Valerius Maximus: FACTORVM ET DICTORVM MEMORABILIVM LIBRI NOVEM

7.1.init. Volubilis fortunae conplura exempla retulimus, constanter propitiae admodum pauca narrari possunt. quo patet eam aduersas res cupido animo infligere, secundas parco tribuere.

7.1.init. We have recounted numerous examples of fickle fortune; by contrast, consistently very few propitious ones can be told. From this it is clear that desire is quick to inflict adverse things on the mind, and sparing to bestow favorable ones.

eadem, ubi malignitatis obliuisci sibi imperauit, non solum plurima ac maxima, sed etiam perpetua bona congerit.

the same, when she commanded herself to forget malignity, not only gathers very many and very great goods, but also heap up perpetual goods.

7.1.1 Videamus ergo quot gradibus beneficiorum Q. Metellum a primo originis die ad ultimum usque fati tempus numquam cessante indulgentia ad summum beatae uitae cumulum perduxerit. nasci eum in urbe terrarum principe uoluit, parentes ei nobilissimos dedit, adiecit animi rarissimas dotes et corporis uires, ut sufficere laboribus posset, uxorem pudicitia et fecunditate conspicuam conciliauit, consulatus decus, imperatoriam potestatem, speciosissimi triumphi praetextum largita est, fecit ut eodem tempore tres filios consulares, unum etiam censorium et triumphalem, quartum praetorium uideret, utque tres filias nuptum daret earumque subolem sinu suo exciperet. tot partus, tot incunabula, tot uiriles togae, tam multae nuptiales faces, honorum, imperiorum, omnis denique gratulationis summa abundantia, cum interim nullum funus, nullus gemitus, nulla causa tristitiae.

7.1.1 Let us therefore see by how many steps of benefits Q. Metellum, from the first day of his origin to the last hour of his fate, by never-ceasing indulgence, was led up to the highest accumulation of a blessed life. It willed that he be born in the city, prince of the lands; it gave him most noble parents; it added to him most rare endowments of mind and the strengths of body, so that he might suffice for labors; it joined to him a wife conspicuous for chastity and fecundity; it bestowed the honour of the consulship, imperatorial power, the ornament of the most splendid triumph; it made that at the same time he should see three sons consular, one even censorial and triumphant, a fourth praetorian; and that he should give three daughters in marriage and receive their offspring in his bosom. So many births, so many cradles, so many manly togae, so many nuptial torches, an abundance of honours and commands, in short the full sum of every congratulation, while meanwhile no funeral, no groan, no cause of sadness.

caelum contemplare, uix tamen ibi talem statum reperies, quoniam quidem luctus et dolores deorum quoque pectoribus a maximis uatibus adsignari uidemus. hunc uitae actum eius consentaneus finis excepit: namque Metellum ultimae senectutis spatio defunctum lenique genere mortis inter oscula conplexusque carissimorum pignorum extinctum filii et generi humeris suis per urbem latum rogo inposuerunt.

to contemplate the sky; yet scarcely there will you find such a condition, for truly we see that griefs and pains are assigned even to the breasts of the gods by the greatest vates. This course of his life met with a fitting end: for Metellus, having died in the interval of extreme old age and by a gentle kind of death, when extinguished, was embraced with kisses and embraces of his most dear pledges; his son and son‑in‑law laid him, borne upon their shoulders, upon a pyre spread through the city.

7.1.2 Clara haec felicitas: obscurior illa, sed ~ diuino splendori praeposita: cum enim Gyges regno Lydiae armis et diuitiis abundantissimo inflatus animo Apollinem Pythium sciscitatum uenisset an aliquis mortalium se esset felicior, deus ex abdito sacrarii specu uoce missa Aglaum Psophidium ei praetulit. is erat Arcadum pauperrimus, sed aetate iam senior terminos agelli sui numquam excesserat, paruuli ruris fructibus [uoluptatibus] contentus. uerum profecto beatae uitae finem Apollo non adumbratum oraculi sagacitate conplexus est.

7.1.2 This happiness was illustrious: that one more obscure, but ~ set before divine splendour: for when Gyges, swollen in spirit with the kingdom of Lydia, with arms and most abundant riches, had gone to question Apollo Pythius whether any of mortals was happier than he, a voice sent from the hidden cave of the shrine presented to him Aglaus Psophidius. He was the poorest of the Arcadians, but already advanced in age had never gone beyond the boundaries of his little plot, content with the fruits of his tiny farm [pleasures] of the countryside. Yet assuredly Apollo, with the oracle’s sagacity, grasped the unshadowed limit of a blessed life.

quocirca insolenter fulgore fortunae suae glorianti respondit magis se probare securitate ridens tugurium quam tristem curis et sollicitudinibus aulam, paucasque glebas pauoris expertes quam pinguissima Lydiae arua metu referta, et unum aut alterum iugum boum facilis tutelae quam exercitus et arma et equitatum uoracibus inpensis onerosum, et usus necessarii horreolum nulli nimis adpetendum quam thesauros omnium insidiis et cupiditatibus expositos. ita Gyges, dum adstipulatorem uanae opinionis deum habere concupiscit, ubinam solida et sincera esset felicitas didicit.

Wherefore, insolently exulting in the brilliance of his fortune, he answered that he proved himself more by a laughing security in a little hut than by a sorrowful court full of cares and anxieties, and by a few plots of land free from fear rather than by the most fertile fields of Lydia packed with dread, and by one or another yoke of oxen easy of guardianship rather than by armies and arms and cavalry burdensome with voracious expenses, and by a granary for necessary use not to be sought by anyone too eagerly rather than by treasures exposed to all ambushes and desires. Thus Gyges, while he longed to have a god as the corroborator of vain opinion, learned where solid and sincere felicity lay.

7.2.init. Nunc id genus felicitatis explicabo, quod totum in habitu animi nec uotis petitum, sed in pectoribus sapientia praeditis natum dictis factisque prudentibus enitescit.

7.2.init. Now I will unfold that kind of felicity which is wholly in the habit of the mind and not sought by wishes, but born in breasts endowed with wisdom, it shines forth in prudent words and deeds.

7.2.1 App. Claudium crebro solitum dicere accepimus negotium populo Romano melius quam otium conmitti, non quod ignoret quam iucundus tranquillitatis status esset, sed quod animaduerteret praepotentia imperia agitatione rerum ad uirtutem capessendam excitari, nimia quiete in desidiam resolui. et sane negotium nomine horridum ciuitatis nostrae mores in suo statu continuit, blandae appellationis quies plurimis uitiis respersit.

7.2.1 App. Claudium we have often heard say that business ought to be committed to the Roman people rather than leisure, not because he was ignorant of how pleasant a state of tranquillity is, but because he observed that the over‑mighty powers are by the agitation of affairs roused to seize upon virtue, and that excessive quiet is resolved into sloth. And truly the business, harsh in name, preserved the manners of our state in their condition, while the repose of a flattering appellation sprinkled many vices.

7.2.2 Scipio uero Africanus turpe esse aiebat in re militari dicere 'non putaram', uidelicet quia explorato et excusso consilio quae ferro aguntur administrari oportere arbitrabatur. summa ratione: inemendabilis est enim error, qui uiolentiae Martis committitur. idem negabat aliter cum hoste confligi debere, quam aut si occasio obuenisset aut necessitas incidisset.

7.2.2 Scipio, however, Africanus, used to say that it was disgraceful in military affairs to say "non putaram," namely because, with counsel explored and sifted, he judged that things wrought by the sword ought to be administered. In short: error is uncorrectable which is entrusted to the violence of Mars. He likewise denied that one ought to engage the enemy otherwise than if opportunity had presented itself or necessity had arisen.

aeque prudenter: nam et prospere gerendae rei facultatem omittere maxima dementia est et in angustias utique pugnandi conpulsum abstinere se proelio pestiferae ignauiae adfert exitum, eorumque, qui ista conmittunt, alter beneficio fortunae uti, alter iniuriae nescit resistere.

equally prudently: for to abandon the opportunity (facultas) of conducting an affair successfully is the greatest madness, and to refrain from battle when driven into the straits of fighting is surely pestiferous cowardice that brings destruction in battle; and of those who commit such things, one may by the benefit of fortune be used, the other knows not how to resist injury.

7.2.3 Q. quoque Metelli cum grauis tum etiam alta in senatu sententia, qui deuicta Karthagine scire se illa uictoria bonine plus an mali rei publicae adtulisset adseuerauit, quoniam ut pacem restituendo profuisset, ita Hannibalem summouendo nonnihil nocuisset: eius enim transitu in Italiam dormientem iam populi Romani uirtutem excitatam, metuique debere ne acri aemulo liberata in eundem somnum reuolueretur. in aequo igitur malorum posuit uri tecta, uastari, agros, exhauriri aerarium et prisci roboris neruos hebetari.

7.2.3 Q. Metellus also, both grave and lofty in the senate, asserted that, with Carthage subdued, he did not know whether that victory had brought more good or more evil to the republic, since—just as it had profited by restoring peace—it had somewhat harmed by removing Hannibal: for by his crossing into Italy he had awakened the now-sleeping virtue of the Roman people, and it must be feared that, freed from a keen rival, it might roll back into the same sleep. Therefore he set the evils on an equal footing: that roofs be burned, lands laid waste, the treasury exhausted, and the sinews of former strength be blunted.

7.2.4 Quid illud factum L. Fimbriae consularis, quam sapiens! M. Lutatio Pinthiae splendido equiti Romano iudex addictus de sponsione, quam is cum aduersario, quod uir bonus esset, fecerat, numquam id iudicium pronuntiatione sua finire uoluit, ne aut probatum uirum, si contra eum iudicasset, fama spoliaret aut iuraret uirum bonum esse, cum ea res innumerabilibus laudibus contineretur.

7.2.4 What of that deed of L. Fimbria the consul—how wise! M. Lutatius Pinthia, a splendid Roman eques, assigned as judge over the wager which he had made with his adversary because he was a good man, never wished to finish that judgment by his pronouncement, lest, if he should have judged against him, he either deprive a proven man of his reputation, or should swear that the man was good, since that matter was contained in innumerable praises.

7.2.5 Forensibus haec, illa militaribus stipendiis prudentia est exhibita. Papirius Cursor consul, cum Aquiloniam oppugnans proelium uellet conmittere pullariusque non prosperantibus auibus optimum ei auspicium renuntiasset, de fallacia illius factus certior sibi quidem et exercitui bonum omen datum credidit ac pugnam iniit, ceterum mendacem ante ipsam aciem constituit, ut haberent di cuius capite, si quid irae conceperant, expiarent. directum est autem siue casu siue etiam caelestis numinis prouidentia quod primum e contraria parte missum erat telum in ipsum pullarii pectus eumque exanimem prostrauit.

7.2.5 To the civilian courts these things, to the soldiers in their stipends those matters, prudence was shown. Papirius Cursor, consul, when besieging Aquilonia wished to commence battle, and the pullarius, the keeper of the sacred chickens, with the birds not prospering had reported an ill auspice to him; but, the falsity of that man having been discovered, he believed that a good omen had been given to himself and to the army and he began the fight, moreover he stationed the liar before the very line of battle, that they might have a god whose head, if they had conceived any anger, they might expiate upon. It was directed, however, whether by chance or even by the providence of the heavenly divinity, that the first missile sent from the opposing side struck into the breast of the very pullarius and laid him prostrate and breathless.

id ut cognouit consul, fidente animo et inuasit Aquiloniam et cepit. tam cito animaduertit quo pacto iniuria imperatoris uindicari deberet, quemadmodum uiolata religio expianda foret, qua ratione uictoria adprehendi posset. egit uirum seuerum, consulem religiosum, imperatorem strenuum, timoris modum, poenae genus, spei uiam uno mentis impetu rapiendo.

When the consul learned this, trusting in his spirit, he invaded Aquilonia and took it. So quickly he perceived by what manner the emperor’s injury ought to be avenged, how violated religion should be expiated, and by what method victory could be seized. He acted a severe man, a religious consul, a strenuous commander — seizing the measure of fear, the kind of punishment, and the road of hope by one impulsive movement of his mind.

7.2.6 Nunc ad senatus acta transgrediar. cum aduersus Hannibalem Claudium Neronem et Liuium Salinatorem consules mitteret eosque ut uirtutibus pares, ita inimicitiis acerrime inter se dissidentes uideret, summo studio in gratiam reduxit, ne propter priuatas dissensiones rem publicam parum utiliter administrarent, quia consulum imperio nisi concordia inest, maior aliena opera interpellandi quam sua edendi cupiditas nascitur. ubi uero etiam pertinax intercedit odium, alter alteri quam uterque contrariis castris certior hostis proficiscitur.

7.2.6 Now I will pass on to the senatus acta. When he sent them as consuls against Hannibal, Claudius Nero and Livius Salinator, and saw that they were equals in virtues yet most bitterly divergent among themselves in enmities, he with the utmost zeal restored them to favour, lest on account of private dissensions they should administer the res publica rather unusefully; for in the consuls’ imperium concord is necessary, and a greater desire arises to interrupt another’s deeds than to execute one’s own. Where, moreover, stubborn hatred interposes, one sets out to the field a more sure enemy to the other than either is to the opposing camps.

eosdem senatus, cum ob nimis aspere actam censuram a Cn. Baebio tribuno pl. pro rostris agerentur rei, causae dictione decreto suo liberauit uacuum omnis iudicii metu eum honorem reddendo, qui exigere deberet rationem, non reddere.

the same senate, when because of the censure carried out too harshly by Cn. Baebius, tribune of the plebs, they were being driven from the rostra about the matter, by its decree freed all from fear of judgment in the speaking of the cause, restoring the honor to him who ought to exact an account, not to render it.

Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multauit. idem ut secundum legem eius per triumuiros ager populo uiritim diuideretur egregie censuit, si quidem grauissimae seditionis eodem tempore et auctorem et causam sustulit.

Equal to that wisdom was the senate. They fined Tiberius Gracchus, tribune of the plebs, with death for daring to promulgate an agrarian law. The same body likewise judged excellently that, according to his law, by triumvirs the land should be divided to the people man by man, since indeed he removed at the same time both the author and the cause of the most grievous sedition.

Quam deinde se prudenter in rege Masinissa gessit! nam cum promptissima et fidelissima eius opera aduersus Karthaginienses usus esset eumque in dilatando regno auidiorem cerneret, legem ferri iussit, qua Masinissae ab imperio populi Romani solutam libertatem tribueret. quo facto cum optime meriti beniuolentiam retinuit, tum Mauritaniae et Numidiae ceterarumque illius tractus gentium numquam fida pace quiescentem feritatem a ualuis suis reppulit.

How prudently then he comported himself toward King Masinissa! For when he had made use of Masinissa’s most prompt and most faithful services against the Carthaginians, and saw him keener on enlarging his kingdom, he ordered a law to be enacted by which Masinissa was granted liberty, released from the authority of the Roman people. This done, since he most excellently retained the benevolence of one so deserving, he drove back to their thresholds the ferocity of Mauritania and Numidia and of the other peoples of that region, who, never resting in a peace to be relied on, lay in ambush.

7.2.ext.1 Tempus deficiet domestica narrantem, quoniam imperium nostrum non tam robore corporum quam animorum uigore incrementum ac tutelam sui conprehendit. maiore itaque ex parte Romana prudentia in admiratione tacita reponatur alienigenisque huius generis exemplis detur aditus.

7.2.ext.1 Time will fail me to recount domestic matters, since our empire comprehends not so much an increase and protection by the strength of bodies as by the vigour of minds. Therefore for the greater part let Roman prudence be set aside in silent admiration, and let access be given to alien examples of this sort.

Socrates, humanae sapientiae quasi quoddam terrestre oraculum, nihil ultra petendum a dis inmortalibus arbitrabatur quam ut bona tribuerent, quia ii demum scirent quid uni cuique esset utile, nos autem plerumque id uotis expeteremus, quod non inpetrasse melius foret: etenim densissimis tenebris inuoluta mortalium mens, in quam late patentem errorem caecas precationes tuas spargis! diuitias adpetis, quae multis exitio fuerunt: honores concupiscis, qui conplures pessum dederunt: regna tecum ipsa uoluis, quorum exitus saepe numero miserabiles cernuntur: splendidis coniugiis inicis manus; at haec ut aliquando inlustrant, ita nonnumquam funditus domos euertunt. desine igitur stulta futuris malorum tuorum causis quasi felicissimis rebus inhiare teque totam caelestium arbitrio permitte, quia qui tribuere bona ex facili solent, etiam eligere aptissime possunt.

Socrates, as it were a terrestrial oraculum of human sapience, judged that nothing further ought to be sought from the immortal gods than that they grant goods, since they alone would finally know what to each individual would be utile, whereas we for the most part desire by our vota that which, had it not been obtained, would have been better: for the mortal mens, wrapped in the densest tenebrae, into which you scatter your blind precationes far and wide, — you seek divitias which have been ruin to many; you covet honores which have ruined very many; you desire regna for yourself, the exits of which are often seen miserable; you join hands in splendid coniugiis; and although these sometimes illustraunt, so too do they sometimes utterly overturn houses. Cease therefore, foolishly to gape at the future causes of your malorum as if they were most felicissimis rebus, and entrust yourself wholly to the arbitrio of the caelestium, for those who readily tribuere bona are also able most aptly to choose.

Idem expedita et conpendiaria uia eos ad gloriam peruenire dicebat, qui id agerent, ut, quales uideri uellent, tales etiam essent. qua quidem praedicatione aperte monebat ut homines ipsam potius uirtutem haurirent quam umbram eius consectarentur.

He likewise said that an expedient and compendiary way would bring to glory those who practised it, so that they would be such as they wished to be seen. By that very preaching he plainly warned that men should draw up the virtue itself rather than pursue its shadow.

Idem ab adulescentulo quodam consultus utrum uxorem duceret an se omni matrimonio abstineret, respondit, utrum eorum fecisset, acturum paenitentiam. 'hinc te' inquit 'solitudo, hinc orbitas, hinc generis interitus, hinc heres alienus excipiet, illinc perpetua sollicitudo, contextus querellarum, dotis exprobratio, adfinium graue supercilium, garrula socrus lingua, subsessor alieni matrimonii, incertus liberorum euentus'. non passus est iuuenem in contextu rerum asperarum quasi laetae materiae facere dilectum. Idem, cum Atheniensium scelerata dementia tristem de capite eius sententiam tulisset fortique animo et constanti uultu potionem ueneni e manu carnificis accepisset, admoto iam labris poculo, uxore Xanthippe inter fletum et lamentationem uociferante innocentem eum periturum, 'quid ergo?' inquit 'nocenti mihi mori satius esse duxisti?' inmensam illam sapientiam, quae ne in ipso quidem uitae excessu obliuisci sui potuit!

The same man, asked by a certain young man whether he should take a wife or abstain altogether from marriage, answered that whichever of the two he had done he would perform penance for. "From this," he said, "comes solitude, from this childlessness, from this the extinction of your line, from this a stranger heir will receive [your estate], from that perpetual solicitude, a web of complaints, the reproach of the dowry, the stern brow of relations by marriage, a garrulous mother‑in‑law with tongue, a subsessor of another's marriage, an uncertain outcome of children." He would not suffer the youth to make himself fond of marriage amid the texture of harsh affairs as if it were cheerful material. Likewise, when the wicked madness of the Athenians had borne a sad sentence upon his head, and with brave soul and steady countenance he had accepted the cup of poison from the hand of the executioner, the cup already brought to his lips, his wife Xanthippe crying out between tears and lamentation that the innocent man would perish, "what then?" he said, "did you consider it more fitting that I die guilty?" — that immense wisdom, which could not even at the very exit of life forget itself!

7.2.ext 2 Age quam prudenter Solo nem, dum adhuc uiueret, beatum dici debere arbitrabatur, quod ad ultimum usque fati diem ancipiti fortunae subiecti essemus. felicitatis igitur humanae appellationem rogus consummat, qui se incursui malorum obicit.

7.2.ext 2 Consider how prudently Solon judged that no one, while yet living, ought to be called blessed, since to the very last day of fate we are subject to twofold fortune. Therefore the funeral pyre consummates the name of human felicity, which exposes itself to the onslaught of evils.

Idem, cum ex amicis quendam grauiter maerentem uideret, in arcem perduxit hortatusque est ut per omnes subiectorum aedificiorum partes oculos circumferret. quod ut factum animaduertit, 'cogita nunc tecum' inquit 'quam multi luctus sub his tectis et olim fuerint et hodieque uersentur <et> insequentibus saeculis sint habitaturi ac mitte mortalium incommoda tamquam propria deflere'. qua consolatione demonstrauit urbes esse humanarum cladium consaepta miseranda. idem aiebat, si in unum locum cuncti mala sua contulissent, futurum ut propria deportare domum quam ex communi miseriarum aceruo portionem suam ferre mallent.

He likewise, when he saw one of his friends grieving deeply, led him up into the citadel and urged him to cast his eyes about over all the parts of the buildings below. When he perceived that this had been done, he said, 'consider now with yourself how many lamentations have been and are turned over under these roofs, and will be dwelling in the following ages; and cease to bewail the inconveniences of mortals as if they were your own.' By this consolation he showed the cities to be enmeshed in human calamities and pitiable. He was saying the same thing: if all had brought their evils together into one place, it would happen that they would prefer to remove their own house rather than to bear their portion from the common heap of miseries.

quo colligebat non oportere nos quae fortuito patiamur praecipuae et intolerabilis amaritudinis iudicare.

by which he gathered that it is not fitting for us to judge those things which we suffer fortuitously to be of chief and intolerable bitterness.

7.2.ext.3 Bias autem, cum patriam eius Prienen hostes inuasissent, omnibus, quos modo saeuitia belli incolumes abire passa fuerat, pretiosarum rerum pondere onustis fugientibus interrogatus quid ita nihil ex bonis suis secum ferret 'ego uero' inquit 'bona mea mecum porto': pectore enim illa gestabat, non humeris, nec oculis uisenda, sed aestimanda animo. quae domicilio mentis inclusa nec mortalium nec deorum manibus labefactari queunt, et ut manentibus praesto sunt, ita fugientes non deserunt.

7.2.ext.3 Bias, however, when the enemies had invaded his fatherland Priene, asked of all those whom the savagery of war had just suffered to depart unharmed, and who were fleeing laden with the weight of precious things, why they carried nothing of their goods with them. "I indeed," he said, "carry all my goods with me": for he bore them in his breast, not on his shoulders, nor to be seen by eyes, but to be valued by the mind. Those things, enclosed in the dwelling of the mind, can be shaken neither by the hands of mortals nor of gods, and as they are ready for those who remain, so they do not abandon those who flee.

7.2.ext.4 Iam Platonis uerbis adstricta, sed sensu praeualens sententia, qui tum demum beatum terrarum orbem futurum praedicauit, cum aut sapientes regnare aut reges sapere coepissent.

7.2.ext.4 Now bound to Plato’s words, but with a sense prevailing the opinion, who then at last foretold that the world‑circle of lands would be blessed, when either the wise should rule or kings should begin to be wise.

7.2.ext.5 Rex etiam ille subtilis iudicii, quem ferunt traditum sibi diadema prius quam capiti inponeret retentum diu considerasse ac dixisse 'o nobilem magis quam felicem pannum! quem, si quis penitus cognoscat quam multis sollicitudinibus et periculis et miseriis sit refertus, ne humi quidem iacentem tollere uelit'.

7.2.ext.5 That king likewise, subtle of judgment, whom they say, the diadem having been delivered to him before he set it upon his head, he long considered and said, 'O garment more noble than happy! whom, if anyone thoroughly knew how he is filled with so many anxieties and dangers and miseries, he would not wish even to lift from the ground.'

7.2.ext.6 Quid Xenocratis responsum, quam laudabile! cum maledico quorundam sermoni summo silentio interesset, uno ex his quaerente cur solus linguam suam cohiberet, 'quia dixisse me' inquit 'aliquando paenituit, tacuisse numquam'.

7.2.ext.6 What an admirable answer of Xenocrates! — when he, present to some men's slanderous talk with the utmost silence, and one of them asking why he alone restrained his tongue, "because I," he said, "have sometimes regretted having spoken, never having regretted having been silent."

7.2.ext.7 Aristophanis quoque altioris est prudentiae praeceptum, qui in comoedia introduxit remissum ab inferis ~ Atheniensium Periclen uaticinantem non oportere in urbe nutriri leonem, sin autem sit altus, obsequi ei conuenire: monet enim ut praecipuae nobilitatis et concitati ingenii iuuenes refrenentur, nimio uero fauore ac profusa indulgentia pasti quo minus potentiam obtineant ne inpediantur, quod stultum et inutile sit eas obtrectare uires, quas ipse foueris.

7.2.ext.7 The precept of Aristophanes is likewise of higher prudence, who in a comedy introduced the Pericles of the Athenians, sent back from the underworld — prophesying that a lion ought not to be nourished in the city; but if he be lofty, it is fitting to yield to him: for he counsels that youths of chief nobility and impetuous genius be restrained, lest, fed with excessive favour and profuse indulgence, they obtain power so that they do not impede, for it is foolish and useless to disparage those forces which you yourself have fostered.

7.2.ext.8 Mirifice etiam Thales: nam interrogatus an facta hominum deos fallerent 'ne cogitata ' inquit, ut non solum manus, sed etiam mentes puras habere uellemus, cum secretis cogitationibus nostris caeleste numen adesse credidissemus.

7.2.ext.8 Thales is wondrous also: for when asked whether men's deeds could deceive the gods he said, "not even thoughts," adding that we should desire to have not only pure hands but also pure minds, since we would have believed that the heavenly numen is present with our secret cogitations.

7.2.ext.9 Ac ne quod sequitur quidem minus sapiens. unicae filiae pater Themistoclen consulebat utrum eam pauperi, sed ornato, an locupleti parum probato conlocaret. cui is 'malo' inquit 'uirum pecunia quam pecuniam uiro indigentem'. quo dicto stultum monuit ut generum potius quam diuitias generi legeret.

7.2.ext.9 And lest what follows be any less wise. The father of an only daughter consulted Themistocles whether he should place her with a poor but well‑arrayed man, or with a wealthy man little approved. To whom he said, "I prefer a man with money to money with a needy man." By this saying he wisely warned that one should choose a son‑in‑law rather than choose wealth for the son‑in‑law.

7.2.ext.10 Age, Philippi quam probabilis epistola, in qua Alexandrum quorumdam Macedonum beniuolentiam largitione ad se adtrahere conatum sic increpuit: 'quae te, fili, ratio in hanc tam uanam spem induxit, ut eos tibi fideles futuros existimares, quos pecunia ad amorem tui conpulisses?' a caritate istud pater, ab usu Philippus, maiore ex parte mercator Graeciae quam uictor.

7.2.ext.10 Come now, how plausible is Philip’s epistle, in which he reproved Alexander for attempting by largesse to draw to himself the goodwill of certain Macedonians with these words: “what reason, my son, led you into so vain a hope, that you supposed those would be faithful to you whom by money you had compelled to love you?” That was said by the father out of affection; by experience Philip, for the greater part, was more a merchant of Greece than a victor.

7.2.ext.11 Aristoteles autem Callisthenen auditorem suum ad Alexandrum dimittens monuit cum eo aut quam rarissime aut quam iucundissime loqueretur, quo scilicet apud regias aures uel silentio tutior uel sermone esset acceptior. at ille, dum Alexandrum Persica Macedonem salutatione gaudentem obiurgat et ad Macedonicos mores inuitum reuocare beniuole perseuerat, spiritu carere iussus seram neglecti salubris consilii paenitentiam egit.

7.2.ext.11 Aristotle, however, sending Callisthenes his auditor to Alexander, advised that he should speak with him either as rarely as possible or as most pleasantly, so that, namely, before the royal ears he might be safer by silence or more acceptable by speech. But he, while he reproved Alexander the Macedonian, rejoicing in Persian salutation, and kindly persisted in recalling, though unwilling, to Macedonian mores, having been ordered to be deprived of breath, made a late repentance for the salutary counsel he had neglected.

Idem Aristoteles de semet ipsos in neutram partem loqui debere praedicabat, quoniam laudare se uani, uituperare stulti esset. eiusdem est utilissimum praeceptum ut uoluptates abeuntes consideremus. quas quidem sic ostendendo minuit: fessis enim paenitentiaeque plenis animis nostris subicit, quo minus cupide repetantur.

The same Aristotle taught that they should speak of themselves to neither side, since to praise oneself would be the vainglory of the vain, and to blame oneself the censure of the foolish. Of the same man is the most useful precept that we should consider pleasures as they depart. Which indeed, by showing them thus, he diminishes: for he sets them before our minds tired and full of penitence, so that they are sought again the less greedily.

7.2.ext.12 Nec parum prudenter Anaxagoras interroganti cuidam quisnam esset beatus 'nemo' inquit 'ex his, quos tu felices existimas, sed eum in illo numero reperies, qui a te ex miseris constare creditur'. non erit ille diuitiis et honoribus abundans, sed aut exigui ruris aut non ambitiosae doctrinae fidelis ac pertinax cultor, in recessu quam in fronte beatior'.

7.2.ext.12 And not unwisely Anaxagoras, when one asked who was blessed, replied, 'None of those whom you count fortunate, but you will find him in that number which you think to consist of the miserable.' He will not be abounding in riches and honors, but either a faithful and persistent cultivator of a small farm or a loyal and steadfast follower of an unambitious learning, more blessed in retirement than in the forefront.

7.2.ext.13 Demadis quoque dictum sapiens: nolentibus enim Atheniensibus diuinos honores Alexandro decernere 'uidete' inquit 'ne, dum caelum custoditis, terram amittatis'.

7.2.ext.13 Demadis quoque dictum sapiens: for when the Athenians were unwilling to decree divine honors to Alexander, 'see to it,' he said, 'lest, while you guard the heavens, you lose the earth.'

7.2.ext.14 Quam porro subtiliter Anacharsis leges araneorum telis conparabat! nam ut illas infirmiora animalia retinere, ualentiora transmittere, ita his humiles et pauperes constringi, diuites et praepotentes non alligari.

7.2.ext.14 How subtly moreover Anacharsis compared the laws of spiders to their webs! For as the weaker animals are held back by them and the stronger pass through, so with these the humble and poor are bound, the rich and over-powerful are not fastened.

7.2.ext.15 Nihil etiam Agesilai facto sapientius, siquidem, cum aduersus rem publicam Lacedaemoniorum conspirationem ortam noctu conperisset, leges Lycurgi continuo abrogauit, quae de indemnatis supplicium sumi uetabant: conprehensis autem et interfectis sontibus e uestigio restituit atque utrumque simul prouidit, ne salutaris animaduersio uel iniusta esset uel iure impediretur. itaque, ut semper esse possent, aliquando non fuerunt.

7.2.ext.15 Nothing was wiser even than what Agesilaus did, for when he had discovered by night a conspiracy arisen against the commonwealth of the Lacedaemonians, he immediately abrogated the Lycurgan laws which forbade that punishment be exacted of those not lawfully condemned: and having apprehended and slain the guilty on the spot he restored order and provided for both things at once, so that a salutary chastisement would be neither unjust nor hindered by law. And so, in order that they might always be, they were at times not.

7.2.ext.16 Sed nescio an Hannonis excellentissimae prudentiae consilium: Magone enim Cannensis pugnae exitum senatui Poenorum nuntiante inque tanti successus fidem anulos aureos trium modiorum mensuramexplentes fundente, qui interfectis nostris ciuibus detracti erant, quaesiuit an aliquis sociorum post tantam cladem a Romanis defecisset, atque ut audiuit neminem ad Hannibalem transisse, suasit protinus legati Romam, per quos de pace ageretur, mitterentur. cuius si sententia ualuisset, neque secundo Punico bello uicta Karthago neque tertio deleta foret.

7.2.ext.16 But I know not whether it was the counsel of Hanno’s most excellent prudentia: for when Mago, announcing to the senate of the Carthaginians the outcome of the battle of Cannae, and pouring out gold rings filling measures of three modii, which had been stripped from our slain citizens, inquired whether any of the allies after so great a calamity had defected to the Romans; and when he heard that no one had gone over to Hannibal, he at once advised that legates be sent to Rome, through whom a peace might be negotiated. If his opinion had prevailed, Carthage would neither have been conquered in the Second Punic War nor destroyed in the Third.

7.2.ext.17 Ne Samnites quidem paruas poenas consimilis erroris pependerunt, quod Herenni Ponti salutare consilium neglexerant. qui auctoritate et prudentia ceteros praestans ab exercitu et duce eius filio suo consultus quidnam fieri de legionibus Romanis apud furcas Caudinas inclusis deberet, inuiolatas dimittendas respondit. postero die eadem de re interrogatus deleri eas oportere dixit, ut aut maximo beneficio gratia hostium emeretur aut grauissima iactura uires confringerentur.

7.2.ext.17 Not even the Samnites paid small penalties for a similar error, since they had neglected the salutary counsel of Herennius Pontius. He, surpassing the others in authority and prudence, when consulted by the army and by its commander’s son what should be done about the Roman legions shut up at the Caudine Forks, replied that they should be sent away inviolate. The next day, asked the same question about the matter, he said they ought to be destroyed, so that either by the greatest favor they might be bought by the grace of the enemies, or by very grievous loss their forces would be broken.

sed inprouida temeritas uictorum, dum utramque partem spernit utilitatis, sub iugum missas in perniciem suam accendit.

But the heedless rashness of the vanquished, while it spurns every consideration of advantage, kindles into its own ruin those sent under the yoke.

7.2.ext.18 Multis et magnis sapientiae exemplis paruulum adiciam. Cretes, cum acerbissima execratione aduersus eos, quos uehementer oderunt, uti uolunt, ut mala consuetudine delectentur optant modestoque uoti genere efficacissimum ultionis euentum reperiunt: inutiliter enim aliquid concupiscere et in eo perseueranter morari, exitio ea uicina dulcedo est.

7.2.ext.18 I will add a small instance to many and great examples of wisdom. The Cretans, when with the most bitter execration against those whom they intensely hate they wish to deal with them as they please, choose that they be delighted by a bad custom and find in a modest sort of vow the most efficacious event of vengeance: for to desire something vainly and to persist obstinately in it, that very sweetness is near to destruction.

7.3.init. Est aliud factorum dictorumque genus, a sapientia proximo deflexu ad uafriae nomen progressum, quod, nisi fallacia uires adsumpsit, finem propositi non inuenit laudemque occulto magis tramite quam aperta uia petit.

7.3.init. There is another kind of deeds and sayings, having deviated from wisdom by a near turn toward the name of craftiness, which, unless deceit has assumed strength, does not attain the goal of its purpose and seeks praise more by a hidden path than by an open way.

7.3.1 Seruio Tullio regnante cuidam patri familiae in agro Sabino praecipuae magnitudinis et eximiae formae uacca nata est. quam oraculorum certissimi auctores in hoc a dis inmortalibus editam responderunt, ut quisquis eam Auentinensi Dianae immolas set, eius patria totius terrarum orbis imperium obtineret. laetus eo dominus bouem summa cum festinatione Romam actam in Auentino ante aram Dianae constituit, sacrificio Sabinis regimen humani generis daturus.

7.3.1 In the reign of Servius Tullius a certain paterfamilias in a Sabine field had a cow of singular size and exceptional beauty born. The most trustworthy authors of oracles answered that in this matter she had been sent by the immortal gods, that whoever should sacrifice her to Diana of the Aventine, for his fatherland would obtain the dominion of the whole world. Joyful at this the master, with the ox driven to Rome with the greatest haste, set it up on the Aventine before the altar of Diana, about to give by the sacrifice to the Sabines the rule of the human race.

de qua re antistes templi certior factus religionem hospiti intulit, ne prius uictimam caederet quam proximi am<nis se a>qua abluisset, eoque alueum Tiberis petente uaccam ipse immolauit et urbem nostram tot ciuitatium, tot gentium dominam pio sacrificii furto reddidit.

Concerning this matter, the priest of the temple, being made more certain, showed reverence to the guest, lest he cut down the victim before the nearest river had washed itself with water; and with the Tiber seeking its channel he himself sacrificed the cow, and by that pious theft of the sacrifice restored our city as mistress of so many cities and so many nations.

7.3.2 Quo in genere acuminis in primis Iunius Brutus referendus est: nam cum a rege Tarquinio auunculo suo omnem nobilitatis indolem excerpi interque ceteros etiam fratrem suum, quod uegetioris ingenii erat, interfectum animaduerteret, obtunsi se cordis esse simulauit eaque fallacia maximas uirtutes suas texit. profectus etiam Delphos cum Tarquinii filiis, quos is ad Apollinem Pythium muneribus sacrificiis honorandum miserat, aurum deo nomine doni clam cauato baculo inclusum tulit, quia timebat ne sibi caeleste numen aperta liberalitate uenerari tutum non esset. peractis deinde mandatis patris Apollinem iuuenes consuluerunt quisnam ex ipsis Romae regnaturus uideretur.

7.3.2 In this sort of keenness Junius Brutus must foremost be mentioned: for when he perceived that from King Tarquin, his grandfather, every excellence of the nobility was being plucked out and among the rest even his brother, who was of more vigorous genius, had been slain, he feigned that his heart was blunted and with that fraud covered his greatest virtues. Having also set out to Delphi with the sons of Tarquin, whom the king had sent to Apollo Pythius to be honored with gifts and sacrifices, he secretly carried gold, included in a hollow staff, in the name of a gift to the god, because he feared that to worship the heavenly numen with open liberality would not be safe. When their father's commands had been fulfilled, the young men consulted Apollo as to which of them seemed destined to reign at Rome.

at is penes eum summam urbis nostrae potestatem futuram respondit, qui ante omnes matri osculum dedisset. tum Brutus perinde atque casu prolapsus de industria se abiecit terramque communem omnium matrem existimans osculatus est. quod tam uafre Telluri inpressum osculum urbi libertatem, Bruto primum in fastis locum tribuit.

But he answered that the supreme power of our city would be in his hands, he who had first given a kiss to his mother before all. Then Brutus, as if by chance fallen but in fact on purpose flinging himself down, thinking the earth the common mother of all, kissed her. Because that kiss so cleverly impressed liberty upon the Earth for the city, it first assigned Brutus a place in the fasti.

7.3.3 Scipio quoque superior praesidium calliditatis amplexus est: ex Sicilia enim petens Africam, cum e fortissimis peditibus Romanis trecentorum equitum numerum conplere uellet neque tam subito eos posset instruere, quod temporis angustiae negabant sagacitate consilii adsecutus est: namque ex his iuuenibus, quos secum tota Sicilia nobilissimos et diuitissimos sed inermes habebat, trecentos speciosa arma et electos equos quam celerrime expedire iussit uelut eos continuo secum ad oppugnandam Karthaginem auecturus. qui cum imperio ut celeriter, ita longinqui et periculosi belli respectu sollicitis animis paruissent, remittere Scipio illam expeditionem, si arma et equos militibus suis tradere uoluissent, edixit. rapuit condicionem inbellis ac timida iuuentus instrumentoque suo cupidenostris cessit.

7.3.3 Scipio likewise embraced a superior praesidium of craft: for seeking Africa from Sicily, since he wished to fill up the number of three hundred horse from the most brave Roman footsoldiers and could not so suddenly equip them, because the narrowness of time denied it, he attained his end by the sagacity of his plan; for from those young men whom he had with him throughout Sicily—most noble and very wealthy, but unarmed—he ordered three hundred handsome arms and chosen horses to be made ready as quickly as possible, as if he were about immediately to carry them off with him for the assault of Carthage. And when, to command, they had appeared both prompt and anxious with regard to a distant and dangerous war, Scipio declared that he would defer that expedition to if they would consent to hand over their arms and horses to his soldiers. The unwarlike and timorous youth seized upon the condition and yielded their equipment to our men eager for it.

ergo calliditas ducis prouidit ut ~ si quod protinus imperaretur, grato prius, deinde remisso militiae metu maximum beneficium fieret.

therefore the leader’s callidity provided that ~ if anything were to be ordered immediately, it would be first welcome, and then, the fear of military service having been relaxed, would become the greatest beneficium (benefit/favor).

7.3.4 Quod sequitur ~ narrandum est. Q. Fabius Labeo, arbiter a senatu finium constituendorum inter Nolanos ac Neapolitanos datus, cum in rem praesentem uenisset, utrosque separatim monuit ut omissa cupiditate regredi ~ modo controuersia quam progredi mallent. idque cum utraque pars auctoritate uiri mota fecisset, aliquantum in medio uacui agri relictum est.

7.3.4 What follows must be related. Q. Fabius Labeo, appointed by the senate as arbiter for establishing the boundaries between the Nolans and the Neapolitans, when he came to the present matter, admonished each party separately to withdraw, their greed being laid aside — provided they preferred retreat to advancing the controversy. And since each side, moved by the authority of the man, had done this, somewhat of the vacant land in the middle was left.

constitutis deinde finibus, ut ipsi terminauerant, quidquid reliqui soli fuit populo Romano adiudicauit. ceterum etsi circumuenti Nolani ac Neapolitani queri nihil potuerunt secundum ipsorum demonstrationem dicta sententia, improbo tamen praestigiarum genere nouum ciuitati nostrae uectigal accessit. eundem ferunt, cum a rege Antiocho, quem bello superauerat, ex foedere icto dimidiam partem nauium accipere deberet, medias omnes secuisse, ut eum tota classe priuaret.

then, the boundaries having been established as they themselves had fixed, he adjudicated to the Roman people whatever remainder of the soil remained. moreover, although the Nolaeans and Neapolitans, being surrounded, could not in fact complain according to their own showing of the said judgment, nevertheless by a wicked kind of prestidigitation a new tax (vectigal) was laid upon our city. they report the same man, when from King Antiochus, whom he had overcome in war, by the treaty struck he ought to have received half the complement of ships, to have cut away all the middles, so as to deprive him of the entire fleet.

7.3.5 Nam M. Antonio remittendum conuicium est, qui idcirco se aiebat nullam orationem scripsisse, ut, si quid superiore iudicio actum , quem postea defensurus esset, nociturum foret, non dictum a se adfirmare posset, quia facti uix pudentis causam tolerabilem habuit: pro periclitantium enim capite non solum eloquentia sua uti, sed etiam uerecundia abuti erat paratus.

7.3.5 For the reproach must be forgiven to M. Antonio, who therefore said that he had written no oration, so that if anything had been done in the earlier trial to him whom he would afterward defend, it would be harmful, and he could not affirm that it had been spoken by him, because the deed had scarcely a cause tolerable to one ashamed: for on behalf of those in peril he was prepared not only to employ his eloquence but even to abuse his modesty.

7.3.6 Sertorius uero corporis robore atque animi consilio parem naturae indulgentiam expertus, proscriptione Sullana dux Lusitanorum fieri coactus, cum eos oratione flectere non posset ne cum Romanis uniuersa acie confligere uellent, uafro consilio ad suam sententiam perduxit: duos enim in conspectu eorum constituit equos, ualidissimum alterum, infirmissimum, ac deinde ualidi caudam ab inbecillo sene paulatim carpi, infirmi a iuuene eximiarum uirium uniuersam conuelli iussit. obtemperatum imperio est. sed dum adulescentis dextera inrito se labore fatigat, senio confecta manus ministerium exsecuta est.

7.3.6 Sertorius, however, having experienced a lenity of nature equal to the strength of his body and the counsel of his mind, and, driven by Sullan proscription into becoming leader of the Lusitanians, since he could not bend them by oratory when they wished to clash with the Romans in full battle-array, by a crafty stratagem brought them to his judgment: for he placed before their sight two horses, one very strong, very weak, and then commanded that the tail of the strong be gradually plucked off by a feeble old man, and that the whole tail of the weak be torn away by a young man of exceptional strength. The order was obeyed. But while the youth’s right hand wasted itself in vain toil, the hands worn out by old age executed the service.

tunc barbarae contioni quorsum ea res tenderet cognoscere cupienti subicit equi caudae consimilem esse nostrum exercitum, cuius partes aliquis adgrediens opprimere possit, uniuersum conatus prosternere celerius tradiderit uictoriam quam occupauerit. ita gens barbara, aspera et regi difficilis, in exitium suum ruens, quam utilitatem auribus respuerat, oculis peruidit.

then, to the barbarian assembly, desirous to learn to what end this matter tended, he proposed that our army was like a horse’s tail, the parts of which, if any one man attacking could overpower, the victor would more quickly have bestowed victory by prostrating the whole endeavour than by occupying it. Thus the barbarian gens, harsh and difficult for a king, rushing into its ruin, the benefit which with their ears they had spurned they perceived with their eyes.

7.3.7 Fabius autem Maximus, cui non dimicare uincere fuit, cum praecipuae fortitudinis Nolanum peditem dubia fide suspectum et strenuae operae Lucanum equitem amore scorti deperditum in castris haberet, ut utroque potius bono milite uteretur quam in utrumque animaduerteret, alteri suspicionem suam dissimulauit, in altero disciplinam paululum a recto tenore deflexit: namque illum plene pro tribunali laudando omnique genere honoris prosequendo animum suum a Poenis ad Romanos coegit reuocare, et hunc clam meretricem redimere passus paratissimum pro nobis excursorem reddidit.

7.3.7 Fabius autem Maximus, for whom victory without fighting was preferable, since he had in the camp Nola, an infantryman of conspicuous bravery suspected by doubtful fidelity, and Lucanus, a horseman ruined by love of a courtesan and by heated exertion, so that he might use each as a good soldier rather than chastise both, concealed his suspicion in one and diverted discipline a little from its right course in the other: for by lauding that one fully before the tribunal and following him with every kind of honor he forced his mind to turn from the Poeni to the Romans, and secretly permitting the other to buy off his mistress he made him, most ready, a raider for our service.

7.3.8 Veniam nunc ad eos, quibus salus astutia quaesita est. M. Volusius aedilis pl. proscriptus adsumpto Isiaci habitu per itinera uiasque publicas stipem petens quisnam re uera esset occurrentis dinoscere passus non est eoque fallaciae genere tectus in M. Bruti castra peruenit. quid illa necessitate miserius, quae magistratum populi Romani abiecto honoris praetexto alienigenae religionis obscuratum insignibus per urbem iussit incedere!

7.3.8 Now I come to those for whom safety was sought by astuteness. M. Volusius, plebeian aedile, proscribed, having taken on the garb of an Isiac and seeking alms along roads and public streets, did not allow himself to learn who, in truth, the passerby was, and being thus veiled by that sort of deceit he reached the camp of M. Brutus. What is more miserable than that necessity which, the magistracy of the Roman people with its praetexta of honor cast aside, ordered the insignia of a foreign religion to march through the city!

o nimis aut hi suae uitae aut illi alienae mortis cupidi, qui talia uel ipsi sustinuerunt uel alios perpeti coegerunt!

o overly eager either for their own life or for another's death, those who either themselves endured such things or compelled others to endure them!

7.3.9 Aliquanto speciosius Sentii Saturnini Vetulonis in eodem genere casus ultimae sortis auxilium. qui, cum a triumuiris inter proscriptos nomen suum propositum audisset, continuo praeturae insignia inuasit praecedentibusque in modum lictorum et apparito rum et seruorum publicorum subornatis uehicula conprehendit, hospitia occupauit, obuios summouit ac tam audaci usurpatione imperii in maxima luce densissimas hostilibus oculis tenebras offudit. idem, ut Puteolos uenit, perinde ac publicum ministerium agens summa cum licentia correptis nauibus in Siciliam, certissimum tunc proscriptorum perfugium, penetrauit.

7.3.9 A somewhat more ostentatious aid in the same sort of final fate came from Sentius Saturninus Vetulones. He, when he had heard his name proposed among the proscribed by the triumviri, immediately put on the insignia of the praetorship and, with lictor-like attendants and apparitors and public slaves arrayed, seized vehicles; he occupied lodging-houses, removed those who opposed him, and by so bold a usurpation of imperium in broad daylight cast the densest darkness before hostile eyes. The same man, when he came to Puteoli, as if exercising a public ministry, with the greatest license seized ships and made his way into Sicily, at that time the most certain refuge of the proscribed.

7.3.10 His uno adiecto leuioris notae exemplo ad externa reuertar. amantissimus quidam filii, cum eum inconcessis ac periculosis facibus accensum ab insana cupiditate [pater] inhibere uellet, salubri consilio patriam indulgentiam temperauit: petiit enim ut prius quam ad eam, quam diligebat, iret uulgari et permissa uenere uteretur. cuius precibus obsecutus adulescens infelicis animi impetum satietate licentis concubitus resolutum ad id, quod non licebat, tardiorem pigrioremque adferens paulatim deposuit.

7.3.10 With this one lighter-kind example added I return to external matters. A certain father, most affectionate toward his son, who wished to curb him — inflamed by insane desire with illicit and perilous torches — by wholesome counsel tempered paternal indulgence: for he requested that, before he went to that woman whom he loved, he should first make use of common and permitted venery. The youth, obedient to these entreaties, his unhappy mind’s assault relaxed by the satiety of licentious intercourse, gradually laid aside that which was not permitted, bringing to it a slower and more reluctant disposition.

7.3.ext.1 Cum Alexander Macedonum rex sorte monitus ut eum, qui sibi porta egresso primus occurrisset, interfici iuberet, asinarium forte omnis obuiam factum ad mortem abripi imperasset, eoque quaerente quidnam se immerentem capitali supplicio innocentemque addiceret, cum ad excusandum factum suum oraculi praeceptum retulisset, asinarius, 'si ita est' inquit, 'rex, alium sors huic morti destinauit: nam asellus, quem ego ante me agebam, prior tibi occurrit'. delectatus Alexander et illius tam callido dicto et quod ipse ab errore reuocatus erat, occasionem in aliquanto uiliore animali expiandae religionis rapuit. summa in hoc ~ mansuetudo, in alterius regis equisone calliditas.

7.3.ext.1 When Alexander, king of the Macedonians, was by lot warned to order slain whoever should first meet him as he went out of the gate, by chance an ass-driver, having put his ass before everyone, had been snatched off to death; and when Alexander, asking why he had assigned capital punishment to one undeserving and innocent, was answered that the man was acting on the oracle’s command, the ass-driver said, "If that is so, king, another lot has been destined for this death: for the little ass which I was leading before me met you first." Alexander, delighted both by that so crafty saying and by the fact that he himself had been recalled from error, seized the occasion to expiate the offended observance by a somewhat cheaper animal. The sum of this: gentleness in him, craftiness in the other king’s horseman.

7.3.ext.2 Sordida magorum dominatione oppressa Darius sex adiutoribus eiusdem dignitatis adsumptis pactum cum praeclari operis consortibus fecit ut equis insidentes solis ortu cursum in quendam locum dirigerent, isque regno potiretur, cuius equus in eo primus hinnisset. ceterum maximae mercedis con petitoribus fortunae beneficium expectantibus solus acumine equisonis sui Oebaris prosperum exoptatae rei effectum adsecutus est, qui in equae genitalem partem demissam manum, cum ad eum locum uentum esset, naribus equi admouit. quo odore inritatus ante omnes hinnitum edidit, auditoque eo sex reliqui summae potestatis candidati continuo equis delapsi, ut est mos Persarum, humi prostratis corporibus Darium regem salutauerunt.

7.3.ext.2 Oppressed by the sordid domination of the magi, Darius, having taken six assistants of equal dignity, made a pact with the companions of the illustrious enterprise that, riding on horses at the sunrise, they should direct their course to a certain place, and he would seize the kingdom whose horse had neigh‑ed there first. But while the competitors for the great reward awaited fortune’s favor, only Oebaris, by the acumen of his horseman, attained the prosperous result of the desired affair: he let his hand down to the mare’s genital part and, when they had come to that place, applied it to the horse’s nostrils. Incited by that scent it neighed before all, and when this was heard the six remaining candidates, having straightaway slipped down from their horses, as is the custom of the Persians, with their bodies prostrate on the ground, greeted King Darius.

quan tum imperium quam paruo interceptum est uaframento!

How, then, was the empire so smallly intercepted by craftiness!

7.3.ext.3 Bias autem, cuius sapientia diuturnior inter homines est quam patria Priene fuit, si quidem haec etiam nunc spirat, illius perinde atque extinctae uestigia tantum modo extant, ita aiebat oportere homines in usu amicitiae uersari, ut meminissent eam ad grauissimas inimicitias posse conuerti. quod quidem praeceptum prima specie nimis fortasse callidum uideatur inimicumque simplicitati, qua praecipue familiaritas gaudet, sed si ~ altior initamini cogitatio demissa fuerit, perquam utile reperietur.

7.3.ext.3 Bias, however, whose wisdom endured among men longer than his native Priene did — if indeed that city even now breathes; the traces of it remain only as if extinct — used to say that men ought to be engaged in the practice of friendship, so as to remember that it can be turned into most grievous enmities. This precept, at first sight, may perhaps seem overly crafty and hostile to simplicity, in which familiarity especially delights, but if a ~ deeper cogitation be put aside, it will be found exceedingly useful.

7.3.ext.4 Lampsacenae urbis uero salus unius uaframenti beneficio constitit: nam cum ad excidium eius summo studio Alexander ferretur progressumque extra moenia Anaximenen praeceptorem suum uidisset, quia manifestum erat futurum ut preces suas irae eius opponeret, non facturum se quod petisset iurauit. tunc Anaximenes 'peto' inquit 'ut Lampsacum diruas'. haec uelocitas sagacitatis oppidum uetusta nobilitate inclytum exitio, cui destinatum erat, subtraxit.

7.3.ext.4 The Lampsacene city's safety, however, was secured by the benefit of a single stratagem: for when Alexander was being carried with the utmost eagerness to its destruction and, having seen his tutor Anaximenes beyond the walls, it was manifest that his prayers would be opposed by his anger, he swore that he would not do what was requested. Then Anaximenes said, "I ask that you destroy Lampsacus." This swiftness of sagacity rescued the town, famed for ancient nobility, from the ruin to which it had been destined.

7.3.ext.5 Demosthenis quoque astutia mirifice cuidam aniculae succursum est, quae pecuniam depositi nomine a duobus hospitibus acceperat ea condicione, ut illam simul utrisque redderet. quorum alter interiecto tempore tamquam mortuo socio squalore obsitus deceptae omnis nummos abstulit. superuenit deinde alter et depositum petere coepit.

7.3.ext.5 By Demosthenes' astuteness likewise there came wonderful succor to a certain old woman, who had received money as a deposit from two guests on the condition that she should return it to both at the same time. One of them, after time had intervened, pretending his partner dead and squalid, stole from the deceived woman all the coins. Then the other came and began to demand the deposit.

haerebat misera et in maxima pariter et pecuniae et defensionis penuria iam[que] de laqueo et suspendio cogitabat: sed opportune Demosthenes ei patronus adfulsit. qui, ut <in> aduocationem uenit, 'mulier' inquit 'parata est depositi se fide soluere, sed nisi socium adduxeris, id facere non potest, quoniam, ut ipse uociferaris, haec dicta est lex, ne pecunia alteri sine altero numeraretur'.

the wretched woman was stuck, alike in the greatest want both of money and of defence, and already was thinking of the noose and of hanging; but opportunely Demosthenes appeared to her as patron. who, when he came to the summons, said, 'mulier, the depositor is ready to release the deposit on his faith, but unless you bring a partner he cannot do that, because, as you yourself cry out, this law has been declared, that money should not be reckoned to one without the other.'

7.3.ext.6 Ac ne illud quidem parum prudenter. qui Athenis uniuerso populo inuisus causam apud eum capitali crimine dicturus maximum honorem subito petere coepit, non quod speraret se illum consequi posse, sed ut haberent homines ubi procursum irae, qui acerrimus esse solet, effunderent. neque eum haec tam callida consilii ratio fefellit: comitiis enim clamore infesto et crebris totius contionis sibilis uexatus, nota etiam denegati honoris perstrictus, eiusdem plebis paulo post in discrimine uitae clementissima suffragia expertus est.

7.3.ext.6 And not even that was lacking in prudence. A certain man, hated by the whole people at Athens, about to plead his cause before him on a capital charge, suddenly began to seek the highest honor — not because he hoped to attain it, but so that men would have a place in which to pour forth their anger, which is wont to be most fierce. Nor did this so crafty device deceive him: for at the assembly, vexed by hostile shouting and by the frequent hissing of the whole crowd, and also struck by the notoriety of the denied honor, he shortly thereafter received from that same people the most merciful votes in the crisis of life.

quod si adhuc ei ultionem sitienti capitis sui periculum obiecisset, nullam partem defensionis odio obseratae aures reciperent.

but if even then the peril to his head had presented itself to one thirsting for vengeance, ears sealed by hatred would receive no part of a defense.

7.3.ext.7 Huic uaframento consimilis illa calliditas [su periori]. Hannibal a Duilio consule nauali proelio uictus timensque classis amissae poenas dare, offensam astutia m auertit: nam ex illa infelici pugna prius quam cladis nuntius domum perueniret quendam ex amicis conpositum et formatum Karthaginem misit. qui, postquam ciuitatis eius curiam intrauit, 'consulit uos' inquit 'Hannibal, cum dux Romanorum magnas secum maritimas trahens copias aduenerit, an cum eo confligere debeat'. adclamauit uniuersus senatus non esse dubium quin oporteret. tum ille 'conflixit' inquit 'et superatus est'. ita liberum his non reliquit id factum damnare, quod ipsi fieri debuisse iudicauerant.

7.3.ext.7 That cunning, like to this stratagem [to its superior]. Hannibal, having been defeated in a naval engagement by the consul Duilius and fearing to pay the penalties of the lost fleet, diverted the offence by a wondrous craft: for from that unlucky battle, before the news of the disaster could reach home, he sent to Carthage a certain friend, composed and made ready. Who, after he had entered the curia of his state, said, 'consulit vos' — Hannibal asks you whether, when the Roman general arrived leading great maritime forces with him, you ought to contend with him or not. The whole senate shouted that there was no doubt that they ought to. Then that man said, 'conflixit' — he engaged and was overcome. Thus he left them no freedom to condemn that action which they themselves had judged ought to have been done.

7.3.ext.8 Item Hannibal Fabium Maximum inuictam armorum suorum uim saluberrimis cunctationibus pugnae ludificantem, ut aliqua suspicione trahendi belli respergeret, totius Italiae agros ferro atque igni uastando unius eius fundum inmunem ab hoc iniuriae genere reliquit. profecisset aliquid tanti beneficii insidiosa adumbratio eius, nisi Romanae urbi et Fabii pietas et Hannibalis uafri mores fuissent notissimi.

7.3.ext.8 Likewise Hannibal, making a jest of Fabius Maximus’ unconquered strength of arms by the most salutary delays of battle, so as to cast some suspicion on a dragging out of the war, devastated the fields of all Italy with fire and sword, yet left one farm of his immune from this sort of injury. An insidious shadowing of so great a kindness would have availed somewhat, had not the piety of the Roman city and of Fabius, and the crafty ways of Hannibal, been most well known.

7.3.ext.9 Tusculanis etiam acumine consilii incolumitas parta est: cum enim crebris rebellationibus meruissent ut eorum urbem funditus Romani euertere uellent, atque ad id exequendum Furius Camillus maximus dux ualidissimo instructus exercitu uenisset, uniuersi ei togati obuiam processerunt commeatusque et cetera pacis munia benignissime praestiterunt. armatum etiam intrare moenia passi sunt nec uultu nec habitu mutato. qua constantia tranquillitatis non solum ad amicitiae nostrae ius, sed etiam ad communionem ciuitatis usque penetrarunt, sagaci hercule usi simplicitate, quoniam aptius esse intellexerant metum officiis dissimulare quam armis protegere.

7.3.ext.9 To the Tusculans also safety was won by the acumen of counsel: for since by frequent rebellions they had merited that the Romans would wish to overthrow their city utterly, and to carry this out Furius Camillus Maximus, a leader furnished with a very powerful army, had come, all the togaed citizens went forth to meet him and most kindly furnished provisions and other gifts of peace. They even suffered armed men to enter the walls, neither changing countenance nor bearing. By that constancy of tranquillity they penetrated not only to the right of our friendship but even into the communion of citizenship, having used, by Hercules, a sagacious simplicity, since they had perceived that it is more fitting to disguise fear by services than to defend it by arms.

7.3.ext.10 At Volscorum ducis Tulli execrabile consilium. qui ad bellum inferendum Romanis maxima cupiditate accensus, cum aliquot aduersis proeliis contusos animos suorum et ob id paci proniores animaduerteret, insidiosa ratione quo uolebat conpulit: nam cum spectandorum ludorum gratia magna Volscorum multitudo Romam conuenisset, consulibus dixit uehementer se timere ne quid hostile subito molirentur monuitque ut essent cautiores et protinus ipse urbe egressus est. quam rem consules ad senatum detulerunt.

7.3.ext.10 But the execrable plot of the Volscian leader Tullus. He, inflamed with the greatest cupiditas to wage war on the Romans, when he observed that by several adverse battles the spirits of his men had been bruised and therefore more inclined to peace, forced them by a treacherous stratagem to what he wished: for when a great multitude of Volscians had assembled at Rome for the sake of the spectacles to be seen, he told the consuls vehemently that he feared lest they should suddenly devise some hostile deed, and admonished that they be more cautious, and at once he himself departed from the city. This matter the consuls reported to the senate.

qui, tametsi nulla suspicio suberat, auctoritate tamen Tulli commotus ut ante noctem Volsci abirent decreuit. qua contumelia inritati facile inpelli potuerunt ad rebellandum. ita mendacium uersuti ducis simulatione beniuolentiae inuolutum duos simul populos fefellit, Romanum, ut insontes notaret, Volscum, ut deceptis irasceretur.

who, although no suspicion lay beneath, yet moved by the authority of Tullus, decreed that the Volsci should depart before night. By this affront, being provoked, they could easily be driven to rebellion. Thus the falsehood, wrapped in the crafty duke’s simulation of benevolence, deceived two peoples at once: the Roman, so as to mark them innocent; the Volscian, so that, having been deceived, he would be angry.

7.4.init. Illa uero pars calliditatis egregia et ab omni reprehensione procul remota, cuius opera, quia appellatione * uix apte exprimi possunt, Graeca pronuntiatione strategemata dicantur.

7.4.init. That part, moreover, of singular craftiness and far removed from all reproach, whose works, because they can scarcely be aptly expressed by the appellation *, are called strategemata in Greek pronunciation.

7.4.1 ~ Omnibus militaribus copiis Tullus Hostilius Fidenas adgressus, quae surgentis imperii nostri incunabula crebris rebellationibus torpere passae non sunt finitimisque tropaeis ac triumphis alitam uirtutem eius spes suas ulterius promouere docuerunt, Mettius Fufetius dux Albanorum dubiam et suspectam semper societatis suae fidem repente in ipsa acie detexit: deserto enim Romani exercitus latere in proximo colle consedit, pro adiutore speculator pugnae futurus, ut aut uictis insultaret aut uictores fessos adgrederetur. non erat dubium quin ea res militum nostrorum animos debilitatura esset, cum eodem tempore et hostes confligere et auxilia deficere cernerent. itaque ne id fieret Tullus prouidit: concitato enim equo omnes pugnantium globos percucurrit praedicans suo iussu secessisse Mettium eumque, cum ipse signum dedisset, inuasurum Fidenatium terga.

7.4.1 ~ With all the military forces Tullus Hostilius attacked Fidenæ, which, having not been stilled by the frequent rebellions in the infancy of our rising empire and having borne a virtue nourished by neighboring trophies and triumphs, taught their hopes to push further; Mettius Fufetius, leader of the Albans, suddenly revealed the doubtful and ever-suspect fidelity of his alliance right on the very line of battle: for the Roman army, having withdrawn, took its post hidden on a nearby hill, to be a watcher of the fight as it were an auxiliary, so that he might either insult the conquered or fall upon the victors when weary. There was no doubt that this would weaken the spirit of our soldiers, since at the same time they would see both the enemies to be fought and the promised aids failing. Therefore Tullus provided that this should not happen: he rode through all the ranks of those fighting on a roused horse, proclaiming by his command that Mettius had withdrawn and that when he himself gave the signal Mettius would attack the backs of the Fidenates.

quo imperatoriae artis consilio metum fiducia mutauit proque trepidatione alacritate suorum pectora repleuit.

by which, by the counsel of imperatorial art, he changed fear into confidence and, instead of trepidation, filled the breasts of his men with alacrity.

7.4.2 Et ne continuo a nostris regibus recedam, Sextus Tarquinius Tarquini filius indigne ferens, quod patris uiribus expugnari Gabii nequirent, ualentiorem armis excogitauit rationem, qua interceptum illud oppidum Romano imperio adiceret: subito namque se ad Gabinos contulit tamquam parentis saeuitiam et uerbera, quae uoluntate sua perpessus erat, fugiens, ac paulatim unius cuiusque fictis et compositis blanditiis adliciendo beniuolentiam, ut apud omnes plurimum posset consecutus, familiarem suum ad patrem misit indicaturum quemadmodum cuncta in sua manu haberet et quaesiturum quidnam fieri uellet. iuuenili calliditati senilis astutia respondit, si quidem re eximie delectatus Tarquinius, fidei autem nuntii parum nihil respondit, sed seducto eo in hortum maxima et altissima papauerum capita baculo decussit. cognito adulescens silentio simul ac patris facto causam alterius, argumentum peruidit nec ignorauit praecipi sibi ut excellentissimum quemque Gabinorum aut exilio summoueret aut morte consumeret.

7.4.2 And lest I move away continuously from our kings: Sextus Tarquinius, son of Tarquin, bearing it indignantly that Gabii could not be taken by his father's strength, devised by craft a mightier means by arms, whereby that intercepted town might be added to Roman dominion: for suddenly he betook himself to the Gabians as if fleeing his father's cruelty and the blows which he had suffered by his own will, and gradually, by flattering each man with feigned and composed blandishments, he won goodwill so much that he might obtain most from all, and he sent his intimate to his father to report how he held all things in his hand and to ask what he wished done. Juvenile craft met with senile cunning; for, if indeed Tarquin was exceedingly delighted by the thing but little <> the faith of the messenger, he made no answer; however, having led him into the garden, he broke with a staff the very tall and great heads of the poppies. The young man, understanding by the silence and by his father's deed the cause of the <>, saw the argument at once and did not fail to be instructed to remove for him every most excellent of the Gabians either by exile or by death.

ergo spoliatam bonis propugnatoribus ciuitatem tantum non uinctis manibus ei tradidit.

Therefore he delivered the city, stripped of its goods, into his hands, the defenders’ hands all but bound.

7.4.3 Illud quoque maioribus et consilio prudenter et exitu feliciter prouisum: cum enim urbe capta Galli Capitolium obsiderent solamque potiendi eius spem in fame eorum repositam animaduerterent, perquam callido genere consilii unico perseuerantiae inritamento uictores spoliauerunt: panes enim iacere conpluribus e locis coeperunt. quo spectaculo obstupefactos infinitamque frumenti abundantiam nostris superesse credentes ad pactionem omittendae obsidionis conpulerunt. misertus est tunc profecto Iuppiter Romanae uirtutis, praesidium ab astutia mutuantis, cum summa alimentorum inopia proici praesidia inopiae cerneret.

7.4.3 That also was foreseen for our ancestors both by prudent counsel and with a fortunate outcome: for when, the city having been taken, the Gauls besieged the Capitol and perceived that their sole hope of gaining it was placed upon the Romans’ famine, the victors, having employed a very crafty kind of Roman counsel and with the single bait of perseverance, stripped it: for loaves began to be thrown from many places. At that spectacle, astonished and believing that an infinite abundance of grain remained for our men, they were driven into a compact to abandon the siege. Then indeed Jupiter pitied Roman virtue and those who trusted to cunning for defense, when he saw that, by the utmost want of food, the very bulwarks were cast into destitution.

igitur ut uafro, ita periculoso consilio salutarem exitum dedit.

Therefore he gave a salutary outcome to the cunning, perilous counsel.

7.4.4 Idemque Iuppiter postea praestantissimorum ducum nostrorum sagacibus consiliis propitius aspirauit: nam cum alterum Italiae latus Hannibal laceraret, alterum inuasisset Hasdrubal, ne duorum fratrum iunctae copiae intolerabili onere fessas simul res nostras urguerent, hinc Claudii Neronis uegetum consilium, illinc Liui Salinatoris inclyta prouidentia effecit: Nero enim conpresso a se in Lucanis Hannibale praesentiam suam, quoniam ita ratio belli desiderabat, mentitus hosti ad opem collegae ferendam per longum iter celeritate mira tetendit. Salinator in Vmbria apud Metaurum flumen proximo die dimicaturus summa cum dissimulatione Neronem castris noctu recepit: tribunos enim a tribunis, centuriones a centurionibus, equites ab equitibus, pedites a peditibus excipi iussit ac sine ulla tumultuatione solo uix unum exercitum capiente alterum inseruit. quo euenit ne Hasdrubal cum duobus se consulibus proeliaturum prius sciret quam utriusque uirtute prosterneretur.

7.4.4 And likewise Jupiter afterwards, favorable to the sagacious counsels of our most distinguished commanders, breathed auspice upon them: for when Hannibal was ravaging one flank of Italy and Hasdrubal had invaded the other, lest the joined forces of the two brothers, by their intolerable burden, press upon our affairs simultaneously, from one side the vigorous counsel of Claudius Nero and from the other the illustrious providence of Livius Salinator produced a salutary result: for Nero, having by his presence in Lucania made Hannibal apprehensive, and because the logic of war demanded it, feigned to the enemy that he himself would march to aid his colleague, and by wondrous speed stretched forth on a long march. Salinator, about to fight on the next day in Umbria at the Metaurus river, received Nero into his camp by night with the utmost dissimulation: for he ordered tribunes to be received by tribunes, centurions by centurions, horsemen by horsemen, foot by foot, and without any tumult, one army scarcely holding ground received the other. From this it came about that Hasdrubal did not know that he would fight with two consuls before the valour of each was overthrown.

ita illa toto terrarum orbe infamis Punica calliditas Romana elusa prudentia Hannibalem Neroni, Hasdrubalem Salinatori decipiendum tradidit.

thus that Punic cunning, infamous throughout the whole orb of lands, was outwitted by Roman prudence, and handed Hannibal to Nero, Hasdrubal to Salinator, to be deceived.

7.4.5 Memorabilis etiam consilii Q. Metellus. qui, cum pro consule bellum in Hispania aduersus Celtiberos gereret urbemque trebiam caput eius gentis uiribus expugnare non posset, intra pectus suum multum ac diu consiliis agitatis uiam repperit, qua propositum ad exitum perduceret. itinera magno impetu ingrediebatur, deinde alias atque alias regiones petebat: hos obsidebat montes, paulo post ad illos transgrediebatur, cum interim tam suis omnibus quam ipsis hostibus ignota erat causa inopinatae eius ac subitae fluctuationis.

7.4.5 Memorable also was the counsel of Q. Metellus. He, while as proconsul wageing war in Hispania against the Celtiberi and unable by force to take the citytrebia, the head of that people, within his breast, after many and long-considered counsels, discovered a way by which he might lead his proposed plan to its outcome. He began marches with great impetus, then sought other and yet other regions: he besieged these mountains, a little later crossed over to those, while meanwhile the cause of his unexpected and sudden fluctuation was unknown both to all his own men and to the very enemies.

interrogatus quoque a quodam amicissimo sibi quid ita sparsum et incertum militiae genus sequeretur, 'absiste' inquit 'istud quaerere: nam si huius consilii mei interiorem tunicam consciam esse sensero, continuo eam cremari iubebo'. quorsum igitur <e>a dissimulatio erupit aut quem finem habuit? postquam uero et exercitum suum ignorantia et totam Celtiberiam errore implicauit, cum alio cursum direxisset, subito ad <Con>trebiam reflexit eamque <in>opinatam et attonitam oppressit. ergo nisi mentem suam dolos scrutari coegisset, ad ultimam ei senectutem apud moenia <Con>trebiae armato sedendum foret.

asked also by a certain very dear friend why he followed so scattered and uncertain a kind of military service, "cease," he said, "to ask that: for if I shall have perceived that the inner tunic of this plan of mine is privy, immediately I will command it to be burned." Wherefore then did that dissimulation <e>break forth or what end did it have? After indeed both he entangled his army in ignorance and all Celtiberia in error, when he had directed another course, suddenly he turned back to <Con>trebia and overwhelmed it unexpected and stunned. Therefore, unless he had compelled his mind to assay deceits, he would have had to sit armed at the walls of <Con>trebia to the utmost of his old age.

7.4.ext.1 Agathocles autem Syracusarum rex audaciter callidus: cum enim urbem eius maiore ex parte Karthaginienses occupassent, exercitum suum in Africam traiecit, ut metum metu, uim ui discuteret, nec sine effectu: nam repentino eius aduentu perculsi Poeni libenter incolumitatem suam salute hostium redemerunt pactique sunt ut eodem tempore et Africa Siculis et Sicilia Punicis armis liberaretur. age Syracusarum moenia tueri perseuerasset? ilia belli malis urgueretur, bona pacis fruenda securae Karthagini reliquisset.

7.4.ext.1 Agathocles, however, king of the Syracusans, audaciously cunning: for when the Carthaginians had occupied his city for the greater part, he transported his army into Africa, that by fear with fear, by force with force, he might scatter them, and not without effect: for the Phoenicians, struck by his sudden arrival, gladly purchased their safety by treaty, and it was agreed that at the same time Africa should be liberated to the Sicels and Sicily to the Punic arms. age he had persevered in defending the walls of Syracuse? ily would have been pressed by the evils of war, and he would have left the goods to be enjoyed in peace to secure Carthage.

nunc inferendo quae patiebatur, dum alienas potius lacessit opes quam suas tuetur, quo aequiore animo regnum deseruit, eo tutius recepit.

Now, by inflicting upon others what he had suffered, and while he assailed others' opes rather than defended his own, the more even-mindedly he deserted the kingdom, the more safely he recovered it.

7.4.ext.2 Quid, Hannibal Cannensem populi Romani aciem nonne prius quam ad dimicandum descenderet conpluribus astutiae copulatam laqueis ad tam miserabilem perduxit exitum? ante omnia enim prouidit ut et solem et puluerem, qui ibi uento multus extari solet, aduersum haberet. deinde partem copiarum suarum inter ipsum proelii tempus de industria fugere iussit, quam cum a reliquo exercitu abrupta legio Romana sequeretur, trucidandam eam ab his, quos insidiis collocauerat, curauit.

7.4.ext.2 What, did not Hannibal at Cannae lead the battle-line of the Roman people, before he descended to fight, to so miserable an end, compounded with many snares of astuteness? For above all he foresaw that he should have both the sun and the dust, which there is often wont to be extari there by the wind, against them. Then he ordered part of his forces to flee purposely during the very time of the engagement, which, when, severed from the remaining army, a Roman legion pursued, he took care that it be slaughtered by those whom he had placed in ambushes.

postremo cccc equites subornauit, qui simulata transitione petierunt consulem, a quo iussi more transfugarum depositis armis in ultimam pugnae partem secedere destrictis gladiis, quos inter tunicas et loricas abdiderant, poplites pugnantium Romanorum ce ciderunt. haec fuit Punica fortitudo, dolis et insidiis et fallacia instructa. quae nunc certissima circumuentae uirtutis nostrae excusatio est, quoniam decepti magis quam uicti sumus.

Finally he equipped 400 horsemen, who, with a feigned defection, approached the consul; by whom, having been ordered—after the custom for deserters—to lay down their arms, they withdrew into the furthest part of the battle and, with swords drawn which they had hidden among tunics and cuirasses, cut the hamstrings of the Romans fighting. This was Punic fortitude, instructed by dols, ambushes, and fallacy. Which now is the surest excuse for our surrounded virtue, since we were deceived rather than conquered.

7.5.init. Campi quoque repraesentata condicio ambitiosam ingredientis uiam ad fortius sustinendos parum prosperos comitiorum euentus utiliter instruxerit, quia propositis ante oculos clarissimorum uirorum repulsis ut non minore cum spe honores, ita prudentiore cum animi iudicio petent meminerintque nefas non esse aliquid ab omnibus uni negari, cum saepe numero singuli cunctorum uoluntatibus resistere fas esse duxerint, scientes etiam patientia quaeri debere quod gratia impetrari nequierit.

7.5.init. Campi also, the depicted condition of one entering ambitiously, usefully furnished the way to endure more stoutly the rather unlucky events of the elections, because, with before their eyes the rejections of the most illustrious men set forth, they would remember to seek honors not with less hope but with a wiser judgment of mind, and that it is not wrong for all to deny anything to one, since often single men by their number have judged it right to oppose the wills of all, also knowing that by patience one must seek what cannot be obtained by favor.

7.5.1 Q. Aelius Tubero a Q. Fabio Maximo epulum populo nomine P. Africani patrui sui dante rogatus ut triclinium sterneret lectulos Punicanos pellibus haedinis strauit et pro argenteis uasis Samia exposuit. cuius rei deformitas sic homines offendit, ut, cum alioqui uir egregius habetur comitiisque praetoriis candidatus in campum L. Paulo auo et P. Africano auunculo nixus descendisset, repulsa inde abiret notatus: nam ut priuatim semper continentiam probabant, ita publice maxima cura splendoris habita est. quocirca urbs non unius conuiuii numerum, sed totam se in illis pelliculis iacuisse credens ruborem epuli suffragiis suis uindicauit.

7.5.1 Q. Aelius Tubero, at the request of Q. Fabius Maximus to furnish a banquet for the people given by his uncle P. Africanus by name, spread Punic couches with kid‑skins and set out Samian ware in place of silver vessels. The deformity of this act so offended men that, although otherwise counted a distinguished man and, as a candidate for the praetorian comitia, had come into the field supported by L. Paulus his grandfather and P. Africanus his uncle, he departed thence marked by rejection: for as they had always privately approved his continence, so in public the greatest care was given to splendour. Wherefore the city, believing not merely that a single banquet but that its whole self had lain in those skins, avenged the shame of the feast with its votes.

7.5.2 P. autem Scipio Nasica togatae potentiae clarissimum lumen, qui consul Iugurthae bellum indixit, qui matrem Idaeam e Phrygiis sedibus ad nostras aras focosque migrantem sanctissimis manibus excepit, qui multas et pestiferas seditiones auctoritatis suae robore oppressit, quo principe senatus per aliquot annos gloriatus est, cum aedilitatem curulem adulescens peteret manumque cuiusdam rustico opere duratam more candidatorum tenacius adprehendisset, ioci gratia interrogauit eum num manibus solitus esset ambulare. quod dictum a circumstantibus exceptum ad populum manauit causamque repulsae Scipioni attulit: omnes namque rusticae tribus paupertatem sibi ab eo exprobratam iudicantes iram suam aduersus contumeliosam eius urbanitatem destrinxerunt. igitur ciuitas nostra nobilium iuuenum ingenia ab insolentia reuocando magnos et utiles ciues fecit honoribusque non patiendo eos a scurris peti debitum auctoritatis pondus adiecit.

7.5.2 But P. Scipio Nasica, the most illustrious light of the togaed power, who as consul declared war on Jugurtha, who received with the most holy hands his mother Idaea migrating from Phrygian seats to our altars and hearths, who by the strength of his authority suppressed many pestilent seditions, under whose leadership the senate vaunted itself for several years — when, as a young man, he sought the curule aedileship and had grasped more tenaciously than was customary for candidates the hand of a certain rustic, hardened by toil — as a joke he asked him whether he was wont to walk with his hands. That remark, taken up by those standing round, flowed out to the people and brought the cause of Scipio’s repulse: for all the rural tribes, judging that their poverty had been reproached by him, unleashed their anger against his urbane contempt. Thus our city, recalling the spirits of noble youths from insolence, made them great and useful citizens, and by honours — not suffering them to be assailed by buffoons — added the weight of authority due to their office.

7.5.3 Nullus error talis in L. Aemilio Paulo conspectus est, sed tamen aliquotiens frustra consulatum petiit, idemque, cum iam campum repulsis suis fatigasset, bis consul et censor factus amplissimum etiam dignitatis gradum obtinuit. cuius uirtutem iniuriae non fregerunt, sed acuerunt, quoniam quidem ipsa nota accensam cupiditatem summi honoris ardentiorem ad comitia detulit, ut populum, quia nobilitatis splendore et animi bonis mouerenon potuerat, pertinacia uinceret.

7.5.3 No such error was observed in L. Aemilius Paulus, but nevertheless he sought the consulship several times in vain, and he, when he had already wearied the field with his repulses, was made consul twice and censor and attained an even more ample step of dignity. Injuries did not break his virtue, but sharpened it, for that very mark brought an inflamed desire for the highest honor more ardently to the comitia, so that, since he could not move the people by the splendour of his nobility and the good qualities of his mind, he overcame them by pertinacity.

7.5.4 Q. autem Caecilium Metellum pauci et maesti amici consulatus repulsa adflictum tristitia ac rubore plenum domum reduxerunt. eundem de Pseudophilippo triumphantem uniuersus senatus laetum et alacrem in Capitolium prosecutus est. Achaici etiam belli, cui summam manum L. Mummius adiecit, maxima pars ab hoc uiro profligata est.

7.5.4 Quintus Caecilius Metellus was brought home by few and sorrowful friends, struck down by the repulse of the consulship, full of sadness and crimson shame. The same man, after Pseudophilippus's triumph, the whole senate escorted, joyful and alacritous, into the Capitol. Also in the Achaean war, to which the chief command was given to 50 Mummius, the greatest part was routed by this man.

eine ergo populus consulatum negare potuit, cui mox duas clarissimas prouincias aut daturus erat aut debiturus, Achaiam et Macedoniam? et quidem hoc facto meliore eo ciue usus est: intellexit enim quam industrie sibi gerendus esset consulatus, quem tanto labore impetrari senserat.

Could then the people deny the consulship to one who would soon either be about to give or be indebted to two most illustrious provinces, Achaia and Macedonia? And indeed by this act he made better use of the citizen: for he perceived how industriously the consulship must be discharged by him, a dignity which he had felt had been obtained with so great labour.

7.5.5 Quid tam excellens, quid tam opulentum quam L. Sulla? diuitias, imperia largitus est, leges uetustas abrogauit, nouas tulit. hic quoque in eo campo, cuius postea dominus extitit, repulsa praeturae suggillatus est, omnia loca petiti honoris, si quis modo deorum formam et imaginem futurae eius potentiae populo Romano repraesentasset, impetraturus.

7.5.5 What so excellent, what so opulent as L. Sulla? He bestowed riches and commands, he abrogated ancient laws and brought in new ones. He too, on that very field of which he afterward became the master, having been bruised by the rejection of the praetorship, sought every office of coveted honor; for if anyone could in any way have represented to the Roman people the form and image of his future potency, he would have obtained it.

7.5.6 Sed ut comitiorum maximum crimen referam, M. Porcius Cato, plus moribus suis praeturae decoris adiecturus quam praetexto eius splendoris ipse larus, consequi illam a populo aliquando non potuit. proxima dementiae suffragia, quae quidem satis graues poenas erroris sui pependerunt, quoniam quem honorem Catoni negauerant Vatinio dare coacti sunt. ergo, si uere aestimare uolumus, non Catoni tunc praetura, sed praeturae Cato negatus est.

7.5.6 But to recount the greatest fault of the elections: M. Porcius Cato, who would have added more to the dignity of the praetorship by his morals than he himself would have brought by the splendour of his praetexta, could at no time obtain that office from the people. The next votes, worthy truly of madness, paid sufficiently heavy penalties for their error, since they were forced to give to Vatinius the honour which they had denied to Cato. Therefore, if we wish to judge truly, it was not the praetorship that was then denied to Cato, but Cato who was denied to the praetorship.

7.6.init. Abominandae quoque necessitatis amarissimae leges et truculentissima imperia cum urbem nostram tum etiam exteras gentes multa non intellectu tantum, sed etiam auditu grauia perpeti coegerunt.

7.6.init. The most abominable necessity’s most bitter laws and most truculent commands forced both our city and also foreign peoples to endure many grievous things, grievous not only to the intellect but also to the ear.

7.6.1 Nam aliquot aduersis proeliis secundo Punico bello exhausta militari iuuentute Romana senatus auctore Ti. Graccho consule censuit uti publice serui ad usum propulsandorum hostium [impetum] emerentur, eaque de re per tribunos pl. apud populum lata rogatione tres creati sunt uiri, qui quattuor et uiginti milia seruorum conparauerunt adactosque iure iurando strenuam se fortemque operam daturos, quoad Poeni essent in Italia, laturos arma in castra miserunt. ex Apulia etiam et a Paediculis septuaginta atque cc ad supplementum equitatus sunt empti. quanta uiolentia est casus acerbi!

7.6.1 For, after several adverse battles in the Second Punic War and the Roman military youth being exhausted, the senate, at the instance of Tiberius Gracchus, consul, decreed that slaves be publicly purchased for the use of repelling the enemy’s attack, and on that matter, by a law proposed through the tribunes of the plebs and passed before the people, three men were appointed who procured twenty‑four thousand slaves and, the latter having been driven on and having sworn an oath that they would render vigorous and brave service so long as the Carthaginians were in Italy, sent them into the camps to bear arms. From Apulia also and from Paediculis seventy and two hundred (270) were bought to supplement the cavalry. What violence is in the fate of a bitter case!

quae ciuitas ad id tempus ingenuae quoque originis capite censos habere milites fastidierat, eadem cellis seruilibus extracta corpora et a pastoralibus casis collecta mancipia uelut praecipuum firmamentum exercitui suo adiecit. cedit ergo interdum generosus spiritus utilitati et fortunae uiribus succumbit, ubi, nisi tutiora consilia legeris, speciosa sequenti concidendum est. Cannensis autem clades adeo urbem nostram uehementer confudit, ut M. Iunio Pera dictatore rem publicam administrante spolia hostium adfixa templis deorum numini consecrata instrumento militiae futura conuellerentur, ac praetextati pueri arma induerent, addictorum etiam et capitali crimine damnatorum sex milia conscriberentur.

That city, which until that time had scorned to have soldiers reckoned as of free origin by head, added to its army, as a principal reinforcement, bodies drawn from servile cells and mancipia gathered from pastoral huts. Thus sometimes a generous spirit yields to utility and succumbs to the forces of fortune, where, unless you choose safer counsels, one must fall after following what is specious. Moreover the disaster at Cannae so violently confounded our city that, with M. Junius Pera administering the res publica as dictator, the spoils of the enemy—fastened to the temples and consecrated to the numen of the gods—were about to be torn away to become instruments of the military, and boys in the praetexta would don arms, and even six thousand of the addicted and those condemned for capital crimes were enrolled.

quae, si per se aspiciantur, aliquid ruboris habeant, si autem admotis necessitatis uiribus ponderentur, saeuitiae temporis conuenientia praesidia uideantur. Propter eandem cladem senatus Otacilio, qui Siciliam, Cornelio Mammulae, qui Sardiniam pro praetoribus obtinebant, querentibus quod neque stipendium neque frumentum classibus eorum et exercitibus socii praeberent, adfirmantibus etiam ne habere quidem eos unde id praestare possent, rescripsit aerarium longinquis inpensis non sufficere: proinde quo pacto tantae inopiae succurrendum esset ipsi uiderent. his litteris quid aliud quam imperii sui gubernacula e manibus abiecit Siciliamque et Sardiniam, benignissimas urbis nostrae nutrices, gradus <et> stabilimenta bellorum, tam multo sudore et sanguine in potestatem redactas paucis uerbis, te scilicet Necessitate iubente, dimisit.

which, if seen by themselves, have some shame, but if weighed by the forces of necessity they appear as fortifications fit to the savagery of the times. Because of the same disaster the senate, replying to Otacilius, who held Sicily, and to Cornelius Mammula, who held Sardinia for the praetors, the two complaining that neither pay nor grain was being furnished to their fleets and armies by the allies, and asserting moreover that they had not even the wherewithal to supply these things, wrote back that the treasury did not suffice for distant expenses: therefore they should see for themselves in what manner so great a want ought to be relieved. With these letters what else did he throw from his hands than the rudder of his empire, and Sicily and Sardinia, the most bountiful nurses of our city, the gradus <et> stabilimenta of wars, so long brought into his power by much sweat and blood, he dismissed in a few words—namely, you, Necessity ordering.

7.6.2 Eadem Casilinates obsidione Hannibalis clausos alimentorumque facultate defectos lora necessariis uinculorum usibus subducta eque scutis detractas pelles feruenti resolutas aqua mandere uoluisti. quid illis, si acerbitatem casus intueare, miserius, si constantiam respicias, fidelius? qui, ne a Romanis desciscerent, tali uti cibi genere sustinuerunt, cum pinguissima arua sua fertilissimosque campos moenibus suis subiectos intuerentur.

7.6.2 The Casilinians, beset by Hannibal’s siege and deprived of the means of food, you would have them chew the thongs taken from the necessary uses of their bonds and the skins stripped from their shields, boiled loose in hot water. What could be more miserable for them, if you consider the hardship of their lot, or more faithful, if you regard their constancy? They, so that they might not be separated from the Romans, endured to use such things as a sort of food, while they looked upon their very fat fields and the most fertile plains lying beneath their walls.

itaque Campanae urbis, quae Punicam feritatem deliciis suis cupida fouit, in propinquo situm Casilinum, ~ moderarum uirtute clarum, perseuerantis amicitiae pignore impios oculos uerberauit.

Thus the Campanian city, which, eager with its luxuries, fostered Punic ferocity, with the pledge of persevering friendship lashed the impious eyes of Casilinum, situated nearby, ~ famed for the virtue of moderation.

7.6.3 In illa obsidione et fide cum trecenti Praenestini permanerent, euenit ut ex his quidam murem captum ducentis potius denariis uendere quam ipse [potius] leniendae famis gratia consumere mallet. sed, credo, deorum prouidentia [effectum] et uenditori et emptori quem uterque merebatur exitum adtribuit: auaro enim [et] fame consumpto manubiis sordium suarum frui non licuit, aequi animi uir ad salutarem inpensam faciendam care quidem, uerum necessarie conparato cibo uixit.

7.6.3 In that siege, and in loyalty, while three hundred Praenestines remained, it came about that one of them preferred to sell a captured mouse for two hundred denarii rather than consume it himself for the sake of easing his hunger. But, I think, by the providence of the gods it assigned to both seller and buyer the outcome each deserved: for the avaricious man, consumed by both greed and hunger, was not allowed to enjoy the spoils of his filth; the man of equable spirit, though indeed lacking the means to make the salutary outlay, lived scarcely on the food he had necessarily procured.

7.6.4 C. autem Mario Cn. Carbone consulibus ciuili bello cum L. Sulla dissidentibus, quo tempore non rei publicae uictoria quaerebatur, sed praemium uictoriae res erat publica, senatus consulto aurea atque argentea templorum ornamenta, ne militibus stipendia deessent, conflata sunt: digna enim causa erat, hine an illi crudelitatem suam proscriptione ciuium satiarent, ut di immortales spoliarentur! non ergo patrum conscriptorum uoluntas, sed taeterrimae necessitatis truculenta manus illi consulto stilum suum inpressit.

7.6.4 When C. Marius and Cn. Carbo were consuls, in the civil war with L. Sulla at odds, at a time when victory for the republic was not sought but the republic itself was the prize of victory, by senatus consultum the golden and silver ornaments of the temples were melted down so that soldiers’ pay would not be lacking: for it was a worthy cause—whether that they might sate their cruelty by the proscription of citizens, that the immortal gods be despoiled! Not therefore the will of the patres conscripti, but the truculent hand of most foul necessity impressed its stylus upon that decree.

7.6.5 Diui Iuli exercitus, id est inuicti ducis inuicta dextera, cum armis Mundam clausisset aggerique extruendo materia deficeretur, congerie hostilium cadauerum quam desiderauerat altitudinem instruxit eamque tragulis et pilis, quia roboreae sudes deerant, magistra nouae molitionis necessitate usus uallauit.

7.6.5 The army of the deified Julius — that is, the unconquered leader’s unconquered right hand — when with arms he had enclosed Mundam and materials failed for raising the rampart, piled up a heap of enemy corpses to the height he had wished, and palisaded it with travails and pikes; since oak stakes were lacking, he made use, by necessity, of the mast-beam of a new contrivance to fortify it.

7.6.6

7.6.ext.1 Cretensibus nihil tale praesidii adfulsit, qui obsidione Metelli ad ultimam penuriam conpulsi sua iumentorumque suorum urina sitim torserunt iustius dixerim quam sustentarunt, quia, dum uinci timent, id passi sunt, quod eos ne uictor quidem pati coegisset.

7.6.ext.1 No such succor shone for the Cretans, who, driven by Metellus’s siege to the last scarcity, stifled their thirst with their own and their beasts’ urine — I should say rather “twisted” than “sustained” — for, while they feared to be overcome, they endured that which not even a victor would have compelled them to endure.

7.6.ext.2 Numantini autem Scipione uallo et aggere circumdati, cum omnia, quae famem eorum trahere poterant, consumpsissent, ad ultimum humanorum corporum dapibus usi sunt. quapropter capta iam urbe conplures inuenti sunt artus et membra trucidatorum corporum sinu suo gestantes. nulla est in his necessitatis excusatio: nam quibus mori licuit, sic uiuere necesse non fuit.

7.6.ext.2 But the Numantines, surrounded by Scipio with rampart and embankment, when they had consumed all things that could draw away their hunger, at last resorted to the feasts of human bodies. Wherefore, with the city now captured, many were found carrying in their bosoms the limbs and members of slaughtered bodies. There is no excuse of necessity in these matters: for those to whom death was allowed, it was not necessary to live thus.

7.6.ext.3 Horum trucem pertinaciam in consimili facinore Calagurritanorum execrabilis impietas supergressa est. qui, quo perseuerantius interempti Sertorii cineribus obsidionem Cn. Pompei frustrantes fidem praestarent, quia nullum iam aliud in urbe eorum supererat animal, uxores suas natosque ad usum nefariae dapis uerterunt: quoque diutius armata iuuentus uiscera sua uisceribns suis aleret, infelices cadauerum reliquias sallire non dubitauit. en quam aliquis in acie hortaretur ut pro salute coniugum et liberorum fortiter dimicaret!

7.6.ext.3 Their savage pertinacity was outstripped by an execrable impiety in a like crime among the Calagurritans. Who, that they might the more persistently show fidelity to the ashes of the slain Sertorius by frustrating the siege of Cn. Pompeius, since no other beast now remained in their city, turned their wives and their children to the service of a nefarious feast: and so that the armed youth might for a longer time sustain their bodies with the entrails of their own, the wretches did not hesitate to make the remains of the dead’s corpses dance. Behold how one would exhort in the battle‑line that he fight bravely for the safety of his wife and children!

ex hoc nimirum hoste tanto duci poena magis quam uictoria petenda fuit, quia plus uindicatus [libertatis] quam uictus gloriae adferre potuit, cum omne serpentum ac ferarum genus conparatione sui titulo feritatis superarit: nam quae illis dulcia uitae pignora proprio spiritu cariora sunt, ea Calagurritanis prandia atque cenae extiterunt.

from this, then, with so great an enemy, for the leader punishment rather than victory was to be sought, because he could bring more vindication of [libertatis] than the glory of victory, since by comparison with himself he surpassed every kind of serpent and beast in the title of ferity: for those sweet pledges of life, dearer by their own spirit, became for the Calagurritans prandia and cenae.

7.7.init. Vacemus nunc negotio, quod actorum hominis et praecipuae curae et ultimi est temporis, consideremusque quae testamenta aut rescissa sunt legitime facta aut, cum merito rescindi possent, rata manserunt, quaeue ad alios quam qui expectabant honorem hereditatis transtulerunt.

7.7.init. Let us now set aside business, which is both the business and principal care and of a man’s last hour, and consider which testaments were either lawfully made or, though they could rightly have been rescinded, nevertheless remained valid, and which transferred the honor of inheritance to others than those who expected it.

7.7.1 Atque ita, ut ea ordine quo proposui exequar. Militantis cuiusdam pater, cum de morte filii falsum e castris nuntium accepisset, [qui erat falsus,] aliis heredibus scriptis decessit. peractis deinde stipendiis adulescens domum petiit: errore patris, inpudentia alienorum [domum] sibi clausam repperit: quid enim illis inuerecundius?

7.7.1 And thus, that I may carry out these things in the order in which I proposed them. The father of a certain soldier, when he had received from the camp a false report of his son’s death, [which was false,] died having written other heirs. Then, the young man, his pay having been completed, sought his home: by his father’s error, by the shamelessness of strangers he found the [house] closed to him: for what is more shameless than that?

florem iuuentae pro re publica absumpserat, maximos labores ac plurima pericula tolerauerat, aduerso corpore exceptas ostendebat cicatrices, et postulabant ut auitos eius lares otiosa ipsi urbi onera possiderent. itaque depositis armis coactus est in foro togatam ingredi militiam: acerbe: cum inprobissimis enim heredibus de paternis bonis apud centumuiros contendit: omnibusque non solum consiliis sed etiam sententiis superior discessit.

he had wasted the flower of his youth for the republic, had endured the greatest labors and very many dangers, and showed scars taken on his body in hostile service; and they demanded that his ancestral lares, idle, should bear the burdens for the city itself. and so, having laid down his arms, he was forced to enter the toga'd militia in the forum: bitterly; for he disputed before the centumvirs with the most depraved heirs concerning his paternal goods, and departed beaten in every respect, not only in counsel but even in judgment.

7.7.2 Item M. Annei Carseolani splendidissimi equitis Romani filius, a Sufenate auunculo suo adoptatus testamentum naturalis patris, quo praeteritus erat, apud centumuiros rescidit, cum in eo Tullianus Pompei Magni familiaris ipso quidem Pompeio signatore heres scriptus esset. itaque illi in iudicio plus cum excellentissimi uiri gratia quam cum parentis cineribus negotii fuit. ceterum quamuis utraque haec aduersus nitebantur, tamen paterna bona optinuit: nam L. quidem Sextilius et P. Popilius, quos M. Anneius sanguine sibi coniunctos eadem ex parte qua Tullianum heredes fecerat, sacramento cum adulescentulo contendere ausi non sunt, tametsi praecipuis eo tempore Magni uiribus ad defendendas tabulas testamenti inuitari poterant, et aliquantum adiuuabat heredes quod M. Anneius in Sufenatis familiam ac sacra transierat.

7.7.2 Likewise the son of M. Anneius Carseolanus, a most splendid Roman knight, adopted by his grandfather Sufenatus, had the will of his natural father — by which he had been passed over — annulled before the centumviri, since in it Tullianus, a familiar of Pompey the Great, indeed with Pompey himself as signatory, was written down as heir. And so in the trial there was more to do with the favour of that most excellent man than with the ashes of his parent. Nevertheless, although both these opposed him, he obtained the paternal goods: for L. Sextilius and P. Popilius, whom M. Anneius had made heirs on the same side as Tullianus and thus related to him by blood, did not dare to dispute with the young man by oath, although at that time leading men could have been summoned with great powers to defend the testamentary tablets, and it somewhat aided the heirs that M. Anneius had been transferred into the family and sacred rites of the Sufenatii.

sed artissimum inter homines procreationis uinculum patris simul uoluntatem et principis auctoritatem superauit.

but the very close vinculum of procreation among men prevailed over the father's will and the authority of the prince alike.

7.7.3 C. autem Tettium a patre infantem exheredatum, Petronia matre, quam Tettius, quoad uixit, in matrimonio habuerat, natum, diuus Augustus in bona paterna ire decreto suo iussit, patris patriae animo usus, quoniam Tettius in proprio lare procreato filio summa cum iniquitate paternum nomen abrogauerat.

7.7.3 But C. Tettius’ son, disinherited by his father, born of Petronia his mother, whom Tettius had kept in marriage while he lived, the divine Augustus by his decree ordered to enter into the paternal goods, using the authority of the Father of the Fatherland, since Tettius had, with the utmost iniquity, abrogated the paternal name of the son procreated in his own hearth.

7.7.4 Septicia quoque mater Trachalorum Ariminensium irata filiis in contumeliam eorum, cum iam parere non posset, Publicio seni admodum nupsit, testamento etiam utroque praeterito. a quibus aditus diuus Augustus et nuptias mulieris et suprema iudicia improbauit: nam hereditatem maternam filios habere iussit, dotem, quia non creandorum liberorum causa coniugium intercesserat, uirum retinere uetuit. si ipsa Aequitas hac de re cognosceret, potuitne iustius aut grauius pronuntiare?

7.7.4 Septicia also, mother of the Trachalians of Ariminum, enraged at her sons in derogation of them, since she was no longer able to bear (children), married a very old man named Publicius, both wills likewise being passed over. From these acts the divine Augustus condemned both the woman’s marriage and the ultimate judgments: for he ordered that the sons should have the maternal inheritance, and forbade the husband to retain the dowry, because the marriage had intervened not for the sake of producing children to be raised. If Equity herself were to take cognizance of this matter, could she pronounce a more just or a sterner sentence?

spernis quos genuisti, nubis effeta, testamenti ordinem uiolento animo confundis neque erubescis ei totum patrimonium addicere, cuius pollincto iam corpori marcidam senectutem tuam substrauisti. ergo dum sic te geris, ad inferos usque caelesti fulmine daflata es.

You spurn those whom you begot, effete in the bridal bed, you confuse the order of the testament with violent spirit and do not blush to assign to him the whole patrimony, whose embalmed body you have already deprived of your own withered old age. Therefore, while you conduct yourself thus, you have been swept down to the underworld by a heavenly thunderbolt.

7.7.5 Egregia C. quoque Calpurni Pisonis praetoris urbis constitutio: cum enim ad eum Terentius ex octo filiis, quos in adulescentiam perduxerat, ab uno in adoptionem dato exheredatum se querellam detulisset, bonorum adulescentis possessionem ei dedit heredesque lege agere passus non est. mouit profecto Pisonem patria maiestas, donum uitae, beneficium educationis, sed aliquid etiam flexit circumstantium liberorum numerus, qui cum patre septem fratres impie exheredatos uidebat.

7.7.5 An outstanding constitution of C. Calpurnius Piso, praetor of the city: for when Terentius had brought to him a complaint that, of eight sons whom he had reared into youth, one given in adoption had disinherited him, he gave possession of the young man’s goods to him and did not allow the heirs to proceed by law. Truly the majesty of the fatherland, the gift of life, the benefit of education moved Piso; but the number of the children standing about likewise somewhat swayed him, who with their father saw seven brothers impiously disinherited.

7.7.6 Quid, Mamerci Aemili Lepidi consulis quam graue decretum! Genucius quidam Matris magnae Gallus a Cn. Oreste praetore urbis impetrauerat ut restitui se in bona Naeui Ani iuberet, quorum possessionem secundum tabulas testamenti ab ipso acceperat. appellatus Mamercus a Surdino, cuius libertus Genucium heredem fecerat, praetoriam iurisdictionem abrogauit, quod diceret Genucium amputatis sui ipsius sponte genitalibus corporis partibus neque uirorum neque mulierum numero haberi debere.

7.7.6 What, concerning Mamercus Aemilius Lepidus the consul — what a grave decree! A certain Genucius Gallus of Mater Magna had obtained from Cn. Orestes, praetor of the city, that he be ordered restored to the goods of Naeuius Ani, the possession of which he had received from him according to the tablets of the testament. Mamercus, appealed to by Surdinus, whose freedman had made Genucius his heir, abrogated the praetorian jurisdiction, because he said that Genucius, having voluntarily had the genital parts of his own body amputated, ought to be counted neither among men nor among women.

conueniens Mamerco, conueniens principi senatus decretum, quo prouisum est ne obscena Genucii praesentia inquinataque uoce tribunalia magistratuum sub specie petiti iuris polluerentur.

a decree summoning Mamercus, concurred in by the prince of the senate, whereby it was provided that the tribunals of the magistrates should not be polluted by the obscene presence and defiled voice of Genucius under the pretense of a claimed right.

7.7.7 Multo Q. Metellus praetorem urbanum seueriorem egit quam Orestes gesserat. qui Vecillo lenoni, bonorum Vibieni possessionem secundum tabulas testamenti , non dedit, quia uir nobilissimus et grauissimus fori ac lupanaris separandam condicionem existimauit, nec aut factum illius conprobare uoluit, qui fortunas suas in stabulum contaminatum proiecerat, aut huic tamquam integro ciui iura reddere, qui se ab omni honesto uitae genere abruperat.

7.7.7 By far Q. Metellus in his office as urban praetor acted more severe than Orestes had done. He did not grant to Vecillus the leno the possession of Vibienus’s goods to the petitioner according to the tablets of the testament, because he judged the man to be of a most noble and weighty condition both of the forum and of the lupanar, a condition to be kept separate; nor did he wish either to sanction the act of one who had cast his fortunes into a contaminated stable, or to restore to this man, as to an intact citizen, the rights of one who had broken himself off from every honest kind of life.

7.8.init. His rescissorum testamentorum exemplis contenti attingamus ea, quae rata manserunt, cum causas haberent, propter quas rescindi possent.

7.8.init. Content with these examples of rescinded testaments, let us touch upon those things which remained valid, since they had causes by which they could be rescinded.

7.8.1 Quam certae, quam etiam notae insaniae Tuditanus! utpote qui populo nummos sparserit togamque uelut tragicam uestem in foro trahens maximo cum hominum risu conspectus fuerit ac multa his consentanea fecerit. testamento ~ filium instituit heredem, quod Ti. Longus sanguine ei proximus hastae iudicio subuertere frustra conatus est: magis enim centumuiri quid scriptum esset in tabulis quam quis eas scripsisset considerandum existimauerunt.

7.8.1 What certain, what indeed notorious madness in Tuditanus!—he who scattered coins to the people and, dragging the toga like a tragic robe in the forum, was a sight for the greatest laughter of men and did many things consonant with these. By will he appointed his son heir, which Ti. Longus, nearer to him by blood, strove in vain to overturn by the judgment of the spear: for the centumviri supposed it more to be considered what was written on the tablets than who had written them.

7.8.2 Vita Tuditani demens, Aebutiae autem, quae L. Meneni Agrippae uxor fuerat, tabulae testamenti plenae furoris: nam cum haberet duas simillimae probitatis filias ~ Pletoniam et Afroniam, animi sui potius inclinatione prouecta quam ullis alterius iniuriis aut officiis conmota, Pletoniam tantum modo heredem instituit: filiis etiam Afroniae ex admodum amplo patrimonio xx nummum legauit. Afronia tamen cum sorore sacramento contendere noluit testamentumque matris patientia honorare quam iudicio conuellere satius esse duxit, eo se ipsa indigniorem iniuria ostendens quo eam aequiore animo sustinebat.

7.8.2 The life of Tuditanus was insane, and the tablets of the will of Aebutia — who had been the wife of L. Menenius Agrippa — were full of fury: for although she had two daughters most like in probity, Pletonia and Afronia, moved rather by the inclination of her mind than shaken by any injuries or services of the other, she appointed only Pletonia as heir; she also bequeathed to the sons of Afronia out of a fairly large patrimony 20 coins. Afronia, however, would not contend with her sister by oath, and judged it better to honour their mother’s testament with patience than to overturn it by legal judgment, thereby showing herself the more unworthy of the wrong in that she endured it with a more equable spirit.

7.8.3 Minus mirandum errorem muliebrem Q. Metellus fecit: is namque plurimis et celeberrimis eiusdem nominis uiris in urbe nostra uigentibus, Claudiorum etiam familia, quam artissimo sanguinis uinculo contingebat, florente, Carrinatem solum heredem reliquit, nec hac re testamentum eius quisquam adtemptauit.

7.8.3 A less surprising muliebral error was made by Q. Metellus: for he, with very many and most celebrated men of the same name living in our city, and with the Claudian family, to which he was joined by the closest bond of blood, flourishing, left Carrinata alone as heir, and on this account no one attempted his testament.

7.8.4 Item Pompeius Reginus uir transalpinae regionis, cum testamento fratris praeteritus esset et ad coarguendam iniquitatem eius binas tabulas testamentorum suorum in comitio incisas habita utriusque ordinis maxima frequentia recitasset, in quibus magna ex parte heres frater erat scriptus, praelegabaturque ei centies et quinquagies sestertium, multum ac diu inter adsentientes indignationi suae amicos questus, quod ad hastae iudicium adtinuit, cineres fratris quietos esse passus est. et erant ab eo instituti heredes neque sanguine Regino pares neque proximi, sed alieni et humiles, ut non solum flagitiosum silentium, sed etiam praelatio contumeliosa uideri posset.

7.8.4 Likewise Pompeius Reginus, a man of the transalpine region, when he had been passed over in his brother’s will and, to refute that injustice, had in the comitium recited two tablets of their wills, carved and read before the greatest multitude of both orders, in which for the most part the heir was written as the brother, and one hundred and fifty sestertii were read aloud to him, having long and much complained in indignation to his friends among those assenting, because it came to the judgment of the auction, suffered his brother’s ashes to remain undisturbed. And the heirs appointed by him were neither equal to Reginus in blood nor next of kin, but strange and lowly, so that it could seem not only a shameful silence but even an insulting preference.

7.8.5 Aeque felicis inpunitatis, sed nescio an taetrioris haec delicti testamenta. Q. Caecilius, L. Luculli promptissimo studio maximaque liberalitate et honestum dignitatis gradum et amplissimum patrimonium consecutus, cum prae se semper tulisset unum illum sibi esse heredem, moriens etiam anulos ei suos tradidisset, Pomponium Atticum testamento adoptauit omniumque bonorum reliquit. sed fallacis et insidiosi cadauer populus Romanus ceruicibus reste circumdatum per uias traxit.

7.8.5 Equally fortunate in impunity, but I know not whether more foul in crime were these testaments. Q. Caecilius, L. Lucullus’ most prompt zeal and greatest liberality having secured for him an honorable grade of dignity and a very ample patrimony, since he had always held forth that that one man was his heir, even dying he had delivered his rings to him, adopted Pomponius Atticus by will and left him of all his goods. But the deceitful and treacherous corpse the Roman people, a rope round their necks, dragged through the streets.

itaque nefarius homo filium quidem et heredem habuit quem uoluit, funus autem et exequias quales meruit.

and so the nefarious man indeed had a son and heir whom he desired, but the funeral and obsequies were such as he deserved.

7.8.6 Neque aliis dignus fuit T. Marius Vrbinas, qui ab infimo militiae loco beneficiis diui Augusti imperatoris ad summos castrensis honores perductus eorumque uberrimis quaestibus locuples factus, non solum ceteris uitae temporibus ei se fortunas suas relinquere, a quo acceperat, praedicauit, sed etiam pridie quam expiraret idem istud ipsi Augusto dixit, cum interim ne nomen quidem eius tabulis testamenti adiecit.

7.8.6 Nor was T. Marius Urbinus worthy of others, who, having been advanced from the lowest post of the army by the benefits of the divine Emperor Augustus to the highest camp honours and made wealthy by those most abundant gains, not only on other occasions of his life proclaimed that he would leave his fortunes to him from whom he had received them, but even the day before he expired spoke that very thing to Augustus himself, whereas meanwhile he had not even added his name to the tablets of a will.

7.8.7 L. autem Valerius, cui cognomen Heptachordo fuit, togatum hostem Cornelium Balbum expertus, utpote ope eius et consilio conpluribus priuatis litibus uexatus ad ultimumque subiecto accusatore capitali crimine accusatus, praeteritis aduocatis et patronis suis solum heredem reliquit. nimirum consternatio quae animum eius transuersum egit: amauit enim sordes suas et dilexit pericula et damnationem uotis expetiuit, auctorem harum rerum beniuolentia, propulsatores odio insecutus.

7.8.7 L. Valerius, whose cognomen was Heptachordo, having encountered the togatus enemy Cornelius Balbus, being, by his operation and counsel, harassed in very many private lawsuits and at last accused by a subordinate accuser of a capital crime, after the summons and his patrons had been passed by, left only the heir. Clearly a certain consternation drove his mind the other way: for he loved his own squalor and cherished dangers, and sought condemnation with vows, treating the author of these things with benevolence, and pursuing with hatred those who repelled them.

7.8.8 T. Barrus Lentulo Spintheri, cuius amantissimum animum liberalissimamque amicitiam senserat, decedens anulos suos perinde atque unico heredi tradidit, quem nulla ex parte heredem relinquebat. quantum illo momento temporis conscientia, si modo uires, quas habere creditur, possidet, a taeterrimo homine supplicium exegit! inter ipsam enim fallacis et ingratae culpae cogitationem spiritum posuit, quasi tortore aliquo mentem eius intus cruciante, quod animaduertebat e uita ad mortem transitum suum et superis dis inuisum esse et inferis detestabilem futurum.

7.8.8 T. Barrus to Lentulus Spinther, whose most loving mind and most liberal friendship he had perceived, on dying handed over his rings just as to a sole heir, whom he in no part left as heir. How greatly at that moment of time conscience, if indeed it possesses the powers which it is believed to have, exacted punishment from the most foul man! For it set a spirit within the very thought of deceptive and ungrateful guilt, as if some torturer were crucifying his mind inwardly, because he perceived that his passage from life to death would be hateful to the gods above and detestable to those below.

7.8.9 M. uero Popilius senatori ordinis Oppium Gallum ab ineunte aetate familiarissimum sibi moriens pro uetusto iure amicitiae et uultu benigno respexit et uerbis magnum prae se amorem ferentibus prosecutus est, unum etiam de multis, qui adsidebant, ultimo conplexu et osculo dignum iudicauit superque anulos quoque suos ei tradidit, uidelicet ne quid ex ea hereditate, quam non erat aditurus, amitteret. quos Oppius, uir diligens, sed morientis amici plenum contumeliae ludibrium, in locellum repositos et a praesentibus adsignatos diligentissime heredibus illius exheres ipse reddidit. quid hoc ioco inhonestius aut quid intempestiuius?

7.8.9 Marcus Popilius, however, most intimate with Oppius Gallus of the senatorial order from his earliest age, as the man was dying looked upon him by the old right of friendship and with a benign countenance, and, with words bearing great love before him, followed him up; he even judged one among the many who were sitting there worthy of a final embrace and a kiss, and moreover handed his rings over to him, namely so that he might lose nothing of that inheritance which he was not going to claim. Which rings Oppius, a careful man but the sport of complete insult to his dying friend, having been placed in a little box and assigned by those present, he himself most diligently restored to that man’s heirs, leaving him heirless. What in this jest is more dishonorable or more untimely?

senator populi Romani curia egressus, homo uitae fructibus continuo cariturus sanctissima iura familiaritatis morte pressis oculis et spiritu supremos anhelitus reddente scurrili lusu suggillanda sibi desumpsit.

senator of the Roman people, having departed the curia, a man about to be straightway deprived of the fruits of life, with eyes pressed by death and his spirit yielding the last gasp, permitted the most sacred rights of familiarity to be stamped upon him by a scurrilous jest.