William of Tyre: HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM

Secundus Hierosolymorum rex, ex Latinis fuit dominus Balduinus de Burgo, qui cognominatus est Aculeus; vir religiosus ac timens Deum, fide conspicuus, in re militari exercitatus plurimum. Hic fuit natione Francus, de episcopatu Remensi, filius domini Hugonis comitis de Retest, et Milisendis praeclarae comitissae, quae tot dicitur sorores habuisse, unde tanta multitudo filiorum et filiarum dicitur procreata, quantam ii noverunt qui principum genealogias sollicita investigant diligentia. Hic vivente adhuc patre cum aliis nobilibus, qui iter Hierosolymitanum arripuerant, in comitatu domini ducis Godefridi, cujus erat consanguineus, eamdem viam, ea devotione qua alii ingressus est, relinquens domi apud patrem jam grandaevum, fratres duos et sorores totidem, quorum ipse omnium primogenitus erat.

The second king of Jerusalem from among the Latins was Lord Baldwin of Bourcq, who was surnamed Aculeus; a religious man and God‑fearing, conspicuous for faith, and very much exercised in military affairs. He was by nation a Frank, from the bishopric of Reims, the son of Lord Hugh, count of Retest, and of Milisendis, a most renowned countess, who is said to have had so many sisters that so great a multitude of sons and daughters is said to have been procreated as those know who investigate the genealogies of princes with solicitous diligence. He, while his father was still living, together with other nobles who had undertaken the journey to Jerusalem, in the company of Lord Duke Godfrey, of whom he was a kinsman, entered upon the same way with the same devotion as the others, leaving at home with his now aged father two brothers and just as many sisters, of whom he himself was the firstborn of all.

Nomen alterius fratrum Gervasius, qui postea fuit electus ad ecclesiam Remensem; alterius Manasses. Sororum autem alteram habuit castellanus de Vitriaco, nomine Mahaldam; alteram dominus Herbrandus de Herges, vir nobilis et potens, nomine Hodiernam: ex qua natus est Manasses de Herges, quem nos postmodum tempore dominae Milisendis reginae, regium vidimus constabularium. Porro patre hujus domini Balduini regis defuncto, Manasses filius ejus, quia dominum Balduinum, qui primogenitus erat, regni occupatio detinebat, successit: quo etiam sine liberis decedente, Gervasius frater eorum, dimisso Remensi archiepiscopatu, uxorem contra instituta ecclesiastica ducens, eumdem comitatum jure possedit haereditario.

The name of one of the brothers was Gervasius, who afterwards was elected to the Church of Rheims; of the other, Manasses. Of the sisters, moreover, one the castellan of Vitry had, by name Mahalda; the other, Lord Herbrand of Herges, a noble and powerful man, by name Hodierna: from whom was born Manasses of Herges, whom we later, in the time of Lady Queen Melisende, saw as royal constable. Furthermore, the father of this lord King Baldwin having died, his son Manasses succeeded, because Lord Baldwin, who was the firstborn, was detained by the occupation of the kingdom; and he too dying without children, Gervasius their brother, having resigned the archiepiscopate of Rheims, taking a wife contrary to the ecclesiastical institutes, possessed the same county by hereditary right.

Susceptam autem ex uxore unicam filiam cuidam nobili viro in Northmannia, matrimonio copulavit. Quo defuncto sororis illorum filius, Mahaldis videlicet, quae castellano Vitriacensi nupserat, Iterius nomine, in eodem comitatu successit. Sed de his hactenus.

He gave in marriage the only daughter begotten of his wife to a certain nobleman in Normandy. Upon his death, the son of their sister—namely of Mahald, who had wedded the castellan of Vitry—by name Iterius, succeeded in the same county. But of these matters thus far.

CAPUT II. Qua de causa profectus est Hierosolymam, quando electus est in regem.

CHAPTER 2. For what cause he set out to Jerusalem, when he was elected king.

Domino igitur Balduino, domini ducis piae et illustris memoriae Godefridi fratre, post fratris obitum ad regnum Hierosolymorum vocato et in regni solio solemniter collocato, hic (de quo nobis est in praesentia sermo) tradente domino rege qui consanguineus ejus erat, in comitatu Edessano successit, quem annis decem et octo, et aliquid amplius, strenue et feliciter administravit. Anno igitur sui comitatus octavo decimo, regione sua in optata tranquillitate locata, proposuit Hierosolymorum regem, dominum, consanguineum et benefactorem suum, et loca sancta, devotionis gratia visitare. Ordinatis igitur ad iter necessariis, commissaque fidelibus suis, de quorum fide et industria plenius confidebat, regione, municipiis in tuto dispositis, tanquam vir providus et plene circumspectus, viam destinatam, adjuncto sibi honesto comitatu, aggreditur.

Therefore, Lord Baldwin, brother of Lord Duke Godfrey of pious and illustrious memory, having been called to the kingdom of Jerusalem after his brother’s death and solemnly placed on the throne of the kingdom, this man (of whom we have discourse at present), the lord king—who was his consanguineous kinsman—handing it over, succeeded in the County of Edessa, which he administered for eighteen years, and a little more, strenuously and felicitously. In the eighteenth year, therefore, of his county, his region being set in the desired tranquility, he proposed to visit, for the sake of devotion, the king of Jerusalem—his lord, his consanguineous kinsman and benefactor—and the holy places. Therefore, with the things necessary for the journey arranged, and the region committed to his faithful men, in whose faith and industry he trusted more fully, the municipalities being set safely in order, as a provident and fully circumspect man, he undertakes the appointed way, with an honorable retinue joined to him.

Dumque iter prosequeretur inceptum, ecce nuntius occurrit, denuntians quod dominus rex in Aegypto, sicut et verum erat, ultimum fato clauserat diem. Quo audito, plurimum de morte domini et consanguinei sui, sicut nec mirum erat, consternatus, nihil tamen ab incepto destitit itinere, sed Hierosolymam maturatis gressibus contendit. Ad quam cum pervenisset, accidit casu, quod in die festo, qui dicitur Ramis palmarum, cum de more populus universus in vallem Josaphat convenisset, ad solemnem et celebrem tantae diei processionem, subito ex una parte comes cum suis ingrederetur: et e regione, domini regis funus, cum exsequiis importaretur, universa militia, quae cum eo in Aegyptum descenderat, domini sui funus de more prosequente.

And while he was prosecuting the journey begun, behold, a messenger met him, announcing that the lord king in Egypt, as indeed was true, had closed his last day by fate. On hearing this, greatly consternated at the death of his lord and kinsman, as was no wonder, he nevertheless did not desist from the undertaken journey, but with hastened steps pressed on to Jerusalem. And when he had arrived there, it chanced that on the feast day which is called the Day of Palm-branches (Palm Sunday), when, according to custom, the whole people had assembled in the Valley of Jehoshaphat for the solemn and celebrated procession of so great a day, suddenly on one side the count with his men was entering; and, opposite, the lord king’s funeral, with the obsequies, was being borne in, the whole knighthood, which had gone down with him into Egypt, according to custom accompanying their lord’s funeral.

CAPUT III. Modus electionis aperitur; et memorabile factum comitis Boloniensium Eustachii describitur.

CHAPTER 3. The mode of the election is opened; and the memorable deed of Count Eustace of Boulogne is described.

Introducto igitur funere regio in sanctam civitatem et in ecclesia Dominici Sepulcri juxta fratrem, ante locum qui dicitur Golgotha, sub monte Calvariae, honorifice sepulto, convenerunt qui aderant de majoribus regni, episcopi, archiepiscopi et alii ecclesiarum praelati cum domino Arnulfo patriarcha; et de laicis principibus nonnulli, inter quos erat vir industrius, unde saepius supra fecimus mentionem, Joscelinus, potens in opere et sermone, Tyberiadensis dominus. Habitaque deliberatione de instanti negotio, varias promunt sententias, dicentibus aliis: Exspectandum esse dominum Eustachium comitem, nec interrumpendam haereditariae successionis antiquissimam legem: specialiter, cum bonae memoriae fratres ejus congruo, et cunctis placato moderamine regnum feliciter administrassent. Aliis dicentibus: Negotia regni, et continuam necessitatem non posse pati has dilationes, nec indulgere tantas ferias; sed maturandum esse, ut regioni citius consulatur, ne forte si incubuerit necessitas, non sit qui exercitus educat et reducat, et regni procuret negotia; et pro ducis inopia regni status periclitetur. Hanc partium fluctuationem et votorum repugnantiam, praetentata domini patriarchae, et ad se inclinata mente, praedictus Joscelinus, qui maximae erat in regno auctoritatis, illorum juvans partem qui dicebant regem statim esse ordinandum, diremit, dicens: Praesentem esse dominum comitem Edessanum, virum justum et timoratum, domini regis consanguineum, armis strenuum, per omnia commendabilem, quo meliorem nulla nobis regio, nulla provincia posset ministrare. Commodius esse ipsum in regem assumere quam casus periculosiores exspectare. Erant itaque multi, qui de sinceritate fidei arbitrabantur domini Joscelini verba procedere, scientes quomodo non multo ante dominus comes, ut praediximus, tractasset eum; et illud reputantes, quod proverbialiter dici solet: Omnis laus vera est ab hoste; nescientes quod alias ejus properaret intentio, fidem verbis ejus habentes, praestabant conniventiam.

Therefore, the royal corpse having been brought into the holy city and, in the church of the Lord’s Sepulchre, honorably buried beside his brother, before the place which is called Golgotha, under Mount Calvary, those of the greater men of the kingdom who were present assembled, bishops, archbishops, and other prelates of the churches with lord Arnulf the patriarch; and of the lay princes several, among whom was an industrious man, of whom we have made mention above more than once, Joscelin, powerful in deed and in word, the lord of Tiberias. And deliberation being held about the urgent matter, they bring forth various opinions, some saying: That lord Count Eustace must be awaited, nor should the most ancient law of hereditary succession be interrupted: especially, since his brothers of good memory had administered the kingdom happily with a fitting and universally appeasing moderation. Others saying: The affairs of the kingdom, and the continual necessity, cannot suffer these delays, nor indulge such holidays; but haste must be made, that provision be taken for the region more quickly, lest perchance, if necessity press, there be no one to lead out and lead back the armies, and to manage the business of the kingdom; and for lack of a duke the condition of the kingdom be endangered. This fluctuation of parties and repugnance of votes, the mind of the lord patriarch having been sounded out and inclined to himself, the aforesaid Joscelin, who was of the greatest authority in the kingdom, aiding the party who said that a king ought immediately to be ordained, settled, saying: That the lord Count of Edessa is present, a just and God-fearing man, a consanguine of the lord king, strenuous in arms, commendable in all respects, than whom no region, no province could furnish us a better. It is more expedient to assume him as king than to await more dangerous chances. There were, therefore, many who judged that the words of lord Joscelin proceeded from sincerity of faith, knowing how not long before the lord count, as we have said above, had dealt with him; and reckoning that which is wont proverbially to be said: Every praise is true from an enemy; not knowing that his intention was hastening elsewhere, giving credence to his words, they afforded connivance.

Ipse autem, ut dicebatur, aliter affectus erat; nam spe futurae in comitatum successionis, dominum comitem in regnum introducere nitebatur. Domino igitur Arnulfo patriarcha, et domino Joscelino hanc opinionem amplectentibus, reliqui facile in eamdem inducti sunt; et pari voto, et unanimi consensu, eum in regem eligentes, in die Sanctae Resurrectionis, qui proxime secutus est, solemniter, et ex more inunctus et consecratus est; et diadematis insigne regium suscepit. Quaecunque autem domini patriarchae, aut domini Joscelini in eo facto fuerit intentio, Dominus rei eventum misericorditer convertit in bonum.

He himself, however, as it was said, was differently disposed; for, in the hope of a future succession to the county, he strove to introduce the lord count into the kingdom. Therefore, with lord Arnulf the patriarch and lord Joscelin embracing this opinion, the rest were easily induced into the same; and by an equal vote and unanimous consent, choosing him as king, on the Day of the Holy Resurrection, which next followed, he was solemnly, and according to custom, anointed and consecrated; and he received the royal emblem of the diadem. Whatever, moreover, may have been the intention of the lord patriarch or of lord Joscelin in that deed, the Lord mercifully converted the outcome of the matter to good.

Nam virum justum, pium ac timentem Deum, divina eum praeveniente gratia, se exhibuit; eratque vir in cunctis prospere agens. Videtur tamen minus regularem habuisse introitum; legitimumque regni haeredem certum est a debita successione fraudulenter exclusisse, illos qui eum promoverunt. Mortuo namque domino rege, sive de ejus supremo judicio, sive de communi principum regni consilio (quia neutrum pro certo compertum habemus) missi erant quidam nobiles et magni viri, qui ad regni successionem communi edicto citarent comitem Boloniensium dominum Eustachium, dominorum Godefridi ducis eximii, domini Balduini regis fratrem.

For he showed himself a just man, pious and God-fearing, with prevenient grace going before him; and he was a man who in all things prospered. Yet he seems to have had a less regular accession; and it is certain that those who promoted him fraudulently excluded the legitimate heir of the kingdom from the due succession. For upon the death of the lord king, whether by his supreme judgment, or by the common counsel of the princes of the realm (since we have discovered neither for certain), certain nobles and great men had been sent, who by a common edict might summon to the succession of the kingdom Lord Eustace, Count of the Boulonnais, brother of the lords Godfrey, the distinguished duke, and Lord Baldwin the king.

Qui ad eum pervenientes, invitum et renitentem, causas honestissimas praetendentes, quare eum venire oporteret, usque in Apuliam traxerunt. Ubi audiens praedictus vir venerabilis, religiosus ac timens Deum, vere tantorum virorum imitator et frater, et in virtutibus et honestis meritis successor, quod Hierosolymis medio tempore dominus Balduinus, Edessanus comes ejus consanguineus, rex fuerat ordinatus, instantibus nuntiis qui pro eo missi fuerant et allegantibus ut nihilominus procederet, quia quod factum erat, contra jus et fas, et contra haereditariae successionis legem antiquissimam, nullo modo stare posset, respondisse dicitur vir Deo plenus: Absit hoc a me, ut per me in regnum Domini ingrediatur scandalum, per cujus sanguinem pacem Christi recepit; et pro cujus tranquillitate viri virtutum et immortalis memoriae, fratres mei, egregias animas coelis intulerunt! Compositisque iterum sarcinis et comitatu recollecto, invitis iis qui eum ad regnum trahere nitebantur, ad propria remeavit.

Who, coming to him, drew him, unwilling and resisting, as far as Apulia, putting forward most honorable causes why it behooved him to come. There, hearing that in the meantime at Jerusalem lord Baldwin, count of Edessa, his kinsman, had been ordained king, the aforesaid venerable man, religious and God-fearing, truly an imitator and brother of such great men, and a successor in virtues and honorable merits, with the messengers who had been sent for him pressing and alleging that he should nonetheless proceed, because what had been done, against law and right, and against the most ancient law of hereditary succession, could in no way stand, is said to have replied, the man full of God: Far be this from me, that through me scandal should enter into the kingdom of the Lord, by whose blood it received the peace of Christ; and for whose tranquility men of virtue and of immortal memory, my brothers, have borne illustrious souls into the heavens! And the packs being made up again and the retinue reassembled, against the will of those who were striving to drag him to the kingship, he returned to his own.

CAPUT IV. De habitudine corporis, moribus et conversatione ejusdem regis.

CHAPTER 4. On the habitude of the body, the morals and conversation of the same king.

Dicitur autem forma fuisse conspicuus, corpore procerus, facie venusta, capillo raro, flavo, canis misto; barbam habens raram, sed tamen usque in pectus demissam; colore vivido, et quantum aetas illa patiebatur, roseo. Habilis ad usum armorum et equis regendis aptissimus, rei militaris multam habens experientiam, in agendis suis providus, in expeditionibus felix, in operibus pius, clemens et misericors; religiosus et timens Deum; in orationibus jugis, ita ut callos in manibus haberet et genibus, pro afflictionis et genuflexionis frequentia: impiger, licet senior, quoties eum vocabant regni negotia. Adeptus ergo regni solium, sollicitus de comitatu Edessano, quem sine duce dimiserat, Joscelinum consanguineum suum vocat, ut quod in eum prius deliquerat, gratuita plenaque satisfactione corrigeret; eique tanquam qui regionem illam plenius noverat, comitatum donat; sumptaque fidelitate, per vexillum investit, et inducit in possessionem; et convocans inde uxorem, et filias, et familiam, per operam et studium ejusdem domini Joscelini, in proximo cum sospitate recepit universa.

It is said moreover that he was conspicuous in form, tall in body, comely in face, with hair thin, blond, mixed with gray; having a sparse beard, yet let down as far as the chest; with a lively complexion, and, so far as that age permitted, rosy. Able in the use of arms and most apt for managing horses, having much experience of the military art, provident in his doings, fortunate in expeditions, pious in works, clement and merciful; religious and fearing God; constant in prayers, so that he had calluses on his hands and knees, on account of the frequency of affliction and genuflection: energetic, though an elder, whenever the affairs of the kingdom called him. Having therefore attained the throne of the kingdom, solicitous for the County of Edessa, which he had left without a leader, he calls Joscelin his kinsman, that he might correct, by gratuitous and full satisfaction, what he had previously done amiss against him; and to him, as one who knew that region more fully, he grants the county; and, having taken fealty, he invests him by the banner, and inducts him into possession; and summoning thence his wife, and daughters, and household, through the effort and diligence of that same lord Joscelin, he shortly received all of them back in safety.

Erat autem ei uxor Morfia nomine, cujusdam nobilis Graeci, Gabrielis nomine; de quo supradiximus, filia; quam dum comes esset cum pecunia infinita, quae dotis nomine donabatur, duxit in uxorem; ex qua susceperat tres filias, Milissendem videlicet, Haalim et Hodiernam; nam quartam, cui Iveta nomen fuit, postquam regnum adeptus est, uxor ei peperit. Coronatus autem et consecratus est, anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1118, mense Aprili, secunda die mensis; praesidente sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae domino Gelasio papa secundo; Antiochenae vero Bernardo, Latinorum in eadem civitate patriarcha primo; sanctae Hierosolymitanae Ecclesiae domino Arnulfo, ex Latinis in eadem civitate patriarcha quarto.

He had moreover a wife by the name Morfia, daughter of a certain noble Greek, by the name Gabriel, of whom we have spoken above; whom, while he was count, with infinite money which was given under the name of a dowry, he took to wife; from whom he had received three daughters, namely Melisende, Haalim, and Hodierna; for a fourth, whose name was Iveta, his wife bore to him after he had obtained the kingdom. He was crowned and consecrated in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1118, in the month of April, on the second day of the month; with Lord Gelasius, the second pope, presiding over the holy Roman Church; and Bernard over Antioch, the first patriarch of the Latins in the same city; and Lord Arnulf of the holy Jerusalem Church, the fourth patriarch from among the Latins in the same city.

CAPUT V. Alexius Constantinopolitanus imperator, dominus quoque Paschalis papa, sed et comitissa Siciliae, quae Hierosolymorum regina fuerat, moriuntur.

CHAPTER 5. Alexius, the Constantinopolitan emperor, and also lord Pope Paschal, and likewise the countess of Sicily, who had been queen of Jerusalem, die.

Per idem tempus Constantinopolitanus imperator Alexius, Latinorum maximus persecutor, rebus humanis exemptus est; cui successit Joannes filius ejus, patre multo humanior, et meritis exigentibus, populo nostro patre longe acceptior; qui etiam non omnino sincerus erga Latinos orientales exstitit, sicut docebunt sequentia. Dominus quoque Paschalis Romanus pontifex viam universae carnis ingressus est, pontificatus ejus anno sexto decimo, cui successit Dominus Gelasius, qui et Joannes Gajetanus dictus est, sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae cancellarius. Mortua est nihilominus et domina Adelasia, Siciliae comitissa, quae praedicti domini regis Balduini, de facto, etsi non de jure, uxor fuerat.

At the same time the Constantinopolitan emperor Alexius, the greatest persecutor of the Latins, was removed from human affairs; to him succeeded his son John, much more humane than his father, and, his merits requiring it, far more acceptable to our people than his father; who also did not prove altogether sincere toward the eastern Latins, as the following will teach. Lord Paschal, the Roman pontiff, likewise entered the way of all flesh, in the 16th year of his pontificate, to whom Lord Gelasius succeeded, who was also called John Gaetanus, chancellor of the holy Roman Church. Nonetheless Lady Adelasia, countess of Sicily, also died, who had been, de facto, albeit not de jure, the wife of the aforesaid Lord King Baldwin.

CAPUT VI. Aegyptiorum exercitus tam navalis quam terrestris, in regnum ingrediuntur; rex cum suis occurrit, sed non conveniunt. Arnulfus Hierosolymorum patriarcha moritur; substituitur ei Gormundus.

CHAPTER 6. The army of the Egyptians, both naval and terrestrial, enter the kingdom; the king with his men goes to meet them, but they do not come to an engagement. Arnulf, patriarch of Jerusalem, dies; Gormund is substituted in his place.

Eodem anno aestate proxime subsecuta, princeps Aegyptius, qui tunc erat pro tempore, congregata ex universis Aegypti finibus tam equitum quam peditum multitudine infinita, tam per terras quam navali exercitu, in regnum nostrum proponit violenter introire, facile putans, tam modicum populum aut consumere gladio, aut a cunctis Syriae finibus fugientes eliminare. Transcursa igitur solitudinis vastitate, quae inter nos et Aegyptum media interjacet, cum equitatu numeroso, et peditum jaculis instructorum infinita multitudine, ante Ascalonam castrametatus est. At vero Doldequinus, Damascenorum rex, cognito Aegyptiorum adventu, sive sponte ab eis invitatus, congregata iterum ingenti militia, devia secutus, ne forte noster ei obviaret exercitus, transito Jordane, castris se eorum associat, et vires augere nititur, in nostram laesionem.

In the same year, in the summer that next followed, the Egyptian prince, who then was for the time being, having gathered from all the borders of Egypt an infinite multitude both of horsemen and of footmen, both by land and with a naval force, proposes to enter our kingdom by violence, thinking it easy either to consume so small a people with the sword, or, driving them out as they fled, to eliminate them from all the borders of Syria. Therefore, the vastness of the wilderness, which lies between us and Egypt, having been crossed, with numerous cavalry and an infinite multitude of footmen equipped with javelins, he encamped before Ascalon. But indeed Doldequinus, king of the Damascenes, on learning of the Egyptians’ arrival, or else invited by them of his own accord, having again assembled a huge soldiery, following by-ways, lest perchance our army should meet him, the Jordan having been crossed, associates himself with their camp, and strives to augment their forces, to our harm.

Navium autem quaedam apud Ascalonam applicuerunt: quaedam vero usque Tyrum, quoniam civitas erat munitissima, et portum habens commodum, profectae sunt: exspectantes ut de domini arbitrio et de voluntate ejus qui classi praeerat, eis aliquid praecipiatur. Rex autem multo ante tempore eorum adventu praecognito, tam ex Antiochenis quam ex Tripolitanis partibus, convocatis militaribus auxiliis, suisque in unum congregatis, in campestria Philisthiim, illis descendit in occursum; transitoque eo loco, qui olim Azotus dictus est, ubi una de quinque civitatibus Philisthinorum fuisse dignoscitur, de vicino Aegyptiorum castrametatus est, ita ut utrisque partibus daretur mutuo hostium castra singulis diebus intueri. Cumque jam per menses quasi tres, se invicem lacessere formidarent; nostris, tantam multitudinem in se temere irritare timentibus; illis vero, nostrorum vires, audaciam, et in praeliis experientiam formidantibus; placuit Aegyptio principi tutius esse, cum incolumitate domum redire, quam in se et in suos imprudenter bellorum insidias experiri; sicque redeuntibus in Aegyptum expeditionibus, post quam de eorum subito regressu nulla nostros movebat suspicio, nostri quoque, sumpta a domino rege licentia, ad propria cum gaudio reversi sunt.

But some of the ships made landfall at Ascalon; others indeed set out as far as Tyre, since the city was most fortified and had a convenient harbor, awaiting that, from the lord’s decision and the will of him who was in command of the fleet, something might be prescribed to them. The king, however, having foreknown their arrival long before, after military auxiliaries had been called together both from the parts of Antioch and of Tripoli, and his own gathered into one, went down into the plains of the Philistines to meet them; and, after crossing that place which formerly was called Azotus, where one of the five cities of the Philistines is recognized to have been, he encamped near the Egyptians, such that on both sides it was granted mutually to look upon the enemy’s camp each day. And when now for almost three months they feared to provoke one another—our men fearing to rashly irritate so great a multitude against themselves; but they, on the other hand, fearing our strength, boldness, and experience in battles—it pleased the Egyptian prince that it was safer to return home in safety than imprudently to experience the snares of wars upon himself and his own; and thus, the expeditions returning into Egypt, after which no suspicion concerning their sudden retreat was stirring our men, our men also, having received leave from the lord king, returned to their own with joy.

Per eosdem dies, mortuo Arnulfo Hierosolymorum patriarcha, viro inquietissimo et officii sui sanctimoniam negligente, substitutus est ei vir simplex ac timens Deum, dominus Gormundus, natione Francus, de episcopatu Ambianensi, de oppido Pinqueniaco. Hujus diebus et meritis etiam, ut creditur, multa magnifice ad regni consolationem et incrementum operari dignatus est Dominus, sicut in sequentibus praesens enarrabit historia.

In those same days, Arnulf, patriarch of Jerusalem, a most restless man and one neglecting the sanctity of his office, having died, there was substituted for him a simple man and one who fears God, Lord Gormund, a Frank by nation, from the episcopate of Amiens, from the town of Pinqueniacum. In his days and even by his merits, as is believed, the Lord deigned to work many things magnificently for the consolation and increase of the kingdom, just as in what follows the present history will recount.

CAPUT VII. Ordo militiae Templi Hierosolymis instituitur.

CHAPTER 7. The Order of the Militia of the Temple is established at Jerusalem.

Eodem anno, quidam nobiles viri de equestri ordine, Deo devoti, religiosi et timentes Deum, in manu domini patriarchae, Christi servitio se mancipantes, more canonicorum Regularium, in castitate, et obedientia, et sine proprio velle perpetuo vivere professi sunt. Inter quos primi et praecipui fuerunt, viri venerabiles, Hugo de Paganis et Gaufredus de Sancto Aldemaro. Quibus, quoniam neque ecclesia erat, neque certum habebant domicilium, rex in palatio quod secus templum Domini, ad australem habet partem, eis ad tempus concessit habitaculum.

In the same year, certain noble men of the equestrian order, devoted to God, religious and God-fearing, in the hand of the lord patriarch, enslaving themselves to the service of Christ, professed to live perpetually, in the manner of the Regular canons, in chastity and obedience, and without private will. Among whom the first and chief were the venerable men, Hugo de Paganis and Gaufredus de Sancto Aldemaro. To whom, since there was neither a church nor did they have a fixed domicile, the king, in the palace which he has next to the Temple of the Lord, on the southern side, granted for a time a dwelling-place.

Canonici vero templi Domini, plateam quam circa praedictum habebant palatium, ad opus officinarum, certis quibusdam conditionibus concesserunt. Dominus autem rex cum suis proceribus, dominus quoque patriarcha cum praelatis ecclesiarum, de propriis dominicalibus certa eis pro victu et amictu beneficia quaedam ad tempus, quaedam in perpetuum contulerunt. Prima autem eorum professio, quodque eis a domino patriarcha et reliquis episcopis, in remissionem peccatorum injunctum est, ut vias et itinera, maxime ad salutem peregrinorum, contra latronum et incursantium insidias pro viribus conservarent.

The canons of the Temple of the Lord, moreover, granted the plaza which they had around the aforesaid palace for the use of workshops, under certain specified conditions. But the lord king with his nobles, and likewise the lord patriarch with the prelates of the churches, from their own demesnes conferred upon them certain benefices for victual and clothing—some for a time, some in perpetuity. Now their first profession, and what was enjoined upon them by the lord patriarch and the other bishops for the remission of sins, was that they should preserve the roads and the journeys, chiefly for the safety of pilgrims, against the ambushes of robbers and raiders, according to their powers.

Novem autem annis post eorum institutionem in habitu fuerunt saeculari, talibus utentes vestimentis, quales pro remediis animarum suarum populus largiebatur. Tandem nono anno, concilio in Francia apud Trecas habito, cui interfuerunt dominus Remensis, et dominus Senonensis archiepiscopi, cum suffraganeis suis; Albanensis quoque episcopus, apostolicae sedis legatus; abbates quoque Cisterciensis, et Clarevallensis, et Pontiniacensis, cum aliis pluribus, instituta est eis regula, et habitus assignatus, albus videlicet, de mandato domini Honorii papae et domini Stephani Hierosolymitani patriarchae. Cumque jam annis novem in eodem fuissent proposito, non nisi novem erant; extunc coepit eorum numerus augeri, et possessiones multiplicabantur.

However, for nine years after their institution they were in a secular habit, using such garments as the people bestowed for the remedy of their souls. At length, in the ninth year, a council having been held in France at Troyes, at which were present the lord archbishops of Reims and of Sens with their suffragans; also the bishop of Albano, legate of the Apostolic See; and likewise the abbots of Cîteaux, and of Clairvaux, and of Pontigny, with many others, a rule was instituted for them, and a habit assigned, namely white, by the mandate of Lord Pope Honorius and Lord Stephen, Patriarch of Jerusalem. And although they had already for nine years been in the same purpose, they were no more than nine; from that time their number began to increase, and their possessions were multiplied.

Postmodum vero, tempore domini Eugenii papae, ut dicitur, cruces de panno rubeo, ut inter caeteros essent notabiliores, mantellis suis coeperunt assuere, tam equites quam eorum fratres inferiores, qui dicuntur servientes. Quorum res adeo crevit in immensum, ut hodie trecentos plus minusve in conventu habeant equites, albis chlamidibus indutos: exceptis fratribus, quorum pene infinitus est numerus. Possessiones autem tam ultra quam citra mare adeo dicuntur immensas habere, ut jam non sit in orbe Christiano provincia, quae praedictis fratribus bonorum suorum portionem non contulerit; et regiis opulentiis pares hodie dicantur habere copias.

Afterwards indeed, in the time of Lord Pope Eugene, as it is said, they began to sew crosses of red cloth onto their mantles, so that they might be more notable among the rest, both the knights and their lower brothers, who are called serjeants. Their estate grew so immensely that today they have in their convent 300, more or less, knights, clad in white cloaks; besides the brothers, whose number is almost infinite. Their possessions, moreover, both beyond and on this side of the sea, are said to be so immense that now there is not in the Christian world a province which has not bestowed a portion of its goods upon the aforesaid brothers; and they are said today to have resources equal to royal opulences.

Qui, quoniam juxta templum Domini, ut praediximus, in palatio regio mansionem habent, fratres militiae Templi dicuntur. Qui cum diu in honesto se conservassent proposito, professioni suae satis prudenter satisfacientes, neglecta humilitate (quae omnium virtutum custos esse dignoscitur; et in imo sponte sedens, non habet unde casum patiatur) domino patriarchae Hierosolymitano, a quo et ordinis institutionem, et prima beneficia susceperant, se subtraxerunt, obedientiam ei, quam eorum praedecessores eidem exhibuerant, denegantes; sed et Ecclesiis Dei, eis decimas et primitias subtrahentes, et eorum indebite turbando possessiones, facti sunt valde molesti.

Who, since near the Temple of the Lord, as we have said above, they have a residence in the royal palace, are called the brothers of the Militia of the Temple. Who, although for a long time they kept themselves in an honorable purpose, quite prudently satisfying their profession, with humility neglected (which is recognized to be the custodian of all virtues; and, sitting of its own accord in the lowest place, has no point whence it might suffer a fall), withdrew themselves from the lord patriarch of Jerusalem, from whom they had received both the institution of the order and the first benefices, denying to him the obedience which their predecessors had exhibited to the same; but also to the Churches of God, by withholding from them tithes and first-fruits, and by unduly disturbing their possessions, they became very troublesome.

CAPUT VIII. Papa Gelasius defungitur; cui Calixtus succedit.

CHAPTER 8. Pope Gelasius dies; to whom Calixtus succeeds.

Anno sequenti mortuus est dominus Gelasius papa secundus, domini Paschalis successor, qui et Joannes Gaetanus dictus, vir litteratus; qui fugiens domini Henrici imperatoris persecutionem, et aemuli sui antipapae, qui cognominatus est Burdinus, declinans violentiam, in regnum Francorum se conferens, apud Cluniacum diem clausit extremum, ibidem etiam sepultus. Cui successit dominus Guido, secundum carnem nobilis, Viennensis archiepiscopus, qui postea in papatum assumptus, Calixtus appellatus est. Hic postmodum domini imperatoris Henrici, cujus consanguineus erat, consecutus gratiam et ejus fretus auxilio, in Italiam cum cardinalibus et universa curia descendens, apud Sutrium, urbem Romae conterminam, aemulum et haeresiarcham Burdinum violenter cepit: insuper et camelo impositum, cute indutum ursina, ad Canense coenobium, quod juxta Salernum situm esse dignoscitur, cum multa misit ignominia, ubi usque in supremum senium, vitam compulsus est, lege loci, ducere coenobiticam.

In the following year the lord Pope Gelasius II, the successor of lord Paschal, who was also called John Gaetanus, a lettered man, died; who, fleeing the persecution of lord Henry the emperor and declining the violence of his rival the antipope, who was surnamed Burdinus, betook himself into the kingdom of the Franks, and at Cluny closed his last day, being buried there as well. To him succeeded lord Guy, noble according to the flesh, archbishop of Vienne, who afterwards, being assumed to the papacy, was called Calixtus. He, thereafter, having obtained the favor of lord Henry the emperor, whose kinsman he was, and relying on his aid, descending into Italy with the cardinals and the whole curia, at Sutrium, a city conterminous with Rome, violently seized his rival and heresiarch Burdinus; moreover, having set him upon a camel, clad in a bear’s hide, he sent him with much ignominy to the Canense coenobium, which is known to be situated near Salerno, where, down to his utmost old age, he was compelled, by the law of the place, to lead the coenobitic life.

Et ita sopitum est schisma, quod a tempore domini Gregorii septimi, per tempora domini Urbani, domini Paschalis, domini quoque Gelasii, praedecessorum ejus, quasi per triginta annos Ecclesiam incessanter fatigaverat, domino imperatore Henrico ad ovile Ecclesiae post multa tempora, quibus per excommunicationis sententiam a coetu fidelium praecisus fuerat, revocato.

And thus the schism was lulled to rest, which from the time of lord Gregory the Seventh, through the times of lord Urban, lord Paschal, and also lord Gelasius, his predecessors, for about thirty years had incessantly fatigued the Church, when lord Emperor Henry, after many periods during which by the sentence of excommunication he had been cut off from the assembly of the faithful, was recalled to the sheepfold of the Church.

CAPUT IX. Gazzi quidam Turcorum satrapa potentissimus, partibus Antiochenis, cum ingentibus se infundit copiis, universa depopulans

CHAPTER 9. A certain Gazzi, a most powerful satrap of the Turks, in the Antiochene parts, with huge forces pours himself in, laying waste to all

Eodem anno, quidam infidelium potentissimus princeps et apud suos valde formidabilis, infelicis populi et perfidae plebis, videlicet Turcomannorum dominus, Gazzi nomine, cui se adjunxerant Doldequinus Damascenorum rex et Debeis Arabum satrapa potentissimus, cum ingentibus copiis partes Antiochenas, in gravi suorum multitudine ingressus erat, citra Halapiam castrametatus. Cujus adventu praecognito dominus Rogerus Antiochenus princeps, domini regis sororius, circumpositis mandat principibus, domino videlicet Joscelino Edessanorum comiti, domino quoque Pontio comiti Tripolitano, domino nihilominus etiam regi, et significat instantem necessitatem; monens et obnixius postulans, ut cum omni celeritate, contra instantia pericula, opem laturi venire non morentur. Rex ergo, assumptis sibi, quas tam subito de regno colligere potuit, militaribus copiis, Tripolim usque maturatis itineribus pervenit, ubi dominum comitem, ad iter peraeque succinctum, secum associans, coepto instat itineri.

In the same year, a most powerful prince of the infidels and very formidable among his own, of an unlucky people and a perfidious plebs, namely the lord of the Turcomans, by name Gazzi, to whom Doldequin, king of the Damascenes, and Debeis, the most powerful satrap of the Arabs, had joined themselves, with huge forces had entered the Antiochene regions, having encamped on this side of Aleppo. With his arrival foreknown, Lord Roger, prince of Antioch, the lord king’s brother-in-law, sends orders to the neighboring princes—namely Lord Joscelin, count of the Edessenes, Lord Pons, count of Tripoli, and nonetheless also to the lord king—and signifies the imminent necessity; warning and most earnestly entreating that, with all celerity, against the pressing dangers, they not delay to come bringing aid. The king therefore, having taken to himself the military forces which he was able so suddenly to gather from the kingdom, arrived, with hastened journeys, as far as Tripoli, where, associating with himself the lord count, equally girded for the journey, he presses on with the begun march.

At vero dominus princeps, interim morae impatiens de communi lege mortalium, futurorum nescius, egressus ab Antiochia, circa Artasium oppidum castrametatus fuerat. Erat autem is locus alendis exercitibus satis commodus; nam ex nostris finibus erat, volentibus ad exercitum accedere, liber et facilis accessus; unde in expeditione necessariorum erat ubertas maxima, et quanta in urbibus solet, optata commoditas. Ubi cum per dies, aliquot domini regis et comitis exspectasset adventum, prohibente domino patriarcha, qui illuc usque eum fuerat prosecutus, retinentibus etiam de proceribus nonnullis, exercitum jubet iter arripere, fortiter contestans, se nullius deinceps praestolaturum adventum.

But indeed the lord prince, meanwhile impatient of delay by the common law of mortals, unknowing of things to come, having set out from Antioch, had encamped around the town of Artasium. Now that place was quite commodious for sustaining armies; for from our borders there was, for those wishing to approach the army, a free and easy access; whence, on campaign, there was the greatest abundance of necessaries, and, such as is usual in cities, the desired convenience. There, after for some days he had awaited the arrival of the lord king and the count, with the lord patriarch forbidding—who had escorted him as far as that place—and certain also of the nobles restraining him, he orders the army to take up the march, stoutly protesting that he would henceforth await the arrival of no one.

Erant autem quidam de nobilibus regionis, qui ad hoc eum impellebant; non ut conditiones exercitus facerent meliores, sed ut terras suas, quas hostium castris vicinas habebant, praesente exercitu, in tuto collocarent. Horum ergo consilium secutus, in suam suorumque cladem praeceps, ab eo loco ubi prius fuerat discedens, in eum qui dicebatur Campus sanguinis castra jubet locari; recensitoque ejus exercitu, inventi sunt equites septingenti et peditum instructorum tria millia, exceptis negotiatoribus, qui emendi vendendique gratia castra solent sequi. Hostes vero cognoscentes castra principis in proximo locata, ut dissimulantes propositum, conceptum commodius possent effectui mancipare, solutis castris fingunt se versus Cerepum oppidum acies dirigere: quo pervenientes, cum ea nocte nihil proficerent, circa partes castrametati sunt.

There were, moreover, certain of the nobles of the region who were impelling him to this; not that they might make the conditions of the army better, but that they might place their own lands, which they had adjacent to the enemy camps, in safeguard with the army present. Therefore following the counsel of these, headlong into his own and his men’s ruin, departing from the place where he had been before, he orders the camp to be pitched on that which was called the Field of Blood; and, his army having been reviewed, there were found 700 horsemen and 3,000 trained infantry, excepting the merchants, who are accustomed to follow the camp for the sake of buying and selling. But the enemies, learning that the prince’s camp was situated nearby, so that, dissembling their purpose, they might more conveniently consign their conceived plan to execution, having broken camp they pretend that they are directing their battle-lines toward the town of Cerepum: arriving there, since they accomplished nothing that night, they encamped in the vicinity.

Mane facto, princeps exploratores dirigit, nosse volens utrum ad obsidendum oppidum hostes se dirigant; aut ad committendum cum nostris ad castra contendant; dumque ipse cum suis, armis se instruerent, quasi jam bellum praesens exspectantes, ecce nuntii recurrentes, uno verbo asserunt, hostes tribus turmis ordinatis, habentibus singulis equitum vicena millia, citatis gressibus, ad nostrum exercitum accedere. Quo cognito, princeps quatuor instaurat acies; et equo circumvolans, circuit diligenter, et verbis competentibus animat instauratas; dumque in his daret operam, ecce hostium acies, erectis vexillis nostro exercitui pene jungebantur. Commissum est itaque praelium, utrisque animose instantibus; sed peccatis nostris exigentibus, facta est pars adversa superior.

With morning made, the prince sends out scouts, wishing to know whether the enemies are directing themselves to besiege the town, or strive to march upon our camp to join battle; and while he himself with his men were arming themselves, as if already expecting present war, behold, messengers running back affirm in a word that the enemies, with three squadrons arrayed, each having 20,000 horse, at a swift pace are approaching our army. This known, the prince arrays four battle-lines; and, wheeling about on horseback, he carefully rides the circuit, and with suitable words animates the arrayed ranks; and while he was giving attention to these things, behold, the enemy’s line, with standards erect, was almost linking with our army. Battle therefore was joined, both sides pressing spiritedly; but, our sins demanding it, the adverse side became superior.

Nam acies quibus praeerant viri nobiles et in armis strenui, Gaufridus monachus et Guido Fremellus, quae primae fuerant ad irruendum in hostes deputatae, optime et secundum rei militaris disciplinam progressae, majores hostium cuneos et densiores cohortes, violenter dissolutas, pene in fugam adegerant; sed acies cui praeerat Robertus de Sancto Laudo, cum exemplo aliarum quae praecesserant, animosius debuisset in hostes irruere, hostibus vires resumentibus, substitit improbe; demumque in fugam lapsa, principis aciem, quae aliis erat ministratura, solvit per medium et partem secum in fugam vertit, ita ut de caetero revocari non posset. Accidit etiam in eodem praelio quiddam relatione dignum. Nam dum in ipso praeliandi agone, hinc inde ferventius desudarent, ecce turbo ab aquilone prodiens immanissimus, in medio belli campo, cunctis cernentibus haesit humi; serpendoque longius tantum congesti pulveris secum detulit, quod utriusque partis oculos pulveris immensitate, ne pugnare possent, perstrinxit; seque per gyrum extollendo, in modum dolii sulphureis ignibus combusti in sublime se contulit.

For the battle-lines which were commanded by noble men and strenuous in arms, Gaufridus the monk and Guido Fremellus, which had been deputed to be first to rush upon the enemy, having advanced very well and according to the discipline of the military art, had violently broken up the larger wedges and denser cohorts of the foe, and had almost driven them into flight; but the battle-line which Robert of Saint-Laud commanded, although by the example of the others which had gone before it it ought more spiritedly to charge upon the enemy, as the enemies were regaining their strength, stopped improperly; and at last slipping into flight, it broke through the midst of the prince’s battle-line, which was to minister aid to the others, and turned part of it with itself to flight, so that thereafter it could not be called back. It also befell in the same battle something worthy of report. For while in the very agony of battling they were sweating more fervently on this side and on that, behold, a most immense whirlwind coming forth from the north stuck to the ground in the middle of the field of war, all looking on; and crawling farther it carried with it so great a quantity of heaped-up dust that it scoured the eyes of both sides by the immensity of the dust, so that they could not fight; and by lifting itself in a circle, in the manner of a cask burned by sulphureous fires, it bore itself aloft.

Facti sunt itaque hostes eo casu superiores; et pars nostra corruit, nostris pene omnibus gladio interemptis.

Thus the enemies, by that mishap, became superior; and our side collapsed, with nearly all our men slain by the sword.

CAPUT X. Princeps Rogerus occumbit in acie; et noster prosternitur exercitus.

CHAPTER 10. Prince Roger meets death in the battle-line; and our army is prostrated.

Princeps autem, tanquam vir in armis strenuus, cum paucis in medio hostium viriliter dimicans, dum suos incassum revocare contendit, contra hostium majores se dirigens impetus, gladiis confossus interiit. Qui autem sarcinas et impedimenta secuti erant, in montem vicinum se contulerant; qui vero hostium arma videbantur effugisse, bellicis se tumultibus eximentes, videntes nostros in montis culmine conglobatos, opinantes eos vires ad resistendum habere, et cum eis posse salvari, ad illos certatim accedebant: quo cum pervenissent universi, hostes eis qui in campis erant, penitus gladio interemptis, ad illos se convertunt; et directis illuc cohortibus, omnes in momento horae trahunt ad exterminium. Rainaudus autem Mansuerus, quidam de majoribus illius regionis principibus, cum quibusdam aliis nobilibus, in turrim cujusdam vicini oppidi, cui Sarmatan nomen, gratia salutis se contulerat.

However the prince, as a man strenuous in arms, with a few, fighting manfully in the midst of the enemies, while he strives in vain to recall his own, directing himself against the greater onsets of the enemy, pierced through with swords, perished. But those who had followed the baggage and impedimenta had betaken themselves to a neighboring mountain; and those who seemed to have escaped the arms of the enemy, withdrawing themselves from the warlike tumults, seeing our men massed on the mountain’s summit, supposing that they had strength to resist, and that they could be saved with them, were hastening to them in emulation; when all had come there, the enemies, those who were in the plains having been utterly slain by the sword, turn themselves to them; and cohorts being directed thither, they drag all to extermination in a moment of an hour. But Rainaudus Mansuerus, a certain one of the greater princes of that region, together with certain other nobles, for the sake of safety betook himself into the tower of a neighboring town, by name Sarmatan.

Quod postquam praedicto Turcorum principi compertum est, illuc sub omni celeritate convolans, praedictos nobiles viros, qui intus se collegerant, ad deditionem violenter compellit; sicque factum est illa die, quod de tot millibus qui dominum principem secuti fuerant, culpis nostris id merentibus, vix vel unus qui nuntiaret, evasit; de hostibus vero, vel paucis, vel nemine interfectis. Dicitur autem hic idem princeps Rogerus, homo fuisse perditissimus, incontinens, parcus et publicus adulter. Insuper etiam dominum suum juniorem Boamundum, senioris Boamundi filium, in Apulia cum matre morantem, ab Antiochia, quae paterna ei haereditas erat, omni eo tempore quo principatum tenuit, fecerat alienum.

After this was found out by the aforesaid prince of the Turks, flying there with all speed, he violently compels to surrender the aforesaid noble men who had gathered themselves inside; and so it came to pass that day that, of so many thousands who had followed the lord prince, our faults deserving it, scarcely even one escaped to announce it; but of the enemies, either few or none were slain. It is said, moreover, that this same Prince Roger was a most profligate man, incontinent, parsimonious, and a public adulterer. Furthermore, he had made his lord, the younger Bohemond, son of the elder Bohemond, who was staying in Apulia with his mother, alien from Antioch—which was to him a paternal inheritance—for all the time that he held the principate.

Nam ea conditione dominus Tancredus, bonae memoriae, moriens ei principatum commiserat, ut reposcenti domino Boamundo, vel ejus haeredibus, non negaret. Dicitur tamen quod in ea expeditione qua confossus interiit, apud dominum Petrum, venerabilem virum, Apamiensem archiepiscopum, qui eidem necessitatis articulo praesens interfuerat, corde contrito et humiliato delicta sua coram Deo confessus fuerat, promittens, auctore Domino, poenitentiae fructus condignos; et sic vere poenitens, praelii discrimen ingressus est.

For on that condition Lord Tancred, of good memory, as he was dying had entrusted the principate to him, namely, that he should not refuse it to Lord Bohemond, when he demanded it back, or to his heirs. Nevertheless it is said that on that expedition in which, pierced through, he perished, in the presence of Lord Peter, a venerable man, the Archbishop of Apamea, who had been present at that same crisis of necessity, with heart contrite and humbled he had confessed his delicts before God, promising, with the Lord as author, the condign fruits of penitence; and thus, truly penitent, he entered the hazard of battle.

CAPUT XI. Rex et comes Tripolitanus Antiochiam properant, ut praedicto Gazzi resistant.

CHAPTER 11. The King and the Count of Tripoli hasten to Antioch, to resist the aforesaid Gazzi.

Interea rex et comes Tripolitanus accedentes, ad eum locum qui dicitur mons Nigronis pervenerant; quod praedictus Gazzi comperiens, decem millia equitum electorum eis obviam dirigit, qui eorum, si possent, impediant accessum. Hi vero abeuntes, in tres turmas se dividunt, unam ad mare versus Sancti Simeonis portum dirigentes, alias duas diversis itineribus regi obviam destinantes. Contigit autem quod unam ex duabus turmis obviam habuit, quam praevia Domini misericordia, pluribus interfectis et captivatis nonnullis, violenter dissolutam, in fugam convertit.

Meanwhile the king and the Count of Tripoli, approaching, had reached the place which is called Mount Nigronis; which the aforesaid Gazzi learning, he dispatches ten thousand chosen horsemen to meet them, to impede their access, if they could. These, however, setting out, divide themselves into three squadrons, directing one toward the sea, toward the port of Saint Simeon, and appointing the other two by different routes to meet the king. It befell, however, that he encountered one of the two squadrons, which—Divine Mercy of the Lord going before, many being slain and some taken captive—being violently broken up, he turned to flight.

Inde per Latorum et Casambellam Antiochiam perveniens, a domino patriarcha, clero quoque et populo universo cum summis desideriis est susceptus; ubi tam cum suis quam cum iis qui de praedicto praelio fuerant residui, deliberationem ingressus, quaerit quid in eo tantae necessitatis imminenti articulo magis expediat. Interea Gazzi, dimissis oppidis Ema et Artasio, Cerepum obsidet, ea magis fiducia, quod Alanum ejusdem loci dominum cum comitatu suo a domino rege audierat Antiochiam evocatum; quod et verum erat. Accedens ergo ad praesidium, et locum imparatum reperiens, ex diversis partibus fossores immittit, qui collem cui praedictum insidebat municipium suffoderent, trabibusque subnexum, igni postea supposito consumendis, turres superpositas et moenia, cedente aggere, ad terram dejiceret.

Thence, passing through Latorum and Casambella and arriving at Antioch, he was received by the lord patriarch, and likewise by the clergy and the whole people, with the utmost longings; where, entering into deliberation both with his own men and with those who had been survivors from the aforesaid battle, he asks what would be more expedient in that juncture of such imminent necessity. Meanwhile Gazzi, leaving aside the towns of Ema and Artasio, besieges Cerepum, with all the more confidence because he had heard that Alanus, lord of the same place, with his retinue had been summoned to Antioch by the lord king—which indeed was true. Therefore, approaching the stronghold and finding the place unprepared, he sends in sappers from various sides to undermine the hill on which the aforesaid municipal town sat; and when it had been propped with beams, to be consumed once fire was afterward set beneath, he would cast down to the ground, the bank giving way, the towers set above and the walls.

Timentes ergo oppidani, ne suffosso aggere totum praesidium in praeceps rueret, interpositis conditionibus de vita et incolumitate, et libero ad suos reditu, locum tradunt. Gazzi vero inde ad castrum Sardonas acies dirigens, obsidione locum vallat, quem etiam intra paucos dies, tradentibus eum loci ejusdem habitatoribus, eodem modo recepit; moraeque impatiens, eoque maxime, quod neminem sibi resistere posse arbitrabatur, cunctam pro arbitrio tractabat regionem, ita quod nulla spes esset finitimorum locorum incolis jugum tanti principis evadendi.

Therefore the townsmen, fearing lest, with the embankment undermined, the whole stronghold should tumble headlong, with conditions interposed concerning life and safety, and free return to their own, surrender the place. But Gazzi, thence directing his battle-lines to the castle Sardonas, girds the place with a siege, which also, within a few days, the inhabitants of that same place surrendering it, he took in the same manner; and being impatient of delay—and especially because he supposed that no one could resist him—he treated the whole region at his pleasure, so that there was no hope for the inhabitants of the neighboring places of escaping the yoke of so great a prince.

CAPUT XII. Rex cum eodem comite, cum praedicto Gazzi congrediuntur; et eo in fugam verso, acies ejus prosternunt, pluribus interemptis; regique principatus cura committitur.

CHAPTER 12. The king with the same count meet with the aforesaid Gazzi; and when he is turned to flight, they lay low his battle line, many being slain; and to the king the care of the principate is committed.

Rex autem cum comite, et militia quantam habere poterat, egressus Antiochia, putans se apud Cerepum hostes invenire, versus Rugiam dirigit expeditiones: inde Hab pertransiens, in monte qui dicitur Danim castrametatus est. Quod audiens Gazzi, convocatis principibus suis, sub interminatione mortis praecipit, ut noctem illam ducentes insomnem, armis et equis cum summa diligentia procurandis totam impendant; summo diluculo ante lucis exortum attentius praeparati, in castra regis irruant, et eos somnolentos adhuc invenientes, gladiis confodiant; ita ut nec vel uni mortem liceat effugere. At vero divina longe aliter ordinaverat clementia.

The king, however, with the count and with as much soldiery as he could have, having set out from Antioch, thinking he would find the enemies at Cerepum, directs his expeditions toward Rugia; thence, passing through Hab, he encamped on the mountain which is called Danim. Hearing this, Gazzi, having called together his princes, orders under the threat of death that they make that night sleepless, and spend it all in procuring arms and horses with the highest diligence; at the very dawn, before the rising of light, being most attentively prepared, they should rush upon the king’s camp, and, finding them still somnolent, stab them with swords, so that it be permitted to not even a single one to escape death. But in truth divine clemency had ordained far otherwise.

Rex autem cum suis non remissiore cura sollicitus, noctem eamdem, ut de futuro bello tractaret necessaria, ducit pervigilem; monente et exhortante populum viro venerabili * signo crucis Dominicae, dominum regem usque ad partes illas fuerat prosecutus. Armati igitur, et ad bellum suscipiendum accincti viriliter, summo mane hostium exspectabant futuros impetus. Dispositis igitur de mandato regis, juxta rei militaris disciplinam, aciebus novem (nam septingentos in eo conflictu dicitur habuisse milites) et ordine congruo collocatis, Domini praestolantur misericordiam.

The king, however, with his own, anxious with care no less remiss, spends that same night wholly wakeful, in order to discuss the things necessary about the future battle; while a venerable man, warning and exhorting the people by * the sign of the Lord’s cross, had escorted the lord king even to those parts. Armed therefore, and girded manfully for undertaking battle, at first light they were awaiting the enemy’s impending assaults. Therefore, the battle-lines—nine in number—having been arrayed by the king’s command according to the discipline of the military art (for he is said to have had 700 soldiers in that engagement), and placed in fitting order, they await the mercy of the Lord.

Praemissis igitur tribus aciebus quae agmina universa praecederent, domino quoque comite Tripolitano, cum suis dextrum cornu tenente, principibus vero Antiochenis in sinistro collocatis, pedestres manipulos in medio locat. Rex autem, aliis subsidium ministraturus, cum quatuor sequitur aciebus. Dumque sic instructi hostium adventum exspectant, ecce adsunt cum ingenti clamore, et cum stridore tubarum et tympanorum strepitu, atrocissime in nostros irruentes.

Therefore, with three battle-lines sent ahead to precede the entire columns, with the lord Count of Tripoli also holding the right wing with his men, and the Antiochene princes placed on the left, he sets the infantry maniples in the middle. But the king, about to furnish support to the others, follows with four lines. And while thus arrayed they await the advent of the enemies, behold, they are upon them with immense clamor, and with the screech of trumpets and the din of kettledrums, rushing most atrociously upon our men.

Erat autem eorum major in infinita multitudine fiducia; nostris autem in praesentia victoriosissimae crucis, et in confessione verae fidei spes amplior et indeficiens. Consertis igitur aciebus et immistis hostiliter legionibus, gladiis cominus agitur; et spretis humanitatis legibus, tanquam in feras immanissimas ardentibus studiis, et odio insatiabili utrinque decertatur. Cumque manipulorum nostrorum pedestrium protervam et periculosam nimis cognoscerent instantiam, totis viribus ad exterminandas pedestrium turmas elaborabant.

Factumque est, Domino permittente, ut ex plurima parte ea die, hostium gladiis deperirent. Rex autem videns pedestres manipulos supra vires aggravari, aciesque praemissas subsidio indigere, cum suis qui ei adhaerebant, pronus inter media ruit agmina, et gladio instans animosius, densissimos hostium dissipat cuneos; adhaerentibusque ei fideliter earumdem acierum consortibus, et aliis jam destitutis, vires et animos verbis et exemplo conferentibus, unanimiter in hostes irruunt; et invocato de coelis auxilio, adfuit divina clementia, et facta hostium strage infinita, reliquos resistere non valentes in fugam vertunt. Dicuntur ibi de nostris peditibus quasi septingenti cecidisse, de equitibus vero centum.

And it came to pass, the Lord permitting, that for the greater part on that day they perished by the enemies’ swords. But the king, seeing the foot maniples weighed down beyond their strength and the battle-lines sent ahead in need of succor, with his own who were clinging to him rushed headlong into the midst of the ranks, and, pressing more boldly with the sword, he scatters the densest wedges of the enemy; and as the comrades of those same battle-lines adhered to him faithfully, and others, already forsaken, contributed strength and courage by word and by example, they together rush upon the enemy; and, the aid from heaven having been invoked, divine clemency was present, and, an infinite slaughter of the enemy having been wrought, they turn the rest, not able to resist, to flight. It is said that there fell there of our foot-soldiers about 700, and of the horsemen 100.

At vero de hostium numero usque ad quatuor millia, exceptis sauciis lethaliter et compedibus mancipatis. Gazzi vero fugiens cum Doldequino rege Damascenorum et Debeis Arabum principe, suos morti expositos dereliquit. Nostris autem insectantibus et ad loca varia progressis, rex cum paucis campum obtinens, usque ad primas noctis partes in eo perseveravit.

But indeed of the enemy up to 4,000 [fell], not counting those wounded lethally and those consigned to shackles. Gazzi, however, fleeing with Doldequin, king of the Damascenes, and Debeis, prince of the Arabs, abandoned his own men exposed to death. But as our men were pursuing and had advanced to various places, the king, holding the field with a few, persevered there until the first parts of the night.

Tandem victualium urgente defectu, in vicinum oppidum, Hab nomine, gratia refectionis sumendae se contulit. Unde mane facto, ad praedictum rediens campum nuntios, cum annulo proprio, in certum signum victoriae, ad sororem suam et ad dominum patriarcham dirigit, significans, divina opitulante gratia, victoriae munus sibi divinitus collatum. Ea tamen die usque ad supremam vesperam eampum non deseruit, quoadusque rumore certo de hostibus habito, quod in dispersionem dati, redituri non erant.

At length, with the shortage of victuals urgent, he betook himself to a neighboring town, by the name Hab, for the sake of taking refection. Whence, when morning had come, returning to the aforesaid field, he sends messengers, with his own ring, as a sure token of victory, to his sister and to the lord patriarch, signifying that, with divine grace giving aid, the gift of victory had been divinely bestowed upon him. Yet on that day he did not leave the field until the utmost evening, until a certain report had been had concerning the enemy, that, given over to dispersion, they were not going to return.

Tandem vero, coadunatis sibi quotquot de suis in praesenti habere potuit, Antiochiam palma insignis, occurrente ei universae civitatis clero et populo, cum domino patriarcha, victor ingressus est. Concessa est autem nostris divinitus haec victoria, anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1120, regni quoque domini Balduini regis secundi, anno secundo mense Augusto, in vigilia Assumptionis sanctae Dei genitricis Mariae. Rex vero cum domino Caesariensi archiepiscopo et honesto comitatu, lignum vivificae crucis remisit Hierosolymam, ita ut in die Exaltationis ejusdem, a clero et populo cum hymnis et canticis spiritualibus sit honorifice recepta.

At length, indeed, having gathered to himself as many of his own as he could have at hand, he entered Antioch, distinguished with the palm [of victory], the clergy and people of the whole city coming out to meet him with the lord patriarch, as a victor. Moreover, this victory was granted divinitously to our men in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1120, and also in the reign of lord Baldwin, King the Second, in the 2nd year, in the month of August, on the vigil of the Assumption of the holy Mother of God, Mary. But the king, with the lord archbishop of Caesarea and an honorable retinue, sent back to Jerusalem the wood of the life-giving cross, so that on the day of its Exaltation it might be honorably received by the clergy and people with hymns and spiritual songs.

Ipse autem propter ingruentes regionis necessitates, in eadem provincia moram facere compulsus est: ubi tam dominus patriarcha quam universi proceres una cum clero et populo, consonis desideriis et gratuito assensu principatus Antiocheni curam et omnimodam potestatem regi tradunt, ita ut liberam, sicut in regno habebat, in principatu habeat instituendi, destituendi, et omnia pro arbitrio tractandi facultatem. Collatis igitur liberis, vel aliorum graduum consanguineis, eorum qui in acie ceciderant possessionibus, prout ratio vel regionis consuetudo deposcebat; viduis quoque apud compares et competentis meriti viros, nuptui collocatis: praesidiis quoque, quibus videbatur necessarium, viris, victu, armis diligentius communitis sumpta ad tempus ab eis licentia, in regnum reversus est. Ubi in ecclesia Bethlehemitica solemni navitatis Dominicae cum uxore coronatus est.

He himself, however, on account of the pressing necessities of the region, was compelled to make a stay in the same province: where both the lord patriarch and all the nobles together with the clergy and the people, with consonant desires and gratuitous assent, hand over to the king the care and all‑manner power of the Principate of Antioch, such that he have free faculty, as he had in the kingdom, in the principate of instituting, deposing, and of handling all things at his discretion. Therefore, the possessions of those who had fallen in the battle‑line having been conferred upon their children, or kinsmen of other degrees, as reason or the custom of the region demanded; the widows likewise having been placed in marriage with peers and men of competent merit; and the garrisons also, where it seemed necessary, having been more carefully furnished with men, victual, and arms, having taken leave from them for a time, he returned to the kingdom. There, in the Bethlehemite church, on the solemnity of the Lord’s Nativity, he was crowned together with his wife.

CAPUT XIII. Apud Neapolim, urbem Samariae concilium celebratur.

CHAPTER 13. At Neapolis, the city of Samaria, a council is held.

Eodem anno, qui erat ab Incarnatione Domini 1120, cum peccatis nostris exigentibus regnum Hierosolymorum multis vexationibus fatigaretur, et praeter eas quae ab hostibus inferebantur molestias, locustarum intemperie et edacibus muribus, jam quasi quadriennio continuo fruges ita penitus deperissent, ut omne firmamentum panis defecisse videretur; dominus Gormundus Hierosolymorum patriarcha, vir religiosus ac timens Deum, una cum domino rege Balduino, praelatis quoque ecclesiarum et regni principibus, apud Neapolim urbem Samariae convenientes, conventum publicum et curiam generalem ordinaverunt. Ubi sermone ad populum habito, exhortationis gratia; cum apud omnes constare videretur, quod populi peccata Dominum ad iracundiam provocassent, de communi statuunt consilio errata corrigere, et excessus redigere in modum, ut tandem ad frugem melioris vitae redeuntes, et pro commissis digne satisfacientes, eum sibi redderent placabilem, qui peccatoris non vult mortem, sed magis ut convertatur et vivat (Ezech. XXXIII). Deterriti ergo signis de coelo minacibus, et terrae motu frequenti, clade quoque, simul et famis angustia, et hostium proterva nimis et pene quotidiana instantia, per opera pietatis Dominum sibi reconciliare quaerentes, ad morum erigendam conservandamque disciplinam, viginti quinque capitula, quasi vim legis obtinentia, de communi sanxerunt arbitrio.

In the same year, which was from the Incarnation of the Lord 1120, when, with our sins demanding it, the kingdom of Jerusalem was wearied by many vexations, and besides those annoyances which were inflicted by enemies, through the excess of locusts and devouring mice, now for almost four continuous years the crops had so utterly perished that every support of bread seemed to have failed; Lord Gormund, patriarch of Jerusalem, a religious man and one fearing God, together with Lord King Baldwin, and also the prelates of the churches and the princes of the kingdom, meeting at Neapolis, a city of Samaria, arranged a public assembly and a general court. Where, a discourse having been delivered to the people, for the sake of exhortation; since it seemed agreed among all that the sins of the people had provoked the Lord to wrath, by common counsel they resolve to correct errors and to bring excesses into measure, so that at last, returning to the fruit of a better life and making worthy satisfaction for the things committed, they might render Him propitious to themselves, who does not will the death of the sinner, but rather that he be converted and live (Ezek. 33). Therefore, terrified by minatory signs from heaven, and by frequent earthquake, and by disaster as well, together with the straitness of famine, and the over-insolent and almost daily pressure of the enemies, seeking to reconcile the Lord to themselves through works of piety, for the establishing and preserving of moral discipline, they sanctioned by common decision twenty-five chapters, as it were possessing the force of law.

Quae si quis legendi studio, videre quaerit, in multarum archivis ecclesiarum, ea facile reperire potest. Interfuerunt autem huic concilio: dominus Gormundus, Hierosolymorum patriarcha; dominus Balduinus, Hierosolymorum ex Latinis rex secundus; Ebremarus, Caesariensis archiepiscopus; Bernardus, Nazarenus episcopus; Asquitillus, Bethlehemita episcopus; Rogerus, Lindensis episcopus; Gildonus, electus abbas Sanctae Mariae de valle Josaphat; Petrus, abbas de monte Thabor; Achardus, prior Templi; Arnaldus, prior montis Sion; Gerardus, prior Sepulcri Domini; Paganus, regis cancellarius; Eustachius Graniers, Willelmus de Buris, Barisanus, Joppe constabularius, Balduinus de Rames, et alii multi utriusque ordinis, quorum numerum vel nomina non tenemus.

Which things, if anyone, out of zeal for reading, seeks to see, he can easily find them in the archives of many churches. Present, moreover, at this council were: Lord Gormundus, patriarch of Jerusalem; Lord Baldwin, the second king of Jerusalem among the Latins; Ebremarus, archbishop of Caesarea; Bernard, bishop of Nazareth; Asquitillus, bishop of Bethlehem; Roger, bishop of Lydda; Gildonus, elect abbot of Saint Mary of the Valley of Josaphat; Peter, abbot of Mount Tabor; Achard, prior of the Temple; Arnald, prior of Mount Sion; Gerard, prior of the Lord’s Sepulcher; Pagan, the king’s chancellor; Eustachius Graniers, William of Bures, Barisan, constable of Joppa, Baldwin of Rames, and many others of both orders, whose number or names we do not retain.

CAPUT XIV. Rursum Gazzi praedictus, renovatis expeditionibus; fines ingreditur Antiochenos, cui rex occurrit. Gazzi vero apoplexia tactus moritur.

CHAPTER 14. Again the aforesaid Gazzi, with the expeditions renewed, enters the Antiochene borders; the king goes to meet him. But Gazzi, touched by apoplexy, dies.

Anno sequenti, praedictus fidei et nominis Christiani pertinax et indefessus persecutor Gazzi, tanquam vermis inquietus, semper quaerens quem laedere possit, sumpta occasione ex regis absentia, convocatis militaribus copiis, apponit etiam quaedam nostrorum praesidia obsidere; quo praecognito dominum regem urgentissime vocant. Ille vero impiger, assumpto sibi salutiferae crucis ligno, equitumque honesto comitatu, ad partes illas properat: vocato etiam domino Joscelino Edessano comite, sociatisque sibi Antiochenis proceribus, contra praedictum potentem castra dirigit, quo cum pervenisset, sperantes in proximo bellum se habiturum, contigit quod morbo, qui apoplexia appellatur, tetigit eum manus Domini. Unde magnates qui in ejus erant exercitu, principis sui destituti solatio, bellum prudenter sanoque consilio declinaverunt: dominumque suum in lectica semivivum deferentes, Halapiam properabant.

In the following year, the aforesaid Gazzi, a pertinacious and indefatigable persecutor of the faith and the Christian name, like a restless worm, always seeking whom he might injure, taking occasion from the king’s absence and having convened military forces, also sets himself to besiege certain of our garrisons; which being learned beforehand, they most urgently summon the lord king. He, however, energetic, taking up for himself the wood of the salutary Cross, and with an honorable company of horsemen, hastens to those parts: having also called Lord Joscelin, the Edessan count, and having associated with himself the Antiochene magnates, he directs his camp against the aforesaid potentate; and when he had arrived there, hoping that he would have battle shortly, it befell that, by a disease which is called apoplexy, the hand of the Lord touched him. Wherefore the magnates who were in his army, deprived of the solace of their prince, prudently and with sound counsel declined battle; and carrying their lord half-alive on a litter, they were hastening to Aleppo.

Ad quam priusquam pervenirent, ille aeternis tradendus incendiis, infelicem dicitur animam exhalasse. Rex quoque facta apud Antiochiam mora, quae videbatur pro tempore necessaria, in regnum, auctore Domino, sospes reversus est; apud utrosque tam in regno quam in principatu, meritis suis id exigentibus, charus admodum et acceptus: utramque nimirum administrationem fideliter devoteque implebat, regni videlicet et principatus, licet multum distarent ab invicem. Nec erat facile discernere, utrius sollicitudine magis angebatur: licet regnum ejus esset proprietas, quam etiam ad successores suos jure posset transmittere; principatus vero, commissus.

Before they could reach it, he—destined to be handed over to eternal fires—is said to have breathed out his unhappy soul. The king also, having made at Antioch a delay which seemed necessary for the time, returned safe and sound into the kingdom, with the Lord as Author; and among both, both in the kingdom and in the principate, his merits demanding it, he was very dear and well-accepted: for he fulfilled both administrations faithfully and devoutly, namely of the kingdom and of the principate, although they were far distant from one another. Nor was it easy to discern by the solicitude for which he was more distressed: although the kingdom was his property, which also by right he could transmit to his successors; the principate, however, was a commission entrusted.

Majoremque etiam videbatur pro statu Antiochenorum exhibere diligentiam; in eoque se continuavit bona fide, usque ad adventum domini Boamundi junioris, sicut in subsequentibus dicetur.

And he also seemed to exhibit greater diligence for the status of the Antiochenes; and in this he continued in good faith, up to the arrival of lord Bohemund the younger, as will be said in what follows.

CAPUT XV. Rex civibus Hierosolymitanis omnimodam donat libertatem, et suo communit privilegio.

CHAPTER 15. The king grants the citizens of Jerusalem full liberty, and secures it by his own privilege.

Per idem tempus, rege Hierosolymis existente, pia liberalitate et largitione principali, civibus contulit Hierosolymitanis, et sigillo regio communitam eis praecipit paginam fieri, in perpetuum valituram, libertatem consuetudinum, quae a civibus merces inferentibus vel efferentibus solebat exigi: ita ut de caetero, omnis Latinus ingrediens vel egrediens, sive mercimonia inferens sive educens, omnino nihil sub praetextu alicujus consuetudinis aliquid cogatur praestare, sed liberam prorsus vendendi et emendi habeat potestatem. Dedit etiam Surianis, Graecis, Armenis, et harum cujuslibet nationum hominibus, Saracenis etiam nihilominus liberam potestatem, sine exactione aliqua inferendi in sanctam civitatem, triticum, hordeum et quodlibet genus leguminis. Modii etiam et ponderis remisit mercedem consuetudinariam; in quo praedicti populi sibi conciliavit animos, et gratiam publicam sibi promeruit.

At the same time, while the king was at Jerusalem, by pious liberality and princely largess he bestowed upon the citizens of Jerusalem, and he ordered a page, fortified with the royal seal, to be made for them, to be valid in perpetuity—freedom from the customs which used to be exacted from citizens bringing in or carrying out wares: namely, that henceforth every Latin entering or departing, whether bringing in or carrying out merchandise, be compelled under the pretext of any custom to render absolutely nothing, but have wholly free power of selling and buying. He also granted to the Syrians, Greeks, Armenians, and to men of any of these nations, to the Saracens likewise, free power to bring into the holy city, without any exaction, wheat, barley, and whatever kind of legume. He also remitted the customary fee of the modius and of weight; whereby he conciliated to himself the minds of the aforesaid peoples and earned public favor.

In utroque enim, regio more et affectu plurimum commendabili, civibus videtur providisse, ut et civitas, sine exactione illatis alimentis, abundaret amplius; et quod tam ipse quam ejus praedecessor tota diligentia procurabat, ut urbs Deo amabilis multiplicatis et frequentioribus habitatoribus incoleretur.

For in both respects, by a royal manner and a most commendable disposition, he seems to have provided for the citizens: both that the city, without exaction upon the provisions brought in, might abound the more; and that which both he and his predecessor with all diligence were procuring, that the city dear to God be inhabited by multiplied and more numerous inhabitants.

CAPUT XVI. Doldequinus Damascenorum rex, Tiberiadensium fines depopulatur; rex occurrit, urbem diruit Gerazam.

CHAPTER 16. Doldequinus, king of the Damascenes, lays waste the borders of the Tiberiadans; the king goes to confront him, and he razes the city Gerasa.

Anno sequente, Doldequinus, perfidus et impius Damascenorum rex, foederato sibi Arabum principe, et ejus sibi sociata militia, vidensque dominum regem pro utraque regione, viribus suis imparem portare sollicitudinem, de ejus praesumens occupationibus, regionem nostram Tiberiadi proximam, immissis legionibus, hostiliter nimis vastare coepit. Quo audito, dominus rex congregata de universi regni finibus militia illuc more suo impiger contendit. Doldequinus vero regis praecognito adventu, videns, eo praesente, se non posse proficere, nec cum eo conserere tutum reputans, in ulteriora regni se contulit.

In the following year, Doldequinus, the perfidious and impious king of the Damascenes, with an Arab prince federated to himself and his soldiery associated with him, and seeing the lord king, on account of both regions, to be bearing a solicitude unequal to his forces, presuming upon his preoccupations, began, with legions sent in, to devastate most hostilely our region near Tiberias. On hearing this, the lord king, the soldiery having been gathered from the borders of the whole kingdom, in his accustomed manner, untiring, hastened thither. But Doldequinus, the king’s arrival foreknown, seeing that, with him present, he could not make progress, and reckoning it not safe to engage with him, betook himself into the farther parts of the kingdom.

Rex autem cum suis agminibus in austrum declinans, Gerasam pervenit. Fuit autem Gerasa una de nobilibus provinciae Decapoleos civitatibus, a Jordane paucis distans milliaribus, monte Galaad contermina, in tribu Manasse sita. In hujus parte munitiore, quoniam reliqua civitas hostilitatis metu diu jacuerat desolata, castrum ex quadris et magnis lapidibus, cum multis sumptibus erigi sibi fecerat anno praeterito Doldequinus; victuque et armis communitum, quibusdam fidelibus suis conservandum tradiderat: quo perveniens rex, impugnato vehementius praesidio, quadraginta milites, qui in eo ad custodiam relicti fuerant, interpositis conditionibus, quod cum salute ad suos haberent reditum, castro recepto, permisit abire incolumes; habitaque cum suis deliberatione, utrum magis expediret dirui funditus praesidium, aut Christianitati reservari, placuit de universorum assensu municipium everti funditus; nam sine multis sumptibus, et labore continuo, et multo periculo transeuntium, non videbatur a nostris posse conservari.

The king, however, veering southward with his battle-columns, reached Gerasa. Now Gerasa was one of the noble cities of the province of the Decapolis, a few miles distant from the Jordan, bordering Mount Gilead, situated in the tribe of Manasseh. In its more fortified quarter—since the rest of the city had long lain desolate for fear of hostility—Doldequinus in the previous year had caused a castle to be raised of ashlars and great stones at great expense; and, furnished with victual and arms, he had handed it over to certain of his faithful to keep. Thither arriving, the king, after assailing the garrison more vehemently, on stipulating that they should have a safe return to their own, when the castle had been retaken, allowed the forty soldiers who had been left in it for guard to depart unharmed; and, having taken counsel with his men whether it were more expedient that the stronghold be utterly razed, or reserved for Christendom, it pleased, by the assent of all, that the municipality be overthrown to the foundations; for without many expenses, and continual labor, and great peril to those passing by, it did not seem that it could be maintained by our people.

CAPUT XVII. Balac, Turcorum potentissimus princeps, fines Antiochenos violenter ingreditur; comes Joscelinus ab eodem capitur; rex quoque in ejus vincula decidit, captus ab eodem.

CHAPTER 17. Balac, the most powerful prince of the Turks, violently enters the Antiochene frontiers; Count Joscelin is captured by the same; the king also falls into his chains, captured by the same.

Cum ita ergo, per gratiam Dei, se regni prospere satis haberent negotia, invidens pacis inimicus tranquillitati, quam sperabat, scandalum molitus est injicere. Pontius enim Tripolitanorum comes secundus, nescimus cujus instinctu, regi Hierosolymorum suum denegabat hominium; et servitium, quod de jure fidelitatis tenebatur impendere, impudenter negabat. Rex autem tantam non ferens injuriam, collectis ex universo regno tam equitum quam peditum copiis, ad partes illas pervenit, super tanta injuria ultionem petiturus: ubi antequam aliquid damni passa esset pars alterutra, intervenientibus viris honestis et Deo amabilibus, pax inter eos conveniens reformata est.

Thus, therefore, as by the grace of God the affairs of the kingdom were holding themselves quite prosperously, the enemy of peace, envying the tranquility which he hoped for, contrived to cast in a scandal. For Pontius, the second Count of the Tripolitans, we know not at whose instigation, denied his homage to the king of Jerusalem; and the service which by the right of fealty he was bound to render, he impudently refused. But the king, not bearing so great an injury, having gathered from the whole kingdom forces both of horse and of foot, came to those parts to seek vengeance for so great an injury; where, before either party had suffered any loss, with honorable and God-beloved men intervening, a fitting peace between them was restored.

Inde procedens, propter illorum necessitates ab Antiochenis vocatus, ad partes illas descendit. Balac enim Turcorum princeps, magnificus et potens, regionem totam frequentibus irruptionibus molestabat, idque confidentius, quia paulo ante dominum Joscelinum, Edessanum comitem et dominum Galerannum ejus consanguineum, ex improviso in eos irruens, ceperat et captos vinculis mancipaverat. Sciens ergo dominum regem advenisse, coepit a suis incursionibus aliquantulum retardari et ejus declinare conflictus; audierat enim quod in praeliis esset fortunatior, et de eo cuilibet difficile esset triumphare.

Thence proceeding, called by the Antiochenes on account of their necessities, he descended to those parts. For Balac, prince of the Turks, magnificent and potent, was molesting the whole region with frequent irruptions, and that the more confidently, because a little before, rushing upon them unexpectedly, he had seized Lord Joscelin, count of Edessa, and Lord Galeran his kinsman, and, once captured, had consigned them to chains. Knowing therefore that the lord king had arrived, he began to be somewhat retarded from his incursions and to decline conflicts with him; for he had heard that in battles he was more fortunate, and that it would be difficult for anyone to triumph over him.

Circuibat tamen cum expeditione militia, quasi de remoto, si ei daretur locus, ut nostris inferre damna posset, et circa id erat sollicitus. Rex igitur cum sua, quam secum deduxerat militia, in terram comitis Edessani descendit, ut populo rectore carenti, aliquod impertiret solatium: circumiensque regionem, diligenter quaerebat, utrum munita essent praesidia, et sufficientes equitum peditumque, armorum quoque et alimentorum haberent copias; et ut defectus suppleret, debitam gerebat sollicitudinem. Contigit autem, dum eadem cura sollicitus Edessam properaret, ab oppido Turbessel egressus, ut eadem diligentia de statu regionis trans Euphratem esset instructior, et cuncta pro posse in melius reformaret; nocte quadam iter conficiens incoeptum, cum suo domestico proficiscebatur comitatu, ubi dum aliquantulum incautius, dissoluto agmine et dormitantibus pene universis, iter agerent securi: Balac praedictus, qui regis iter praesenserat, in insidiis positus, subito irruit, regisque comitatum imparatum reperiens et somno gravatum, casu in ipsum regem incidit, manus injecit, secumque deduxit captum, tam iis qui praeibant quam qui sequebantur, ad partes varias fuga dilapsis, et quid regi accidisset ignorantibus.

Nevertheless he was circling about with an expeditionary militia, as it were from a remote position, if any room were given him, so that he might be able to inflict damages upon our men, and he was anxious about that. The king, therefore, with his soldiery which he had led with him, descended into the land of the Count of Edessa, that he might impart some solace to a people lacking a ruler; and going around the region, he carefully inquired whether the garrisons were fortified, and whether they had sufficient supplies of horsemen and foot-soldiers, and also of arms and provisions; and, that he might fill up the defects, he bore the due solicitude. It happened, moreover, that while, anxious with the same care, he was hastening to Edessa, having gone out from the town of Turbessel, in order that with the same diligence he might be better instructed about the state of the region across the Euphrates, and might reform everything for the better as far as he could; on a certain night, completing the journey he had begun, he set out with his domestic retinue; where, while somewhat too incautiously, with the column loosened and almost all dozing, they were proceeding securely, the aforesaid Balac, who had fore-sensed the king’s route, placed in ambush, suddenly rushed in, and, finding the king’s comitatus unprepared and weighed down by sleep, by chance fell upon the king himself, laid hands on him, and led him away captive with him, while both those who were going before and those who were following slipped away in flight to various quarters, not knowing what had befallen the king.

Captum ergo saepedictus Balac regem, trans Euphratem in praesidio, cui Quartapiert nomen, vinculis fecit mancipari, ubi erant etiam Joscelinus comes et Galerannus, de quibus supra dictum est. Nostri autem principes qui in regno erant, audito casu miserabili, qui domino regi acciderat, una cum domino patriarcha de statu regni valde solliciti, apud urbem Acconensem, cum ecclesiarum praelatis, quasi vir unus conveniunt; et ducem atque praeceptorem sibi de communi voto constituunt dominum Eustachium Grener, virum providum et discretum, et rei militaris plenam habentem experientiam; qui duas in regno, jure haereditario, suffragantibus meritis, possidebat civitates, Sidonem videlicet et Caesaream, utramque cum suis pertinentiis. Tradunt ergo ei regni curam, et administrationem generalem, quoadusque dominum regem visitet Oriens ex alto, et suae libertati restituens, negotiis regiis possit superesse.

Therefore the oft-mentioned Balac, having captured the king, caused him to be delivered over in chains across the Euphrates in a garrison by the name Quartapiert, where also were Joscelin the count and Galeran, of whom mention was made above. But our princes who were in the kingdom, when the miserable mishap which had befallen the lord king was heard, together with the lord patriarch, being greatly anxious about the state of the kingdom, at the city of Acre, with the prelates of the churches, come together as if one man; and by a common vote they appoint for themselves as leader and commander lord Eustace Grenier, a prudent and discreet man, and one having full experience of the military art; who in the kingdom, by hereditary right, his merits concurring, possessed two cities, namely Sidon and Caesarea, each with its appurtenances. Therefore they hand over to him the care of the kingdom and the general administration, until the Dayspring from on high visits the lord king and, restoring him to his liberty, he can be present to royal affairs.

Sed interim ad ea, quae de domino rege coeperamus, retorqueamus historiam.

But meanwhile, let us turn back the history to those matters which we had begun concerning the lord king.

CAPUT XVIII. Quidam Armenii, ut regem expediant, gravi se exponunt periculo; castrum in quo detinebantur captivi, occupant; liberatur comes Joscelinus.

CHAPTER 18. Certain Armenians, to free the king, expose themselves to grave peril; they seize the castle in which the captives were being held; Count Joscelin is freed.

Domino ergo rege apud castrum praenominatum, cum domino comite in vinculis constituto, notum habentes quidam Armenii de terra comitis, quod tanti principes Christiani nominis in eo municipio captivi tenerentur, pro nihilo ducentes periculum, si etiam eorum artes prosperum non haberent exitum, novas ineunt inauditi moliminis vias. Quidam tamen asserunt hos eosdem domini Joscelini diligentia vocatos, et spe remunerationis amplissimae, huic se exposuisse discrimini. Quinquaginta enim ex eis, qui robustiores videbantur, fide interposita, et mutuis obligati juramentis, apud se constituunt, ut illuc euntes, praedictos viros magnificos, quocunque periculo, liberare contendant.

Therefore, with the lord king at the afore-named castle, the lord count being with him and set in chains, certain Armenians from the count’s land, having it known that such great princes of the Christian name were being held captive in that town, reckoning the danger as nothing, even if their arts should not have a prosperous outcome, enter upon new ways of an unheard-of undertaking. Some, however, assert that these same men were called by the diligence of Lord Joscelin, and, in hope of a most ample remuneration, exposed themselves to this peril. For fifty of them, who seemed the more robust, with faith interposed and bound by mutual oaths, determine among themselves that, going thither, they will strive to free the aforesaid magnificent men, at whatever peril.

Habitu ergo se simulant monachos; sicas sub laxis vestibus portantes, ad praedictum tendunt oppidum, tanquam de negotiis monasteriorum acturi aliquid; simulant verbo et gemitu, et faciei modificatione se a quibusdam vim injuriamque passos: praefecto loci ad cujus sollicitudinem spectabat, ne quid in locis adjacentibus enormiter et contra disciplinam temporum fieret, id se velle cum lacrymis protestari, asserunt. Alii dicunt eos quasi mercatores, vilium mercium portatores, oppidum ingressos. Admittuntur tandem, et municipium ingressi, exerunt gladios et occurrentes sibi perimunt universos.

In habit, therefore, they pretend to be monks; carrying daggers under loose garments, they make for the aforesaid town, as if about to transact something of the business of monasteries; they feign by word and by groan, and by a modification of the face, that they had suffered force and injury from certain persons: they assert that they wish, with tears, to protest this to the prefect of the place, to whose solicitude it pertained that nothing outrageous and against the discipline of the times be done in the adjacent localities. Others say that they entered the town as if merchants, carriers of cheap wares. At length they are admitted, and, having entered the municipality, they draw their blades and destroy all who come in their way.

Quid plura? Obtento castro, regem solvunt et comitem; et castrum muniunt quantum possunt. Rex interim comitem Joscelinum emittere disponit, ut sibi et sociis, quorum opera expediti videbantur, auxilium congreget, et velocius mittere non moretur.

What more? With the castle obtained, they release the king and the count; and they fortify the castle as much as they can. Meanwhile the king arranges to send out Count Joscelin, that he may gather aid for himself and for the companions by whose effort they seemed to have been set free, and that he not delay to send it more swiftly.

Cognoscentes autem, qui in suburbanis habitabant Turci, quod hac fraude rex, et qui cum eo intus erant, castrum obtinuerant, arma corripiunt, et ad locum accedentes, procurant diligentius, ut saltem usque ad adventum Balac domini sui, his qui in oppido erant, introitus negent et exitus. Comes tamen Joscelinus, assumptis sibi tribus sociis, quorum duos itineris haberet comites, tertium ad dominum regem de statu suo significans, statim remitteret, hostium se exponens insidiis, egressus est; et Domini protectus misericordia, ignorantibus his qui castrum obsederant, cum duobus consortibus, ut praeordinatum fuerat, viam arripit, tertium remittens in oppidum, cui et annulum suum tradidit in signum, quod cum salute, hostium cuneos evaserat. Rex autem cum his quorum ope solutus erat, praesidium munire totis viribus satagebat, tentans, si quo pacto usque ad adventum subsidii, quod in proximo sperabat, illud sibi conservare posset.

But the Turks who dwelt in the suburbs, learning that by this fraud the king and those who were within with him had obtained the castle, seize arms, and, approaching the place, take more diligent care to deny at least until the advent of Balac their lord both entrance and exit to those who were in the town. Nevertheless Count Joscelinus, having taken to himself three associates, of whom he would have two as companions of the journey, the third, informing the lord king of his condition, he would at once send back, exposing himself to the ambushes of the enemies, went out; and, protected by the mercy of the Lord, while those who had besieged the castle were unaware, with two comrades, as had been preordained, he takes the road, sending the third back into the town, to whom also he handed his ring as a sign that, in safety, he had escaped the wedges (battalions) of the enemies. The king, however, with those by whose help he had been released, strove with all his forces to fortify the stronghold, attempting, if by any means, until the advent of the subsidy (relief), which he hoped was at hand, he might be able to preserve it for himself.

CAPUT XIX. Balac iterum idem castrum violenter recipit, praedictis Armeniis gladio interemptis.

CHAPTER 19. Balac again violently re-takes the same castle, the aforesaid Armenians slain by the sword.

At vero Balac terribili visione eadem nocte turbatus, in somnis videbatur sibi videre, quod comes Joscelinus eum propriis manibus, luminibus orbaret. Quo visu territus, summo mane ad praedictum oppidum nuntios dirigit, qui dominum Joscelinum absque mora decollarent. Qui accedentes ad castrum propius, cognoscentes quod eo casu in manus hostium devenisset, remenso itinere cum omni velocitate ad dominum redeunt, omnia quae illic gesta fuerant, ordine pandentes.

But indeed Balac, disturbed by a terrible vision that same night, seemed to himself in sleep to see that Count Joscelin would, with his own hands, deprive him of his eyes. Terrified by this sight, at first light he dispatches messengers to the aforesaid town, to behead lord Joscelin without delay. They, approaching the castle more closely and learning that by that chance he had come into the hands of the enemy, retracing the road, with all speed return to their lord, setting forth in order all the things which had been done there.

Ipse vero convocatis undique militaribus copiis, ad partes illas impiger contendit, et locatis in gyrum expeditionibus, obsidione vallat eos, qui in oppidum se contulerant. Ubi per internuntios habito sermone cum domino rege, spondet et promittit firmius, quod si absque difficultate praesidium ei restituat, ipse sibi et suis omnibus liberum exitum et securum usque ad urbem Edessanam praestaret conductum. Rex autem de oppidi munitione confisus, sperans cum adminiculo eorum, qui ad eum ingressi fuerant, castrum posse ad adventum subsidii violenter detinere, conditiones respuit oblatas, et in defensione municipii instantius perseverat.

But he himself, with military forces convoked from every side, hastened energetic to those parts, and, expeditions having been posted around in a ring, he invests with a siege those who had betaken themselves into the town. There, a parley held through internuncios with the lord king, he pledges and promises more firmly that, if he should restore the garrison to him without difficulty, he would provide to him and to all his men free exit and a safe-conduct as far as the city of Edessa. The king, however, relying on the fortification of the town, hoping with the aid of those who had entered to him to hold the castle by force until the advent of relief, rejects the terms offered, and perseveres more insistently in the defense of the municipality.

Balac vero, spretis conditionibus iratus admodum, artifices convocat et machinas ordinat multiplices, quibus solent hostium praesidia impugnari: et instans protervius, in omne argumentum, quo nocere possit obsessis, subtiliter se attollit. Erat autem collis, supra quem situm erat oppidum, cretaceus et ad suffodiendum facilis. Videns ergo ea parte facilius posse locum aggravari, immissis fossoribus, scrobes praecipit ingentes intus colle suffodi, trabibusque et lignea materia sustentari: deinde receptis artificibus, igne immisso, succensa quae intus erat materia, collis subsedit; et turri quae superposita erat, cum ingenti fragore collapsa, timuit rex ne casu simili universum praesidium in praeceps rueret, castrum Balac nullis interpositis conditionibus resignavit.

But Balac, having spurned the terms and being exceedingly angered, summons artificers and arrays multiple machines, with which the strongholds of enemies are wont to be impugned; and pressing on more audaciously, by every contrivance by which he can harm the besieged, he raises himself with subtle craft. Now there was a hill, above which the town was situated, chalky and easy for undermining. Seeing, therefore, that on that side the place could more easily be brought low, with miners sent in, he orders huge shafts to be dug, to undermine the hill from within, and to be propped with beams and wooden material; then, the artificers withdrawn, fire being introduced, the material within having been set ablaze, the hill subsided; and the tower which had been set atop, collapsing with a huge crash, the king feared lest by a similar accident the whole garrison should be hurled headlong, and he surrendered the castle to Balac with no conditions interposed.

Qui obtento castro, domino regi, et cuidam nepoti suo, domino quoque Galeranno vitam indulsit; eosque in Carram, civitatem Edessae vicinam vinctos compedibus praecipit deportari, et eos ibidem sub arcta conservari custodia. Praedictos autem Armenios, viros strenuos et fideles, qui ut regem et dominum suum a vinculis solverent, tantis se exposuerant periculis, variis affecit cruciatibus. Alios enim vivos decoriari fecit, alios serra dividi per medium, alios viventes sepeliri, alios pueris suis quasi signum ad sagittandum tradi; qui, etsi coram illis tormenta passi sunt, spes tamen illorum immortalitate plena est; et in paucis tentati, in multis bene disponentur.

Who, after the fortress had been obtained, granted life to the lord king, and to a certain nephew of his, and also to Lord Galeran; and he orders them to be deported in fetters to Carrhae, a city near Edessa, and to be kept there under strict custody. But the aforesaid Armenians, valiant and faithful men, who, that they might loose their king and lord from bonds, had exposed themselves to such great dangers, he afflicted with various torments. For he had some flayed alive, others cut in half with a saw, others buried alive, others handed over to his boys as a kind of target for archery; who, although they suffered torments before them, yet their hope is full of immortality; and, having been tried in a few things, they will be well disposed in many.

CAPUT XX. Comes Joscelinus congregata ingenti militia, ut dominum regem expediat, Antiochiam pervenit; sed facti quod acciderat novitate motus, acies dissolutas remittit ad propria.

CHAPTER 20. Count Joscelin, having gathered a vast militia, to expedite the deliverance of his lord the king, arrives at Antioch; but, stirred by the novelty of the deed that had occurred, he sends the dissolved battle-lines back to their own places.

At vero comes Joscelinus, cum iis quos assumpserat viae consortes, cum multa sollicitudine et timore continuo iter incoeptum peragens, cum victu modico et duobus utribus, quos secum casu detulerat, usque ad fluvium magnum Euphratem pervenit. Ubi habita cum periculorum consortibus, quomodo fluvium transire posset, deliberatione, impletis vento utribus, eisque fune sibi circumpositis, regentibus eum a dextra laevaque sociis, quibus multum erat in natando exercitium, auctore Domino, ulteriorem ripam sanus et incolumis attigit. Inde non minore periculo, nudis pedibus, labore pressus insolito, fame et siti, et lassitudine fatigatus, tandem praevia Domini misericordia, apud insigne oppidum ejus Turbessel pervenit: inde injuncti verbi plenam gerens sollicitudinem, aptato sibi necessario pro tempore comitatu, Antiochiam, deinde cum consilio domini patriarchae Bernardi, Hierosolymam profectus, rem domino patriarchae et regni principibus ordine pandit, casum qui acciderat, seriatim aperit, ad subsidium sine dilatione invitat: asserens regis negotium dilationes non posse capere, sed opus esse maturo consilio et indilato.

But in truth Count Joscelin, with those whom he had taken up as companions of the way, prosecuting the journey begun with much solicitude and continual fear, with scant victual and two wineskins which by chance he had brought with him, came as far as the great river Euphrates. There, after deliberation held with the partners in peril as to how he could cross the river, the skins having been filled with wind, and, with a rope put round himself to them, his comrades—who had much exercise in swimming—guiding him on the right and on the left, with the Lord as author he reached the further bank safe and unharmed. Thence, with no less danger, with bare feet, pressed by unusual labor, wearied by hunger and thirst and by lassitude, at length, with the Lord’s mercy going before, he arrived at the eminent town of his, Turbessel: thence, bearing the full solicitude of the enjoined word, having fitted to himself for the time a company necessary, he set out to Antioch, then, with the counsel of lord Patriarch Bernard, to Jerusalem; he unfolds the matter to the lord patriarch and to the princes of the kingdom in due order, he opens in detail the mishap which had occurred, he invites them to succor without delay: asserting that the king’s business cannot take delays, but that there is need of counsel mature and undelayed.

Factumque est ita, ut ad ejus exhortationem congregatus sit regni universi populus, quasi vir unus; et assumpta sibi cruce Dominica de singulis urbibus, quae erant mediae, auxilia sibi conjungentes, Antiochiam pervenerunt, ubi adjunctis sibi ejusdem civitatis tam plebe quam patribus, praevio comite, Turbessel pervenerunt. Ubi quid circa dominum regem medio tempore accidisset, plenius cognito, comperto quod ulterius procedere non esset fructuosum, de communi consilio ordinatum est, ut singuli redirent ad propria; tamen ne omnino nihil fecisse viderentur, ordinant apud se, ut apud Halapiam transeuntes experiantur, utrum aliquid damni aut injuriae hostibus inferre possint; quod secundum propositum factum est. Nam ante urbem praedictam habentes transitum, cives ejusdem loci, contra eos quasi ad pugnandum egressos, in urbem regredi violenter compulerunt: diebus quatuor continuis, invitis civibus moram ibi facientes.

And it came to pass thus, that at his exhortation the universal people of the kingdom were congregated, as if one man; and having assumed to themselves the Lord’s Cross, from the several cities which were central, joining auxiliaries to themselves, they came to Antioch, where, the populace and the elders of that same city having been adjoined to them, with the count going before, they reached Turbessel. There, having more fully learned what in the meantime had befallen the lord king, and discovering that to proceed further would not be fruitful, by common counsel it was ordained that each should return to his own; nevertheless, lest they should seem to have done altogether nothing, they arrange among themselves that, passing by Aleppo, they should try whether they could inflict anything of damage or injury upon the enemies; which was done according to the plan. For, having their passage before the aforesaid city, the citizens of that place, having gone out against them as if to fight, they violently compelled to return into the city; for four continuous days, with the citizens unwilling, they made a stay there.

Qui autem de regno erant, ab aliis divisi, in regnum redeuntes, circa partes Scythopolitanas, transito Jordane, terras hostium subito ingrediuntur, et imparatos reperientes, irruunt super eos, pluribusque ex eis gladio interemptis; captivatis etiam infinitis tam viris quam mulieribus, cum ingenti praeda et opimis spoliis laeti ovantesque ad propria reversi sunt.

Those, however, who were of the kingdom, separated from the others and returning to the kingdom, around the Scythopolitan parts, after the Jordan had been crossed, suddenly enter the enemy’s lands; and, finding them unprepared, they rush upon them, many of them being slain by the sword; and with countless captives taken, both men and women, with immense booty and opulent spoils, glad and exultant they returned to their own homes.

CAPUT XXI. Iterum Aegyptii cum ingentibus copiis regnum ingressi sunt; sed occurrentibus nostris manu valida, mirabiliter prosternuntur.

CHAPTER 21. Again the Egyptians, with enormous forces, entered the kingdom; but our men, meeting them with a strong hand, are marvelously prostrated.

Interea princeps Aegyptius de regis captivitate arbitrans sibi multam opportunitatem emersisse, ut regnum Hierosolymorum sibi merito suspectissimum, aliqua ex parte posset opprimere, ex omnibus Aegypti finibus militaria praecipit auxilia convocari; urbibusque maritimis mandat, praefectis operum specialiter ad hoc deputatis, galeas praeparari, armari classem; et caetera quae ad usum navalis exercitus possunt esse necessaria, sine dilatione praecipit ordinari. Paratis igitur septuaginta galeis, cum infinita pedestris exercitus multitudine, transcursa solitudine, apud Ascalonam castrametatus, cum suis resedit legionibus, classis autem usque Joppen progressa, ibi ante urbem se locavit; egressique de navibus in gravi multitudine, urbem coeperunt ex omni parte per gyrum, continuatis congressionibus, hostiliter molestare, ita ut prae inopia defendentium, securi ad murum suffodiendum accederent, et in locis pluribus debilitarent. Quod si liberas ferias urbem impugnandi per diem sequentem habuissent, effractis moenibus, procul omni dubio, violenter occupassent civitatem; pauci enim erant intus, qui eorum congressionibus repugnarent.

Meanwhile, the Egyptian prince, thinking that from the king’s captivity a great opportunity had emerged for him, so that he might in some part be able to oppress the kingdom of Jerusalem, most justly suspect to him, orders military auxiliaries to be convoked from all the borders of Egypt; and he commands the maritime cities, through prefects of works specially deputed for this, that galleys be prepared, the fleet be armed; and that the other things which can be necessary for the use of a naval army be arranged without delay. Therefore, with seventy galleys prepared, and with an infinite multitude of the infantry army, the wilderness having been traversed, he encamped at Ascalon and settled there with his legions; but the fleet, having advanced as far as Joppa, took its position there before the city; and, disembarking from the ships in heavy multitude, they began to harry the city from every side all around with engagements continued, in hostile fashion, so that, for lack of defenders, they might safely approach to undermining the wall and weaken it in many places. And if they had had free leave of assaulting the city for the following day, the walls having been broken, without any doubt they would have occupied the city by force; for there were few inside to resist their engagements.

Interea dominus patriarcha, dominus quoque Eustachius Grener, regni constabularius, cum aliis regni principibus, congregata omni ea quam tunc habere potuerunt militia, in campestribus Caesareae, in loco cui Caco nomen, convenerunt; inde versus Joppen, ordinatis agminibus descendentes, dirigunt legiones. Quo audito, qui urbem impugnabant, in classem se certatim recipiunt, nostrorum adventum formidantes. Classe autem instructa, remis incumbunt, exspectantes quid suis, quos hostibus vicinos esse cognoverant, accideret.

Meanwhile the lord patriarch, and the lord Eustace Grener as well, constable of the kingdom, with the other princes of the kingdom, having assembled all the soldiery which they could then have, met in the plains of Caesarea, in a place whose name is Caco; thence, toward Joppen, descending with their columns ordered, they direct the legions. On hearing this, those who were assaulting the city hasten in rivalry to take themselves back into the fleet, dreading the arrival of our men. But the fleet being drawn up, they bend to the oars, waiting to see what would befall their own men, whom they had learned to be near the enemy.

Nostri vero interea, praevia cruce Dominica, fide armati, et cooperante Dei gratia, in victoriae spem erecti compositis aciebus et in congruum redactis ordinem juxta eum locum qui dicitur Ibelim, hostes reperiunt. Qui etiam, juxta morem eorum, cohortibus dispositis, affecti ut cum nostris procul dubio pugnarent, advenerant; sed viso nostrorum apparatu et animositate certis argumentis intellecta, qui quasi leones accesserant, lepores et leporibus timidiores, bellum detrectare cupiunt, magis tamen cupientes non incoepisse. Nostri porro populi promiscui, et plebis omnimodae, dicebantur esse quasi septem millia: hostium vero, expeditorum ad praelium, sexdecim millium dicebatur esse numerus, exceptis his qui classi deservientes, dicebantur esse in navibus.

Meanwhile, our men, with the Lord’s Cross going before, armed with faith, and with the grace of God cooperating, raised into the hope of victory, with the battle lines drawn up and reduced into suitable order, near the place that is called Ibelim, find the enemies. They too, according to their custom, with cohorts disposed, having arrived prepared to fight with our men beyond doubt; but, when our apparatus was seen and their spirit (animosity) understood by sure indications, those who had approached like lions, as hares—and more timid than hares—desire to shirk the war, and even more wish they had not begun. Our people, moreover, mixed and of every sort of plebs, were said to be about seven thousand; but the number of the enemy, unencumbered and ready for battle, was said to be sixteen thousand, except for those who, serving the fleet, were said to be on the ships.

Irruentes igitur nostri super eos in spiritu vehementi, corde contrito, et in timore Domini. auxilio de supernis invocato, instant gladiis atrocius, et cominus irrogato mortis periculo, respirandi etiam negant facultatem. Mirantur tandem Aegyptii nostrorum vires et audaciam; et quod sermone audierant, plagis sentiunt impositis, et oculata fide contuentur.

Therefore our men, rushing upon them in a vehement spirit, with a contrite heart, and in the fear of the Lord, with help from the supernal invoked, press on with swords more savagely, and, the danger of death inflicted at close quarters, they even deny them the ability to draw breath. At length the Egyptians marvel at our men’s strength and audacity; and what they had heard by report, they feel by the blows imposed, and behold with eye-witnessed faith.

Parant tamen, et contendunt illatis resistere injuriis et nostris aequa lance respondere; sed longe impares et animis et viribus, in proposito deficiunt, fugam ineuntes. Relictis igitur castris, omni divitiarum genere et commoditate refertis, fuga vitae consulunt. Nostri tamen insectantes instantius, quotquot ex eis consequi possunt, gladiis obtruncant, ita ut de tanta multitudine pauci vel vincula vel mortem evaserint.

They nevertheless prepare, and contend to resist the injuries inflicted and to respond with an equal balance to our men; but, far unequal both in spirits and in forces, they fail in their purpose, taking to flight. Leaving therefore the camp, replete with every kind of riches and convenience, they consult for life by flight. Our men, however, pursuing more pressingly, cut down with swords as many of them as they can overtake, so that out of so great a multitude few escaped either bonds or death.

Dicuntur ea die septem ex eis millia cecidisse. Nostri autem victores in castra reversi, gazas Aegyptias, immensa auri argentique pondera, supellectilem varii generis pretiosissimam, papiliones et tentoria, equos, loricas, gladios copiose reperientes, jure bellorum dividentes spolia, supra modum locupletati, reversi sunt ad propria. Classis vero intellecto quid suis acciderat, ut securam sibi stationem eligerent, apud Ascalonam, quae adhuc in eorum potestate erat, declinantes, de suorum ruina plenius edocti sunt.

They are said on that day to have lost seven thousand of their number. Our men, however, returning as victors into the camp, finding Egyptian gazae, immense weights of gold and silver, the most precious furniture of various kinds, pavilions and tents, horses, cuirasses, and swords in abundance, dividing the spoils by the law of wars, enriched beyond measure, returned to their own homes. But the fleet, once it understood what had befallen their men, that they might choose for themselves a secure station, turning aside to Ascalon, which was still in their power, were more fully informed about the ruin of their people.

Per idem tempus, dominus Eustachius Grener, regni procurator, vir providus et discretus, vita decessit: in cujus loco substitutus est dominus Willelmus de Buris, vir magnificus, et per omnia commendabilis, Tiberiadensis dominus.

At the same time, lord Eustace Grenier, procurator of the kingdom, a provident and discreet man, departed from life; in whose place lord William of Bures, a magnificent man and in all things commendable, the lord of Tiberias, was substituted.

CAPUT XXII. Dux Venetiae cum classe numerosa descendit in Syriam.

CHAPTER 22. The Doge of Venice with a numerous fleet descends into Syria.

Eodem tempore, audita regni Orientalis necessitate, dux Venetiae, Dominicus Michaelis, una cum majoribus ejusdem provinciae, composita classe, cum quadraginta galeis, gatis vigenti octo, quatuor majoribus ad devehenda onera aptatis navibus, iter in Syriam arripiunt; cumque in Cyprum insulam pervenissent, denuntiatum est eis, eorum jam praecognito adventu, quod Aegyptiorum classis circa partes Syriae in maritima Joppensi applicuisset, et circa partes illas moram faceret, urbibus maritimis valde suspectam. Quo audito, dux praefatus suis egressum indicit, et ordinato exercitu, versus littora Joppensia cursum accelerat. Nuntiatur eis interea, quod praedicta classis Aegyptia, Joppe relicta, in partes se contulerat Ascalonitanas; audierant enim de suis, qui cum nostris in terra pugnaverant, rumores sinistros; eaque occasione ad suam se contulerant civitatem.

At the same time, the necessity of the Eastern kingdom having been heard, the duke of Venice, Dominicus Michaelis, together with the magnates of the same province, a fleet having been composed, with forty galleys, twenty-eight gats, and four larger ships fitted for carrying loads, set out on a journey to Syria; and when they had arrived at the island of Cyprus, it was announced to them—since their arrival had already been foreknown—that the fleet of the Egyptians had made landfall around the parts of Syria on the Joppan seacoast, and was lingering about those parts, very suspect to the maritime cities. Which heard, the aforesaid duke proclaims departure to his men, and, the army having been ordered, hastens his course toward the Joppan shores. Meanwhile it is reported to them that the aforesaid Egyptian fleet, Joppa having been left, had betaken itself into the Ascalonian parts; for they had heard sinister rumors about their own men who had fought with ours on land; and on that occasion they had withdrawn to their own city.

Quo etiam Veneti per internuntios cognito, illuc classem dirigunt, optantes intime hostium classem invenire et cum eis tentare congressum. Porro sicut viri providi, et in eo negotio exercitati, classem ordinant, secundum quod eis utilius visum est. Erant sane in eadem classe quaedam naves rostratae, quas gatos vocant, galeis majores, habentes singulae remos centenos, quibus singulis duo erant remiges necessarii.

When this too was learned by the Venetians through envoys, they direct their fleet thither, most earnestly desiring to find the enemy fleet and to attempt an engagement with them. Moreover, as prudent men and experienced in that business, they array the fleet according to what seemed to them more expedient. Indeed, in that same fleet there were certain rostrate ships, which they call gatos, larger than galleys, each having a hundred oars, and for each oar two oarsmen were necessary.

Erant autem et quatuor naves majores, ut praediximus, ad deportanda onera, machinas, arma et victui necessaria deputatae. Has cum gatis priores ordinant, ea intentione, ut si ab hostibus forte de remoto conspicerentur, non putaretur hostium exercitus, sed mercatorum naves. Galeae vero subsequebantur.

Moreover there were also four larger ships, as we have said above, assigned for carrying freight: engines, arms, and things necessary for victuals. These, together with the gats, they arrange in front, with this intention: that if by chance they should be seen from afar by the enemy, it would not be supposed to be an enemy army, but merchants’ ships. The galleys, however, were following after.

Sic ergo ordinato exercitu, versus littora proficiscuntur. Erat autem eis et aurae favor optabilis, et maris grata tranquillitas, et hostium classis in vicino. Cumque jam esset circa crepusculum matutinum et aurora lucis orientis nuntiaret adventum, hostes classem sentiunt advenire; die quoque luminis amplius ministrante, eam conspiciunt viciniorem.

Thus therefore, with the host drawn up, they set out toward the shores. Moreover, for them there was both the desirable favor of the breezes, and the pleasing tranquillity of the sea, and the enemy’s fleet in the vicinity. And when it was now about the morning crepuscule, and Aurora was announcing the advent of the rising light, the foes sense the fleet to be arriving; and the day too, supplying more light, they behold it nearer.

Stupefacti ergo, et plurimum timentes, remos corripiunt, et clamore et nutibus suos hortantur, ut funes rescindant, anchoras erigant, remiges ordinent et de pugna securi arma corripiant.

Stupefied, therefore, and greatly afraid, they seize the oars, and by clamor and nods they exhort their own to cut the cables, raise the anchors, set the rowers in order, and, confident for the fight, to snatch up arms.

CAPUT XXIII. Classem hostium circa Joppen repertam idem dux violenter effringit, et convertit in fugam, galeis pluribus retentis.

CHAPTER 23. The same leader violently breaks through the enemy fleet found around Joppa, and turns it to flight, with several galleys retained.

Interea dum haec apud hostes turbato ordine et confuso tumultu, metu confusionem inducente, aguntur, ecce ex Veneticis galeis una, cui dux inerat, alias velocitate praecurrens, eam casu fortuito, cui partis dux adversae insidebat, tanto concussit impetu, ut pene totam cum suis remigibus fluctibus involveret; aliae tandem multa velocitate sequentes, singulae singulas pene fretis involvunt. Fit igitur pugna gravis, et congressus utrinque valde hostilis, tantaque strages hominum, ut etiam (etsi fide videatur carere) qui interfuerunt, constanter asserant, victorum pedes, occisorum sanguine usque ad summum eorum, cruentatos sorduisse: mare vero adjacens de praecipitatis corporibus, et effluente de navibus interemptorum sanguine, usque ad passuum in circuitu duo millia, colorem sanguineum contraxisse; littora vero cadaveribus a salo projectis ita repleta fuisse, ut de fetore putrescentium funerum, circumposita regio et luem contraheret, et acris corruptelam. Continuatur cominus pugna, et ardentibus studiis impugnant hi, illi tentant resistere; sed tandem auctore Domino, facti superiores Veneti, hostes vertunt in fugam; retentis galeis quatuor, cum totidem gatis et nave una maxima, duce eorum interempto, victoriam obtinuerunt saeculis memorabilem.

Meanwhile, while these things are being done among the enemy, their order disturbed and the tumult confused, fear inducing confusion, lo, one of the Venetian galleys, in which the leader was, outrunning the others by velocity, so struck, by fortuitous chance, that ship on which the leader of the adverse party sat, with such an impulse that it almost wrapped the whole of it with its rowers in the waves; the others at last, following with much speed, each one almost envelops a single other in the seas. Therefore a grave battle is joined, and a very hostile encounter on both sides, and such a slaughter of men that even—although it may seem to lack credibility—those who were present steadfastly assert that the feet of the victors, bloodied up to their very tops, were befouled by the blood of the slain; and that the adjacent sea, from the bodies thrown headlong and from the blood of those killed flowing out of the ships, for as much as two miles in circuit, took on a sanguine color; and that the shores, filled with corpses cast up by the surge, were so laden that, from the stench of the rotting dead, the surrounding region contracted both a plague and a sharp corruption. The fight is continued at close quarters, and with burning zeal these assail, those attempt to resist; but at length, by the Lord’s enabling, the Venetians, made superior, turn the enemy to flight; retaining four galleys, with just as many gats and one very great ship, their leader having been slain, they obtained a victory memorable to the ages.

Collata igitur nostris divinitus praedicta victoria, nolentes tempus inutiliter consumere, praecipiente duce, versus Aegyptias partes usque Laris antiquissimam solitudinis urbem maritimam, pervenerunt, explorantes utrum hostium naves aliquas sibi casu haberent obvias: quod ita factum est, et ita eis successit ad votum, tanquam si aliquo certo nuntio universa quae postea acciderunt, ex ordine didicissent; nam illis in eo pelago laborantibus, decem naves hostium haud longe ab eis visae sunt, ad quas cum omni celeritate contendentes, primis congressionibus eas violenter occupant, viris quos in eis reperiunt partim occisis, partim compedibus mancipatis. Erant autem naves eaedem Orientalibus oneratae mercimoniis, speciebus videlicet, et pannis sericis; quae omnia secundum consuetudinem suam dividentes, facti locupletiores, deductis secum praedictis navibus, apud urbem Acconensem applicuerunt.

Therefore, the aforesaid victory having been bestowed divinely upon our men, not wishing to waste time uselessly, at the commander’s order they made toward the Egyptian regions as far as Laris, a most ancient maritime city of the wilderness, scouting whether by chance any enemy ships would meet them; which so came to pass, and it succeeded to their wish, as if by some sure message they had learned in due order all that afterwards occurred. For while they were laboring in that sea, ten enemy ships were seen not far from them; hastening toward them with all speed, at the first encounters they violently seize them, the men whom they find in them being partly slain, partly consigned to shackles. Now those same ships were laden with Oriental merchandises, namely spices and silken cloths; and dividing all these according to their custom, having been made more wealthy, and bringing along with them the aforesaid ships, they made landfall at the city of Acre.

CAPUT XXIV. Regni principes cum eodem duce conveniunt, et Tyrus obsidetur.

CHAPTER 24. The princes of the kingdom convene with the same duke, and Tyre is besieged.

Dominus vero patriarcha Hierosolymorum Gormundus; dominus quoque Willelmus de Buris, regni constabularius et procurator, Paganus quoque regius cancellarius, una cum archiepiscopis, episcopis, et caeteris regni proceribus audientes, quod dux Venetiae, cum navali exercitu, nostris applicuisset littoribus, et de hostibus ita gloriose triumphasset, miserunt nuntios ad eum, viros prudentes et honestos, qui eum et populi Venetorum primores, exercitusque capitaneos, ex parte domini patriarchae, principum et populi salutarent, et conceptam de eorum adventu laetitiam significarent: invitantes eos, ut regni commoditatibus indifferenter, tanquam cives et domestici, uti frui non dubitarent; paratos se esse asserentes, humanitatis legibus et plena hospitalitatis gratia se eos velle tractare, prout decebat, habere propositum. Dux ergo, ut et loca sancta, diu ante concepta devotione videret, et principibus qui se tam benigne invitaverant loqueretur, relictis qui classi praeessent viris prudentibus, ipse cum majoribus ejusdem populi Hierosolymam venit. Ubi honeste susceptus, et cum multa tractatus honorificentia, Natale Domini celebravit.

The Lord Patriarch of Jerusalem, Gormund; likewise Lord William of Buris, the kingdom’s constable and procurator, and Paganus the royal chancellor, together with the archbishops, bishops, and the other magnates of the realm, hearing that the duke of Venice, with a naval host, had made landfall on our shores and had so gloriously triumphed over the enemies, sent envoys to him, prudent and honorable men, who, on behalf of the lord patriarch, the princes, and the people, were to salute him and the chiefs of the Venetian people and the captains of the army, and to signify the joy conceived at their coming: inviting them not to hesitate to use and enjoy, without distinction, the advantages of the kingdom as though citizens and household members; asserting that they were prepared, by the laws of humanity and with the full grace of hospitality, to treat them, as befitted, having that as their purpose. Therefore the duke, that he might behold the holy places, conceived long before in devotion, and speak with the princes who had so kindly invited him, leaving behind prudent men to preside over the fleet, came himself with the greater men of the same people to Jerusalem. Where, honorably received and treated with much honor, he celebrated the Nativity of the Lord.

Ubi etiam a regni principibus diligenter commonitus, ut Christi servitio et incremento regni, se ad tempus aliquod manciparet, respondit: Quod ad hoc specialiter venerat, et ad hoc tota ejus dirigebatur intentio. Factum est ergo de communi consilio, quod praesente domino patriarcha, et reliquis ejusdem regni principibus, convenit inter eos quibusdam pactis intervenientibus, ut alteram de maritimis urbibus, Tyrum videlicet, vel Ascalonam obsiderent; nam aliae, per Dei gratiam, a torrente Aegypti, usque Antiochiam omnes in nostram pervenerant ditionem. Verum hic dum nostrorum voluntates ad varia rapiuntur desideria, res in periculosam pene descendit altercationem. Nam Hierosolymitae, Ramatenses, Joppenses, Neapolitani, et qui in finibus horum erant, magnopere nitebantur, ut ad obsidendam Ascalonam proficiscerentur; erat enim vicinior, et minus laboris et sumptuum videbatur exigere.

Where also, being diligently admonished by the princes of the realm to devote himself for some time to the service of Christ and the increase of the kingdom, he replied: That for this he had come especially, and to this his whole intention was directed. Therefore it was done by common counsel that, with the lord patriarch present and the other princes of the same kingdom, it was agreed among them, certain pacts intervening, that they should besiege one of the maritime cities, namely Tyre or Ascalon; for the others, by the grace of God, from the Brook of Egypt as far as Antioch had all come into our dominion. But here, while our men’s wills are snatched away to various desires, the matter fell almost into a dangerous altercation. For the Jerusalemites, the Ramathans, the Joppans, the Neapolitans, and those who were in their borders strove greatly that they should set out to besiege Ascalon; for it was nearer, and seemed to require less labor and expenses.

At vero Acconenses, Nazareni, Sidonii, Berytenses, Tiberiadenses, Biblii, et caeterarum maritimarum urbium habitatores, versus Tyrum dirigendos esse contendebant exercitus; allegantes quod, cum civitas esset nobilis et munitissima, totis viribus elaborandum erat, ut in nostram cederet potestatem, ne aliquando hostibus posset esse occasio, ut ad nos, gratia recuperandae regionis et totius provinciae, per eam haberent ingressum. Sic ergo per hanc votorum dissonantiam res in periculosas, ut diximus, pene pervenit inducias. Placuit tandem, quibusdam mediantibus, sorte definiri hujusmodi controversiam; sortis autem forma non multum ab honestate abhorrebat.

But indeed the men of Acre, Nazareth, Sidon, Beirut, Tiberias, Byblus, and the inhabitants of the other maritime cities contended that the armies ought to be directed toward Tyre; alleging that, since the city was noble and most well-fortified, it had to be labored for with all forces, that it might cede into our power, lest at some time there be for the enemies an occasion, that, for the sake of recovering the region and the whole province, through it they might have an ingress to us. Thus, then, through this dissonance of votes, the matter, into perilous delays, as we said, nearly came. It pleased at length, with certain mediating, that a controversy of this kind be determined by lot; moreover, the form of the lot did not much abhor from propriety.

Conscripserunt enim in membranis codicillos duos, alterum Tyri mentionem, alterum Ascalonae continentes, et super altare chartulas illas locaverunt, assumentes unum de pueris innocentibus, et parentes non habentem, cui data est optio, ut quam velit illorum assumat; et utrius illarum urbium nomen secum attulerit, ad illum uterque exercitus sine quaestione dirigatur. Cecidit ergo sors super Tyrum. Haec a senioribus quibusdam audivimus, qui constanter asserebant, se praedictis omnibus interfuisse.

For they wrote on parchments two codicils, one containing mention of Tyre, the other of Ascalon, and they placed those little papers upon the altar, taking one of the innocent boys, who had no parents, to whom the choice was given to take whichever of them he wished; and whichever of those cities’ name he brought away with him, toward that one both armies should be directed without question. Therefore the lot fell upon Tyre. We heard these things from certain elders, who steadfastly asserted that they had been present at all the aforesaid matters.

Confirmato ergo hoc consilio, dominus patriarcha, et inclyti regionis illius, simul cum populo universo in civitatem conveniunt Acconensem; nam Veneticorum classis in ejusdem portu civitatis, tuta statione locata erat. Praebitis ergo corporaliter juramentis, quod in finibus pactorum fideliter ab utraque parte staretur, praeordinatis quae ad hujusmodi opus solent esse necessaria, decimo quinto Kal. Martii urbem praedictam gemina vallant obsidione.

With this counsel therefore confirmed, the lord patriarch and the illustrious men of that region, together with the entire people, assemble in the city of Acre; for the fleet of the Venetians had been placed in its harbor in a safe station. The oaths, then, having been bodily given—that within the bounds of the agreements it would be faithfully observed on both sides—and the things preordained which are wont to be necessary for such a work set in order, on February 15 they gird the aforesaid city with a twin siege.

CAPUT XXV. Rescriptum privilegii, continentis consonantiam pactorum inter Venetos et principes regni Hierosolymorum pro Tyrensi obsidione.

CHAPTER 25. Rescript of a privilege, containing the consonance of the pacts between the Venetians and the princes of the kingdom of Jerusalem for the Tyrian siege.

Sed ut nihil antiquitatis eorum quae interim occurrunt praetereamus, libet rescriptum privilegii, consonantiam pactorum inter Venetos et principes regni Hierosolymorum continentis, ad majorum rerum gestarum evidentiam ponere, quod sic habet:

But, so that we may pass over nothing of the antiquity of those things which meanwhile occur, it pleases me to set forth the rescript of the privilege, containing the consonance of the pacts between the Venetians and the princes of the kingdom of Jerusalem, for the evidence of greater deeds accomplished, which reads thus:

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.

In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit.

Tempore quo Calixtus papa secundus et quartus Henricus Romanorum imperator Augustus, pace eodem anno inter regnum et sacerdotium super annuli et baculi controversia, celebrato Romae concilio, Deo auxiliante, peracta, alter Romanam Ecclesiam, alterque regnum regebat, Dominicus Michaelis Venetiae dux, Dalmatiae atque Croatiae regni princeps, innumera classium militiaeque multitudine, prius tamen ante importuosas Ascalonis ripas, paganorum classium regis Babyloniae gravissima strage facta, demum in Hierusalem partes, ad necessarium Christianorum patrocinium victoriosus advenit. Rex quippe Balduinus Hierusalem secundus, tunc temporis, peccatis nostris exigentibus, sub Balac principe Parthorum, paganorum laqueo cum pluribus aliis captivus tenebatur. Propterea nos quidem Gormandus, Dei gratia sanctae civitatis Hierusalem patriarcha, cum nostrae ecclesiae fratribus suffraganeis, domino Willelmo de Buris constabulario et Pagano cancellario, nobis cum totius regni Hierosolymitani socia Baronum militia conjuncta, Achone in ecclesia Sanctae Crucis convenientes; ejusdem regis Balduini promissiones, secundum litterarum suarum et nuntiorum prolocutiones, quas eidem Veneticorum duci suos per nuntios, usque Venetiam, rex ipse mandaverat, propria manu, et episcoporum sive cancellarii manu pacisque osculo, prout ordo noster exigit, datis: omnes vero barones, quorum nomina subscripta sunt, super sancta Evangelia subscriptas depactionum conventiones, sanctissimo evangelistae Marco, praedicto duci suisque successoribus, atque genti Veneticorum simul statuentes affirmavimus, quatenus sine aliqua contradictione, quae dicta et quemadmodum inferius subscripta sunt, ita et rata, et in futurum illibata, sibi suaeque genti in perpetuum permaneant.

At the time when Pope Calixtus II and Henry IV, Augustus Emperor of the Romans, the one ruling the Roman Church, the other the realm—after peace in that same year between kingdom and priesthood, concerning the controversy of ring and staff, had been accomplished, with God’s help, a council having been held at Rome—Dominicus Michaelis, Doge of Venice, prince of the realm of Dalmatia and Croatia, with an innumerable multitude of fleets and soldiery—yet first, before the inhospitable shores of Ascalon, a most grievous slaughter having been made of the pagan fleets of the king of Babylon—at last came victorious into the parts of Jerusalem, for the necessary patronage of the Christians. For King Baldwin II of Jerusalem, at that time, our sins demanding it, was held captive in the snare of the pagans under Balac, prince of the Parthians, together with many others. Wherefore we, indeed, Gormandus, by the grace of God patriarch of the holy city of Jerusalem, with the suffragan brothers of our church, with lord William de Bures the constable and Paganus the chancellor, with the allied militia of the Barons of the whole kingdom of Jerusalem joined to us, meeting at Acre in the Church of the Holy Cross; the promises of that same King Baldwin, according to the expressions of his letters and envoys, which the king himself had sent to that Venetian Doge by his messengers as far as Venice, having been given by his own hand, and by the hand of the bishops and of the chancellor, and by the kiss of peace, as our order requires: and all the barons, whose names are subscribed, upon the holy Gospels, the conventions of the pactions written below to the most holy Evangelist Mark, to the aforesaid Doge and his successors, and to the people of the Venetians together, we have established and affirmed, to the end that, without any contradiction, the things that have been said, and as they are written below, may thus remain ratified and hereafter inviolate to him and to his nation in perpetuity.

Amen.

In omnibus scilicet supradicti regis, ejusque successorum sub dominio, atque omnium suorum baronum civitatibus, ipsi Venetici ecclesiam et integram rugam, unamque plateam sive balneum, nec non et furnum habeant, jure haereditario in perpetuum possidenda, ab omni exactione libera, sicut sunt regis propria. Verum in platea Hierusalem tantum ad proprium habeant, quantum rex habere solitus est. Quod si apud Accon, furnum, molendinum, balneum, stateram, modios et buzas ad vinum, oleum, vel mel mensurandum in vico suo Veneti facere voluerint, omnibus inibi habitantibus absque contradictione quicunque voluerit coquere, molere, balneare, sicut ad propria regis libere liceat.

Namely, in all the cities of the aforesaid king and of his successors under his dominion, and of all his barons, let the Venetians themselves have a church and an entire ruga, and one platea or bath, and also an oven, to be possessed by hereditary right in perpetuity, free from every exaction, just as the king’s own properties are. Yet in the platea of Jerusalem let them have as their own only as much as the king is accustomed to have. And if at Acre the Venetians should wish to make in their own vicus an oven, a mill, a bath, a statera, modii and buzas for measuring wine, oil, or honey, it shall be permitted, to all dwelling there without contradiction, to whoever will, to bake, to grind, to bathe, freely as at the king’s own properties.

Sed modiorum, staterae atque buzae mensuris, hoc modo uti liceat. Nam quando Venetici inter se negotiantur, cum propriis, id est Veneticorum mensuris mensurare debent; cum vero Venetici res suas aliis gentibus vendunt, cum suis, id est Veneticorum mensuris propriis vendere debent. Quando autem Venetici ab aliquibus gentibus extraneis quam Veneticis, commercio aliquid accipientes comparant, cum regiis mensuris datoque pretio accipere licet.

But let it be permitted to use the modii, statera (steelyard), and buzza measures in this manner. For when the Venetians trade among themselves, they ought to measure by their own, that is, by the Venetians’ measures; but when the Venetians sell their goods to other peoples, they ought to sell by their own, that is, by the Venetians’ proper measures. However, when the Venetians, receiving something by commerce, purchase from some foreign peoples other than Venetians, it is allowed to take by the royal measures, upon payment of the price.

Ad haec Venetici nullam dationem, vel secundum usum, vel secundum ullam rationem, nullo modo, intrando, stando, vendendo, comparando vel morando, aut exeundo de nulla penitus causa aliquam dationem persolvere debent, nisi solum quando veniunt, aut exeunt cum suis navibus peregrinos portantes: tunc quippe secundum regis consuetudinem, tertiam partem ipsi regi dare debent. Unde ipse rex Hierusalem, et nos omnes, duci Veneticorum de funda Tyri, ex parte regis, festo apostolorum Petri et Pauli, trecentos in unoquoque anno bizantios Saracenatos, ex debiti conditione persolvere debemus. Vobis quoque, duci Venetiae, et vestrae genti promittimus, quod nihil plus accipiemus ab illis gentibus, quae vobiscum negotiantur, nisi quantum soliti sunt dare, et quanta accipimus ab illis qui cum aliis negotiantur gentibus.

To these points, the Venetians must pay no payment, whether according to usage or according to any reckoning, in no way at all, by entering, standing, selling, buying, or dwelling, or going out, for no cause whatsoever must they discharge any payment, except only when they come or depart with their ships carrying pilgrims: then indeed, according to the king’s consuetude, they must give a third part to the king himself. Whence the king of Jerusalem himself, and we all, to the duke of the Venetians, from the fondaco of Tyre, on the king’s part, on the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul, three hundred Saracen bezants in each year, by condition of debt, we are bound to pay. To you also, duke of Venice, and to your nation we promise that we will take nothing more from those nations that trade with you than what they are accustomed to give, and no more than we take from those who trade with other nations.

Praeterea illam ejusdem plateae, rugaeque Achon partem unum caput in mansione Petri Zanni, aliud vero in Sancti Dimitri monasterio firmantem; et ejusdem rugae aliam partem, unam materiariam et duas lapideas mansiones habentes, quae quondam casulae de cannis esse solebant, quam rex Balduinus Hierusalem primitus beato Marco, dominoque duci Ordolafo, suisque successoribus in Sidonis acquisitione dedit; ipsas, inquam, partes, beato Marco, vobisque Dominico Michaeli, Venetiae duci, vestris quoque successoribus per praesentem paginam confirmamus; vobisque potestatem concedimus, tenendi, possidendi et quidquid vobis inde placuerit, in perpetuum faciendi. Super ejusdem autem rugae alia parte, a domo Bernardi de novo Castello, quae quondam Joannis fuerat Juliani, usque domum Guiberti de Joppen generis Laudae, recto tramite procedente, vobis eamdem quam rex habuerit potestatem penitus damus. Quin etiam nullus Veneticorum in totius terrae regis, suorumque baronum dominio, aliquam dationem in ingrediendo, vel ibi morando, aut exeundo per ullum ingenium dare debeat; sed sic liber sicut in ipsa Venetia sit.

Moreover, that part of the same platea and ruga of Achon, the one end abutting on the mansion of Peter Zanni, the other indeed on the monastery of Saint Demetrius; and another part of the same ruga, having one timber-built and two stone mansions, which once used to be little huts of reeds, which King Baldwin of Jerusalem at first in the acquisition of Sidon gave to blessed Mark and to the lord duke Ordolafo and to their successors; those parts themselves, I say, we confirm by the present page to blessed Mark, and to you, Dominico Michaeli, duke of Venice, and to your successors; and we grant to you the power of holding, possessing, and of doing whatever shall have pleased you therefrom, in perpetuity. Moreover, over another part of the same ruga, from the house of Bernard of New Castle, which once had been John Julian’s, as far as the house of Guibert of Joppa, of the stock of Lauda, with a straight thoroughfare proceeding, we give to you fully the same power which the king had. And indeed let none of the Venetians, in the dominion of the king of the whole land and of his barons, have to give any dation (payment) on entering, or staying there, or going out, by any contrivance; but let him be as free as in Venice itself.

Si vero aliquod placitum, vel alicujus negotii litigationem, Veneticus erga. Veneticum habuerit, in curia Veneticorum diffiniatur. Vel si aliquis adversus Veneticum querelam aut litigationem se habere crediderit, in eadem curia Veneticorum determinetur.

If indeed any plea, or the litigation of any business, a Venetian shall have against a Venetian, let it be adjudicated in the court of the Venetians. Or if anyone shall have believed that he has a complaint or litigation against a Venetian, let it be determined in the same court of the Venetians.

Verum si Veneticus super quemlibet alium hominem, quam Veneticum, clamorem fecerit, in curia regis emendetur. Insuper ubi Veneticus ordinatus vel inordinatus, quod nos sine lingua dicimus, obierit, res suae in potestatem Veneticorum reducantur. Si vero aliquis Veneticorum naufragium passus fuerit, nullum de suis rebus patiatur damnum.

However, if a Venetian shall have raised a complaint against any other man than a Venetian, let it be redressed in the king’s court. Moreover, when a Venetian—whether testate or intestate (what we call “without tongue”)—has died, let his goods be brought back into the power of the Venetians. But if any of the Venetians has suffered shipwreck, let him suffer no loss of his goods.

Si naufragio mortuus fuerit, suis haeredibus aut aliis Veneticis res suae remanentes reddantur. Praeterea super cujus gentis burgenses in vico et domibus Veneticorum habitantes, eamdem justitiam et consuetudines quas rex super suos, Venetici habeant. Denique duarum civitatum Tyri et Ascalonis tertiam partem, cum suis pertinentiis, et tertiam partem terrarum omnium sibi pertinentium, a die Sancti Petri, Saracenis tantum servientium, quae non sunt in Francorum manibus, alteram quarum, vel si, Deo auxiliante, utramque per eorum auxilium, aut aliquod ingenium in Christianorum potestatem Spiritus sanctus tradere voluerit; illam, inquam, tertiam partem, sicut dictum est, libere et regaliter, sicut rex duas, Venetici habituri in perpetuum, sine alicujus contradictionis impeditione, jure haereditario possideant.

If he shall have died by shipwreck, let his remaining goods be returned to his heirs or to other Venetians. Moreover, concerning the burgesses of whatever nation dwelling in the quarter and houses of the Venetians, let the Venetians have the same justice and customs which the king has over his own. Finally, of the two cities of Tyre and Ascalon, a third part, with their appurtenances, and a third part of all the lands belonging to them, from the Day of Saint Peter, of those served only by Saracens, which are not in the hands of the Franks—the other of which, or, God aiding, both, through their help, or by some contrivance, if the Holy Spirit shall have willed to deliver into the power of the Christians—that, I say, third part, as has been said, freely and regally, as the king the two parts, the Venetians shall have in perpetuity, and, without the hindrance of any contradiction, let them possess by hereditary right.

Universaliter igitur supradictas conventiones ipsum regem, Deo auxiliante, si aliquando egressurus de captivitate est, nos Gormundus Hierusalem patriarcha confirmare per Evangelium faciemus. Si vero alter ad Hierosolymitanum regnum, in regem promovendus advenerit, aut superius ordinatas promissiones antequam promoveatur, sicut ante dictum est, ipsum confirmare faciemus; alioquin ipsum nullo modo ad regnum provehi assentiemus. Similiter easdem et eodem modo confirmationes, baronum successores et novi futuri barones facient.

Universally, therefore, as to the aforesaid conventions, we, Gormund, Patriarch of Jerusalem, will cause the king himself—God aiding—if at any time he is about to egress from captivity, to confirm them upon the Gospel. But if another, to be promoted into king, shall have come to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, we will make him confirm the promises ordained above before he is promoted, as was said before; otherwise we will in no way assent to his being advanced to the kingdom. Likewise, the successors of the barons and the new barons to be in future will make the same confirmations, and in the same manner.

De causa vero Antiochena, quam vobis regem Balduinum secundum, sub eadem constitutionis depactione promisisse bene scimus, in Antiocheno principatu se vobis Veneticis daturum: videlicet sic in Antiochia, sicut in caeteris regis civitatibus, si quidem Antiocheni regalia promissionum foedera vobis attendere voluerint; nos idem Gormundus Hierusalem patriarcha, cum nostris episcopis, clero, baronibus populoque Hierusalem, consilium et auxilium vobis dantes, quod nobis dominus papa inde scripserit, bona fide totum adimplere, et haec omnia superiora, ad honorem Veneticorum promittimus.

Concerning the Antiochene cause, which we know well that King Baldwin the Second, under the same compact of the constitution, promised to you, that in the Principality of Antioch he would give it to you Venetians: namely, thus in Antioch as in the other cities of the king, if indeed the Antiochenes should be willing to observe toward you the regal covenants of the promises; we, the same Gormund, patriarch of Jerusalem, with our bishops, clergy, barons, and the people of Jerusalem, giving you counsel and aid, whatever our lord the pope shall have written to us about it, in good faith promise to fulfill it all, and all these things above, to the honor of the Venetians.

Ego Gormundus Dei gratia Hierosolymorum patriarcha, propria nostra manu supradicta confirmo.
Ego Ebremarus Caesariensis archiepiscopus, haec eadem similiter confirmo.
Ego Bernardus Nazarenus episcopus similiter confirmo.

I, Gormundus, by the grace of God patriarch of Jerusalem, with our own hand confirm the above-said.
I, Ebremarus, archbishop of Caesarea, these same things likewise confirm.
I, Bernard, bishop of Nazareth, likewise confirm.

Ego Asquitinus Bethlehemita episcopus similiter confirmo.
Ego Rogerius Liddensis Sancti Georgii episcopus similiter confirmo.

I, Asquitinus, the Bethlehemite bishop, likewise confirm.
I, Rogerius, bishop of Saint George of Lydda, likewise confirm.

Ego Gildoinus abbas Sanctae Mariae vallis Josaphat similiter confirmo.
Ego Gerardus prior Sancti Sepulcri similiter confirmo.
Ego Aicardus prior templi Domini similiter affirmo.

I, Gildoinus, abbot of Saint Mary of the Valley of Josaphat, likewise confirm.
I, Gerard, prior of the Holy Sepulchre, likewise confirm.
I, Aicard, prior of the Temple of the Lord, likewise affirm.

Ego Arnaldus prior montis Sion similiter affirmo.
Ego Willelmus de Buris, regis constabularius similiter affirmo.

I, Arnaldus, prior of Mount Sion, likewise affirm.
I, Willelmus de Buris, the king’s constable, likewise affirm.

Data apud Achon, per manus Pagani, regis Hierusalem cancellarii, anno 1123, indictione II.

Given at Acre, by the hands of Pagan, chancellor of the king of Jerusalem, in the year 1123, indiction 2.