exercitum duxisset adversus Lacedaemonios haberetque collegas duos, quorum alter erat Pelopidas, vir fortis ac strenuus. Ei cum criminibus adversariorum omnes in invidiam venissent ob eamque rem imperium iis esset abrogatum atque in eorum locum alii praetores successissent, Epaminondas populi scito non paruit,

3 But it was most illustrious especially when, having led an army into the Peloponnese against the Lacedaemonians and having two colleagues—one of whom was Pelopidas, a brave and strenuous man—when, through the accusations of their adversaries, they had all fallen into ill-will, and for that reason their imperium had been abrogated and other praetors had succeeded in their place, Epaminondas did not obey the people’s enactment,

4 idemque ut facerent, persuasit collegis et bellum, quod susceperat, gessit. Namque animadvertebat, nisi id fecisset, totum exercitum propter praetorum imprudentiam inscitiamque belli periturum.

4 and he persuaded his colleagues to do the same, and he prosecuted the war which he had undertaken. For he observed that, unless he did this, the whole army would perish on account of the praetors’ imprudence and ignorance of war.

5 Lex erat Thebis, quae morte multabat, si quis imperium diutius retinuisset, quam lege praefinitum foret. Hanc Epaminondas cum rei publicae conservandae causa latam videret, ad perniciem civitatis conferre noluit et quattuor mensibus diutius, quam populus iusserat, gessit imperium.

5 There was a law at Thebes which punished with death anyone who had retained command longer than had been pre-defined by law. Epaminondas, since he saw that this had been passed for the sake of conserving the commonwealth, was unwilling to apply it to the ruin of the state, and he exercised command for four months longer than the people had ordered.

[8] Postquam domum reditum est, collegae eius hoc crimine accusabantur. Quibus ille permisit, ut omnem causam in se transferrent suaque opera factum contenderent. ut legi non oboedirent.

[8] After they returned home, his colleagues were accused on this charge. To them he permitted that they transfer the whole case onto himself and contend that it had been done by his own agency: that they had not obeyed the law.

Qua defensione illis periculo liberatis nemo Epaminondam responsurum putabat, quod, quid diceret, non haberet.

By which defense, with those men liberated from peril, no one thought Epaminondas would respond, because he would not have anything to say.

2 At ille in iudicium venit, nihil eorum negavit, quae adversarii crimini dabant, omniaque, quae collegae dixerant, confessus est neque recusavit, quo minus legis poenam subiret, sed unum ab iis petivit, ut in periculo suo inscriberent:

2 But he came into court, denied none of those things which his adversaries were imputing as a crime, and confessed everything that his colleagues had said, nor did he refuse to undergo the penalty of the law; but he asked one thing of them, that they would inscribe upon the record of his trial:

3 Epaminondas a Thebanis morte multatus est, quod eos coegit apud Leuctra superare Lacedaemonios, quos ante se imperatoren: nemo Boeotorum ausus fuit aspicere in acie,

3 Epaminondas was penalized by the Thebans with death, because he compelled them at Leuctra to overcome the Lacedaemonians, whom before his generalship none of the Boeotians had dared to look upon in the battle-line,

4 quodque uno proelio non solum Thebas ab interitu retraxit, sed etiam universam Graeciam in libertatem vindicavit eoque res utrorumque perduxit, ut Thebani Spartam oppugnarent, Lacedaemonii satis haberent, si salvi esse possent,

4 and that by a single battle he not only drew Thebes back from destruction, but also vindicated the whole of Greece into liberty, and brought the affairs of both parties to such a point that the Thebans attacked Sparta, the Lacedaemonians held it sufficient if they could be safe,

5 neque prius bellare destitit, quam Messene restituta urbem eorum obsidione clausit. Haec cum dixisset, risus omnium cum hilaritate coortus est, neque quisquam iudex ausus est de eo ferre suffragium. Sic a iudicio capitis maxima discessit gloria.

5 nor did he cease waging war until, Messene having been restored, he shut their city in with a siege. When he had said these things, the laughter of all, with hilarity, arose, nor did any judge dare to cast a vote concerning him. Thus he departed from a capital trial with the greatest glory.

[9] Hic extremo tempore imperator apud Mantineam cum acie instructa audacius instaret hostes, cognitus a Lacedaemoniis, quod in unius pernicie eius patriae sitam putabant salutem, universi in unum impetum fecerunt neque prius abscesserunt, quam magna caede multisque occisis fortissime ipsum Epaminondam pugnantem sparo eminus percussum concidere viderunt.

[9] At the last, as commander near Mantinea, when, with the battle-line drawn up, he was pressing the enemies more boldly, he was recognized by the Lacedaemonians—for they thought the safety of their fatherland was placed in the destruction of a single man—so all together made an attack upon him alone, nor did they withdraw before, amid great slaughter and many slain, they saw Epaminondas himself, fighting most bravely, struck from afar by a spear, fall.

2 Huius casu aliquantum retardati sunt Boeotii, neque tamen prius pugna excesserunt, quam repugnantis profligarunt.

2 By his fall the Boeotians were somewhat delayed, yet they did not withdraw from the battle before they had routed the resisting enemy.

3 At Epaminondas cum animadverteret mortiferum se vulnus accepisse simulque, si ferrum, quod ex hastili in corpore remanserat, extraxisset, animam statim emissurum, usque eo retinuit, quoad renuntiatum est vicisse Boeotios.

3 But Epaminondas, when he perceived that he had received a mortal wound, and at the same time that, if he drew out the iron which from the shaft had remained in his body, he would straightway let out his life, kept it in until it was reported that the Boeotians had won.

4 Id postquam audivit, 'Satis' inquit 'vixi; invictus enim morior.' Tum ferro extracto confestim exanimatus est.

4 After he heard this, he said, 'I have lived enough; for I die unconquered.' Then, when the steel was drawn out, he immediately expired.

[10] Hic uxorem numquam duxit. In quo cum reprehenderetur, quod liberos non relinqueret, a Pelopida, qui filium habebat infamem, maleque eum in eo patriae consulere diceret, 'Vide', inquit 'ne tu peius consulas, qui talem ex te natum relicturus sis. Neque vero stirps potest mihi deesse.

[10] He never married. And when for this he was being reproved, because he would not leave children, by Pelopidas, who had a notorious son, and who said that in this he was consulting poorly for the fatherland, he said, 'See that you do not take worse counsel, you who are going to leave behind such a son born from yourself. Nor indeed can lineage be lacking to me.'

2 Namque ex me natam relinquo pugnam Leuctricam, quae non modo mihi superstes, sed etiam immortalis sit necesse est.'

2 For I leave behind, sprung from me, the Leuctrian battle, which must not only survive me, but also be immortal.'

3 Quo tempore duce Pelopida exules Thebas occuparunt et praesidium Lacedaemoniorum ex arce expulerunt, Epaminondas, quamdiu facta est caedes civium, domo se tenuit, quod neque malos defendere volebat neque impugnare, ne manus suorum sanguine cruentaret. Namque omnem civilem victoriam funestam putabat. Idem, postquam apud Cadmeam cum Lacedaemoniis pugnari coeptum est, in primis stetit.

3 At the time when, under Pelopidas as leader, the exiles occupied Thebes and expelled the Lacedaemonian garrison from the citadel, Epaminondas, so long as the slaughter of fellow-citizens was going on, kept himself at home, because he wished neither to defend the wicked nor to attack them, lest he stain his hands with the blood of his own. For he judged every civil victory fatal. The same man, after fighting began at the Cadmea with the Lacedaemonians, stood in the foremost ranks.

4 Cuius de virtutibus vitaque satis erit dictum, si hoc unum adiunxero, quod nemo ibit infitias, Thebas et ante Epaminondam natum et post eiusdem interitum perpetuo alieno paruisse imperio; contra ea, quamdiu ille praefuerit rei publicae, caput fuisse totius Graeciae. Ex quo intellegi potest unum hominem pluris quam civitatem fuisse.

4 Of whose virtues and life enough will have been said, if I add this one thing, which no one will go to deny: that Thebes both before Epaminondas was born and after that same man’s death obeyed perpetually an alien rule; on the contrary, for as long as he presided over the commonwealth, it was the head of all Greece. Whence it can be understood that one man was of more worth than the city.