Justinian•DIGESTA
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Dig. 48.3.0. De custodia et exhibitione reorum.
48.2.0. On accusations and inscriptions.
Dig. 48.3.0. On the custody and production of defendants.
Dig. 48.6.0. Ad legem iuliam de vi publica.
48.5.0. On the Julian law on restraining adulteries.
Dig. 48.6.0. On the Julian law concerning public violence.
Dig. 48.9.0. De lege pompeia de parricidiis.
48.8.0. On the Cornelian law concerning assassins and poisoners.
Dig. 48.9.0. On the Pompeian law concerning parricides.
Dig. 48.12.0. De lege iulia de annona.
48.11.0. On the Julian law concerning extortions.
Dig. 48.12.0. On the Julian law concerning the grain supply.
Dig. 48.15.0. De lege fabia de plagiariis.
48.14.0. On the Julian law of ambitus (electoral bribery).
Dig. 48.15.0. On the Fabian law concerning plagiarii (kidnappers).
Dig. 48.18.0. De quaestionibus.
48.17.0. On persons to be sought out or to be condemned in their absence.
Dig. 48.18.0. On interrogations under torture.
Dig. 48.21.0. De bonis eorum, qui ante sententiam vel mortem sibi consciverunt vel accusatorem corruperunt.
48.20.0. On the goods of the condemned.
Dig. 48.21.0. On the goods of those who, before sentence, have either taken death upon themselves (committed suicide) or have corrupted the accuser.
Dig. 48.24.0. De cadaveribus punitorum.
48.23.0. On those who have suffered sentence and been restored.
Dig. 48.24.0. On the cadavers of the punished.
Non omnia iudicia, in quibus crimen vertitur, et publica sunt, sed ea tantum, quae ex legibus iudiciorum publicorum veniunt, ut iulia maiestatis, iulia de adulteriis, cornelia de sicariis et veneficis, pompeia parricidii, iulia peculatus, cornelia de testamentis, iulia de vi privata, iulia de vi publica, iulia ambitus, iulia repetundarum, iulia de annona.
not all trials in which a criminal charge is at issue are public as well, but only those which derive from the statutes of public prosecutions, such as the Julian law on majesty (treason), the Julian law on adulteries, the Cornelian law on assassins and poisoners, the Pompeian law of parricide, the Julian law of peculation (embezzlement), the Cornelian law on testaments (wills), the Julian law on private violence, the Julian law on public violence, the Julian law on ambitus (electoral bribery), the Julian law on repetundae (extortion by officials), the Julian law on the grain supply (annona).
Publicorum iudiciorum quaedam capitalia sunt, quaedam non capitalia. capitalia sunt, ex quibus poena mors aut exilium est, hoc est aquae et ignis interdictio: per has enim poenas eximitur caput de civitate. nam cetera non exilia, sed relegationes proprie dicuntur: tunc enim civitas retinetur.
Some public prosecutions are capital, some non-capital. Capital are those from which the penalty is death or exile, that is, interdiction of water and fire: for by these penalties one’s civil status (caput) is removed from the commonwealth. For the rest are not exiles, but are properly called relegations: then, indeed, citizenship is retained.
Interdum evenit, ut praeiudicium iudicio publico fiat, sicut in actione legis aquiliae et furti et vi bonorum raptorum et interdicto unde vi et de tabulis testamenti exhibendis: nam in his de re familiari agitur.
Sometimes it happens that a prejudgment is made for a public prosecution, as in the action of the Lex Aquilia, and in theft, and in rapine of goods by force, and in the interdict unde vi, and concerning the exhibiting of the tablets of a testament: for in these, the matter concerns the family estate.
Illud incertum est, utrum ita demum accusare potest, si fuerit liberatus, an et si poenam subierit: est enim constitutum ab imperatore nostro et divo patre eius post damnationem accusationem quem inchoare non posse. sed hoc puto ad eos demum pertinere, qui vel civitatem vel libertatem amiserunt.
That is uncertain, whether only then he can accuse, if he has been acquitted, or also if he has undergone the penalty: for it has been established by our emperor and by his deified father that, after condemnation, one cannot initiate an accusation. But I think this pertains only to those who have lost either citizenship or liberty.
Infamem non ex omni crimine sententia facit, sed ex eo, quod iudicii publici causam habuit. itaque ex eo crimine, quod iudicii publici non fuit, damnatum infamia non sequetur, nisi id crimen ex ea actione fuit, quae etiam in privato iudicio infamiam condemnato importat, veluti furti, vi bonorum raptorum, iniuriarum.
A sentence does not make one infamous from every crime, but from that which had the cause of public judgment. And so from that crime which was not of public judgment, infamy will not follow the condemned, unless that crime was from such an action as also in a private judgment brings infamy upon the condemned, for instance, of theft, of goods carried off by force, of injuries.
Inter accusatorem et reum cognitione suscepta excusatio pro absente iustis rationibus admittitur: nec per triduum per singulos dies ter citatus reus damnetur vel de accusatoris absentis praesente reo calumnia pronuntietur.
Between the accuser and the defendant, with a hearing undertaken, an excuse on behalf of an absentee is admitted on just grounds; nor is the defendant to be condemned after being summoned three times on each day over a period of three days, nor is a pronouncement to be made, with the defendant present, concerning the calumny of an absent accuser.
Generi servis a socero veneficii accusatis praeses provinciae patrem calumniam intulisse pronuntiaverat. inter infames patrem defunctae non habendum respondi, quoniam et si publicum iudicium inter liberos de morte filiae constitisset, citra periculum pater vindicaretur.
The slaves of the son-in-law, having been accused of poisoning by the father-in-law, the provincial governor had pronounced that the father had brought a calumny. I responded that the father of the deceased was not to be held among the infamous, since even if a public prosecution between kinsfolk concerning the death of the daughter had been instituted, the father would be vindicated without peril.
Certis ex causis concessa est mulieribus publica accusatio, veluti si mortem exequantur eorum earumque, in quos ex lege testimonium publicorum invitae non dicunt. idem et in lege cornelia testamentaria senatus statuit: sed et de testamento paterni liberti vel materni mulieribus publico iudicio dicere permissum est.
Public accusation has been conceded to women for certain causes, for example if they pursue the death of those men or women against whom, by statute, they do not give testimony in public trials when unwilling. The same, too, the senate established in the Cornelian testamentary law; and moreover it has been permitted to women to speak in a public action concerning the testament of a freedman of their father or of their mother.
Pupillis ex consilio tutorum patris mortem, item pupillae avi sui mortem exequi concessum est. lege autem testamentaria nam de patris quidem testamento pupillis agere divus vespasianus permisit: sed quasi non exhibeantur tabulae, per interdictum possunt experiri.
It has been granted to wards, on the counsel of their tutors, to prosecute their father’s death; likewise to a girl-ward to prosecute the death of her own grandfather. And as to the testamentary law—for concerning the father’s testament the deified Vespasian permitted wards to bring an action—yet, as if the tablets were not being produced, they can proceed by interdict.
Libellorum inscriptionis conceptio talis est. " consul et dies. apud illum praetorem vel proconsulem lucius titius professus est se maeviam lege iulia de adulteriis ream deferre, quod dicat eam cum gaio seio in civitate illa, domo illius, mense illo, consulibus illis adulterium commisisse". utique enim et locus designandus est, in quo adulterium commissum est, et persona, cum qua admissum dicitur, et mensis: hoc enim lege iulia publicorum cavetur et generaliter praecipitur omnibus, qui reum aliquem deferunt: neque autem diem neque horam invitus comprehendet.
the conception of the inscription of libelli is such. " the consuls and the day. before that praetor or proconsul lucius titius has declared that he brings maeviam as a defendant under the julian law on adulteries, because he says that she committed adultery with gaius seius in that city, in that man’s house, in that month, under those consuls". for indeed both the place must be designated, in which the adultery was committed, and the person with whom it is said to have been admitted, and the month: for this is provided by the julian law on public prosecutions and is generally prescribed for all who lay an information against someone: nor, however, will he include the day or the hour if unwilling.
Sed et si aliud crimen obiciat, veluti quod domum suam praebuit, ut stuprum mater familias pateretur, quod adulterum deprehensum dimiserit, quod pretium pro comperto stupro acceperit, et si quid simile, id ipsum libellis comprehendendum erit.
But also, if he alleges another crime, for example, that he provided his house so that a materfamilias should suffer sexual violation, that he released an adulterer caught in the act, that he accepted a price for a discovered act of sexual violation, and if anything similar, that very thing must be comprehended in the written complaints.
Si accusator decesserit aliave quae causa ei impedierit, quo minus accusare possit, et si quid simile, nomen rei aboletur postulante reo: idque et lege iulia de vi et senatus consulto cautum est, ita ut liceat alii ex integro repetere reum. sed intra quod tempus, videbimus: et utique triginta dies utiles observandi sunt.
If the accuser has died, or if any other cause has hindered him so that he cannot accuse, and if anything similar, the charge against the defendant is abolished upon the defendant’s request; and this is provided both by the Julian Law on Violence and by a senatorial decree, such that it is permitted for another to take up the defendant anew from the beginning. But within what time-limit, we shall consider; and in any case thirty useful days are to be observed.
Is, qui iudicio publico damnatus est, ius accusandi non habet, nisi liberorum vel patronorum suorum mortem eo iudicio vel rem suam exequatur. sed et calumnia notatis ius accusandi ademptum est, item his, qui cum bestiis depugnandi causa in harenam intromissi sunt, quive artem ludicram vel lenocinium fecerint, quive praevaricationis calumniaeve causa quid fecisse iudicio publico pronuntiatus erit, quive ob accusandum negotiumve cui facessendum pecuniam accepisse iudicatus erit.
He who has been condemned by a public judgment does not have the right of accusing, unless in that suit he prosecutes the death of his children or of his patrons, or pursues his own claim. But the right of accusing has also been taken away from those noted for calumny, likewise from those who have been sent into the arena for the purpose of fighting with beasts, or who have practiced the theatrical art or pimping, or who shall have been pronounced by public judgment to have done something for the sake of prevarication or calumny, or who shall have been adjudged to have received money for accusing or for the purpose of making trouble for someone in a matter.
Servos quoque adulterii posse accusari nulla dubitatio est: sed qui prohibentur adulterii liberos homines accusare, idem servos quoque prohibebuntur. sed ex rescripto divi marci etiam adversus proprium servum accusationem instituere dominus potest. post hoc igitur rescriptum accusandi necessitas incumbet domino servum suum: ceterum iuste mulier nupta praescriptione utetur.
There is no doubt that slaves too can be accused of adultery: but those who are forbidden to accuse free men of adultery will likewise be forbidden to accuse slaves as well. But by the rescript of the deified Marcus, the master can even institute an accusation against his own slave. After this rescript, therefore, the necessity of accusing will rest upon the master with respect to his slave; moreover, a lawfully married woman will rightly make use of prescription.
Isdem criminibus, quibus quis liberatus est, non debet praeses pati eundem accusari, et ita divus pius salvio valenti rescripsit: sed hoc, utrum ab eodem an nec ab alio accusari possit, videndum est. et putem, quoniam res inter alios iudicatae alii non praeiudicant, si is, qui nunc accusator exstitit, suum dolorem persequatur doceatque ignorasse se accusationem ab alio institutam, magna ex causa admitti eum ad accusationem debere.
On the same charges of which someone has been acquitted, the governor ought not to allow the same man to be accused; and thus the deified Pius wrote in a rescript to Salvius Valens: but this must be considered, whether he can be accused by the same person, or not even by another. And I think, since matters adjudged between others do not prejudice another, that if he who has now stood forth as accuser pursues his own grievance and shows that he was unaware that an accusation had been instituted by another, he ought, for a weighty cause, to be admitted to the accusation.
Si tamen alio crimine postuletur ab eodem, qui in alio crimine eum calumniatus est, puto non facile admittendum eum qui semel calumniatus sit: quamvis filium accusatoris admitti oportere aliam accusationem instituentem adversus eum, quem pater accusaverat divus pius iulio candido rescripsit.
If, however, he be proceeded against on another charge by the same person who in a different charge had brought a calumnious accusation against him, I think the one who has once calumniated should not easily be admitted; although the deified Pius wrote by rescript to Julius Candidus that the son of the accuser ought to be admitted, instituting another accusation against him whom the father had accused.
Qui accusare possunt, intellegemus, si scierimus, qui non possunt. itaque prohibentur accusare alii propter sexum vel aetatem, ut mulier, ut pupillus: alii propter sacramentum, ut qui stipendium merent: alii propter magistratum potestatemve, in qua agentes sine fraude in ius evocari non possunt: alii propter delictum proprium, ut infames: alii propter turpem quaestum, ut qui duo iudicia adversus duos reos subscripta habent nummosve ob accusandum vel non accusandum acceperint: alii propter condicionem suam, ut libertini contra patronos:
Who can accuse, we shall understand, if we know who cannot. And so some are prohibited from accusing on account of sex or age, as a woman, as a pupil (ward); others on account of the sacrament, such as those who draw stipend/pay (in military service); others on account of magistracy or power, in the exercise of which they cannot, without fraud, be summoned into court; others on account of their own delict, such as the infamous; others on account of base gain, such as those who have two prosecutions subscribed against two defendants, or have accepted money for accusing or for not accusing; others on account of their condition, such as freedmen against their patrons:
Liberi libertique non sunt prohibendi suarum rerum defendendarum gratia de facto parentium patronorumve queri, veluti si dicant vi se a possessione ab his expulsos, scilicet non ut crimen vis eis intendant, sed ut possessionem recipiant. nam et filius non quidem prohibitus est de facto matris queri, si dicat suppositum ab ea partum, quo magis coheredem haberet, sed ream eam lege cornelia facere permissum ei non est.
Children and freedmen are not to be prevented, for the sake of defending their own property, from complaining about the de facto acts of their parents or patrons, for example if they say that they have been expelled by force from possession by them—namely, not so as to lay against them the crime of violence, but so as to recover possession. For even a son is not, indeed, forbidden to complain of the de facto act of his mother, if he says that an infant was substituted by her, in order that she might the more have a coheir; but it is not permitted to him to make her a defendant under the Cornelian law.
Hos accusare non licet: legatum imperatoris, id est praesidem provinciae, ex sententia lentuli dicta sulla et trione consulibus: item legatum provincialem eius dumtaxat criminis, quod ante commiserit, quam in legationem venerit: item magistratum populi romani eumve, qui rei publicae causa afuerit, dum non detractandae legis causa abest.
These persons it is not permitted to accuse: the legate of the emperor, that is, the governor of a province, as set forth in the opinion of Lentulus, when Sulla and Trio were consuls: likewise a provincial legate, but only for that crime which he committed before he came into the legation: likewise a magistrate of the Roman people, or one who has been absent for the sake of the Republic, provided he is not absent for the sake of evading the law.
Omnibus autem legibus servi rei fiunt excepta lege iulia de vi privata, quia ea lege damnati partis tertiae bonorum publicatione puniuntur, quae poena in servum non cadit. idemque dicendum est in ceteris legibus, quibus pecuniaria poena irrogatur vel etiam capitis, quae servorum poenis non convenit, sicuti relegatio. item nec lex pompeia parricidii, quoniam caput primum eos adprehendit, qui parentes cognatosve aut patronos occiderint: quae in servos, quantum ad verba pertinet, non cadunt: sed cum natura communis est, similiter et in eos animadvertetur.
By all other laws, however, slaves become defendants, except under the Lex Julia on private violence, because by that law the condemned are punished by the publication of a third part of their goods, which penalty does not fall upon a slave. And the same is to be said in the other laws by which a pecuniary penalty is imposed, or even one of status (capitis), which does not accord with the punishments of slaves, such as relegation. Likewise, neither does the Lex Pompeia on parricide, since its first chapter apprehends those who have killed parents, kinsmen, or patrons: which, so far as the words go, do not fall upon slaves; but since the nature is common, punishment will likewise be visited upon them as well.
Mulierem propter publicam utilitatem ad annonam pertinentem audiri a praefecto annonae deferentem divus severus et antoninus rescripserunt. famosi quoque accusantes sine ulla dubitatione admittuntur. milites quoque, qui causas alienas deferre non possunt, qui pro pace excubant, vel magis ad hanc accusationem admittendi sunt.
The deified Severus and Antoninus wrote back that, for public utility, a woman pertaining to the grain supply, bringing information to the prefect of the grain supply, is to be heard. Those infamous as well, when accusing, are admitted without any doubt. Soldiers too—who cannot bring others’ causes, who keep watch for peace—are all the more to be admitted to this accusation.
Cum titia testamentum gaii fratris sui falsum arguere minaretur et sollemnia accusationis non implevit intra tempus a praeside praefinitum, praeses provinciae iterum pronuntiavit non posse illam amplius de falso testamento dicere: adversus quas sententias titia non provocavit, sed dixit se post finitum tempus de irrito testamento dicere. quaero, an titia, quae non appellavit adversus sententiam praesidis, possit ad falsi accusationem postea reverti. respondit nihil aperte proponi, propter quod adversus sententiae auctoritatem de falso agens audienda sit.
When Titia threatened to charge the will of Gaius, her brother, as forged, and did not fulfill the formalities of the accusation within the time pre-set by the governor, the provincial governor declared again that she could no longer speak about the forged will; against which rulings Titia did not appeal, but said that after the time had expired she was speaking about a void will. I ask whether Titia, who did not appeal against the governor’s sentence, can afterward revert to an accusation of falsum. He replied that nothing is set forth explicitly on account of which she, proceeding on falsum against the authority of the sentence, should be heard.
Ex iudiciorum publicorum admissis non alias transeunt adversus heredes poenae bonorum ademptionis, quam si lis contestata et condemnatio fuerit secuta, excepto repetundarum et maiestatis iudicio, quae etiam mortuis reis, cum quibus nihil actum est, adhuc exerceri placuit, ut bona eorum fisco vindicentur: adeo ut divus severus et antoninus rescripserunt, ex quo quis aliquod ex his causis crimen contraxit, nihil ex bonis suis alienare aut manumittere eum posse. ex ceteris vero delictis poena incipere ab herede ita demum potest, si vivo reo accusatio mota est, licet non fuit condemnatio secuta.
From offenses admitted under public trials, the penalties of ademption (taking away) of goods do not otherwise pass against heirs than if the suit has been joined and a condemnation has followed—except in the court of extortions (repetundae) and of treason (majesty), which it has been decided may still be prosecuted even with the defendants dead, with whom nothing has been done, so that their goods are claimed for the fisc; to such a degree that the deified Severus and Antoninus rescripted that, from the time someone has contracted a charge in any of these causes, he can alienate nothing from his goods or manumit anyone. But from other offenses the penalty can begin from the heir only if, while the defendant was alive, an accusation was set in motion, even if no condemnation followed.
De custodia reorum proconsul aestimare solet, utrum in carcerem recipienda sit persona an militi tradenda vel fideiussoribus committenda vel etiam sibi. hoc autem vel pro criminis quod obicitur qualitate vel propter honorem aut propter amplissimas facultates vel pro innocentia personae vel pro dignitate eius qui accusatur facere solet.
Concerning the custody of defendants, the proconsul is accustomed to determine whether the person ought to be received into prison, or delivered to a soldier, or entrusted to sureties, or even to himself. He is wont to do this either according to the quality of the crime that is alleged, or on account of honor, or because of very ample resources, or because of the innocence of the person, or on account of the dignity of the one who is accused.
Si servus capitali crimine postuletur, lege publicorum cavetur, ut sistendum vel a domino vel ab extero satisdato promittatur: quod si non defendatur, in vincula publica coici iubetur, ut ex vinculis causam dicat.
If a slave is prosecuted on a capital charge, it is provided by the law on public trials that a promise be made, with surety given, that he will be produced, either by the master or by an outsider: but if he is not defended, he is ordered to be cast into the public chains, so that he may plead his case from custody.
Solet itaque tractari, an postea domino permittendum sit oblata satisdatione servum suum vinculis liberare. dubitationem auget edictum domitiani, quo cautum est abolitiones ex senatus consulto factas ad huiusmodi servos non pertinere. nam et lex ipsa prohibet eum absolvi, priusquam de eo iudicetur.
It is therefore accustomed to be discussed, whether thereafter it should be permitted to the master, a surety having been offered, to free his slave from bonds. the edict of Domitian increases the doubt, by which it is provided that abolitions made by senatus consultum do not pertain to servants of this kind. for the law itself also forbids him to be absolved before judgment is given concerning him.
but this interpretation, enduring, is excessively severe in the case of one whose master was absent, or because through indigence at that moment of time he was not able to fulfill the satisdation: for he cannot rightly be said to have been left as undefended who did not have his master present, or had him ready to defend, yet poor. which indeed will be able to be admitted more easily, if this is not sought after a long space of time.
Qui exhibendi postulati sunt propter aliam causam, alterius criminis, quod ante admissum est, rei non recipiuntur ex senatus consulto. quod in privatis quoque causis et hominibus sub fideiussore factis observatur, nisi ex hoc temporalis actio in periculum cadat.
Those who have been demanded to be produced for another cause are not admitted as defendants for a different crime which had been previously admitted, by a senatus-consult. This is observed also in private cases and for persons furnished under a surety, unless by this a time-limited action would fall into danger.
Divus pius ad epistulam antiochensium graece rescripsit non esse in vincula coiciendum eum, qui fideiussores dare paratus est, nisi si tam grave scelus admisisse eum constet, ut neque fideiussoribus neque militibus committi debeat, verum hanc ipsam carceris poenam ante supplicium sustinere.
The deified Pius, in reply in Greek to the letter of the Antiochenes, wrote that the one who is prepared to furnish sureties is not to be cast into bonds, unless it is established that he has committed so grave a crime that he ought to be entrusted neither to sureties nor to soldiers, but rather to endure this very punishment of prison before the penalty.
Si quis reum criminis, pro quo satisdedit, non exhibuerit, poena pecuniaria plectitur. puto tamen, si dolo non exhibeat, etiam extra ordinem esse damnandum. sed si neque in cautione neque in decreto praesidis certa quantitas comprehensa est, ac nec consuetudo ostenditur, quae certam formam habet, praeses de modo pecuniae, quae inferri oporteat, statuet.
If anyone does not produce the accused of the charge for which he has given surety, he is punished with a pecuniary penalty. I think, however, that if he fails to produce by fraud (dolus), he is also to be condemned outside the ordinary course (extra ordinem). But if neither in the caution (security) nor in the decree of the governor (praeses) a definite amount is included, and no custom is shown which has a fixed form, the governor will determine the measure of money that ought to be paid in.
Divus hadrianus iulio secundo ita rescripsit et alias rescriptum est non esse utique epistulis eorum credendum, qui quasi damnatos ad praesidem remiserint. idem de irenarchis praeceptum est, quia non omnes ex fide bona elogia scribere compertum est.
The deified Hadrian thus issued a rescript to Julius Secundus, and elsewhere it has been rescripted, that one is not at all to trust the letters of those who have sent persons as though condemned to the praeses (governor). The same has been prescribed concerning the irenarchs, because it has been found that not all write elogia (reports) in good faith.
Sed et caput mandatorum exstat, quod divus pius, cum provinciae asiae praeerat, sub edicto proposuit, ut irenarchae, cum adprehenderint latrones, interrogent eos de sociis et receptatoribus et interrogationes litteris inclusas atque obsignatas ad cognitionem magistratus mittant. igitur qui cum elogio mittuntur, ex integro audiendi sunt, etsi per litteras missi fuerint vel etiam per irenarchas perducti. sic et divus pius et alii principes rescripserunt, ut etiam de his, qui requirendi adnotati sunt, non quasi pro damnatis, sed quasi re integra quaeratur, si quis erit qui eum arguat.
But there also exists a head (chapter) of the mandates which the deified Pius, when he was presiding over the province of Asia, set forth under an edict: that the irenarchs, when they have apprehended brigands, should interrogate them about accomplices and harborers, and send the interrogations, enclosed and sealed in letters, to the magistrate’s cognition. Therefore those who are sent with an elogium (written charge) must be heard afresh, even if they have been sent by letters or even conducted by irenarchs. Thus both the deified Pius and other emperors rescripted, that even concerning those who have been noted as to be sought (wanted), inquiry be made not as if they were condemned, but as if the matter were intact, provided there will be someone to accuse him.
and therefore, when someone makes an anakrisis, it ought to be ordered that the irenarch come and execute what he has written; and if he has done this diligently and faithfully, he is to be commended; if rather imprudently, with the arguments not having been thoroughly sought out, simply to denote that the irenarch has reported too little; but if he has found that he questioned with malice, or has reported as said things not said, he should punish him by way of example, lest he thereafter also attempt to do anything else of that sort.
Ne quis receptam custodiam sine causa dimittat, mandatis ita cavetur: " si quos ex his, qui in civitatibus sunt, celeriter et sine causa solutos a magistratibus cognoveris, vinciri iubebis et his, qui solverint, multam dices. nam cum scierint sibi quoque molestiae futurum magistratus, si facile solverint vinctos, non indifferenter de cetero facient".
Lest anyone release a custody once received without cause, it is thus provided in the mandates: " if you learn that any of those who are in the cities have been quickly and without cause released by magistrates, you will order them to be bound, and upon those who have released them you will pronounce a fine. For when the magistrates know that trouble will also await themselves, if they have readily released the bound, they will not act indifferently hereafter".
Milites si amiserint custodias, ipsi in periculum deducuntur. nam divus hadrianus statilio secundo legato rescripsit, quotiens custodia militibus evaserit, exquiri oportere, utrum nimia neglegentia militum evaserit an casu, et utrum unus ex pluribus an una plures, et ita demum adficiendos supplicio milites, quibus custodiae evaserint, si culpa eorum nimia deprehendatur: alioquin pro modo culpae in eos statuendum. salvio quoque legato aquitaniae idem princeps rescripsit in eum, qui custodiam dimisit aut ita sciens habuit, ut possit custodia evadere, animadvertendum: si tamen per vinum aut desidiam custodis id evenerit, castigandum eum et in deteriorem militiam dari: si vero fortuito amiserit, nihil in eum statuendum.
If soldiers lose persons in custody, they themselves are brought into jeopardy. For the deified Hadrian wrote in reply to Statilius Secundus, the legate, that whenever a person in custody has escaped from soldiers, it ought to be inquired whether he escaped through excessive negligence of the soldiers or by chance, and whether one [prisoner] escaped from several [guards] or a single [guard let] several [prisoners escape]; and only then are the soldiers, from whom those in custody have escaped, to be subjected to punishment, if their excessive fault is detected; otherwise, a decision is to be made against them according to the measure of the fault. The same emperor also wrote in reply to Salvius, legate of Aquitania, that punishment should be inflicted upon the one who let the prisoner go, or who so knowingly kept him as to allow the prisoner to escape; if, however, this happened through drink or the guard’s idleness, he is to be chastised and transferred to a worse service; but if he lost him by sheer chance, nothing is to be decreed against him.
In eos, qui, cum recepti essent in carcerem, conspiraverint, ut ruptis vinculis et effracto carcere evadant, amplius, quam causa ex qua recepti sunt reposcit, constituendum est quamvis innocentes inveniantur ex eo crimine, propter quod impacti sunt in carcere, tamen puniendi sunt: eos vero, qui conspirationem eorum detexerint, relevandos.
As to those who, after they have been received into prison, have conspired that, with their bonds broken and the prison broken open, they might escape, a heavier penalty is to be established than the cause for which they were received requires; although they may be found innocent of the charge on account of which they were thrust into prison, nevertheless they are to be punished; but those who have detected their conspiracy are to be relieved.
Qui si neglegentia amiserint, pro modo culpae vel castigantur vel militiam mutant: quod si levis persona custodiae fuit, castigati restituuntur. nam si miseratione custodiam quis dimiserit, militiam mutat: fraudulenter autem si fuerit versatus in dimittenda custodia, vel capite punitur vel in extremum gradum militiae datur. interdum venia datur: nam cum custodia cum altero custode simul fugisset, alteri venia data est.
Those who, if through negligence they have lost the person in custody, are, according to the measure of the fault, either castigated or change their military service: but if the person under custody was of slight standing, they are, after chastisement, reinstated. For if someone has released the person from custody out of compassion, he changes his military service; but if he has acted fraudulently in releasing the person from custody, he is either punished with capital punishment or is assigned to the lowest grade of military service. Sometimes pardon is granted: for when the person in custody had fled at the same time with another guard, pardon was given to the other.
Maiestatis autem crimen illud est, quod adversus populum romanum vel adversus securitatem eius committitur. quo tenetur is, cuius opera dolo malo consilium initum erit, quo obsides iniussu principis interciderent: quo armati homines cum telis lapidibusve in urbe sint conveniantve adversus rem publicam, locave occupentur vel templa, quove coetus conventusve fiat hominesve ad seditionem convocentur: cuiusve opera consilio malo consilium initum erit, quo quis magistratus populi romani quive imperium potestatemve habet occidatur: quove quis contra rem publicam arma ferat: quive hostibus populi romani nuntium litterasve miserit signumve dederit feceritve dolo malo, quo hostes populi romani consilio iuventur adversus rem publicam: quive milites sollicitaverit concitaveritve, quo seditio tumultusve adversus rem publicam fiat:
But the crime of treason is that which is committed against the Roman people or against its security. By this is held liable the one by whose agency, with malicious deceit, a plan shall have been undertaken whereby hostages would perish without the order of the princeps: whereby armed men with weapons or stones are in the city or meet against the commonwealth, and places or temples are occupied, or an assembly or meeting is held, or men are summoned to sedition: or by whose agency, with evil counsel, a plan shall have been undertaken whereby any magistrate of the Roman people, or one who has imperium or power, is killed: or whereby someone bears arms against the commonwealth: or whoever has sent a messenger or letters to the enemies of the Roman people, or has given a signal, or has done anything with malicious deceit whereby the enemies of the Roman people are aided by counsel against the commonwealth: or whoever has solicited or stirred up the soldiers, whereby a sedition or tumult is made against the commonwealth:
Quive de provincia, cum ei successum esset, non discessit: aut qui exercitum deseruit vel privatus ad hostes perfugit: quive sciens falsum conscripsit vel recitaverit in tabulis publicis: nam et hoc capite primo lege maiestatis enumeratur.
Or whoever, from a province, when a successor had been assigned to him, did not depart: or who deserted the army, or as a private citizen fled over to the enemies: or whoever, knowing it to be false, has written or has read it out in the public tablets: for this too is enumerated in the first chapter of the law of Majesty.
Lex duodecim tabularum iubet eum, qui hostem concitaverit quive civem hosti tradiderit, capite puniri. lex autem iulia maiestatis praecipit eum, qui maiestatem publicam laeserit, teneri: qualis est ille, qui in bellis cesserit aut arcem tenuerit aut castra concesserit. eadem lege tenetur et qui iniussu principis bellum gesserit dilectumve habuerit exercitum comparaverit: quive, cum ei in provincia successum esset, exercitum successori non tradidit: quive imperium exercitumve populi romani deseruerit: quive privatus pro potestate magistratuve quid sciens dolo malo gesserit: quive quid eorum, quae supra scripta sunt, facere curaverit:
The law of the Twelve Tables orders that whoever has stirred up the enemy or has handed over a citizen to the enemy be punished with death. Moreover, the Julian law of Majesty prescribes that he who has injured the public majesty be held liable: such as he who has retreated in warfare or has held a citadel or has surrendered a camp. By the same law he is also liable who, without the order of the Princeps, has waged war or has held a levy or has assembled an army: or who, when a successor had arrived to him in a province, did not hand over the army to the successor: or who has deserted the command or the army of the Roman people: or who, being a private person, has knowingly and with malicious intent conducted anything as if by official authority or magistracy: or who has taken care that any of the things written above be done:
Cuiusque dolo malo iureiurando quis adactus est, quo adversus rem publicam faciat: cuiusve dolo malo exercitus populi romani in insidias deductus hostibusve proditus erit: factumve dolo malo cuius dicitur, quo minus hostes in potestatem populi romani veniant: cuiusve opera dolo malo hostes populi romani commeatu armis telis equis pecunia aliave qua re adiuti erunt: utve ex amicis hostes populi romani fiant: cuiusve dolo malo factum erit, quo rex exterae nationis populo romano minus obtemperet: cuiusve opera dolo malo factum erit, quo magis obsides pecunia iumenta hostibus populi romani dentur adversus rem publicam. item qui confessum in iudicio reum et propter hoc in vincula coniectum emiserit.
By whose malicious deceit anyone has been compelled by oath to act against the commonwealth: or by whose malicious deceit the army of the Roman people will have been led into ambush or betrayed to the enemies: or it is said that by someone’s malicious deceit something was done, whereby the enemies come less into the power of the Roman people: or by whose agency with malicious deceit the enemies of the Roman people will have been aided with supplies, arms, missiles, horses, money, or any other thing: and that from friends there become enemies of the Roman people: or by whose malicious deceit it will have been brought about that a king of a foreign nation obeys the Roman people less: or by whose agency with malicious deceit it will have been done, that more hostages, money, draft-animals be given to the enemies of the Roman people against the commonwealth. Likewise, whoever shall have released a defendant confessed in court and on this account thrown into chains.
Hoc tamen crimen iudicibus non in occasione ob principalis maiestatis venerationem habendum est, sed in veritate: nam et personam spectandam esse, an potuerit facere, et an ante quid fecerit et an cogitaverit et an sanae mentis fuerit. nec lubricum linguae ad poenam facile trahendum est: quamquam enim temerarii digni poena sint, tamen ut insanis illis parcendum est, si non tale sit delictum, quod vel ex scriptura legis descendit vel ad exemplum legis vindicandum est.
This crime, however, is not to be handled by judges on the pretext of reverence for the princely majesty, but in truth: for the person too must be considered—whether he could have done it, and whether he had done anything before, and whether he intended it, and whether he was of sane mind. Nor should a slip of the tongue be easily dragged to punishment: for although the rash are worthy of punishment, nevertheless, as with madmen, indulgence must be shown to them, if the offense is not of such a kind as either derives from the writing of the law or is to be punished according to the example of the law.
Is, qui in reatu decedit, integri status decedit: extinguitur enim crimen mortalitate. nisi forte quis maiestatis reus fuit: nam hoc crimine nisi a successoribus purgetur, hereditas fisco vindicatur. plane non quisque legis iuliae maiestatis reus est, in eadem condicione est, sed qui perduellionis reus est, hostili animo adversus rem publicam vel principem animatus: ceterum si quis ex alia causa legis iuliae maiestatis reus sit, morte crimine liberatur.
He who dies while under accusation, dies of unimpaired status: for the crime is extinguished by mortality. Unless perhaps someone was a defendant for treason (maiestas): for in this charge, unless he be purged by his successors (heirs), the inheritance is claimed by the fisc. Clearly not everyone who is a defendant under the Julian Law of Treason (lex Iulia maiestatis) is in the same condition, but he is who is a defendant for perduellio, animated with a hostile mind against the commonwealth or the princeps; however, if someone is a defendant for another ground under the Julian Law of Treason, by death he is freed from the charge.
Unde quaeri potest, an is, qui de adulterio cognoscit, statuere in maritum ob lenocinium possit? et puto posse. nam claudius gorgus vir clarissimus uxorem accusans cum detectus est uxorem in adulterio deprehensam retinuisse, et sine accusatore lenocinio damnatus est a divo severo.
Whence it can be asked whether he who takes cognizance of adultery can render judgment against the husband on account of pandering; and I think he can. For Claudius Gorgus, a most illustrious man, while accusing his wife, when he was found to have retained his wife after she had been caught in adultery, was condemned, even without an accuser, for pandering by the deified Severus.
Si simul ad accusationem veniant maritus et pater mulieris, quem praeferri oporteat, quaeritur. et magis est, ut maritus praeferatur: nam et propensiore ira et maiore dolore executurum eum accusationem credendum est, in tantum, ut et si pater praevenerit et libellos inscriptionum deposuerit, marito non neglegente nec retardante, sed accusationem parante et probationibus instituente atque muniente, ut facilius iudicantibus de adulterio probetur, idem erit dicendum.
If the husband and the woman’s father should come at the same time to the accusation, the question arises whom it is proper to prefer. And the stronger view is that the husband be preferred: for he is to be believed as one who will carry out the accusation with more impassioned wrath and with greater pain—indeed, to such an extent that even if the father has anticipated and has filed the bills of indictment, while the husband is not negligent nor delaying, but is preparing the accusation and setting it up and buttressing it with proofs, so that adultery may be more easily proved to the judges, the same must be said.
Si maritus praevenerit accusareque instituerit, tempora non cedunt patri, quod accusationem instituere non potest, sic tamen, ut, quoad unus occupet, utrique tempora cedant, ubi vero maritus occupavit, residua tempora ei, qui occupare non potest, non cedant. quod et in eo dici potest, qui ab adultero vel adultera coepit: nam adversus eum, adversus quem non coepit, desinunt ei tempora cedere. haec in maritis et patribus dicta sunt.
If the husband has anticipated and has instituted an accusation, the time periods do not accrue to the father, because he cannot institute an accusation; provided, however, that, until one of them occupies (preempts) it, the periods accrue to both; but once the husband has occupied, the remaining periods do not accrue to him who cannot occupy. The same can be said of one who has begun against the adulterer or the adulteress: for, as against the one against whom he has not begun, the periods cease to accrue to him. These things have been said concerning husbands and fathers.
Si ante extraneus instituerit accusationem, an supervenienti marito permittatur accusatio, quaeritur. et magis arbitror hoc quoque casu maritum audiendum, si non neglegentia praeventus est. et ideo et si accusatione instituta absoluta sit mulier extraneo accusante, tamen marito debet permitti restaurare accusationem, si idoneas causas allegare possit, quibus impeditus non instituit accusationem.
If before an outsider has instituted an accusation, the question is whether leave to accuse should be permitted to the supervening husband. And I rather judge that in this case too the husband should be heard, if he has not been forestalled through negligence. And therefore, even if, the accusation having been instituted, the woman has been absolved with an outsider accusing, nevertheless the husband ought to be permitted to restore the accusation, if he can allege suitable causes by which, being impeded, he did not institute the accusation.
Nuptam mihi adulterii ream postulari posse in priore matrimonio commissi dubium non est, cum aperte lege iulia de adulteriis coercendis caveatur, si quidem vidua sit, de cuius adulterio agetur, ut accusator liberum arbitrium habeat, adulterum an adulteram prius accusare malit: si vero nupta sit, ut prius adulterum peragat, tunc mulierem.
There is no doubt that my wife can be demanded as a defendant for adultery committed in her prior marriage, since it is plainly provided by the Lex Julia on restraining adulteries: namely, if she be a widow, about whose adultery action is brought, that the accuser have free discretion whether he prefers to accuse the adulterer or the adulteress first; but if she be married, that he prosecute the adulterer first, then the woman.
Inter liberas tantum personas adulterium stuprumve passas lex iulia locum habet. quod autem ad servas pertinet, et legis aquiliae actio facile tenebit et iniuriarum quoque competit nec erit deneganda praetoria quoque actio de servo corrupto: nec propter plures actiones parcendum erit in huiusmodi crimine reo.
Only among free persons who have suffered adultery or stuprum does the Julian law have scope. But as regards female slaves, the action of the Aquilian law will readily lie, and an action for injuries likewise is available, nor should the praetorian action too, on account of a corrupted slave, be denied; nor, because there are multiple actions, should leniency be shown to the defendant in a crime of this sort.
Lex stuprum et adulterium promiscui et kataxrystikwteron appellat. sed proprie adulterium in nupta committitur, propter partum ex altero conceptum composito nomine: stuprum vero in virginem viduamve committitur, quod graeci fvoran appellant.
The law calls stuprum and adultery indiscriminately and, more improperly (kataxrystikwteron). But properly, adultery is committed with a married woman, because of offspring conceived from another, as the composite name indicates; whereas stuprum is committed with a virgin or a widow, which the Greeks call phthoran.
Sed et si in domum aliquam soliti fuerint convenire ad tractandum de adulterio, etsi eo loci nihil fuerit admissum, verum tamen videtur is domum suam, ut stuprum adulteriumve committeretur, praebuisse, quia sine colloquio illo adulterium non committeretur.
But also, if they have been accustomed to assemble in some house to treat concerning adultery, although nothing has been perpetrated in that place, nevertheless it seems that he has provided his house so that debauchery or adultery might be committed, because without that colloquy the adultery would not be committed.
Socer cum nurum adulterii accusaturum se libellis praesidi datis testatus fuisset, maluit accusatione desistere et lucrum ex dote magis petere. quaeritur, an huiusmodi commentum eius admitti existimes. respondit: turpissimo exemplo is, qui nurum suam accusare instituisset, postea desistere maluit contentus lucrum ex dote retinere tamquam culpa mulieris dirempto matrimonio: quare non inique repelletur, qui commodum dotis vindictae domus suae praeponere non erubuit.
When a father-in-law, after attesting that he would accuse his daughter-in-law of adultery by petitions submitted to the governor, preferred to desist from the accusation and rather to seek profit from the dowry, the question is raised whether you think a contrivance of this kind should be admitted. He responded: most disgraceful in precedent, the man who had set out to accuse his daughter-in-law later preferred to desist, content to retain profit from the dowry as though, by the woman’s fault, the marriage had been dissolved: therefore he will not unjustly be repelled, who did not blush to put the advantage of the dowry before the vindication of his household.
Quidam accusare volebat adulterii mulierem et postulabat, ne sibi computarentur dies, quos in custodiam fecisset: me hoc admittente exstitit qui mihi contradiceret. cuius opinionem an tu probes, rogo maturius mihi scribas. respondit: opinionem tuam et verba legis et sententia adiuvant, cui placuit utiles dies accusatori computandos esse, id est quibus potuit accusationis sollemnia implere.
A certain man wished to accuse a woman of adultery and requested that the days which he had spent in custody not be counted to him; as I was admitting this, there arose someone who contradicted me. Whether you approve his opinion, I ask that you write to me promptly. He replied: both the words of the law and its sense support your opinion, which held that useful days are to be counted to the accuser, that is, those in which he was able to fulfill the solemnities of the accusation.
Sexaginta dies, qui marito accusanti utiles computantur, feriatis quoque diebus, si modo facultatem praesidis adeundi accusator habuit, numerari certum est, quoniam de plano quoque libellus dari potest. quod privilegium si amisit, non prohibetur intra alios quattuor menses querellam suam apud iudicem deferre.
Sixty days, which are counted as useful to a husband who is accusing, are counted on holidays as well, provided that the accuser had the opportunity of approaching the governor, since a petition can also be submitted summarily. If he has lost that privilege, he is not forbidden to bring his complaint before the judge within another four months.
Quaerebatur, an iure mariti possit accusare vir eam feminam, quae, cum ei desponsa fuisset, alii in matrimonium a patre fuisset tradita. respondit: novam rem instituere huiusmodi accusatorem existimo, qui adulterii crimen obicere desiderat propter hoc tantum, quod priori sibi desponsa puella a patre in matrimonium alii fuerit tradita.
It was asked whether, by a husband’s right, a man can accuse that woman who, although she had been betrothed to him, had been handed over in marriage by her father to another. He answered: I consider that such an accuser is instituting a novel action, who desires to impute the crime of adultery for this sole reason, that a girl previously betrothed to himself has been handed over in marriage by her father to another.
Defuncto marito adulterii rea mulier postulatur, quae propter impuberem filium vult dilatationem ab accusatore impetrare: an debeat audiri? respondi: non videtur mihi confugere ea mulier ad iustam defensionem, quae aetatem filii praetendit ad eludendam legitimam accusationem: nam non utique crimen adulterii, quod mulieri obicitur, infanti praeiudicat, cum possit et illa adultera esse et impubes defunctum patrem habuisse.
With her husband deceased, a woman is prosecuted as a defendant for adultery, who, on account of a prepubescent son, wishes to obtain a delay from the accuser: should she be heard? I replied: it does not seem to me that that woman resorts to a just defense who puts forward the age of her son to elude a legitimate accusation; for the charge of adultery which is alleged against the woman does not, of course, prejudice the infant, since it is possible both that she is an adulteress and that the prepubescent had a deceased father.
Volenti mihi ream adulterii postulare eam, quae post commissum adulterium in eodem matrimonio perseveraverit, contradictum est. quaero, an iuste responsum sit. respondit: ignorare non debuisti durante eo matrimonio, in quo adulterium dicitur esse commissum, non posse mulierem ream adulterii fieri: sed nec adulterum interim accusari posse.
Objection was made to me when I wished to bring as a defendant for adultery the woman who, after the adultery had been committed, had persisted in the same marriage. I ask whether the reply was just. He replied: You ought not to have been ignorant that, while that marriage endures in which the adultery is said to have been committed, the woman cannot be made a defendant for adultery; and neither can the adulterer in the meantime be accused.
Licet ei mulier, qui in suspicionem adulterii incidit, nupsisse dicatur, non ante accusari poterit, quam adulter fuerit convictus: alioquin ad hoc vel maxime viri confugient volentes bene concordatum sequens matrimonium dirimere, ut dicant cum adultero mulierem nuptias contraxisse.
Even if it is said that the woman married the man who has fallen under suspicion of adultery, she cannot be accused before the adulterer has been convicted; otherwise men, wishing to dissolve a subsequent well-concordant marriage, would most especially resort to this, by saying that the woman contracted nuptials with her adulterer.
Mulier cum absentem virum audisset vita functum esse, alii se iunxit: mox maritus reversus est. quaero, quid adversus eam mulierem statuendum sit. respondit tam iuris quam facti quaestionem moveri: nam si longo tempore transacto sine ullius stupri probatione falsis rumoribus inducta, quasi soluta priore vinculo, legitimis nuptiis secundis iuncta est, quod verisimile est deceptam eam fuisse nihil vindicta dignum videri potest: quod si ficta mariti mors argumentum faciendis nuptiis probabitur praestitisse, cum hoc facto pudicitia laboretur, vindicari debet pro admissi criminis qualitate.
When a woman had heard that her absent husband had died, she joined herself to another; soon the husband returned. I ask what ought to be decreed against that woman. He responded that a question both of law and of fact is raised: for if, a long time having passed and without proof of any unchastity, led on by false rumors, as if released from the prior bond, she was joined in legitimate second nuptials, since it is likely that she was deceived, no punishment seems warranted; but if the feigned death of the husband shall be proved to have supplied a pretext for contracting the marriage, since by this act chastity is impaired, she ought to be punished according to the quality of the crime committed.
Ream adulterii uxorem duxi: eam damnatam mox repudiavi. quaero, an causam discidii praestitisse videor. respondit: cum per legem iuliam huiusmodi uxorem retinere prohibearis, non videri causam te discidii praestitisse palam est.
I took as wife a woman arraigned for adultery; her, once condemned, I soon repudiated. I ask whether I appear to have supplied a cause for the divorce. He responded: since by the Julian law you are prohibited from retaining a wife of this sort, it is clear that you do not seem to have supplied the cause of the divorce.
Si uxor non fuerit in adulterio, concubina tamen fuit, iure quidem mariti accusare eam non poterit, quae uxor non fuit, iure tamen extranei accusationem instituere non prohibebitur, si modo ea sit, quae in concubinatum se dando matronae nomen non amisit, ut puta quae patroni concubina fuit.
If she was not a wife in the adultery, but was nonetheless a concubine, then indeed by the right of a husband he will not be able to accuse her—she who was not a wife; yet by the right of an outsider the instituting of a prosecution will not be prohibited, provided only that she be one who, by giving herself into concubinage, did not lose the name of matron, as, for instance, she who was the concubine of her patron.
Plane sive iusta uxor fuit sive iniusta, accusationem instituere vir poterit: nam et sextus caecilius ait, haec lex ad omnia matrimonia pertinet, et illud homericum adfert: nec enim soli, inquit, atridae uxores suas amant. ou monoi fileous aloxous meropwn anvrwpwn atreidai.
Clearly, whether the wife was lawful or unlawful, the husband will be able to institute an accusation: for Sextus Caecilius also says that this law pertains to all matrimonies, and he adduces that Homeric line: “for not alone,” he says, “do the Atridae love their wives.” “Not alone do the sons of Atreus love the wives of mortal men.”
Iudex adulterii ante oculos habere debet in inquirere, an maritus pudice vivens mulieri quoque bonos mores colendi auctor fuerit: periniquum enim videtur esse, ut pudicitiam vir ab uxore exigat, quam ipse non exhibeat: quae res potest et virum damnare, non rem ob compensationem mutui criminis inter utrosque communicare.
The judge in an adultery case ought to have before his eyes, when inquiring, whether the husband, living chastely, has also been an auctor for the woman to cultivate good morals: for it seems most iniquitous that the man should demand chastity from his wife which he does not exhibit himself: which circumstance can also condemn the husband, and does not, on account of the compensation of a mutual crime, make the matter common between the two.
Si quis uxorem suam velit accusare dicatque eam adulterium commisisse antequam sibi nuberet, iure viri accusationem instituere non poterit, quia non, cum ei nupta est, adulterium commisit. quod et in concubina dici potest, quam uxorem quis postea habuit, vel in filia familias, cuius coniunctioni pater postea concessit.
If anyone should wish to accuse his wife and should say that she committed adultery before she married him, he will not be able to institute an accusation by a husband’s right, because she did not commit adultery when she was married to him. The same can be said also in the case of a concubine whom someone afterwards had as a wife, or in the case of a daughter under paternal power, to whose union the father later consented.
Si quis plane uxorem suam, cum apud hostes esset, adulterium commisisse arguat, benignius dicetur posse eum accusare iure viri: sed ita demum adulterium maritus vindicabit, si vim hostium passa non est: ceterum quae vim patitur, non est in ea causa, ut adulterii vel stupri damnetur.
If someone indeed alleges that his wife, when she was among the enemy, committed adultery, it will be said more indulgently that he is able to accuse by the right of a husband; but only then will the husband prosecute the adultery, if she did not suffer the force of the enemy: otherwise, she who suffers force is not in such a case that she should be condemned of adultery or of sexual misconduct.
Si minor duodecim annis in domum deducta adulterium commiserit, mox apud eum aetatem excesserit coeperitque esse uxor, non poterit iure viri accusari ex eo adulterio, quod ante aetatem nupta commisit, sed vel quasi sponsa poterit accusari ex rescripto divi severi, quod supra relatum est.
If one under twelve years, having been led into the house, commits adultery, and soon with him passes the age and begins to be a wife, she cannot, by the husband’s right, be accused for that adultery which she committed when married before the age; but she can be accused as if a betrothed woman, by the rescript of the deified Severus, which was related above.
Sed et si qua repudiata, mox reducta sit non quasi eodem matrimonio durante, sed quasi alio interposito, videndum est, an ex delicto, quod in priore matrimonio admisit, accusari possit. et puto non posse: abolevit enim prioris matrimonii delicta reducendo eam.
But also, if some woman, having been repudiated, is soon taken back, not as though the same marriage were continuing, but as though another had been interposed, it must be considered whether she can be accused on account of the delict which she committed in the prior marriage. And I think she cannot: for by taking her back he has abolished the delicts of the prior marriage.
Si maritus sit in magistratu, potest praeveniri a patre: atquin non oportet. et putat pomponius debere dici, quoad maritus magistratum gerit, patris quoque accusationem impediendam, ne praeripiatur marito ius, quod cum eo aequale habet: igitur non cedent sexaginta dies patri, cum accusare non potest.
If the husband is in magistracy, he can be pre‑empted by the father; but that ought not to be. And Pomponius thinks it should be said that, so long as the husband holds magistracy, the father’s accusation too must be impeded, lest the right be snatched from the husband, which he holds on equal terms with him; therefore the sixty days will not run for the father, since he cannot accuse.
Legis iuliae de adulteriis capite septimo ita cavetur: " ne quis inter reos referat eum, qui tum sine detrectatione rei publicae causa aberit": neque enim aequum visum est absentem rei publicae causa inter reos referri, dum rei publicae operatur.
In the seventh chapter of the Julian law on adultery it is thus provided: "that no one include among the defendants him who is then absent for the sake of the Republic, without evasion": for it did not seem equitable that someone absent for the Republic be entered among the defendants, while he is working for the Republic.
Et generaliter dicendum est eorum demum absentiam excusatam esse, qui in alia provincia rei publicae causa absunt, quam in ea in qua deferuntur. proinde si quis in provincia, in qua agit, adulterium commiserit, accusari poterit, nisi sit ea persona, quae ad praesidis cognitionem non pertinet.
And generally it must be said that only the absence of those is excused who are away in another province on account of the res publica, rather than in that in which they are denounced. Accordingly, if anyone in the province in which he serves has committed adultery, he can be accused, unless he is a person who does not pertain to the governor’s cognizance.
Si negaverint se pater et maritus accusaturos intra diem sexagensimum, an statim incipiant tempora extraneo cedere? et primus pomponius putat admitti ad accusationem extraneum posse statim atque isti negaverint. cui adsentiendum puto: fortius enim dicitur eum, qui se negaverit acturum, postea non audiendum.
If the father and the husband deny that they will bring an accusation within the sixtieth day, do the periods at once begin to cede to an outsider? And Pomponius, for his part, thinks that an outsider can be admitted to the accusation immediately once those men have denied. To this I think one should assent: for the stronger position is that he who has denied that he will act is not to be heard thereafter.
Lex iulia de adulteriis specialiter quosdam adulterii accusare prohibet, ut minorem annis viginti quinque: nec enim visus est idoneus accusator, qui nondum robustae aetatis est. quod ita verum est, si non matrimonii sui iniuriam exequatur: ceterum si suum matrimonium vindicare velit, quamvis iure extranei ad accusationem veniat, tamen audietur: nec enim ulla praescriptio obicitur suam iniuriam vindicanti. sane si iuvenali facilitate ductus vel etiam fervore aetatis accensus ad accusationem prosilit, accusanti ei non facile calumniae poena irrogabitur.
The Julian law on adulteries specifically prohibits certain persons from accusing of adultery, such as one under twenty-five years: for he is not seen as a suitable accuser who is not yet of robust age. This is true in this way, if he is not prosecuting the injury to his own marriage; but if he should wish to vindicate his own marriage, although he comes to the accusation by the right of an outsider, nevertheless he will be heard: for no prescription is opposed to one vindicating his own injury. Indeed, if, led by youthful facility or even inflamed by the ardor of age, he leaps forth to an accusation, the penalty of calumny will not easily be imposed upon him as accuser.
Quid ergo, si tantum denuntiavit, ne nuberet, sed non addidit, quare, num recte nupsisse videatur? sed melius est illud sequi, ut eius denuntiatio videatur electionem accusatori reservare, qui crimen denuntiavit. omnino igitur si fecit adulterii criminis commemorationem in denuntiatione, etsi iudicem non monstravit, magis putamus mulierem, quasi denuntiationem praecesserit, posse accusari.
What then, if he only gave notice that she should not marry, but did not add why—does she seem to have married rightly? But it is better to follow this: that his denunciation be seen to reserve the election to the accuser who denounced the crime. Therefore, generally, if he made a mention (commemoration) of the crime of adultery in the denunciation, although he did not designate a judge, we rather think the woman can be accused, as though a denunciation had preceded.
Quaeritur, an alius adulteram, alius adulterum postulare possit, ut, quamvis ab eodem ambo simul postulari non possint, a diversis tamen singuli possint. sed non ab re est hoc probare diversos accusatores admitti posse, dum, si ante denuntiationem nupserit, prior mulier accusari non possit. exspectabit igitur mulier sententiam de adultero latam: si absolutus fuerit, mulier per eum vincet nec ultra accusari potest: si condemnatus fuerit, mulier non est condemnata, sed aget causam suam, fortassis et optinere vel gratia vel iustitia vel legis auxilio possit.
It is asked whether one person can prosecute the adulteress and another the adulterer, so that, although both cannot be prosecuted at the same time by the same person, yet individually they can be by different persons. But it is not out of place to establish this—that different accusers can be admitted—provided that, if before the denunciation she has married, the earlier woman cannot be accused. The woman will therefore await the sentence delivered concerning the adulterer: if he has been acquitted, the woman will prevail through him and cannot be accused any further; if he has been condemned, the woman is not condemned, but will plead her own case, and perhaps may prevail either by favor or by justice or by the aid of the law.
Si eo tempore, quo eligebatur reus, adultera nupta non fuit, quo autem absolvatur, nupta invenitur: dicendum est hanc absoluto quoque adultero posse accusari, quia eo tempore, quo adulter eligebatur, nupta non fuit.
If at the time when the defendant was being selected, the adulteress was not a married woman, but at the time when he is absolved she is found to be married: it must be said that she also can be accused, even with the adulterer having been absolved, because at the time when the adulterer was being selected, she was not married.
Nupta non potest accusari, non tantum ab eo, qui adulterum accusavit nec optinuit, sed nec ab alio quidem, si adulter absolutus est. proinde si per collusionem cum adultero constituerit fueritque absolutus, dedit mulieri nuptae adversus omnes securitatem. plane si nupta esse desierit, accusari poterit: neque enim aliam lex tuetur quam eam, quae nupta est, quamdiu nupta erit.
A married woman cannot be accused, not only by him who accused the adulterer and did not prevail, but not even by another, if the adulterer has been acquitted. Accordingly, if by collusion she has arranged with the adulterer and he has been acquitted, he has given the married woman security against all. Clearly, if she has ceased to be married, she can be accused: for the law protects no one other than her who is married, so long as she shall be married.
Quod ait lex " in filia adulterum deprehenderit", non otiosum videtur: voluit enim ita demum hanc potestatem patri competere, si in ipsa turpitudine filiam de adulterio deprehendat. labeo quoque ita probat, et pomponius scripsit in ipsis rebus veneris deprehensum occidi: et hoc est quod solo et draco dicunt en ergw.
That the law says "if he shall have caught an adulterer in his daughter" does not seem idle: for he intended that this power should belong to the father only if he catches his daughter in the very turpitude, in the act of adultery. Labeo also approves thus, and Pomponius wrote that one caught in the very matters of Venus is to be killed: and this is what Solon and Draco call en ergw.
Quare non, ubicumque deprehenderit pater, permittitur ei occidere, sed domi suae generive sui tantum, illa ratio redditur, quod maiorem iniuriam putavit legislator, quod in domum patris aut mariti ausa fuerit filia adulterum inducere.
Wherefore the father is not permitted to kill wherever he may apprehend, but only in his own house or that of his son-in-law; this rationale is given, that the legislator considered it a greater injury that the daughter should have dared to introduce an adulterer into the house of her father or of her husband.
Quod ait lex " in continenti filiam occidat", sic erit accipiendum, ne occiso hodie adultero reservet et post dies filiam occidat, vel contra: debet enim prope uno ictu et uno impetu utrumque occidere, aequali ira adversus utrumque sumpta. quod si non affectavit, sed, dum adulterum occidit, profugit filia et interpositis horis adprehensa est a patre qui persequebatur, in continenti videbitur occidisse.
As the law says " on the spot let him kill the daughter," it is to be understood thus: that he is not to, having killed the adulterer today, hold back and after some days kill the daughter, or the reverse; for he ought to kill both almost with one stroke and one impulse, having taken up equal wrath against each. But if he did not aim at this, and while he was killing the adulterer the daughter fled, and after some hours had intervened she was apprehended by the father who was pursuing her, he will be seen to have killed her on the spot.
Marito quoque adulterum uxoris suae occidere permittitur, sed non quemlibet, ut patri: nam hac lege cavetur, ut liceat viro deprehensum domi suae ( non etiam soceri) in adulterio uxoris occidere eum, qui leno fuerit quive artem ludicram ante fecerit in scaenam saltandi cantandive causa prodierit iudiciove publico damnatus neque in integrum restitutus erit, quive libertus eius mariti uxorisve, patris matris, filii filiae utrius eorum fuerit ( nec interest, proprius cuius eorum an cum alio communis fuerit) quive servus erit.
It is permitted also to a husband to kill the adulterer of his wife, but not just anyone, as to a father: for by this law it is provided that it be lawful for a man to kill, in his own house ( not also in his father-in-law’s), the one caught in adultery with his wife, who has been a pimp or who has previously practiced the theatrical art or has come forth upon the stage for the purpose of dancing or singing, or has been condemned by a public judgment and not restored to his former condition (in integrum), or who has been a freedman of that husband or of the wife, or of the father, mother, son, or daughter of either of them ( and it makes no difference to which of them he belonged as his own, or whether he was held in common with another), or who is a slave.
Illud in utroque ex sententia legis quaeritur, an patri magistratum occidere liceat? item si filia ignominiosa sit aut uxor contra leges nupta, an id ius nihilo minus pater maritusve habeat? et quid, si pater maritus leno vel aliqua ignominia notatus est?
That question, in both cases and according to the sense of the law, is raised: whether it is permitted for a father to kill a magistrate? Likewise, if a daughter is ignominious or a wife married contrary to the laws, does the father or husband nonetheless have that right? And what if the father or husband is a pimp or marked by some ignominy?
Capite quinto legis iuliae ita cavetur, ut viro adulterum in uxore sua deprehensum, quem aut nolit aut non liceat occidere, retinere horas diurnas nocturnasque continuas non plus quam viginti testandae eius rei causa sine fraude sua iure liceat.
In the fifth chapter of the Julian law it is thus provided, that a husband, having apprehended an adulterer with his own wife, whom he either does not wish or is not permitted to kill, may lawfully detain him for continuous day-and-night hours not more than twenty for the purpose of attesting that matter, without fraud on his part.
Constante matrimonio ab iis, qui extra maritum ad accusationem admittuntur, accusari mulier adulterii non potest: probatam enim a marito uxorem et quiescens matrimonium non debet alius turbare atque inquietare, nisi prius lenocinii maritum accusaverit.
While the marriage stands, a woman cannot be accused of adultery by those who, apart from the husband, are admitted to bring an accusation: for a wife approved by the husband and a quiescent marriage ought not to be disturbed and disquieted by another, unless he has first accused the husband of lenocinium.
Si postulaverit accusator, ut quaestio habeatur de servo adulterii accusato, sive voluit ipse interesse sive noluit, iubent iudices eum servum aestimari, et ubi aestimaverint, tantam pecuniam et alterum tantum eum, qui nomen eius servi detulerit, ei ad quem ea res pertinet dare iubebunt.
If the accuser has requested that a quaestio be held concerning a slave accused of adultery, whether he wished himself to be present or did not wish, the judges order that that slave be appraised; and when they have appraised him, they will order that he who has brought forward the name of that slave give to him to whom the matter pertains that amount of money and as much again.
Si liber homo, dum servus existimatur, tortus sit, quia et ipse condicionem suam ignorat: magis admittit caecilius actionem utilem ipsi dandam adversus eum, qui per calumniam appetit, ne impunita sit calumnia eius ob hoc, quod liberum hominem quasi servum deduxit in quaestionem.
If a free man, while he is supposed to be a slave, has been tortured, because he himself also is ignorant of his condition: Caecilius rather admits that a useful action be given to him against the one who prosecutes by calumny, lest his calumny go unpunished, on this ground, that he brought a free man, as if a slave, into examination.
Haberi quaestionem lex iubet de servis ancillisve eius, de quo vel de qua quaereretur, parentisve utriusque eorum, si ea mancipia ad usum ei a parentibus data sint. divus autem hadrianus cornelio latiniano rescripsit et de exteris servis quaestionem haberi.
The law orders that a quaestio be held of the slaves, male or female, of the person about whom inquiry is being made, and of the parents of each of them, if those mancipia (slaves) have been given to him for use by their parents. Moreover, the deified Hadrian replied by rescript to Cornelius Latinianus that a quaestio is to be held also of external slaves.
Iubet lex eos homines, de quibus quaestio ita habita est, publicos esse: proinde in communi partem publicamus: in proprio, cuius usus fructus alienus est, nudam proprietatem: in quo tantum usum fructum habuit reus, magis est, ut perceptio usus fructus ad publicum incipiat pertinere: alienum servum utique non publicabimus. ratio autem publicandorum servorum ea est, ut sine ullo metu verum dicant et ne, dum timeant se in reorum potestatem regressuros, obdurent in quaestione.
The law orders that those persons, about whom a quaestio has thus been held, be public property: accordingly, in a thing held in common we make the share public; in a thing proper (owned) to one, of which the usufruct is alien, the bare proprietorship; where the defendant had only the usufruct, it is rather the case that the receipt of the usufruct begins to pertain to the public; another’s slave we will certainly not make public. The rationale for making the slaves public is this: that, without any fear, they may speak the truth, and lest, while they fear that they will return into the defendants’ power, they become obdurate in the interrogation.
Si reus vel rea absoluti fuerint, aestimari per iudices lex damnum voluit, sive mortui fuerint, quantae pecuniae ante quaestionem fuerint, sive vivent, quantae pecuniae in his damnum datum fuerit factumve esset.
If the defendant, whether male or female, shall have been acquitted, the law willed the damage to be assessed by the judges: whether they shall have died—of what sum of money they were before the inquiry—or, if they live, of what sum of money the damage in them has been inflicted or would have been done.
Mariti lenocinium lex coercuit, qui deprehensam uxorem in adulterio retinuit adulterumque dimisit: debuit enim uxori quoque irasci, quae matrimonium eius violavit. tunc autem puniendus est maritus, cum excusare ignorantiam suam non potest vel adumbrare patientiam praetextu incredibilitatis: idcirco enim lex ita locuta est " adulterum in domo deprehensum dimiserit", quod voluerit in ipsa turpitudine prehendentem maritum coercere.
The law has curbed a husband’s pandering, who, having caught his wife in adultery, kept her and dismissed the adulterer: for he ought also to be angry with his wife, who has violated his marriage. Then, moreover, the husband is to be punished, when he cannot excuse his ignorance or adumbrate his forbearance under the pretext of incredibility: for this reason the law has thus spoken, "if he has dismissed an adulterer apprehended in the house," because it wished to coerce the husband catching them in the very act of turpitude.
Plectitur et qui pretium pro comperto stupro acceperit: nec interest, utrum maritus sit qui acceperit an alius quilibet: quicumque enim ob conscientiam stupri accepit aliquid, poena erit plectendus. ceterum si gratis quis remisit, ad legem non pertinet.
He is also punished who has accepted a price for a discovered adultery: nor does it matter whether the one who received it is the husband or any other whatsoever; for whoever has received anything on account of knowledge of the adultery must be punished with a penalty. But if someone remitted it gratis, it does not pertain to the law.
Quaestum autem ex adulterio uxoris facere videtur, qui quid accepit, ut adulteretur uxor: sive enim saepius sive semel accepit, non est eximendus: quaestum enim de adulterio uxoris facere proprie ille existimandus est, qui aliquid accepit, ut uxorem pateretur adulterari meretricio quodam genere. quod si patiatur uxorem delinquere non ob quaestum, sed neglegentiam vel culpam vel quandam patientiam vel nimiam credulitatem, extra legem positus videtur.
He is deemed to be making profit from his wife’s adultery who has received something so that his wife commit adultery: whether he has received it repeatedly or once, he is not to be exempted; for he is properly to be considered as making profit from his wife’s adultery who has received anything in order that he allow his wife to be adulterous, in a certain meretricious kind. But if he allows his wife to offend not for profit, but through negligence or fault or a certain forbearance or excessive credulity, he seems to be placed outside the law.
Sex mensuum haec fit separatio, ut in nupta quidem ex die divortii sex menses computentur, in vidua vero ex die commissi criminis: quod significari videtur rescripto ad tertullum et maximum consules. praeterea si ex die divortii sexaginta dies sint, ex die vero commissi criminis quinquennium praeteriit, debuit dici nec mulierem posse accusari, ut, quod dantur sex menses utiles, sic sit accipiendum, ne crimen quinquennio continuo sopitum excitetur.
This separation of six months is made as follows, that in the case of a married woman, indeed, six months are counted from the day of divorce, but in the case of a widow from the day the crime was committed: which seems to be signified by the rescript to Tertullus and Maximus, consuls. moreover, if from the day of divorce sixty days have elapsed, but from the day the crime was committed a five-year period has passed, it ought to be said that not even the woman can be accused, so that, since six useful months are given, thus it is to be understood, lest a crime, lulled asleep by a continuous five-year period, be reawakened.
Hoc quinquennium observari legislator voluit, si reo vel reae stuprum adulterium vel lenocinium obiciatur. quid ergo, si aliud crimen sit quod obiciatur, quod ex lege iulia descendit, ut sunt qui domum suam stupri causa praebuerunt et alii similes? et melius est dicere omnibus admissis ex lege iulia venientibus quinquennium esse praestitutum.
The legislator wished this five-year period to be observed, if stuprum, adultery, or pandering is alleged against a male or female defendant. What then, if there is some other charge that is alleged, which descends from the Julian law—such as those who have provided their house for the purpose of stuprum and others like them? And it is better to say that for all offenses coming under the Julian law a five-year period has been prescribed.
Hoc amplius senatus consulto adiectum est, ut, si plures eundem postulaverint, eius, qui perseveraverit reum reamve facere, postulationis dies prima exigatur, scilicet ut qui accusat suos libellos accusatorios exspectet, non alienos.
Furthermore, by a senatus consultum it was added that, if several should have demanded the same person, the first day for postulation be assigned to him who has persisted in making the man or woman a defendant, namely, that he who accuses is to await his own accusatory libelli, not those of another.
Quinquennium non utile, sed continuo numerandum est. quid ergo fiet, si prior mulier rea facta sit et ideo adulter eodem tempore reus fieri non potuit et diu tracta lite quinquennium transierit? quid si is, qui intra quinquennium quem postulaverat, non peregerit aut praevaricatus est et alius eundem repetere velit et quinquennium transactum sit?
The five-year period is to be reckoned not as “useful” time, but continuously. What, then, will happen if the woman was first made a defendant, and therefore the adulterer could not be made a defendant at the same time, and, the suit having been drawn out for a long while, the five-year period has passed? What if he who, within the five-year period, had filed the charge did not carry it through or has prevaricated, and another wishes to repeat the action against the same person and the five-year period has elapsed?
Nihil interest, adulteram filiam prius pater occiderit an non, dum utrumque occidat: nam si alterum occidit, lege cornelia reus erit. quod si altero occiso alter vulneratus fuerit, verbis quidem legis non liberatur: sed divus marcus et commodus rescripserunt impunitatem ei concedi, quia, licet interempto adultero mulier supervixerit post tam gravia vulnera, quae ei pater infixerat, magis fato quam voluntate eius servata est: quia lex parem in eos, qui deprehensi sunt, indignationem exigit et severitatem requirit.
It makes no difference whether the father killed the adulteress daughter first or not, so long as he kills both: for if he kills only one, he will be liable under the Cornelian law. But if, one having been killed, the other was wounded, he is not, by the words of the law, released: yet the deified Marcus and Commodus rescripted that impunity be granted to him, because, although after the adulterer was slain the woman survived despite such grave wounds which the father had inflicted on her, she was preserved more by fate than by his will: for the law demands equal indignation against those who are caught and requires severity.
Cum alterum ex adulteris elegerit maritus, alterum non ante accusare potest, quam prius iudicium finietur, quia duos simul ab eodem accusari non licet. non tamen prohibetur accusator simul cum adultero vel adultera eum quoque accusare, qui domum suam praebuit vel consilio fuit, ut crimen redimeretur.
When the husband has chosen one of the adulterers, he cannot accuse the other before the first trial is finished, because it is not permitted that two be accused at the same time by the same person. Nevertheless, the accuser is not prohibited from, together with the adulterer or adulteress, also accusing the one who provided his house or gave counsel, so that the crime might be redeemed.
Si quis adulterum non dimiserit, sed retinuerit, forsan filium in noverca vel etiam libertum vel servum in uxore, ex sententia legis tenetur, quamvis verbis non continetur. quae autem retinetur, punitur. sed si dimissam reduxerit, verbis non tenetur: sed tamen dicendum est, ut teneatur, ne fraus fiat.
If anyone does not dismiss the adulterer but retains him—perhaps a son with his stepmother, or even a freedman or a slave with his wife—he is held under the sense of the law, although he is not contained by its words. But the woman who is retained is punished. Yet if he should take back the woman dismissed, he is not held by the words; nonetheless it must be said that he is to be held, lest fraud be perpetrated.
Stuprum in sororis filiam si committatur, an adulterii poena sufficiat mari, considerandum est. occurrit, quod hic duplex admissum est, quia multum interest, errore matrimonium illicite contrahatur an contumacia iuris et sanguinis contumelia concurrant.
If stuprum be committed with one’s sister’s daughter, it must be considered whether the penalty of adultery is sufficient for the male. It occurs that here the admitted wrong is twofold, because it makes much difference whether by error a matrimony is illicitly contracted, or whether contumacy against the law and an affront to blood-kinship concur.
Fratres denique imperatores claudiae crimen incesti propter aetatem remiserunt, sed distrahi coniunctionem illicitam iusserunt, cum alias adulterii crimen, quod pubertate delinquitur, non excusetur aetate. nam et mulieres in iure errantes incesti crimine non teneri supra dictum est, cum in adulterio commisso nullam habere possint excusationem.
Finally, the brother emperors remitted Claudia’s charge of incest on account of her age, but they ordered the illicit conjunction to be broken apart, although otherwise the crime of adultery, which is delinquent at puberty, is not excused by age. For it has been said above that women erring in law are not held by the crime of incest, whereas, when adultery has been committed, they can have no excuse.
Imperator marcus antoninus et commodus filius rescripserunt: " si maritus uxorem in adulterio deprehensam impetu tractus doloris interfecerit, non utique legis corneliae de sicariis poenam excipiet". nam et divus pius in haec verba rescripsit apollonio: " ei, qui uxorem suam in adulterio deprehensam occidisse se non negat, ultimum supplicium remitti potest, cum sit difficillimum iustum dolorem temperare et quia plus fecerit, quam quia vindicare se non debuerit, puniendus sit. sufficiet igitur, si humilis loci sit, in opus perpetuum eum tradi, si qui honestior, in insulam relegari".
The emperor Marcus Antoninus and his son Commodus wrote back: " if a husband, carried by the impulse of grief, has killed his wife caught in adultery, he will not, to be sure, incur the penalty of the Cornelian Law on assassins". For the deified Pius also wrote back to Apollonius in these words: " to him who does not deny that he killed his own wife caught in adultery, the ultimate punishment can be remitted, since it is most difficult to temper a just grief, and let him be punished rather because he has done more than was right than because he ought not to have avenged himself. it will therefore suffice, if he is of humble station, that he be consigned to perpetual labor; if he is more honorable, that he be relegated to an island".
Liberto patroni famam lacessere non facile conceditur: sed si iure mariti velit adulterii accusare, permittendum est, quomodo si atrocem iniuriam passus esset. certe si patronum, qui sit ex eo numero, qui deprehensus ab alio interfici potest, in adulterio uxoris deprehenderit, deliberandum est, an impune possit occidere. quod durum nobis esse videtur: nam cuius famae, multo magis vitae parcendum est.
It is not easily conceded to a freedman to assail the fame of his patron; but if by the right of a husband he wishes to accuse of adultery, it must be permitted, just as if he had suffered an atrocious injury. Certainly, if he should apprehend his patron—who is of that class who, when caught by another, can be slain—in adultery with his wife, it is to be deliberated whether he can kill with impunity. This seems harsh to us: for he whose fame is to be spared, much more is his life to be spared.
Duos quidem adulterii, marem et feminam, propter commune crimen simul non iure nec a viro postulari convenit. cum tamen duobus denuntiatum fuisset ab eo, qui postea desistere volebat, abolitionem esse necessariam in utriusque personam respondi.
Indeed, it is not proper in law that two for adultery, the male and the female, on account of the common crime, be proceeded against together, nor that they be prosecuted by the husband. However, when notice had been given to both by him who later wished to desist, I replied that abolition was necessary with respect to the person of each.
Quaesitum est, an ea, quam maritus adulterii crimine se accusaturum minatus est nec quicquam egit vel iure mariti vel iure publico, nubere possit ei, quem in ea reum adulterii destinavit. paulus respondit nihil impedire, quo minus ei, quem suspectum maritus habuit, ea de qua quaeritur nubere possit.
It was asked whether a woman, whom her husband threatened that he would accuse on the charge of adultery and yet did nothing either by the right of a husband or by public law, could marry the man whom he had designated as the defendant for adultery in that matter. paulus answered that nothing prevents the one whom the husband held as suspect from being married by the woman in question.
Item quaeritur, an idem maritus destitisse videatur vel lenocinium commisisse, qui eandem reduxit uxorem. paulus respondit eum, qui post crimen adulteri intentatum eandem uxorem reduxit, destitisse videri et ideo ex eadem lege postea accusandi ei ius non superesse.
Likewise it is asked whether the same husband appears to have desisted or to have committed pandering, who took back the same wife. paulus answered that he who, after a charge of adultery had been instituted, took back the same wife, appears to have desisted and therefore that, under the same law, the right of accusing does not thereafter remain to him.
Si is, qui ius anulorum impetravit, adulterium commisit in patroni uxorem aut in patronam suam, aut in eius eive, cuius libertus patris aut matris, filii filiaeve fuit: an ut libertus puniri debeat? et si deprehensus sit in adulterio, an impune occidatur? et magis probo subiciendum poenae libertinorum, quoniam lege iulia de adulteriis coercendis ad tuenda matrimonia pro libertinis eos haberi placuit et deteriorem causam per istud beneficium patronorum haberi non oportet.
If someone who has obtained the right of the rings has committed adultery with his patron’s wife or with his own patroness, or with the wife of him or of her of whom he had been a freedman—whether of the father or mother, or of the son or daughter—whether he ought to be punished as a freedman? And if he is apprehended in adultery, whether he is slain with impunity? And I more approve that he be subjected to the penalty of freedmen, since by the Julian law on restraining adulteries it was resolved, for the guarding of marriages, that they be regarded as freedmen, and the condition of patrons ought not to be made worse by that benefit.
Si ex lege repudium missum non sit et idcirco mulier adhuc nupta esse videatur, tamen si quis eam uxorem duxerit, adulter non erit. idque salvius iulianus respondit, quia adulterium, inquit, sine dolo malo non committitur: quamquam dicendum, ne is, qui sciret eam ex lege repudiatam non esse, dolo malo committat.
If, under the law, a repudiation has not been sent and therefore the woman appears still to be married, nevertheless if someone should take her as his wife, he will not be an adulterer. And Salvius Julianus gave this response: because, he says, adultery is not committed without fraudulent intent; although it must be said that he who knew that she had not been repudiated according to the law would commit it with fraudulent intent.
Qui coetu conversu turba seditione incendium fecerit: quique hominem dolo malo incluserit obsederit: quive fecerit, quo minus sepeliatur, quo magis funus diripiatur distrahatur: quive per vim sibi aliquem obligaverit, nam eam obligationem lex rescindit.
Whoever, by assembly, convergence, a mob, sedition, shall have made a conflagration: and whoever has shut up a person by malicious guile or has besieged him: and whoever has done something whereby burial is hindered, whereby a funeral is the more plundered or torn apart: and whoever by force has obligated someone to himself—for the law rescinds that obligation.
Si de vi et possessione vel dominio quaeratur, ante cognoscendum de vi quam de proprietate rei divus pius tw koinw twn vessalwn graece rescripsit: sed et decrevit, ut prius de vi quaeratur quam de iure dominii sive possessionis.
If there is inquiry about force and possession or dominion, the deified Pius wrote back—in Greek—to the Koinon of the Thessalians that inquiry must be made about force before the ownership of the thing; and he also decreed that one should first inquire about force rather than about the right of dominion or of possession.
Qui vacantem mulierem rapuit vel nuptam, ultimo supplicio punitur et, si pater iniuriam suam precibus exoratus remiserit, tamen extraneus sine quinquennii praescriptione reum postulare poterit, cum raptus crimen legis iuliae de adulteris potestatem excedit.
He who has abducted a woman, whether single or married, is punished with the ultimate penalty; and if the father, appeased by entreaties, has remitted his own injury, nevertheless a stranger may prosecute the accused without the five-year prescription, since the crime of raptus exceeds the scope of the Lex Julia concerning adulterers.
Et eum, qui puerum ingenuum rapuit, puniendum divus pius rescripsit in haec verba: " exemplum libelli dati mihi a domitio silvano nomine domitii silvani patrui subici iussi, motus querella eius, qua significavit filium suum ingenuum, iuvenem admodum, raptum atque conclusum, mox verberibus ac tormentis usque ad summum periculum adflictum, gemine carissime: velim audias eum et, si compereris haec ita admissa, rem severe exequaris".
And the Deified Pius wrote in a rescript that the man who abducted a freeborn boy is to be punished, in these words: " a copy of the petition given to me by Domitius Silvanus, by name the paternal uncle of Domitius Silvanus, I ordered to be appended, moved by his complaint, in which he indicated that his son, freeborn, a very young man, had been snatched and confined, and soon after afflicted by beatings and tortures up to the utmost danger. Dearest Geminus, I would like you to hear him, and, if you ascertain that these things were thus committed, to pursue the matter severely".
Lege iulia de vi publica tenetur, qui, cum imperium potestatemve haberet, civem romanum adversus provocationem necaverit verberaverit iusseritve quid fieri aut quid in collum iniecerit, ut torqueatur. item quod ad legatos oratores comitesve attinebit, si quis eorum pulsasse et sive iniuriam fecisse arguetur.
He is held by the Julian law on public force who, while he had imperium or authority, has killed or scourged a Roman citizen against an appeal, or has ordered something to be done, or has thrown something upon his neck, so that he be tortured. Likewise, as concerns legates, orators, or companions, if anyone of them shall be alleged to have been struck, or an injury to have been done to him.
Qui dolo malo fecerit, quo minus iudicia tuto exerceantur aut iudices ut oportet iudicent vel is, qui potestatem imperiumve habebit, quam ei ius erit, decernat imperet faciat: qui ludos pecuniamve ab aliquo invito polliceri publice privatimve per iniuriam exegerit: item qui cum telo dolo malo in contione fuerit aut ubi iudicium publice exercebitur. exceptus est, qui propter venationem habeat homines, qui cum bestiis pugnent, ministrosque ad ea habere conceditur.
Who shall have acted with malicious deceit, whereby judgments are not exercised safely, or judges do not judge as is proper, or he who will have power or imperium does not, as it will be his right, decree, command, or do; who shall have, publicly or privately, through injury, exacted from anyone unwilling the promise of games or of money; likewise, whoever with a weapon and with malicious deceit shall have been in a public assembly or where a public judgment is being conducted. He is excepted who, on account of a beast-hunt, has men who fight with wild beasts, and it is conceded to have attendants for these things.
De vi privata damnati pars tertia bonorum ex lege iulia publicatur et cautum est, ne senator sit, ne decurio, aut ullum honorem capiat, neve in eum ordinem sedeat, neve iudex sit: et videlicet omni honore quasi infamis ex senatus consulto carebit.
Of one condemned for private violence, a third part of his goods is confiscated under the Lex Julia, and it is provided that he be not a senator, nor a decurion, nor take any honor, nor sit in that order, nor be a judge: and plainly he will be deprived of every honor, as quasi-infamous, by a senatorial decree.
Creditores si adversus debitores suos agant, per iudicem id, quod deberi sibi putant, reposcere debent: alioquin si in rem debitoris sui intraverint id nullo concedente, divus marcus decrevit ius crediti eos non habere. verba decreti haec sunt. " optimum est, ut, si quas putas te habere petitiones, actionibus experiaris: interim ille in possessione debet morari, tu petitor es". et cum marcianus diceret: " vim nullam feci": caesar dixit: " tu vim putas esse solum, si homines vulnerentur?
Creditors, if they bring suit against their debtors, ought to demand through a judge that which they think is owed to them: otherwise, if they have entered into their debtor’s property with no one conceding (permission), the deified Marcus decreed that they do not have a right of credit. The words of the decree are these: "It is best that, if you think you have any petitions, you should try them by actions: meanwhile he ought to remain in possession; you are the petitioner." And when Marcianus said: "I have done no violence," Caesar said: "Do you think there is violence only if men are wounded?"
Force is present also then, whenever someone demands back that which he thinks is owed to him not through a judge. Moreover, I do not think it befits either your modesty or your dignity or your pietas to do anything not by right. Whoever therefore shall have been proved to me to be rashly possessing, without any judge, any property of a debtor not delivered to him by the debtor himself, and to have asserted for himself a right in that property, will not have the right of credit".
Lege cornelia de sicariis et veneficis tenetur, qui hominem occiderit: cuiusve dolo malo incendium factum erit: quive hominis occidendi furtive faciendi causa cum telo ambulaverit: quive, cum magistratus esset publicove iudicio praeesset, operam dedisset, quo quis falsum iudicium profiteretur, ut quis innocens conveniretur condemnaretur.
By the Lex Cornelia concerning assassins and poisoners he is held liable who shall have killed a human being: or by whose malicious fraud a conflagration shall have been caused: or whoever, for the purpose of killing a human being or committing theft, has gone about with a weapon: or whoever, when he was a magistrate or presided over a public trial, has given his assistance whereby someone would profess a false action, so that an innocent person be brought into court and condemned.
Praeterea tenetur, qui hominis necandi causa venenum confecerit dederit: quive falsum testimonium dolo malo dixerit, quo quis publico iudicio rei capitalis damnaretur: quive magistratus iudexve quaestionis ob capitalem causam pecuniam acceperit ut publica lege reus fieret.
Moreover, he is held liable who, for the purpose of killing a man, has prepared or given poison: or who has spoken false testimony with malicious deceit, whereby someone would be condemned in a public trial on a capital charge: or who, being a magistrate or a judge of an inquest, has accepted money on account of a capital case so that someone might be made a defendant under a public statute.
Divus hadrianus rescripsit eum, qui hominem occidit, si non occidendi animo hoc admisit, absolvi posse, et qui hominem non occidit, sed vulneravit, ut occidat, pro homicida damnandum: et ex re constituendum hoc: nam si gladium strinxerit et in eo percusserit, indubitate occidendi animo id eum admisisse: sed si clavi percussit aut cuccuma in rixa, quamvis ferro percusserit, tamen non occidendi animo. leniendam poenam eius, qui in rixa casu magis quam voluntate homicidium admisit.
the deified Hadrian wrote in a rescript that one who has killed a man, if he did not commit this with the intention of killing, can be acquitted; and that one who did not kill a man, but wounded him so that he might die, is to be condemned as a homicide: and this is to be determined from the facts; for if he has drawn a sword and struck with it, he indubitably committed it with an intention to kill; but if he struck with a nail or a cooking-pot in a brawl, even though he struck with iron, nevertheless not with an intention to kill. The punishment is to be mitigated for him who, in a brawl, committed a homicide more by chance than by will.
Adiectio autem ista " veneni mali" ostendit esse quaedam et non mala venena. ergo nomen medium est et tam id, quod ad sanandum, quam id, quod ad occidendum paratum est, continet, sed et id quod amatorium appellatur: sed hoc solum notatur in ea lege, quod hominis necandi causa habet. sed ex senatus consulto relegari iussa est ea, quae non quidem malo animo, sed malo exemplo medicamentum ad conceptionem dedit, ex quo ea quae acceperat decesserit.
Moreover, that addition “of evil poison” shows that there are certain venoms that are not evil. Therefore the term is neutral and includes both that which is prepared for healing and that which is prepared for killing, and also that which is called amatory (a love-philtre); but only this is noted in that statute: that which one has for the purpose of killing a human being. Yet by a decree of the Senate she was ordered to be relegated who, not indeed with an evil mind but with a bad example, gave a medicament for conception, from which the one who had received it died.
Item is, cuius familia sciente eo apiscendae reciperandae possessionis causa arma sumpserit: item qui auctor seditionis fuerit: et qui naufragium suppresserit: et qui falsa indicia confessus fuerit confitendave curaverit, quo quis innocens circumveniretur: et qui hominem libidinis vel promercii causa castraverit, ex senatus consulto poena legis corneliae punitur.
Likewise, he, whose household, with him aware, has taken up arms for the purpose of acquiring or recovering possession: likewise, he who has been the author of sedition: and he who has suppressed a shipwreck: and he who has confessed false evidence or has taken care that it be confessed, whereby an innocent person might be circumvented: and he who has castrated a man for the sake of lust or of commerce, is punished, by senatorial decree, with the penalty of the Lex Cornelia.
Legis corneliae de sicariis et veneficis poena insulae deportatio est et omnium bonorum ademptio. sed solent hodie capite puniri, nisi honestiore loco positi fuerint, ut poenam legis sustineant: humiliores enim solent vel bestiis subici, altiores vero deportantur in insulam.
The penalty of the Cornelian law concerning assassins and poisoners is deportation to an island and the confiscation of all goods. But nowadays they are usually punished with death, unless they are in a more honorable station, so that they may undergo the penalty of the law: for the humbler are wont either to be subjected to beasts, whereas the higher are deported to an island.
Idem divus hadrianus rescripsit: " constitutum quidem est, ne spadones fierent, eos autem, qui hoc crimine arguerentur, corneliae legis poena teneri eorumque bona merito fisco meo vindicari debere, sed et in servos, qui spadones fecerint, ultimo supplicio animadvertendum esse: et qui hoc crimine tenentur, si non adfuerint, de absentibus quoque, tamquam lege cornelia teneantur, pronuntiandum esse. plane si ipsi, qui hanc iniuriam passi sunt, proclamaverint, audire eos praeses provinciae debet, qui virilitatem amiserunt: nemo enim liberum servumve invitum sinentemve castrare debet, neve quis se sponte castrandum praebere debet. at si quis adversus edictum meum fecerit, medico quidem, qui exciderit, capitale erit, item ipsi qui se sponte excidendum praebuit".
The same deified Hadrian wrote back: " it has indeed been established that eunuchs are not to be made; but those who are accused of this crime are to be held under the penalty of the Cornelian law, and their goods ought rightly to be vindicated to my fisc; and also against slaves who have made eunuchs, the ultimate punishment must be inflicted: and as to those who are held by this charge, if they are not present, it must be pronounced even concerning the absent, as though they are held by the Cornelian law. plainly, if those themselves who have suffered this injury cry out, the governor of the province ought to hear them, those who have lost virility: for no one ought to castrate a free person or a slave, whether unwilling or consenting, nor should anyone of his own accord offer himself to be castrated. but if anyone has acted against my edict, for the doctor who has excised it will be a capital matter, and likewise for the very person who has of his own accord offered himself to be excised".
In lege cornelia dolus pro facto accipitur. neque in hac lege culpa lata pro dolo accipitur. quare si quis alto se praecipitaverit et super alium venerit eumque occiderit, aut putator, ex arbore cum ramum deiceret, non praeclamaverit et praetereuntem occiderit, ad huius legis coercitionem non pertinet.
Under the Cornelian law, dolus is taken as the deed; nor under this law is gross fault (culpa lata) taken as dolus. Therefore, if someone has hurled himself from a height and come down upon another and killed him, or if a pruner, when he was throwing down a branch from a tree, did not call out beforehand and killed a passer-by, it does not pertain to the enforcement of this law.
Post legem petroniam et senatus consulta ad eam legem pertinentia dominis potestas ablata est ad bestias depugnandas suo arbitrio servos tradere: oblato tamen iudici servo, si iusta sit domini querella, sic poenae tradetur.
After the Petronian law and the senatorial decrees pertaining to that law, the power was removed from masters to hand over slaves, at their own discretion, to the beasts for combat: however, when the slave is presented to the judge, if the master’s complaint is just, thus he will be delivered to punishment.
Qui caedem admiserunt sponte dolove malo, in honore aliquo positi deportari solent, qui secundo gradu sunt, capite puniuntur. facilius hoc in decuriones fieri potest, sic tamen, ut consulto prius principe et iubente id fiat: nisi forte tumultus aliter sedari non possit.
Those who have committed homicide of their own accord or by evil fraud, if placed in some honor, are customarily deported; those who are in the second degree are punished with the head (i.e., with capital punishment). This can more easily be done in the case of decurions, provided, however, that it be done after first consulting the emperor and by his order—unless perhaps a tumult cannot otherwise be quelled.
Lege pompeia de parricidiis cavetur, ut, si quis patrem matrem, avum aviam, fratrem sororem patruelem matruelem, patruum avunculum amitam, consobrinum consobrinam, uxorem virum generum socrum, vitricum, privignum privignam, patronum patronam occiderit cuiusve dolo malo id factum erit, ut poena ea teneatur quae est legis corneliae de sicariis. sed et mater, quae filium filiamve occiderit, eius legis poena adficitur, et avus, qui nepotem occiderit: et praeterea qui emit venenum ut patri daret, quamvis non potuerit dare.
By the Pompeian law concerning parricides it is provided that, if anyone has killed his father, mother, grandfather, grandmother, brother, sister, paternal cousin, maternal cousin, paternal uncle, maternal uncle, paternal aunt, cousin-german (male), cousin-german (female), wife, husband, son-in-law, mother-in-law, stepfather, stepson, stepdaughter, patron or patroness, or if by anyone’s malicious deceit it has been done, he is held liable to the penalty which is of the Cornelian Law on assassins. But also a mother who has killed her son or daughter is subjected to the penalty of that law, and a grandfather who has killed his grandson: and, furthermore, he who bought poison in order to give it to his father, although he was not able to give it.
Utrum qui occiderunt parentes an etiam conscii poena parricidii adficiantur, quaeri potest. et ait maecianus etiam conscios eadem poena adficiendos, non solum parricidas. proinde conscii etiam extranei eadem poena adficiendi sunt.
Whether those who have killed their parents, or also accomplices, are subjected to the penalty of parricide can be asked. and Maecianus says that accomplices also are to be subjected to the same penalty, not only the parricides. accordingly even outsiders who are accomplices are to be subjected to the same penalty.
Si sciente creditore ad scelus committendum pecunia sit subministrata, ut puta si ad veneni mali comparationem vel etiam ut latronibus adgressoribusque daretur, qui patrem interficerent: parricidii poena tenebitur, qui quaesierit pecuniam quique eorum ita crediderint aut a quo ita caverint.
If, with the creditor knowing, money has been supplied for the committing of a crime—say, for the procurement of deadly poison, or even so that it be given to bandits and assailants who would kill a father—the penalty for parricide will be incurred by the one who has sought the money, and by those of the creditors who have thus lent, or by the one by whom they have thus provided security.
Poena parricidii more maiorum haec instituta est, ut parricida virgis sanguineis verberatus deinde culleo insuatur cum cane, gallo gallinaceo et vipera et simia: deinde in mare profundum culleus iactatur. hoc ita, si mare proximum sit: alioquin bestiis obicitur secundum divi hadriani constitutionem.
The penalty of parricide, instituted in the manner of the ancestors, is this: that the parricide, scourged with blood-colored rods, is then sewn up into a sack with a dog, a barnyard cock, a viper, and an ape; then the sack is cast into the deep sea. This is thus, if the sea is close by: otherwise, he is thrown to the beasts according to the constitution of the deified Hadrian.
Qui in rationibus tabulis cerisve vel alia qua re sine consignatione falsum fecerint vel rem amoverint, perinde ex his causis, atque si erant falsarii, puniuntur. sic et divus severus lege cornelia de falsis damnavit praefectum aegypti, quod instrumentis suis, cum praeerat provinciae, falsum fecit.
Those who in accounts, on tablets or wax, or by any other means, without sealing, have made a forgery or have removed an item, are punished on these grounds just as if they were forgers. Thus also the deified Severus, under the Lex Cornelia on forgeries, condemned the prefect of Egypt, because in his own instruments, when he was administering the province, he made a forgery.
Inter filium et servum et extraneum testamentum scribentes hoc interest, quod in extraneo, si specialiter subscriptio facta est " quod illi dictavi et recognovi", poena cessat et capi potest, in filio vel servo vel generalis subscriptio sufficit et ad poenam evitandam et ad capiendum.
Between a son and a slave and an outsider who are writing a testament, this is the difference: that in the case of an outsider, if the subscription has been made specifically, " that I dictated it to him and acknowledged it," the penalty ceases and he can take; in the case of a son or a slave, even a general subscription suffices both for avoiding the penalty and for taking.
Ex illa quoque causa falsi poenae quis subicitur ( ut divi quoque severus et antoninus constituerunt), ut tutores et curatores et qui officio deposito non restituerunt tutelam vel curationem cum fisco contrahere non possint ac, si quis adversus hanc legem profectus aerario obrepserit, ut perinde puniatur, ac si falsum commisisset.
From that ground also one is subjected to the penalty for falsum ( as the deified severus and antoninus also established ), namely that guardians and curators, and those who, the office having been laid down, did not restore the guardianship or curatorship, cannot contract with the fisc; and, if anyone, acting contrary to this law, has crept in upon the aerarium, he is to be punished just as if he had committed falsum.
Qui testamentum amoverit celaverit eripuerit deleverit interleverit subiecerit resignaverit quive testamentum falsum scripserit signaverit recitaverit dolo malo cuiusve dolo malo id factum erit, legis corneliae poena damnatur.
Whoever shall have removed, concealed, snatched away, erased, interlineated, substituted, or unsealed a testament, or whoever shall have written, signed, or recited a false testament with malicious fraud, or by whose malicious fraud that shall have been done, is condemned by the penalty of the Cornelian law.
Si quis, cum falso sibi legatum adscribi curasset, decesserit, id heredi quoque extorquendum est. inde divus quoque marcus, cum quidam a patre heres institutus codicillos intercidisset et decessisset, fisco tantum esse putavit vindicandum, quantum per codicillos erogari posset, id est usque ad dodrantem.
If anyone, after having taken care that a legacy be ascribed to himself falsely, has died, that is to be extorted from the heir as well. On this basis the deified Marcus, when a certain man who had been instituted heir by his father had let the codicils perish and had died, thought that only so much was to be vindicated to the fisc as could be disbursed by codicils, that is, up to three quarters.
Si quis legatum sibi adscripserit, tenetur poena legis corneliae, quamvis inutile legatum sit: nam et eum teneri constat, qui eo testamento, quod postea ruptum vel etiam quod initio non iure fieret, legatum sibi adscripserit. hoc tamen tunc verum est, cum perfectum testamentum erit. ceterum si non signatum fuerit, magis est ut senatus consulto locus non sit, sicuti nec interdictum de tabulis testamenti exhibendis locum habet: prius enim oportet esse aliquod testamentum vel non iure factum, ut senatus consulto locus sit.
If anyone has ascribed a legacy to himself, he is liable to the penalty of the Lex Cornelia, although the legacy be ineffectual; for it is agreed that he is liable even if, in a will which was afterwards broken, or even which from the beginning was not lawfully made, he has ascribed a legacy to himself. Nevertheless this is true only when the testament has been perfected. But if it has not been sealed, the sounder view is that there is no place for the senatus consultum (senatorial decree), just as neither does the interdict for producing the tablets of the testament have place: for first there must be some testament, even one not lawfully made, in order that the senatus consultum may apply.
for a false testament is then and only then rightly said to be such, which, if it were not adulterine, would nevertheless be rightly called a true testament. similarly, therefore, a testament not made according to law is so called in that case in which, if all things had been done duly, it would be said to have been made according to law.
Si patronus testamento liberti legatum sibi scripserit et venia impetrata abstinere legato iussus est, an emolumentum bonorum possessionis contra tabulas habere possit? et magis placet non posse. nec tamen huic consequens est, ut et, si uxor dotem vel creditor id, quod in diem sibi deberetur, sibi adscripserit et similiter venia impetrata abstinere se legato iubeantur, aut mulieri dotis aut creditori actio sua denegari debet, ne eorum uterque merito debito careat.
If a patron has written a legacy to himself in the freedman’s testament and, leave having been obtained, has been ordered to abstain from the legacy, can he have the emolument of bonorum possessio against the tablets (contra tabulas)? And the more approved view is that he cannot. Nor does it follow for this person that, if a wife has ascribed the dowry to herself, or a creditor that which would be owed to him on the appointed day to himself, and, similarly, with leave obtained, they are ordered to abstain from the legacy to themselves, either the woman should be denied her action for the dowry or the creditor his own action, lest each of them be deprived of the debt that is deservedly due.
Nullo modo servi cum dominis suis consistere possunt, cum ne quidem omnino iure civili neque iure praetorio neque extra ordinem computantur: praeterquam quod favorabiliter divi marcus et commodus rescripserunt, cum servus quereretur, quod tabulae testamenti, quibus ei data erat libertas, subprimerentur, admittendum ad suppressi testamenti accusationem.
In no way can slaves take their stand in litigation with their masters, since they are not at all reckoned under the civil law, nor under the praetorian law, nor under extraordinary procedure: except that, favorably, the deified Marcus and Commodus wrote in a rescript that, when a slave complained that the testamentary tablets by which liberty had been given to him were being suppressed, he is to be admitted to the accusation of a suppressed testament.
Poena legis corneliae irrogatur ei, qui quid aliud quam in testamento sciens dolo malo falsum signaverit signarive curaverit, item qui falsas testationes faciendas testimoniave falsa invicem dicenda dolo malo coierint.
The penalty of the Cornelian Law is imposed on one who, knowing and with malicious fraud, has signed or has procured to be signed anything false other than in a testament; likewise on those who have conspired with malicious fraud that false attestations be made, or that false testimony be given in turn for each other.
De eo, qui ei in cuius potestate est eique qui in eadem potestate est adscripserit, nihil senatus consultis cavetur: sed hoc quoque casu committitur in legem, quia huius rei emolumentum ad patrem dominumve pertinet, ad quem pertineret, si filius servusve sibi adscripsissent.
Concerning one who has ascribed to him in whose power he is, and to one who is in the same power, no provision is made by senatorial decrees; but in this case also a breach of the statute is committed, because the emolument of this matter pertains to the father or the master, to whom it would pertain if the son or the slave had ascribed it to themselves.
Si pater filio suo militi, quem habet in potestate, testamento commilitonis filii aliquid adscripserit, quem conmilitonem in militia novit: quia patri non adquiritur, extra poenam est. et cum matri filius adscripserat, divi fratres rescripserunt, cum iussu testatoris hoc scripsit, impunitum eum esse matremque capere posse.
If a father has written in the testament of his son’s fellow‑soldier something for his own son, a soldier whom he has in his power, whom he knew as a fellow‑soldier in military service: since it is not acquired to the father, it is outside the penalty. And when a son had written something for his mother, the deified brothers wrote back that, since he wrote this by the order of the testator, he is unpunished and the mother can take.
Ordine decurionum decem annis advocatum motum, qui falsum instrumentum cognoscente praeside recitavit, post finem temporis dignitatem respondi reciperare, quoniam in corneliam falso recitato, non facto non incidit. eadem ratione plebeium ob eandem causam exilio temporario punitum decurionem post reditum recte creari.
I answered that an advocate removed from the order of the decurions for ten years, who recited a false instrument while the governor was taking cognizance, would recover his dignity after the end of the term, since under the Cornelian law he does not fall for a false recitation if he did not make it. By the same reasoning, a plebeian punished with temporary exile for the same cause is rightly created a decurion after his return.
Filius emancipatus cum scriberet patris testamentum, iussu patris servo communi titii et suo legatum adscripsit: quaero quis exitus quaestionis sit. respondit: plures quaestiones coniunxisti. et quidem quantum ad senatus consultum, quo prohibemur nobis vel his, quos in potestate habemus, adscribere legatum, emancipatus quoque filius eadem poena tenebitur, licet iussu patris scripserit: excusatus enim is videtur qui in potestate est sic ut servus, si tamen iussum ex subscriptione testatoris appareat: sic enim inveni senatum censuisse.
An emancipated son, when he was writing his father’s testament, by his father’s order entered a legacy to the slave common to Titius and to himself: I ask what the outcome of the question is. He responded: You have joined multiple questions. And indeed, as regards the senatorial decree by which we are prohibited from ascribing a legacy to ourselves or to those whom we have in our power, the emancipated son also will be held by the same penalty, although he wrote by his father’s order: for he is considered excused who is in power, just as a slave is, if, however, the order appears from the testator’s subscription: for thus I found the senate to have resolved.
Sequens quaestio est, an, quoniam placet id quod illicite scriptum est pro non scripto esse, quod servo communi scribentis et alterius adscriptum est, utrum in totum pro non scripto sit an quantum ad eum tantum qui adscripsit, ceterum socio totum debeatur. et inveni Marcellum apud iulianum adnotasse. nam cum iulianus scripsisset, si sibi et titio scripsisset aut servo communi, cum pro non scripto sit, facillime quaeri posse, quantum titio et socio adquiratur ita: adicit iste Marcellus: quemadmodum socio debebitur, si quasi falsum nomen servi subducitur?
The following question is, since it is agreed that what has been illicitly written is to count as not written, in the case where something has been ascribed to a slave held in common by the writer and another, whether it is altogether to be treated as not written, or only so far as concerns the one who made the ascription, while the whole is owed to the partner. And I found that Marcellus annotated this in Julianus. For when Julianus had written that, if he had written for himself and Titius or to a common slave, since it is as not written, it can very easily be asked how much is acquired to Titius and to the partner, thus: this Marcellus adds: how will it be owed to the partner, if, as though false, the slave’s name is withdrawn?
Maritus servum dotalem manumisit et in testamento eius legatum sibi adscripsit. quaesitum est, quid mulier ex lege iulia consequi possit. respondi: et patronum incidere in poenam edicti divi claudii dicendum est et filium emancipatum, licet praeteriti possint petere possessionem bonorum.
A husband manumitted a dowry slave and, in his will, had a legacy entered for himself. It was asked what the woman can obtain under the Julian Law. I replied: both that the patron must be said to incur the penalty of the edict of the deified Claudius, and that the emancipated son, although passed over, can seek possession of the estate.
Therefore, if the patron has nothing from the goods of the freedman, he will not be held liable to the woman. Or can he therefore be held because it has been added in the law, “or he acted by dolus, so that it might the less come to him”? But he did nothing in fraud of the woman: for he did not contrive this against her. Or for this reason do we not deny actions to this one, since he is going to restore it to another?
Moreover, when one who has entered a legacy to himself by the testator’s order—even if, the testator likewise ordering, he had committed it to his own good faith to restore it to another—the senate ordered him nonetheless to abstain from the legacy, and that it remain with the heir with the burden of the fideicommissum.
Divus claudius edicto praecepit adiciendum legi corneliae, ut, si quis, cum alterius testamentum vel codicillos scriberet, legatum sibi sua manu scripserit, proinde teneatur ac si commisisset in legem corneliam, et ne vel is venia detur, qui se ignorasse edicti severitatem praetendant. scribere autem sibi legatum videri non solum eum qui manu sua id facit, sed etiam qui per servum suum vel filium, quem in potestatem habet, dictante testatore legato honoratur.
The deified Claudius, by edict, ordered that there be added to the Cornelian law: that, if anyone, while writing another’s testament or codicils, has written with his own hand a legacy to himself, he is held just as if he had offended against the Cornelian law; and that no indulgence be granted even to one who pretends that he was ignorant of the severity of the edict. Moreover, a person is deemed to have written a legacy for himself not only if he does it with his own hand, but also if, through his slave or his son whom he has in his power, he is honored with a legacy at the dictation of the testator.
Plane constitutionibus principalibus cavetur, ut, si testator specialiter subscriptione sua declaraverit dictasse servo alicuius, ut domino eius legatum ab heredibus suis daretur, id valere, nec generalem subscriptionem testatoris valere adversus senatus consulti auctoritatem et ideo legatum pro non scripto habendum et servo, qui etiam sibi legatum adscripsit, veniam dari. ego tutius esse puto veniam petendam ab imperatore, scilicet eo quod relictum est abstinentibus.
Plainly by imperial constitutions it is provided that, if the testator has specifically by his own subscription declared that he dictated to someone’s slave that a legacy be given to that slave’s master by his heirs, that is to be valid; nor is the general subscription of the testator to be valid against the authority of the senatus consultum, and therefore the legacy is to be held as not written, and pardon is to be given to the slave who has even inscribed a legacy to himself. I consider it safer that pardon be sought from the emperor, namely as to that which has been left to those abstaining.
Item senatus censuit, ut, si servus domini sui iussu testamento codicillisve libertatem sibi adscripserit, ob eam rem, quod ipsius manu adscriptum est, minus liber sit: sed libertas ei ex fideicommissi causa praestatur: si modo post eam scripturam manu sua testator testamento codicillisve subscripserit.
Likewise the senate decreed that, if a slave, at the order of his master, has entered liberty for himself in a testament or in codicils, he be, on that account, because it was entered by his own hand, less free; but liberty is furnished to him on the ground of a fideicommissum, provided only that, after that writing, the testator has subscribed with his own hand to the testament or to the codicils.
Et quatenus de sola specie fideicommissae libertatis hoc senatus consulto continebatur, divus pius rescripsit sententiam magis sequendam esse huius senatus consulti quam scripturam: nam servos, cum dominis suis parent, necessitate potestatis excusari, si tamen accedat domini auctoritas subscribentis se ea dictasse et recognovisse: videri enim ait ipsius domini manu scripta, cuius voluntate ea scripta sunt. " quod tamen", inquit, " ad liberas personas, in quas nullum ius testator habuerit, extendi non debet: quaeri tamen debet, an aeque subsequendi necessitas et honesta excusatio est non facientibus, quod non sit concessum".
And inasmuch as this senatus consultum was contained concerning the sole species of fideicommissary liberty, the deified Pius wrote in a rescript that the intent of this senatus consultum is rather to be followed than its script: for slaves, when they obey their masters, are to be excused by the necessity of power, provided, however, that the authority of the master be added, he subscribing that he dictated these things and recognized (reviewed) them: for he says they seem to be written by the very hand of the master, by whose will they were written. " which nevertheless," he says, " ought not to be extended to free persons, over whom the testator had no right: it should, however, be asked whether there is equally a necessity of following and an honorable excuse for not doing what has not been granted".
Si quis duobus heredibus institutis adiecerit, ut, si alteruter heres sine liberis decessisset, ei qui superesset et liberos haberet hereditas redderetur vel, si uterque sine liberis decessisset, hereditas ( deinde alia manu) scriptori testamenti restitueretur: placet testamentario poenam legis corneliae remitti. sed benignius est, ut etiam ea, quae supra scripta sunt, simili modo consequatur.
If someone, having instituted two heirs, has added that, if either heir should die without children, the inheritance be returned to the one who survived and had children, or, if both should die without children, the inheritance ( deinde alia manu) be restored to the writer of the will: it is the prevailing view that the penalty of the Cornelian law be remitted to the testamentary scribe. But it is more benign that he likewise obtain, in a similar manner, those things which are written above.
Sed et ceteros, qui in rationibus tabulis litteris publicis aliave qua re sine consignatione falsum fecerunt vel, ut verum non appareat, quid celaverunt subripuerunt deleverunt subiecerunt resignaverunt, eadem poena adfici solere dubium non esse.
But also that the others, who in accounts, tablets, public writings, or any other matter, without seal or signature, committed forgery, or, so that the truth might not appear, concealed something, surreptitiously removed it, erased it, interpolated it, or unsealed it, are regularly subjected to the same penalty, is not in doubt.
Qui se filio testatoris impuberi tutorem adscripsit, etsi suspectus esse praesumitur, quod ultro tutelam videbitur affectasse, tamen, si idoneus esse adprobetur, non ex testamento, sed ex decreto tutor dandus est. nec excusatio eius admittetur, quia consensisse videtur voluntati testatoris.
He who has entered himself as tutor for the testator’s underage son, although he is presumed to be suspect, because he will seem to have sought the tutelage unprompted, nevertheless, if he is approved to be suitable, a tutor is to be appointed not from the testament, but by decree. Nor will his excuse be admitted, because he is deemed to have consented to the testator’s will.
Qui duobus in solidum eandem rem diversis contractibus vendidit, poena falsi coercetur, et hoc et divus hadrianus constituit. is adiungitur et is qui iudicem corrumpit. sed remissius puniri solent, ut ad tempus relegentur nec bona illis auferantur.
He who has sold the same thing for the whole to two parties by different contracts is restrained by the penalty for falsum, and this the deified Hadrian also established. To this is also added the one who corrupts a judge. But they are wont to be punished more leniently, namely, that they are relegated for a time and their goods are not taken from them.
Item si servo, cui moram fecit in fideicommissaria libertate praestanda, adscripserit, dicendum est extra sententiam senatus consulti eum esse, quoniam placet omne, quod per huiusmodi servum adquisitum est, restitui oportere manumisso.
Likewise, if he has made an assignment to a slave to whom he caused delay in furnishing fideicommissary liberty, it must be said that he is outside the purview of the senatus consultum, since it is the accepted view that everything which has been acquired through a slave of this sort ought to be restored to the manumitted person.
Et si ei servo, qui bona fide servit, aliquid adscripsit, quod ad cogitationem animi nocens est, quia ei adscribit, quem suum putat: sed quoniam neque legatum neque hereditas bonae fidei possessori adquiritur, dicamus eum poenae eximendum esse.
And if he has ascribed something to that slave who serves in good faith, which is culpable with respect to mental intention, because he ascribes it to one whom he thinks to be his own: but since neither a legacy nor an inheritance is acquired for a possessor in good faith, let us say that he is to be exempted from penalty.
Adimendo quoque aliquid incidere in poenam debet, quasi sibi aliquid dederit: veluti si servo legato sibi eodemque manumisso libertatem sua manu ademerit ( hoc ita, si voluntate testatoris ademerit: nam si ignorante eo, libertas valet): item si, rogatus restituere legatum sibi adscriptum, fideicommissum ademerit.
By taking away something he ought also to incur the penalty, as if he had given something to himself: for instance, if, with a slave bequeathed to him and the same manumitted, he has with his own hand taken away the liberty (this is so, if he has taken it away with the will of the testator; for if with him unaware, the liberty is valid): likewise, if, having been asked to restore a legacy assigned to himself, he has taken away the fideicommissum.
Item non continetur verbis servus, qui alieno testamento fideicommissam libertatem sibi adscripsit. sed de hoc potest haesitari, quoniam, ut supra diximus, senatus ita demum ei, qui sibi libertatem fideicommissam in testamento domini adscripsit, poenam remisit, si dominus subscripsit. immo magis dicendum est hunc contra senatus consultum facere, quam eum qui legatum sibi adscribit, cum libertas omnimodo ipsi competitura sit, legatum autem domino adquiri possit.
Likewise, a slave is not covered by the terms who has assigned to himself fideicommissary liberty in another’s testament. But about this one may hesitate, since, as we said above, the senate remitted the penalty only then to one who has assigned to himself fideicommissary liberty in his master’s testament, if the master countersigned. Nay rather, it must be said that this man acts against the senatorial decree more than one who ascribes a legacy to himself, since liberty in every way will accrue to himself, whereas a legacy can be acquired for the master.
Aithales servus, cui testamento betiti callinici per fideicommissum libertas et portio hereditatis relicta erat ab his, qui ex undecim portionibus heredes erant instituti, professus est indicium apud maximillam filiam testatoris ex parte duodecima heredem scriptam: se posse probare falsum testamentum betiti callinici. et apud magistratus interrogatus a maximilla professus est probaturum, quemadmodum falsum sit factum testamentum. et cum in crimen falsi subscripsisset maximilla in scriptorem testamenti et proculum coheredem, acta causa praefectus urbi falsum testamentum non esse pronuntiavit et maximillae partem duodecimam a fisco cogi iussit.
Aithales, a slave, to whom by the will of Betitius Callinicus freedom and a portion of the inheritance had been left through a fideicommissum by those who had been instituted heirs for eleven portions, declared information before Maximilla, the testator’s daughter, written as heir for the twelfth part, that he could prove the will of Betitius Callinicus to be false. And, questioned before the magistrates at Maximilla’s instance, he professed that he would prove how the testament had been made false. And when Maximilla had signed a charge of forgery against the writer of the will and against Proculus, a coheir, the case having been heard, the Prefect of the City pronounced that the will was not false and ordered Maximilla’s twelfth share to be exacted by the fisc.
Et eum, qui contra signum suum falsum praebuit testimonium, poena falsi teneri pronuntiatum est. de impudentia eius, qui diversa duobus testimonia praebuit, cuius ita anceps fides vacillat, quod crimine falsi teneatur, nec dubitandum est.
And it has been pronounced that he who, contrary to his own signature/seal, has provided false testimony is held by the penalty for falsum. Concerning the impudence of one who furnished diverse testimonies to two persons, whose two-faced faith thus vacillates, there is no doubt that he is bound by the charge of falsum.
Si quis obrepserit praesidi provinciae, tam per acta quam per libelli interpellationem nihil agit. immo si accusatus fuerit, poenam temerari luit: proinde enim punitur, atque si falsum fecerit. sunt enim rescripta de ea re: sufficit autem unum argumenti causa referre, cuius verba haec sunt: " alexander augustus iulio marullo.
If anyone has surreptitiously approached the provincial governor, whether by the acta or by interpellation by libellus, he accomplishes nothing. nay rather, if he should be accused, he pays the penalty for temerity: for he is punished just as if he had committed falsum (forgery). for there are rescripts on that matter: however, it suffices for the sake of argument to cite one, the words of which are these: " alexander augustus to julius marullus.
Divus pius claudio rescripsit pro mensura cuiusque delicti constituendum in eos, qui apud iudices instrumenta protulerunt, quae probari non possint: aut si plus meruisse videatur, quam ex forma iurisdictionis pati possint, ut imperatori describatur aestimaturo, quatenus coerceri debeant. sed divus marcus cum fratre suo pro sua humanitate hanc rem temperavit, ut, si ( quod plerumque evenit) per errorem huiusmodi instrumenta proferantur, ignoscatur eis, qui tale quicquam protulerint.
The deified Pius wrote in a rescript to Claudius that, according to the measure of each offense, a penalty is to be set against those who have produced before judges instruments/documents which cannot be proved: or, if they seem to have deserved more than can be suffered under the form of the jurisdiction, that it be reported to the emperor for him to assess how far they ought to be coerced. But the deified Marcus, together with his brother, tempered this matter in accord with his humanity, so that, if ( quod plerumque evenit) such instruments are brought forward through error, pardon be granted to those who have produced anything of the sort.
Si venditor mensuras publice probatas vini, frumenti vel cuiuslibet rei, aut emptor corruperit dolove malo fraudem fecerit: quanti ea res est, eius dupli condemnatur: decretoque divi hadriani praeceptum est in insulam eos relegari, qui pondera aut mensuras falsassent.
If a seller has corrupted the publicly approved measures of wine, grain, or any other thing, or if a buyer has, by malicious deceit, committed fraud: he is condemned to pay double the value of that thing: and by a decree of the deified Hadrian it was ordered that those who had falsified weights or measures be relegated to an island.
Lege iulia repetundarum cavetur, ne quis ob militem legendum mittendumve aes accipiat, neve quis ob sententiam in senatu consiliove publico dicendam pecuniam accipiat, vel ob accusandum vel non accusandum: utque urbani magistratus ob omni sorde se abstineant neve plus doni muneris in anno accipiant, quam quod sit aureorum centum.
By the Julian law on extortions it is provided that no one receive money for the levying or dispatching of a soldier, nor that anyone receive money for delivering an opinion in the senate or in a public council, whether for accusing or for not accusing: and that the urban magistrates abstain from all sordidness and not receive in a year more in gift or present than the amount of one hundred gold pieces.
Lex iulia de repetundis praecipit, ne quis ob iudicem arbitrumve dandum mutandum iubendumve ut iudicet: neve ob non dandum non mutandum non iubendum ut iudicet: neve ob hominem in vincula publica coiciendum vinciendum vincirive iubendum exve vinculis dimittendum: neve quis ob hominem condemnandum absolvendumve: neve ob litem aestimandam iudiciumve capitis pecuniaeve faciendum vel non faciendum aliquid acceperit.
The Julian Law on Extortions prescribes that no one, on account of a judge or arbiter to be appointed, to be changed, or to be ordered to judge: nor on account of not being appointed, not being changed, not being ordered to judge: nor on account of a person to be cast into the public chains, to be fettered, or to be ordered to be bound, or to be released from chains: nor on account of a person to be condemned or acquitted: nor on account of a suit to be assessed or a trial of a capital charge or of money to be held or not to be held, shall receive anything.
Hodie ex lege repetundarum extra ordinem puniuntur et plerumque vel exilio puniuntur vel etiam durius, prout admiserint. quid enim, si ob hominem necandum pecuniam acceperint? vel, licet non acceperint, calore tamen inducti interfecerint vel innocentem vel quem punire non debuerant?
Today, under the law of extortions, they are punished by extraordinary procedure, and for the most part they are punished either with exile or even more harshly, according as they have committed it. For what, if they have taken money for a man to be killed? Or, even if they have not taken it, yet, driven by heat (passion), they have killed either an innocent person or one whom they ought not to have punished?
Item scripserunt ius non esse ordini cuiusque civitatis pretium grani quod invenitur statuere. item in haec verba rescripserunt: " etsi non solent hoc genus nuntiationis mulieres exercere, tamen quia demonstraturam te quae ad utilitatem annonae pertinent polliceris, praefectum annonae docere potes".
Likewise they wrote that it is not the right of the order of each city to set the price of grain that is found in the market. likewise they wrote back in these words: " although women are not accustomed to exercise this kind of notification, nevertheless, since you promise that you will point out the things that pertain to the utility of the grain-supply, you can inform the Prefect of the Grain Supply".
Lege iulia peculatus cavetur, ne quis ex pecunia sacra religiosa publicave auferat neve intercipiat neve in rem suam vertat neve faciat, quo quis auferat intercipiat vel in rem suam vertat, nisi cui utique lege licebit: neve quis in aurum argentum aes publicum quid indat neve immisceat neve quo quid indatur immisceatur faciat sciens dolo malo, quo id peius fiat.
By the Julian law on peculation it is provided that no one take away from money that is sacred, religious, or public, nor intercept it, nor convert it into his own property, nor do anything by which someone takes, intercepts, or converts it into his own property, unless to whom it shall in any case be permitted by law: and that no one put anything into the public gold, silver, or bronze, nor mix anything with it, nor knowingly and with malicious fraud do anything by which something is put in or mixed in, so that it becomes worse.
Mandatis autem cavetur de sacrilegiis, ut praesides sacrilegos latrones plagiarios conquirant et ut, prout quisque deliquerit, in eum animadvertant. et sic constitutionibus cavetur, ut sacrilegi extra ordinem digna poena puniantur.
By mandates, moreover, it is provided concerning sacrileges that governors hunt down sacrilegious persons, robbers, and plagiaries (kidnappers), and that they proceed against each one in accordance with his offense. and thus it is provided by constitutions that sacrilegious persons are to be punished outside the ordinary course with a fitting penalty.
Sacrilegii poenam debebit proconsul pro qualitate personae proque rei condicione et temporis et aetatis et sexus vel severius vel clementius statuere. et scio multos et ad bestias damnasse sacrilegos, nonnullos etiam vivos exussisse, alios vero in furca suspendisse. sed moderanda poena est usque ad bestiarum damnationem eorum, qui manu facta templum effregerunt et dona dei in noctu tulerunt.
The proconsul ought to set the penalty of sacrilege, according to the quality of the person and the condition of the matter and of the time and of the age and of the sex, either more severely or more clemently. And I know that many have condemned sacrilegists to the beasts, some even have burned them alive, others indeed have hung them on the gibbet. But the penalty is to be moderated, up to condemnation to the beasts, for those who, with a band formed, broke open a temple and carried off the god’s gifts by night.
Si quis ex metallis caesarianis aurum argentumve furatus fuerit, ex edicto divi pii exilio vel metallo, prout dignitas personae, punitur. is autem, qui furanti sinum praebuit, perinde habetur, atque si manifesti furti condemnatus esset, et famosus efficitur. qui autem aurum ex metallo habuerit illicite et conflaverit, in quadruplum condemnatur.
If anyone has stolen gold or silver from the imperial mines, by the edict of the Deified Pius he is punished with exile or to the mines, according to the dignity of the person. Moreover, he who provided a pocket to the thief is treated just as if he had been convicted of manifest theft, and he is made infamous. But he who has had gold from the mine illicitly and has melted it down is condemned in fourfold.
Sunt autem sacrilegi, qui publica sacra compilaverunt. at qui privata sacra vel aediculas incustoditas temptaverunt, amplius quam fures, minus quam sacrilegi merentur. quare quod sacrum quodve admissum in sacrilegii crimen cadat, diligenter considerandum est.
However, sacrilegists are those who have plundered public sacred things. But those who have attempted private sacred things or unattended little shrines deserve more than thieves, less than sacrilegists. Wherefore what sacred thing, or what committed offense, falls under the crime of sacrilege must be carefully considered.
Eum, qui pecuniam publicam in usus aliquos retinuerit nec erogaverit, hac lege teneri labeo libro trigensimo octavo posteriorum scripsit. cum eo autem, qui, cum provincia abiret, pecuniam, quae penes se esset, ad aerarium professus retinuerit, non esse residuae pecuniae actionem, quia eam privatus fisco debeat, et ideo inter debitores eum ferri: eamque ab eo is, qui hoc imperio utitur, exigeret, id est pignus capiendo, corpus retinendo, multam dicendo. sed eam quoque lex iulia residuorum post annum residuam esse iussit.
Labeo, in the thirty-eighth book of the Posteriora, wrote that he who has retained public money for some uses and has not disbursed it is held by this law. But as to the man who, when departing from his province, after declaring to the aerarium the money that was in his possession, retained it, there is no action for residual money, because as a private person he owes it to the fiscus, and therefore he is recorded among the debtors; and the one who wields this imperium should exact it from him, that is, by taking a pledge, detaining the person, declaring a fine. But the Julian Law on arrears also ordered that to be counted as arrears after a year.
Divus severus et antoninus quendam clarissimum iuvenem, cum inventus esset arculam in templum ponere ibique hominem includere, qui post clusum templum de arca exiret et de templo multa subtraheret et se in arculam iterum referret, convictum in insulam deportaverunt.
The deified Severus and Antoninus deported to an island a certain most illustrious young man, when he had been found to set a little chest in a temple and there to enclose a man inside it, who, after the temple had been closed, would go out from the chest and abstract many things from the temple and would return himself into the little chest again, upon conviction.
Legis fabiae crimine suppressi mancipii bona fide possessor non tenetur, id est qui ignorabat servum alienum, et qui voluntate domini putabat id eum agere. et ita de bona fide possessore ipsa lex scripta est: nam adicitur " si sciens dolo malo hoc fecerit": et saepissime a principibus severo et antonino constitutum est, ne bonae fidei possessores hac lege teneantur.
A possessor in good faith is not held liable under the Lex Fabia for the crime of a concealed slave, that is, one who did not know the slave belonged to another, and who supposed that he (the slave) was doing this by the will of the owner. And thus the law itself is written concerning the good‑faith possessor: for it is added, "if he has done this knowingly and with malicious fraud"; and very often it has been established by the emperors Severus and Antoninus that possessors in good faith are not bound by this law.
Lege fabia tenetur, qui sciens liberum hominem donaverit vel in dotem dederit, item qui ex earum qua causa sciens liberum esse acceperit, in eadem causa haberi debeat, qua venditor et emptor habetur. idem et si pro eo res permutata fuerit.
Under the lex Fabia, he is liable who, knowing a free man to be such, has donated him or given him in dowry; likewise, he who, on account of any of those causes, has accepted him, knowing him to be free, ought to be held in the same position in which a seller and a buyer are held. The same applies also if a thing has been exchanged in his stead.
Non statim plagiarium esse, qui furti crimine ob servos alienos interceptos tenetur, divus hadrianus in haec verba rescripsit: " servos alienos qui sollicitaverit aut interceperit, crimine plagii, quod illi intenditur, teneatur nec ne, facit quaestionem: et ideo non me consuli de ea re oportet, sed quod verissimum in re praesenti cognoscitur, sequi iudicem oportet. plane autem scire debet posse aliquem furti crimine ob servos alienos interceptos teneri nec idcirco tamen statim plagiarium esse existimari".
That one is not straightway a plagiarius who is held on the charge of theft on account of others’ slaves having been intercepted, the deified hadrian wrote back by rescript in these words: " whoever shall have solicited or intercepted others’ slaves, whether he is to be held by the charge of plagium which is brought against him, or not, makes a question: and therefore it is not fitting that I be consulted on that matter, but the judge ought to follow what is recognized as most true in the present case. clearly, however, he ought to know that someone can be held on the charge of theft on account of others’ slaves having been intercepted, and yet for that reason is not at once to be considered a plagiarius".
Idem princeps de eadem re in haec verba rescripsit: " apud quem unus aut alter fuerit fugitivus inventus, qui operas suas locaverint ut pascerentur, et utique si idem antea apud alios opus fecerint, hunc suppressorem non iure quis dixerit".
The same princeps rescripted on the same matter in these words: "with whom one or two fugitives shall have been found, who shall have hired out their services in order to be fed, and certainly if the same shall previously have done work with others, no one would rightly call this man a suppressor (concealer)".
Lege fabia cavetur, ut liber, qui hominem ingenuum vel libertinum invitum celaverit invinctum habuerit emerit sciens dolo malo quive in earum qua re socius erit, quique servo alieno servaeve persuaserit, ut a domino dominave fugiat, vel eum eamve invito vel insciente domino dominave celaverit, invinctum habuerit emerit sciens dolo malo quive in ea re socius erit, eius poena teneatur.
By the Fabian law it is provided that whoever shall have concealed, against his will, a freeborn man or a freedman, or shall have held him bound, or shall have bought him knowing this with malicious fraud, or whoever shall be an accomplice in any of these matters, and whoever shall have persuaded another’s male or female slave to flee from his or her master or mistress, or shall have concealed him or her, the master or mistress being unwilling or unaware, or shall have held him or her bound, or shall have bought him or her knowing this with malicious fraud, or whoever shall be an accomplice in that matter, shall be held to the penalty thereof.
Sed non utique qui non probat quod intendit protinus calumniari videtur: nam eius rei inquisitio arbitrio cognoscentis committitur, qui reo absoluto de accusatoris incipit consilio quaerere, qua mente ductus ad accusationem processit, et si quidem iustum eius errorem reppererit, absolvit eum, si vero in evidenti calumnia eum deprehenderit, legitimam poenam ei irrogat.
But not, of course, is one who does not prove what he intends straightway seen to be calumniating: for the inquisition of that matter is committed to the discretion of the cognizant judge, who, the defendant having been acquitted, begins to inquire into the accuser’s plan—by what mind led he proceeded to the accusation—and if indeed he finds his error to be just, he absolves him; but if he detects him in evident calumny, he imposes upon him the legitimate penalty.
Quorum alterutrum ipsis verbis pronuntiationis manifestatur. nam si quidem ita pronuntiaverit " non probasti", pepercit ei: sin autem pronuntiavit " calumniatus es", condemnavit eum. et quamvis nihil de poena subiecerit, tamen legis potestas adversus eum exercebitur: nam, ut papinianus respondit, facti quidem quaestio in arbitrio est iudicantis, poenae vero persecutio non eius voluntati mandatur, sed legis auctoritati reservatur.
Of which either alternative is made manifest by the very words of the pronouncement. For if indeed he has pronounced thus " you have not proved (it)", he has spared him; but if on the other hand he pronounced " you have calumniated", he has condemned him. And although he has subjoined nothing about the penalty, nevertheless the power of the law will be exerted against him: for, as Papinian answered, the inquiry into the fact is indeed in the discretion of the judge, but the prosecution of the penalty is not entrusted to his will, but is reserved to the authority of the law.
Quaeri possit, si ita fuerit interlocutus: " lucius titius temere accusasse videtur", an calumniatorem pronuntiasse videatur. et papinianus temeritatem facilitatis veniam continere et inconsultum calorem calumniae vitio carere et ob id hunc nullam poenam subire oportere.
it may be asked, if he has thus delivered an interlocutory ruling: " lucius titius seems to have accused rashly," whether he appears to have pronounced him a calumniator. and papinian holds that temerity carries pardon for over-easiness, and that unconsidered heat is free from the vice of calumny, and for that reason this man ought to incur no penalty.
Accusationem is intulit, qui praescriptione summoveri poterat, ut quilibet adulterii masculo post quinque annos continuos ex die commissi adulterii vel feminae post sex menses utiles ex die divortii: an, si destiterit, hoc senatus consulto plecti debet, belle dubitatur. movet, quod paene nulla erit accusatio, quam temporis spatium aut personae vitium omnimodo removeret reoque securitatem timoris ac periculi promitteret. contra movet, quod qualiscumque accusatio illata cognoscentis auctoritate, non accusantis voluntate aboleri debet maioreque odio dignus existimaretur, qui temere ad tam improbam accusationem processisset.
An accusation was brought by someone who could be removed by prescription, inasmuch as any charge of adultery against the male after five continuous years from the day the adultery was committed, or against the woman after six useful months from the day of divorce. Whether, if he has desisted, he ought to be punished by this senatorial decree, is nicely debated. It is urged that there will be hardly any accusation which the lapse of time or a defect of the person would not in every way remove and would promise the defendant a security from fear and danger. On the contrary, it is urged that any accusation once brought ought to be abolished by the authority of the judge, not by the will of the accuser, and that he would be thought worthy of greater odium who had rashly proceeded to so improper an accusation.
therefore it is more correct that he also, of whom we speak, ought to fall under the senatus consultum. moreover, Papinian answered that a woman, who for that reason would not be admitted to the accusation of falsum because she was not prosecuting her own injury or that of her own (kin), if she desists, is not punished by the Turpillian senatus consultum. will he therefore give the same answer in the other cases as well?
For what difference is there, whether on account of the infirmity of sex or on account of the turpitude of status or of the expiration of the time-limit one is not admitted to some accusation? And by much more they ought to be excluded, because the woman’s accusation indeed could have had effect, either on account of her own pain, whereas their accusation intervenes only so far as in voice alone. Moreover, the same man elsewhere writes that one cannot at the same time accuse two of adultery, the male and the female; and yet, if he has given notice to both at once, he ought to seek abolition in the person of each, lest he fall under this senatorial decree.
What further does it matter, whether on account of the causes written above the accusation did not prevail, or on account of the number of persons it did not hold? Or do these things differ: whether someone had a full faculty of accusing, but on account of the conjunction of persons is removed from the accusation; or indeed, by a strict reason, the faculty of accusing does not pertain to certain persons? Deservedly, therefore, it must be said that all, except the woman and the minor, unless they shall have sought abolition, fall under this senatus consultum.
Item si dicat aliquis in senatus consultum incidisse turpillianum, praesidis est super ea re notio: et tamen contra desertorem senatus consulti non intervenit coercitio: qui autem dicit quem in hoc senatus consulto incidisse, accusator non est.
Likewise, if someone says that a person has fallen under the senatus consultum Turpillianum, the cognizance of the governor lies over that matter; and yet coercitio does not intervene against a deserter of the senatus consultum; moreover, he who says that someone has fallen under this senatus consultum is not an accuser.
Incidit in hoc senatus consulto et qui accusatorem summittit aut instigat, aut qui mandat alicui et instruit eum ad accusationem capitalem dando probationes, allegando accusationes: et merito: nam diffidendo crimini quod movet et eximendo se periculo calumniae vel desertionis merito calumniantis et desistentis poenae subdi debuit, nisi subornatus accusator probaverit crimen quod intendere suscepit. nec interest, per se mandavit accusationem an per alium: verum hunc, qui hoc ministerio usus est ad mandandam accusationem, non ex verbis, sed ex sententia senatus consulti puniri papinianus respondit. summissus enim accusator similiter eodem senatus consulto plectitur, id est propter hoc solum punitur, quod ministerium alieni timoris recepit.
This senatus consultum also falls upon one who suborns or instigates an accuser, or who mandates to someone and instructs him for a capital accusation by furnishing proofs, by alleging accusations: and rightly so; for, by distrusting the charge which he sets in motion and by removing himself from the danger of calumny or of desertion, he ought deservedly to be subjected to the penalty of the calumniator and of the desister, unless the suborned accuser has proved the crime which he undertook to pursue. Nor does it matter whether he ordered the accusation himself or through another; but Papinian replied that this man, who used this ministry for mandating an accusation, is to be punished not from the words, but according to the intent of the senatus consultum. For the accuser put up is likewise punished by the same senatus consultum, that is, he is punished for this alone, that he accepted the service of another’s fear.
Quaesitum est, an is, qui libello principi dato falsum se obiecturum minatus est, si non obiecisset, turpilliano senatus consulto tenetur. paulus respondit verbis senatus consulti turpilliani eum de quo quaeritur non contineri.
It was asked whether the one who, a libellus having been given to the princeps, threatened that he would bring a false charge, if he did not bring it, is held by the Turpillian senatus consultum. Paulus responded that by the words of the Turpillian senatus consultum the person about whom inquiry is made is not included.
Triginta dies repetendi rei divus traianus utiles esse interpretatus est, ex die scilicet, quo feriae finitae sunt. et senatus censuit eas dies cedere, quibus quisque reum suum repetere possit. hoc autem repetendi rei tempus non aliter cedit, quam si accusator quoque potuit adire.
Thirty days for pursuing the defendant the deified Trajan interpreted as “useful” days, namely from the day on which the holidays have ended. And the Senate decreed that those days run on which each person is able to pursue his own defendant. But this period for pursuing the defendant does not run otherwise than if the accuser too was able to approach.
Quaerebatur, an hi, qui ab accusatione tempore exclusi essent, in senatus consultum turpillianum inciderunt. respondit non oportere dubitari calumnia non puniri eos, qui praescriptione temporis exclusi causam adulterii perferre non potuerunt.
It was asked whether those who had been excluded from bringing an accusation by lapse of time fell under the senatus consultum Turpillianum. He responded that it ought not to be doubted that those who, barred by a prescription of time, were unable to carry through the cause of adultery are not punished for calumny.
Si interveniente publica abolitione ex senatus consulto, ut fieri adsolet, vel ob laetitiam aliquam vel honorem domus divinae vel ex aliqua causa, ex qua senatus censuit abolitionem reorum fieri, nec intra dies praestitutos reum repetierit: dicendum est cessare turpillianum senatus consultum. nec enim videtur desistere, qui exemptum reum non defert: eximitur autem reorum abolitione interveniente.
If, with a public abolition intervening by senatorial decree, as is wont to happen, either on account of some rejoicing or the honor of the divine house or from some cause by reason of which the senate resolved that an abolition of defendants be made, he has not within the days prescribed renewed the charge against the defendant: it must be said that the Turpillian senatus consultum ceases. for he does not seem to desist who does not bring a defendant who has been exempted: moreover he is exempted when an abolition of defendants intervenes.
In senatus consultum turpillianum incidunt, qui subiecissent accusatores, aut subiecti postulassent nec peregissent reos, aut aliter quam abolitione facta destitissent: quique chirographum ob accusandum dedissent pactionemve aliquam interposuissent. hoc autem verbum " nec peregissent" ad universos supra scriptos pertinere dicendum est.
They fall under the senatus consultum turpillianum who had suborned accusers, or who, being suborned, had demanded defendants and had not carried through the prosecution, or had desisted otherwise than after an abolition was effected: and those who had given a chirograph for the purpose of accusing or had interposed some pact. But this phrase "nec peregissent" is to be said to pertain to all the above-written.
Si propter mortem rei accusator destiterit, non potest hoc senatus consulto teneri, quia morte rei iudicium solvitur, nisi tale crimen fuit, cuius actio et adversus heredes durat, veluti maiestatis. idem in accusatione repetundarum est, quia haec quoque morte non solvitur.
If on account of the death of the defendant the accuser has desisted, he cannot be bound by this senatorial decree, because by the death of the defendant the proceeding is dissolved, unless it was such a crime whose action endures also against the heirs, as in treason. The same applies in a charge of extortion, because this too is not dissolved by death.
Lucius titius seium reum falsi fecit et priusquam persequeretur, indulgentia reorum crimina abolita sunt. quaero, si postea eum iterato reum non fecerit, an in turpillianum senatus consultum inciderit. herennius modestinus respondit abolitionem reorum, quae publice indulgetur, ad hoc genus criminis non pertinere.
Lucius Titius made Seius a defendant on a charge of falsum, and before he prosecuted, by indulgence toward defendants the crimes were abolished. I ask whether, if afterwards he did not make him a defendant again, he falls under the Turpillian Senatus Consultum. Herennius Modestinus responded that the abolition of defendants, which is publicly indulged, does not pertain to this kind of crime.
Praesides autem provinciarum circa requirendos adnotatos hoc debent facere, ut eos quos adnotaverint edictis adesse iubeant, ut possit innotescere eis quod adnotati sunt, sed et litteras ad magistratus, ubi consistunt, mittere, ut per eos possit innotescere requirendos eos esse adnotatos.
Moreover, the presidents of the provinces ought to do this concerning those annotated as to be sought: that they order by edicts those whom they have annotated to be present, so that it may become known to them that they have been annotated; and also to send letters to the magistrates where they are stationed, so that through them it may be made known that they have been annotated as persons to be sought.
Sed et papinianus libro sexto decimo responsorum scripsit requirendum adnotatum si provinciae praesidem intra annum adierit et satis obtulerit, non esse locum mandatis, ut bona fisco vindicentur. nam et si intra annum mortuus sit, criminis causa expirat et perit et bona eius ad successores transmittuntur.
But also papinianus, in the sixteenth book of the responses, wrote that the imperial annotation must be consulted: if he has approached the governor of the province within a year and has offered security, there is no place for the mandates that the goods be claimed by the fisc. For even if he has died within a year, the cause of the crime expires and perishes, and his goods are transmitted to his successors.
In criminibus eruendis quaestio adhiberi solet. sed quando vel quatenus id faciendum sit, videamus. et non esse a tormentis incipiendum et divus augustus constituit neque adeo fidem quaestioni adhibendam, sed et epistula divi hadriani ad sennium sabinum continetur.
In bringing crimes to light, the Question is usually applied. But when or to what extent this should be done, let us consider. Both that one ought not to begin with torments the Deified Augustus established, nor is such faith to be placed in the Question; and the same is contained in a letter of the Deified Hadrian to Sennius Sabinus.
Ad quaestionem non esse provocandos eos, quos accusator de domo sua produxit, nec facile credendum subiectam eam, quam ambo parentes dicuntur caram filiam habuisse rescripto divorum fratrum ad lucium tiberianum emisso declaratur.
It is declared by a rescript of the deified brothers, sent to Lucius Tiberianus, that those whom the accuser has produced from his own house are not to be called to the question, and that it is not to be easily believed that she was a substituted child, whom both parents are said to have had as a dear daughter.
Divus antoninus, et divus hadrianus sennio sabino, rescripserunt, cum servi pariter cum domino aurum et argentum exportasse dicerentur, non esse de domino interrogandos: ne quidem, si ultro aliquid dixerint, obesse hoc domino.
the Deified antoninus, and the Deified hadrianus to sennio sabino, issued a rescript, that when slaves were said to have exported gold and silver together with their master, they are not to be interrogated about the master: nor indeed, if they have of their own accord said something, is this to prejudice the master.
Servum municipum posse in caput civium torqueri saepissime rescriptum est, quia non sit illorum servus, sed rei publicae. idemque in ceteris servis corporum dicendum est: nec enim plurium servus videtur, sed corporis.
It has been very frequently rescripted that a municipal slave can be put to torture in a capital case concerning citizens, because he is not their slave, but of the republic. And the same is to be said regarding the other slaves of corporate bodies: for he is not regarded as the slave of several persons, but of the body.
Si servi quasi sceleris participes in se torqueantur deque domino aliquid fuerint confessi apud iudicem: prout causa exegerit, ita pronuntiare eum debere divus traianus rescripsit. quo rescripto ostenditur gravari dominos confessione servorum. sed ab hoc rescripto recessum constitutiones posteriores ostendunt.
If slaves, as though partners in the crime, are subjected to torture themselves and have confessed something about their master before the judge: the deified Trajan wrote in a rescript that he ought to pronounce as the case shall require. By which rescript it is shown that masters are burdened by the confession of slaves. But later constitutions show a departure from this rescript.
Quaestioni fidem non semper nec tamen numquam habendam constitutionibus declaratur: etenim res est fragilis et periculosa et quae veritatem fallat. nam plerique patientia sive duritia tormentorum ita tormenta contemnunt, ut exprimi eis veritas nullo modo possit: alii tanta sunt impatientia, ut quodvis mentiri quam pati tormenta velint: ita fit, ut etiam vario modo fateantur, ut non tantum se, verum etiam alios criminentur.
It is declared by the constitutions that credence is not always, nor yet never, to be given to the question: for it is a fragile and perilous thing and one that may deceive the truth. For very many, by patience or hardness under tortures, so contemn the torments that the truth can in no way be extracted from them; others are of such impatience that they would rather tell any lie than endure tortures: thus it comes about that they even confess in varying ways, so that they incriminate not only themselves but also others.
Cum quis latrones tradidit, quibusdam rescriptis continetur non debere fidem haberi eis in eos, qui eos tradiderunt: quibusdam vero, quae sunt pleniora, hoc cavetur, ut neque destricte non habeatur, ut in ceterorum persona solet, sed causa cognita aestimetur, habenda fides sit nec ne. plerique enim, dum metuunt, ne forte adpprehensi eos nominent, prodere eos solent, scilicet impunitatem sibi captantes, quia non facile eis indicantibus proditores suos creditur. sed neque passim impunitas eis per huiusmodi proditiones concedenda est, neque transmittenda allegatio dicentium idcirco se oneratos, quod eos ipsi tradidissent: neque enim invalidum argumentum haberi debet mendacii sive calumniae in se instructae.
When someone has delivered up bandits, some rescripts contain that credit ought not to be given to them against those who delivered them; but in certain others, which are fuller, this is provided: that it should not be held strictly that no credit is to be had, as is wont in the case of others, but, the case having been examined, it should be assessed whether credit is to be given or not. For many, while they fear lest, if apprehended, they may name them, are accustomed to betray them, namely courting impunity for themselves, since it is not easy that, with them indicating, their betrayers are believed. But neither is impunity to be granted everywhere to them by means of such betrayals, nor is the allegation to be passed over of those saying that on that account they were burdened, because they themselves had delivered them; for an argument of falsehood or of calumny constructed against themselves ought not to be held invalid.
Si quis ultro de maleficio fateatur, non semper ei fides habenda est: nonnumquam enim aut metu aut qua alia de causa in se confitentur. et extat epistula divorum fratrum ad voconium saxam, qua continetur liberandum eum, qui in se fuerat confessus, cuius post damnationem de innocentia constitisset. cuius verba haec sunt: " prudenter et egregia ratione humanitatis, saxa carissime, primitivum servum, qui homicidium in se confingere metu ad dominum revertendi suspectus esset, perseverantem falsa demonstratione damnasti quaesiturus de consciis, quos aeque habere se commentitus fuerat, ut ad certiorem ipsius de se confessionem pervenires.
If anyone of his own accord confesses about a malefaction, credit is not always to be given to him: for sometimes they confess against themselves either from fear or for some other cause. And there exists an epistle of the deified brothers to Voconius Saxa, in which it is contained that he is to be freed who had confessed against himself, whose innocence had been established after condemnation. The words of which are these: "prudently and with an outstanding rationale of humanity, dearest Saxa, you condemned the slave Primitivus, who was suspected of fabricating a homicide against himself from fear of returning to his master, as he persisted in a false demonstration, intending to inquire about accomplices, whom he had likewise pretended to have, so that you might arrive at a more certain confession by him about himself.
nor was your counsel so prudent in vain, since under torture it was established both that those men had not been his accomplices and that he himself had rashly fabricated about himself. you can therefore grant the favor of a decree and order him to be sold through the office, with the condition added that he shall never return into the master’s power, whom, the price having been received, we are certain will gladly go without such a slave." by this letter it is signified that, as it were, a condemned slave, if he were restored, will belong to him to whom he had belonged before he was condemned. but the governor of the province cannot restore him whom he condemned, since he cannot even revoke his pecuniary sentence.
Si quis viduam vel alii nuptam cognatam, cum qua nuptias contrahere non potest, corruperit, in insulam deportandus est, quia duplex crimen est et incestum, quia cognatam violavit contra fas, et adulterium vel stuprum adiungit. denique hoc casu servi in personam domini torquentur.
If anyone should corrupt a kinswoman, whether a widow or married to another, with whom he cannot contract nuptials, he is to be deported to an island, because the crime is twofold: both incest, since he violated a kinswoman against fas, and he adds adultery or stuprum. denique in this case slaves are tortured in the person of the master.
Patre vel marito de adulterio agente et postulantibus de servis rei ut quaestio habeatur, si vere causa perorata testibus prolatis absolutio secuta fuerit, mancipiorum, quae mortua sunt, aestimatio habetur: secuta vero damnatione quae supersunt publicantur.
When the father or the husband is prosecuting for adultery and, upon petition, that a quaestio be held of the defendant’s slaves, if truly, the case having been fully perorated and witnesses produced, an acquittal has followed, an estimation is made of the slaves who have died; but if a condemnation has followed, those who remain are made public property.
Edictum divi augusti, quod proposuit vibio habito et lucio aproniano consulibus, in hunc modum exstat: " quaestiones neque semper in omni causa et persona desiderari debere arbitror, et, cum capitalia et atrociora maleficia non aliter explorari et investigari possunt quam per servorum quaestiones, efficacissimas eas esse ad requirendam veritatem existimo et habendas censeo".
The edict of the deified Augustus, which he posted in the consulship of Vibius Habitus and Lucius Apronianus, exists in this form: "I am of the opinion that examinations ought not always to be demanded in every case and for every person; and, since capital and more atrocious crimes cannot be tested and investigated otherwise than through the examinations of slaves, I deem these to be most efficacious for seeking out the truth and consider that they are to be employed."
Divus pius rescripsit posse de servis haberi quaestionem in pecuniaria causa, si aliter veritas inveniri non possit. quod et aliis rescriptis cavetur. sed hoc ita est, ut non facile in re pecuniaria quaestio habeatur: sed si aliter veritas inveniri non possit nisi per tormenta, licet habere quaestionem, ut et divus severus rescripsit.
The deified Pius wrote in a rescript that a quaestio concerning slaves can be held in a pecuniary cause, if otherwise the truth cannot be found; which is also provided by other rescripts. But this is so, that a quaestio not be readily held in a pecuniary matter; yet if otherwise the truth cannot be discovered except through torments, it is permitted to hold a quaestio, as also the deified Severus wrote in a rescript.
Potest quaeri, an de servis filii castrensis peculii in caput patris quaestio haberi non possit: nam patris non debere torqueri in filium constitutum est. et puto recte dici nec filii servos in caput patris esse interrogandos.
It can be asked whether an inquiry concerning the slaves of the son’s castrense peculium may not be held against the person of the father: for it has been established that the father ought not to be tortured on account of the son. and I think it is rightly said that neither are the son’s slaves to be interrogated against the person of the father.
Plurimum quoque in excutienda veritate etiam vox ipsa et cognitionis suptilis diligentia adfert: nam et ex sermone et ex eo, qua quis constantia, qua trepidatione quid diceret, vel cuius existimationis quisque in civitate sua est, quaedam ad inluminandam veritatem in lucem emergunt.
Very much also in the sifting of truth is contributed by the voice itself and the subtle diligence of cognition: for both from the discourse, and from this— with what constancy, with what trepidation someone would say something— or of what estimation each person is in his own city, certain things emerge into the light for the illumination of the truth.
De minore quoque quattuordecim annis in caput alterius quaestionem habendam non esse divus pius maecilio rescripsit, maxime cum nullis extrinsecus argumentis accusatio impleatur. nec tamen consequens esse, ut etiam sine tormentis eisdem credatur: nam aetas, inquit, quae adversus asperitatem quaestionis eos interim tueri videtur, suspectiores quoque eosdem facit ad mentiendi facilitatem.
Concerning a minor also under fourteen years, the deified Pius wrote by rescript to Maecilius that a question is not to be held against the person of another on his account, especially when the accusation is not supplied by any extrinsic proofs. Nor, however, does it follow that therefore they should be believed even without torments: for the age, he says, which for the time seems to protect them against the harshness of the question, also makes those same persons more suspect for a facility in lying.
Eum, qui vindicanti servum cavit, domini loco habendum et ideo in caput eius servos torqueri non posse divus pius in haec verba rescripsit: " causam tuam aliis probationibus instituere debes: nam de servis quaestio haberi non debet, cum possessor hereditatis, qui petitori satisdedit, interim domini loco habeatur".
He who has given security to one vindicating a slave is to be held in the place of the owner, and therefore slaves cannot be tortured against him; the deified Pius rescripted in these words: " you must establish your case by other proofs: for a quaestio concerning slaves ought not to be held, since the possessor of the inheritance, who has given security to the petitioner, is meanwhile held in the place of the owner".
De quaestione suppositi partus, vel si petat hereditatem, quem ceteri filii non esse fratrem suum contendunt, quaestio de servis hereditariis habebitur, quia non contra dominos ceteros filios, sed pro successione domini defuncti quaeritur. quod congruit ei, quod divus hadrianus rescripsit: cum enim in socium caedis socius postularetur, de communi servo habendam quaestionem rescripsit, quod pro domino fore videretur.
On the examination by torture concerning a supposititious birth, or if he seeks the inheritance—one whom the other sons contend is not their brother—the examination will be held of the slaves of the estate, because the inquiry is made not against the masters, the other sons, but on behalf of the succession of the deceased master. This accords with what the deified Hadrian wrote in a rescript: for when an associate was being demanded as an accomplice in a killing, he wrote that the question should be had of a common (co‑owned) slave, because it would seem to be for the master.
Cogniturum de criminibus praesidem oportet ante diem palam facere custodias se auditurum, ne hi, qui defendendi sunt, subitis accusatorum criminibus obprimantur: quamvis defensionem quocumque tempore postulante reo negari non oportet, adeo ut propterea et differantur et proferantur custodiae.
A presiding governor who is going to take cognizance of crimes ought, before the day, to make public that he will hear those in custody, lest those who are to be defended be overwhelmed by the sudden charges of the accusers; although a defense ought not to be denied at whatever time the defendant requests it, to such a degree that on that account the hearings of those in custody are both deferred and brought forward.
Maritus quidam heres uxoris suae petebat a suro pecuniam, quam apud eum deposuisse defunctam se absente dicebat, et in eam rem unum testem liberti sui filium produxerat apud procuratorem: desideraverat et quaestionem haberi de ancilla. surus negabat se accepisse et testimonium non oportere unius hominis admitti nec solere a quaestionibus incipi, etsi aliena esset ancilla. procurator quaestionem de ancilla habuerat.
A certain husband, the heir of his wife, was demanding from Syrus the money which he said the deceased had deposited with him while he himself was absent, and in that matter he had produced before the procurator a single witness, the son of his freedman; he had also desired that an inquiry by torture be held concerning a maidservant. Syrus denied that he had received it and said that the testimony of one man ought not to be admitted, nor was it the custom to begin with tortures, even if the maidservant belonged to another. The procurator had conducted the inquiry by torture of the maidservant.
Quotiens de delicto quaeritur, placuit non eam poenam subire quem debere, quam condicio eius admittit eo tempore, quo sententia de eo fertur, sed eam, quam sustineret, si eo tempore esset sententiam passus, cum deliquisset.
Whenever inquiry is made concerning a delict, it has been settled that he is not to undergo that penalty which he would owe, which his condition admits at the time when sentence is pronounced upon him, but that which he would bear if he had undergone sentence at the time when he committed the offense.
Constat, postquam deportatio in locum aquae et ignis interdictionis successit, non prius amittere quem civitatem, quam princeps deportatum in insulam statuerit: praesidem enim deportare non posse nulla dubitatio est. sed praefectus urbi ius habet deportandi statimque post sententiam praefecti amisisse civitatem videtur.
It is established that, after deportation has succeeded in place of the interdiction of water and fire, a person does not lose citizenship before the emperor has determined that he is to be deported to an island: for there is no doubt that a provincial governor cannot deport. But the Prefect of the City has the right of deporting, and he is considered to have lost citizenship immediately after the sentence of the Prefect.
Eum accipiemus damnatum, qui non provocavit: ceterum si provocet, nondum damnatus videtur. sed et si ab eo, qui ius damnandi non habuit rei capitalis, quis damnatus sit, eadem causa erit: damnatus enim ille est ubi damnatio tenuit.
We will accept as condemned him who has not appealed; but if he should appeal, he is not yet seen as condemned. And likewise, if someone has been condemned by one who did not have the right of condemning in a capital matter, the case will be the same: for he is condemned where the condemnation has prevailed.
Relegati sive in insulam deportati debent locis interdictis abstinere. et hoc iure utimur, ut relegatus interdictis locis non excedat: alioquin in tempus quidem relegato perpetuum exilium, in perpetuum relegato insulae relegationis, in insulam relegato deportationis, in insulam deportato poena capitis adrogatur. et haec ita, sive quis non excesserit in exilium intra tempus intra quod debuit, sive etiam alias exilio non obtemperaverit: nam contumacia eius cumulat poenam.
Relegated persons or those deported to an island ought to abstain from interdicted places. And we employ this rule, that a relegated person not transgress the interdicted places: otherwise, for one relegated for a time, perpetual exile is added; for one relegated in perpetuity, relegation to an island; for one relegated to an island, deportation; for one deported to an island, the penalty of the head (capital punishment) is added. And these things are so, whether someone has not departed into exile within the time within which he ought, or also otherwise has not obeyed the exile: for his contumacy piles up the penalty.
Absentem in criminibus damnari non debere divus traianus iulio frontoni rescripsit. sed nec de suspicionibus debere aliquem damnari divus traianus adsidio severo rescripsit: satius enim esse impunitum relinqui facinus nocentis quam innocentem damnari. adversus contumaces vero, qui neque denuntiationibus neque edictis praesidum obtemperassent, etiam absentes pronuntiari oportet secundum morem privatorum iudiciorum.
that one absent in criminal charges ought not to be condemned, the deified Trajan wrote in a rescript to Julius Frontonus. but he also wrote in a rescript to Sidius Severus that no one ought to be condemned on suspicions: for it is preferable that the crime of a guilty person be left unpunished than that an innocent be condemned. against the contumacious, however, who had obeyed neither the summonses nor the edicts of the governors, it is proper that sentence be pronounced against them even in their absence, according to the custom of private judgments.
One can defend that these are not contrary. What, then, is the case? It will be better determined that, against absentees, pecuniary penalties indeed, or those which touch reputation, if, though repeatedly admonished, they are absent through contumacy, can be imposed, and the matter can proceed up to relegation; but if something more grievous were to be inflicted—say, to the mines or a capital penalty—it is not to be inflicted upon absentees.
Si quis forte, ne supplicio adficiatur, dicat se habere quod principi referat salutis ipsius causa, an remittendum sit ad eum, videndum est. et sunt plerique praesidum tam timidi, ut etiam post sententiam de eo dictam poenam sustineant nec quicquam audiant: alii omnino non patiuntur quicquam tale allegantes: nonnulli neque semper neque numquam remittunt, sed inquirunt, quid sit, quod allegare principi velint quidque quod pro salute ipsius habeant dicere, post quae aut sustinent poenam aut non sustinent. quod videtur habere mediam rationem.
If anyone perchance, in order not to be subjected to punishment, says that he has something to report to the emperor for the sake of the latter’s safety, whether he should be remitted to him must be considered. And there are very many governors so timid that even after sentence has been pronounced concerning him they enforce the penalty and hear nothing; others do not at all allow people alleging anything of the kind; some neither always nor never remit, but inquire what it is that they wish to allege to the emperor and what they have to say on behalf of his safety, after which they either sustain the penalty or do not sustain it. This seems to hold the middle course.
But, as my opinion holds, they ought absolutely not to have been heard, once they have been condemned, whatever they may allege. For who doubts that, for the purpose of eluding the penalty, they resort to these measures, and that those are the more to be punished who have kept silent so long, while they boast that they have something which they say they have for the emperor’s safety? For they ought not to have kept so great a matter silent for so long.
Si quos comitum vel legati sui reos proconsul invenerit, utrum punire eos debeat an successori servare, quaeri potest. sed multa exstant exempla, quae non tantum officialium suorum nec sub se agentium, verum suos quoque servos poena adfecerunt: quod quidem faciendum est, ut exemplo deterriti minus delinquant.
If the proconsul should find any accused among his companions or his legate, it can be asked whether he ought to punish them or to reserve them for his successor. But many precedents exist, in which they have subjected to penalty not only their officials and those acting under them, but even their own slaves: which indeed ought to be done, so that, deterred by the example, they may offend less.
Vita adimitur, ut puta si damnatur aliquis, ut gladio in eum animadvertatur. sed animadverti gladio oportet, non securi vel telo vel fusti vel laqueo vel quo alio modo. proinde nec liberam mortis facultatem concedendi ius praesides habent.
Life is taken away, as, for instance, if someone is condemned, so that he be proceeded against with the sword. But he must be proceeded against with the sword, not with the axe, or a weapon, or a club, or a noose, or by any other method. Accordingly, the governors do not have the right to concede the free choice of death.
Inter eos autem, qui in metallum et eos, qui in opus metalli damnantur, differentia in vinculis tantum est, quod qui in metallum damnantur, gravioribus vinculis premuntur, qui in opus metalli, levioribus, quodque refugae ex opere metalli in metallum dantur, ex metallo gravius coercentur.
Among those, however, who are condemned to the mine and those who are condemned to the work of the mine, the difference lies only in the fetters: those condemned to the mine are weighed down with heavier fetters, those to the work of the mine with lighter ones; and runaways from the work of the mine are consigned to the mine, while from the mine they are more severely punished.
Quisquis autem in opus publicum damnatus refugit, duplicato tempore damnari solet: sed duplicare eum id temporis oportet, quod ei cum superesset fugit, scilicet ne illud duplicetur, quo adprehensus in carcere fuit. et si in decem annos damnatus sit, aut perpetuari ei debet poena aut in opus metalli transmitti. plane si decennio damnatus fuit et initio statim fugit, videndum est, utrum duplicari ei tempora debeant, an vero perpetuari vel transferri in opus metalli: et magis est, ut transferatur aut perpetuetur.
Whoever, however, having been condemned to public works, fled back, is usually condemned with the time doubled: but one ought to double for him that portion of time which remained to him when he fled, namely, lest that be doubled during which he was apprehended in prison. And if he was condemned for ten years, either the penalty ought to be made perpetual for him or he should be transferred to the work of the mines. Clearly, if he was condemned for a decade and immediately at the outset fled, it must be considered whether his terms ought to be doubled, or rather whether it should be made perpetual or he be transferred to the work of the mines: and the stronger view is that he be transferred or it be made perpetual.
In ministerium metallicorum feminae in perpetuum vel ad tempus damnari solent. simili modo et in salinas. et si quidem in perpetuum fuerint damnatae, quasi servae poenae constituuntur: si vero ad tempus damnantur, retinent civitatem.
Women are accustomed to be sentenced to the service of the mines either perpetually or for a time. in a similar manner also to the saltworks. and if indeed they have been sentenced in perpetuity, they are constituted as if slaves of punishment; but if they are sentenced for a time, they retain citizenship.
Quicumque in ludum venatorium fuerint damnati, videndum est, an servi poenae efficiantur: solent enim iuniores hac poena adfici. utrum ergo servi poenae isti efficiantur an retineant libertatem, videndum est. et magis est, ut hi quoque servi efficiantur: hoc enim distant a ceteris, quod instituuntur venatores aut pyrricharii aut aliam quam voluptatem gesticulandi vel aliter se movendi gratia.
Whoever have been condemned to the venatorial school, it must be considered whether they become slaves of punishment; for the younger are wont to be afflicted with this penalty. Therefore whether these become slaves of punishment or retain freedom must be considered. And the stronger view is that these too become slaves; for they differ from the others in this, that they are trained as venatores (beast-fighters) or pyrricharii (Pyrrhic-dancers), or for some other entertainment, for the sake of gesticulating or of moving themselves in some other way.
Servos in metallum vel in opus metalli, item in ludum venatorium dari solere nulla dubitatio est: et si fuerint dati, servi poenae efficiuntur nec ad eum pertinebunt, cuius fuerint antequam damnarentur. denique cum quidam servus in metallum damnatus beneficio principis esset iam poena liberatus, imperator antoninus rectissime rescripsit, quia semel domini esse desierat servus poenae factus, non esse eum in potestatem domini postea reddendum.
There is no doubt that slaves are wont to be given into the mines or into work of the mine, likewise into the venatorial school; and if they have been given, they become slaves of punishment and will not belong to the one to whom they belonged before they were condemned. Finally, when a certain slave condemned to the mines had already been freed from the penalty by the emperor’s beneficium, Emperor Antoninus most rightly issued a rescript that, because once he had ceased to be the master’s, having been made a slave of punishment, he was not thereafter to be returned into the master’s power.
Nonnumquam non advocationibus cui interdicitur, sed foro. plus est autem foro quam advocationibus interdicere, si quidem huic omnino forensibus negotiis accommodare se non permittatur. solet autem ita vel iuris studiosis interdici vel advocatis vel tabellionibus sive pragmaticis.
Sometimes one is interdicted not from advocacies, but from the forum. Moreover, it is a greater thing to interdict from the forum than from advocacies, since in that case he is not permitted at all to apply himself to forensic affairs. It is customary, however, in this way to interdict either students of law or advocates or tabellions (notaries) or pragmatici (legal agents).
Interdici autem negotiatione plerumque vel negotiationibus solet: sed damnare, ut quis negotietur, an possit videamus. et sunt quidem hae poenae, si quis generaliter tractare velit, inciviles invitum hominem iubere facere quod facere non potest: sed si quis specialiter tractaverit, potest esse iusta causa compellendi cuius ad negotiationem: quod si fuerit, sequenda erit sententia.
However, interdiction from trade is customarily laid, most often either upon a trade or upon trades: but as to condemning someone so that he trade, let us consider whether this can be done. And indeed, if one should wish to handle these penalties in general, it is uncivil to order an unwilling man to do what he cannot do: but if one were to treat the matter in particular, there can be a just cause for compelling someone to trade; and if there is, that opinion is to be followed.
Istae fere sunt poenae quae iniungi solent. sed enim sciendum est discrimina esse poenarum neque omnes eadem poena adfici posse. nam in primis decuriones in metallum damnari non possunt nec in opus metalli, nec furcae subici vel vivi exuri.
These are for the most part the penalties that are wont to be imposed. But indeed it must be known that there are distinctions of penalties and that not all can be affected by the same penalty. For, in the first place, decurions cannot be condemned to the mines, nor to work of the mines, nor be subjected to the gibbet, or burned alive.
Plane si parens decurio esse desierit, si quidem iam decurione fuerit editus, proderit ei, ne adficiatur: enimvero si posteaquam plebeius factus est tunc suscipiat filium, quasi plebeio editus ita erit plectendus.
Clearly, if the parent has ceased to be a decurion, if indeed the child has already been brought forth while he was a decurion, it will be to his advantage, so that he not be affected; but indeed, if after he has become a plebeian he then takes up a son, he is to be punished as though born of a plebeian.
In servorum persona ita observatur, ut exemplo humiliorum puniantur. et ex quibus causis liber fustibus caeditur, ex his servus flagellis caedi et domino reddi iubetur: et ex quibus liber fustibus caesus in opus publicum datur, ex his servus, sub poena vinculorum ad eius temporis spatium, flagellis caesus domino reddi iubetur. si sub poena vinculorum domino reddi iussus non recipiatur, venumdari et, si emptorem non invenerit, in opus publicum et quidem perpetuum tradi iubetur.
In the person of slaves it is thus observed, that they are punished on the model of the humbler classes. And for those causes for which a free man is beaten with cudgels, for these a slave is ordered to be beaten with whips and to be returned to his master; and for those causes for which a free man, beaten with cudgels, is given to public work, for these a slave—under the penalty of chains for that span of time—having been beaten with whips, is ordered to be returned to his master. If, though ordered to be returned to his master under the penalty of chains, he is not received, he is ordered to be sold; and, if he does not find a buyer, he is ordered to be handed over to public work, and indeed perpetual.
In personis tam plebeiorum quam decurionum illud constitutum est, ut qui maiori poena adficitur, quam legibus statuta est, infamis non fiat. ergo et si opere temporario quis multatus sit vel tantum fustibus caesus, licet in actione famosa, veluti furti, dicendum erit infamem non esse, quia et solus fustium ictus gravior est quam pecuniaris damnatio.
As to persons, both of plebeians and of decurions, it has been established that one who is afflicted with a greater punishment than is set by the laws does not become infamous. Therefore even if someone has been mulcted with temporary labor or only beaten with cudgels, although in an infamous action, as of theft, it will have to be said that he is not infamous, since even the mere stroke of cudgels is graver than a pecuniary condemnation.
Perspiciendum est iudicanti, ne quid aut durius aut remissius constituatur, quam causa deposcit: nec enim aut severitatis aut clementiae gloria affectanda est, sed perpenso iudicio, prout quaeque res expostulat, statuendum est. plane in levioribus causis proniores ad lenitatem iudices esse debent, in gravioribus poenis severitatem legum cum aliquo temperamento benignitatis subsequi.
It must be considered by the judge, that nothing either harsher or more remiss be established than the case demands: for the glory of either severity or clemency is not to be pursued, but with well-weighed judgment, as each matter calls for, it must be determined. Plainly, in lighter causes judges ought to be more prone to lenity; in graver penalties, to follow the severity of the laws with some tempering by benignity.
Furta domestica si viliora sunt, publice vindicanda non sunt, nec admittenda est huiusmodi accusatio, cum servus a domino vel libertus a patrono, in cuius domo moratur, vel mercennarius ab eo, cui operas suas locaverat, offeratur quaestioni: nam domestica furta vocantur, quae servi dominis vel liberti patronis vel mercennarii apud quos degunt subripiunt.
Domestic thefts, if they are of lesser value, are not to be prosecuted publicly, nor is an accusation of this kind to be admitted, when a slave is presented to interrogation by his master, or a freedman by his patron in whose house he dwells, or a hireling by the one to whom he had let out his services: for “domestic thefts” are called those which slaves filch from their masters, freedmen from their patrons, or hirelings from those with whom they dwell.
Quod ad statum damnatorum pertinet, nihil interest, iudicium publicum fuerit nec ne: nam sola sententia, non genus criminis spectatur. itaque hi, in quos animadverti iubetur quive ad bestias dantur, confestim poenae servi fiunt.
As regards the status of the condemned, it makes no difference whether there has been a public judgment or not: for only the sentence, not the genus of the crime, is regarded. And so those upon whom it is ordered that punishment be inflicted, or who are given to the beasts, immediately become slaves of the penalty.
Persona dupliciter spectatur, eius qui fecit et eius qui passus est: aliter enim puniuntur ex isdem facinoribus servi quam liberi, et aliter, qui quid in dominum parentemve ausus est quam qui in extraneum, in magistratum vel in privatum. in eius rei consideratione aetatis quoque ratio habeatur.
the person is considered in a twofold way, that of the one who did and that of the one who suffered: for slaves are punished differently than free persons for the same crimes, and differently he who has dared something against a master or a parent than he who (has dared) against a stranger, against a magistrate or against a private person. in the consideration of that matter, account also should be taken of age.
Qualitate, cum factum vel atrocius vel levius est: ut furta manifesta a nec manifestis discerni solent, rixae a grassaturis, expilationes a furtis, petulantia a violentia. qua de re maximus apud graecos orator demosthenes sic ait: ou gar hy plygy parestyse tyn hubrin, all' hy atimia: oude to tuptesvai tois eleuverois esti deinon, kaiper on deinon, alla to eph' hubrei. polla gar an poiyseien ho tuptwn, w andres avynaioi, hwn ho pavwn enia oud' an apaggeilai dunaito heterw, tw sxymati, tw blemmati, ty fwny, hotan hws hubrizwn, hotan hws exvros huparxwn, hotan kondulois, hotan epi korrys.
By quality, when the deed is either more atrocious or lighter: as manifest thefts are wont to be distinguished from non‑manifest, brawls from highway assaults, plunderings from thefts, petulance from violence. Concerning which the greatest orator among the Greeks, Demosthenes, thus says: for it is not the blow that supplies the outrage, but the dishonor; nor is it a dreadful thing for free men to be struck—though it is dreadful—but that it is done in wanton insult. For the striker could do many things, O men of Athens, some of which a bystander could not even report to another—by his posture, by his glance, by his voice—when he does it as an act of hubris, when he carries himself as overbearing, when with his knuckles, when upon the head.
Eventus spectetur, ut a clementissimo quoquo facta: quamquam lex non minus eum, qui occidendi hominis causa cum telo fuerit, quam eum qui occiderit puniat. et ideo apud graecos exilio voluntario fortuiti casus luebantur, ut apud praecipuum poetarum scriptum est: eute me tutvon eonta menoitios ec opoentos ygagen humeterond' androktasiys hupo lugrys, ymati tw hote paida katektanon amfidamantos nypios, ouk evelwn, amf' astragaloisi xolwveis.
Let the outcome be considered, as by any most clement man deeds are judged: although the law punishes no less him who has been with a weapon for the purpose of killing a man than him who has actually killed. And therefore among the Greeks chance mishaps were expiated by voluntary exile, as is written by the foremost of poets: “when Menoetius, from Opus, brought me to Peleus for a grievous manslaughter, on the day when I, a boy, killed the son of Amphidamas—not willing it—angered over knucklebones.”
In metallum damnati si valetudine aut aetatis infirmitate inutiles operi faciundo deprehendantur, ex rescripto divi pii a praeside dimitti poterunt, qui aestimabit de his dimittendis, si modo vel cognatos vel adfines habeant et non minus decem annis poenae suae functi fuerint.
Those condemned to the mines, if they are found unfit for performing the work because of ill-health or the infirmity of age, can be released by the governor by virtue of the rescript of the deified Pius; he will assess the matter of releasing them, provided only that they have either cognates (blood-relatives) or affines (relations by marriage) and have served not less than 10 years of their penalty.
Divi fratres arruntio siloni rescripserunt non solere praesides provinciarum ea quae pronuntiaverunt ipsos rescindere. vetinae quoque italicensi rescripserunt suam mutare sententiam neminem posse idque insolitum esse fieri. si tamen de se quis mentitus fuerit vel, cum non haberet probationum instrumenta, quae postea reppererit, poena adflictus sit, nonnulla exstant principalia rescripta, quibus vel poena eorum minuta est vel in integrum restitutio concessa.
The deified brothers wrote back by rescript to Arruntius Silo that governors of the provinces are not wont themselves to rescind the things they have pronounced. They also wrote by rescript to Vetina Italicensis that no one is able to change his own judgment, and that it is unusual for this to be done. Nevertheless, if someone has lied about himself, or, when he did not have the instruments of proofs, later found them and has been afflicted with a penalty, there exist several imperial rescripts by which either their penalty has been diminished or restitution in integrum has been granted.
De decurionibus et principalibus civitatium, qui capitale admiserunt, mandatis cavetur, ut, si quis id admisisse videatur, propter quod relegandus extra provinciam in insulam sit, imperatori scribatur adiecta sententia a praeside.
Concerning decurions and the principal men of the cities who have committed a capital offense, it is provided by mandates that, if anyone appears to have committed this, on account of which he is to be relegated outside the province to an island, a report shall be written to the emperor with the sentence appended by the governor.
Alio quoque capite mandatorum in haec verba cavetur: " si qui ex principalibus alicuius civitatis latrocinium fecerint aliudve quod facinus, ut capitalem poenam meruisse videantur, commiserint, vinctos eos custodies et mihi scribes et adicies, quid quisque commiserit " .
In another head also of the mandates it is provided in these words: " if any of the principal men of any city have committed brigandage or any other crime, such that they seem to have deserved capital punishment, you shall keep them bound in custody and you shall write to me and add what each one has committed " .
Capitalium poenarum fere isti gradus sunt. summum supplicium esse videtur ad furcam damnatio. item vivi crematio: quod quamquam summi supplicii appellatione merito contineretur, tamen eo, quod postea id genus poenae adinventum est, posterius primo visum est.
The degrees of capital punishments are roughly these. The highest punishment seems to be condemnation to the fork. Likewise, burning alive: which, although it was rightly contained under the appellation of the highest punishment, nevertheless, because that kind of penalty was devised later, seemed later than the first.
Solent quidam, qui volgo se iuvenes appellant, in quibusdam civitatibus turbulentis se adclamationibus popularium accommodare. qui si amplius nihil admiserint nec ante sint a praeside admoniti, fustibus caesi dimittuntur aut etiam spectaculis eis interdicitur. quod si ita correcti in eisdem deprehendantur, exilio puniendi sunt, nonnumquam capite plectendi, scilicet cum saepius seditiose et turbulente se gesserint et aliquotiens adprehensi tractati clementius in eadem temeritate propositi perseveraverint.
Certain persons, who commonly style themselves “young men,” are wont in some turbulent cities to accommodate themselves to the acclamations of the populace. If they have committed nothing further and have not previously been admonished by the governor, they are beaten with rods and dismissed, or even interdicted from spectacles. But if, thus corrected, they are caught in the same practices, they are to be punished with exile, and sometimes with capital punishment—namely, when they have repeatedly conducted themselves seditiously and turbulently and, though apprehended several times and handled more leniently, have persisted in the same rash resolve.
Divus hadrianus in haec verba rescripsit: " in opus metalli ad tempus nemo damnari debet. sed qui ad tempus damnatus est, etiamsi faciet metallicum opus, non in metallum damnatus esse intellegi debet: huius enim libertas manet, quamdiu etiam hi, qui in perpetuum opus damnantur". proinde et mulieres hoc modo damnatae liberos pariunt.
The deified Hadrian wrote back in these words: " to mine-work for a time no one ought to be sentenced. But one who has been sentenced for a time, even if he performs mine-work, ought not to be understood as having been sentenced into the mine; for his liberty remains, as also for those who are sentenced to perpetual work." Accordingly, even women sentenced in this way bear children free.
Ad statuas confugere vel imagines principum in iniuriam alterius prohibitum est. cum enim leges omnibus hominibus aequaliter securitatem tribuant, merito visum est in iniuriam potius alterius quam sui defensionis gratia ad statuas vel imagines principum confugere: nisi si quis ex vinculis vel custodia detentus a potentioribus ad huiusmodi praesidium confugerit: his enim venia tribuenda est. ne autem ad statuas vel imagines quis confugiat, senatus censuit: eumque, qui imaginem caesaris in invidiam alterius praetulisset, in vincula publica coerceri divus pius rescripsit.
To take refuge at statues or at the images of the princes (emperors) to the injury of another is prohibited. For since the laws grant security equally to all human beings, it has rightly seemed that one who flees for refuge to the statues or images of the princes does so rather to the injury of another than for the sake of his own defense—unless someone, detained in chains or in custody by more powerful men, has fled to such a protection; for to these a pardon is to be granted. Moreover, the Senate decreed that no one should take refuge at statues or images; and the deified Pius, by rescript, wrote that the one who had borne forth the image of Caesar to the odium of another is to be constrained in public bonds.
Grassatores, qui praedae causa id faciunt, proximi latronibus habentur. et si cum ferro adgredi et spoliare instituerunt, capite puniuntur, utique si saepius atque in itineribus hoc admiserunt: ceteri in metallum dantur vel in insulas relegantur.
Footpads, who do this for the sake of booty, are considered nearest to bandits. And if they have undertaken to attack with iron and to despoil, they are punished capitally, especially if they have admitted this repeatedly and on the roads; the rest are consigned to the mines or are relegated to islands.
Incendiarii capite puniuntur, qui ob inimicitias vel praedae causa incenderint intra oppidum: et plerumque vivi exuruntur. qui vero casam aut villam, aliquo lenius. nam fortuita incendia, si, cum vitari possent, per neglegentiam eorum, apud quos orta sunt, damno vicinis fuerunt, civiliter exercentur ( ut qui iactura adfectus est, damni disceptet) vel modice vindicaretur.
Incendiaries are punished capitally, who have set fires within a town on account of enmities or for the sake of booty: and for the most part they are burned alive. But those who [burn] a cottage or a villa, somewhat more leniently. For fortuitous fires, if, when they could have been avoided, through the negligence of those at whose place they arose, they have been a damage to neighbors, are handled civilly ( so that he who has been affected by a loss may dispute the damages) or are vindicated with moderation.
In exulibus gradus poenarum constituti edicto divi hadriani, ut qui ad tempus relegatus est, si redeat in insulam relegetur, qui relegatus in insulam excesserit, in insulam deportetur, qui deportatus evaserit, capite puniatur.
In the case of exiles, grades of penalties were constituted by the edict of the deified Hadrian: one who has been relegated for a term, if he returns, shall be relegated to an island; one who, having been relegated to an island, has departed from it, shall be deported to an island; one who, having been deported, has escaped, shall be punished with capital punishment.
Ita et in custodiis gradum servandum esse idem princeps rescripsit, id est ut, qui in tempus damnati erant, in perpetuum damnarentur, qui in perpetuum damnati erant, in metallum damnarentur, qui in metallum damnati id admiserint, summo supplicio adficerentur.
Thus also, in matters of custody, the gradation is to be observed, the same emperor wrote in a rescript; that is, that those who had been condemned for a term should be condemned in perpetuity, those who had been condemned in perpetuity should be condemned to the mines, and those who, having been condemned to the mines, have committed that, should be subjected to the supreme penalty.
Famosos latrones in his locis, ubi grassati sunt, furca figendos compluribus placuit, ut et conspectu deterreantur alii ab isdem facinoribus et solacio sit cognatis et adfinibus interemptorum eodem loco poena reddita, in quo latrones homicidia fecissent: nonnulli etiam ad bestias hos damnaverunt.
Many have decided that notorious brigands should be fixed on the gibbet in those places where they have waylaid, so that by the sight others may be deterred from the same crimes and it may be a solace to the kin and affines of the slain that punishment is rendered in the same place in which the brigands had committed the homicides: some have even condemned these men to the beasts.
Qui ultimo supplicio damnantur, statim et civitatem et libertatem perdunt. itaque praeoccupat hic casus mortem et nonnumquam longum tempus occupat: quod accidit in personis eorum, qui ad bestias damnantur. saepe etiam ideo servari solent post damnationem, ut ex his in alios quaestio habeatur.
Those who are condemned to the ultimate punishment straightway lose both citizenship and liberty. Accordingly this condition forestalls death and sometimes occupies a long time: which happens in the case of persons who are condemned to the beasts. Often also for this reason they are kept after condemnation, so that from them inquiry may be had against others.
Si praeses vel iudex ita interlocutus sit " vim fecisti", si quidem ex interdicto, non erit notatus nec poena legis iuliae sequetur: si vero ex crimine, aliud est. quid si non distinxerit praeses, utrum iulia publicorum an iulia privatorum? tunc ex crimine erit aestimandum.
If the governor or judge has so interlocuted, "you committed violence," then, if indeed under an interdict, he will not be marked, nor will the penalty of the Julian law follow; but if on the basis of a criminal charge, it is otherwise. What if the governor has not distinguished whether the Julian law on public violence or the Julian law on private violence? Then it must be assessed as a matter of crime.
Fratres imperatores rescripserunt servos in temporaria vincula damnatos libertatem et hereditatem sive legatum, postquam tempus expleverint, consequi, quia temporaria coercitio, quae descendit ex sententia, poenae est abolitio. si autem beneficium libertatis in vinculis eos inveniat, ratio iuris et verba constitutionis libertati refragantur. plane si testamento libertas data sit et eo tempore, quo aditur hereditas, tempus vinculorum solutum sit, recte manumissus intellegetur, non secus ac si pignori datum servum debitor manumisisset eiusque post liberatum pignus adita fuisset hereditas.
the brother emperors rescripted that slaves condemned to temporary confinement may obtain freedom and an inheritance or a legacy after they have completed the term, because temporary coercion, which descends from a sentence, is an abolition of the penalty. but if the benefit of freedom should find them in chains, the reason of law and the words of the constitution oppose the freedom. plainly, if freedom has been given by testament and, at the time when the inheritance is entered upon, the term of the chains has been discharged, he will be rightly understood to have been manumitted, not otherwise than if a debtor had manumitted a slave given in pledge and, after he was freed, the inheritance had been entered upon with respect to the pledge.
Qui abortionis aut amatorium poculum dant, etsi dolo non faciant, tamen quia mali exempli res est, humiliores in metallum, honestiores in insulam amissa parte bonorum relegantur. quod si eo mulier aut homo perierit, summo supplicio adficiuntur.
Those who give an abortifacient or an amatorial potion, even if they do not act with dolus (deceit), nevertheless, because the matter is of bad example, the humiliores are sent to the mines, the honestiores are relegated to an island, with part of their goods forfeited. But if by it a woman or a man has perished, they are subjected to the supreme punishment (capital punishment).
Cicero in oratione pro cluentio habito scripsit milesiam quandam mulierem, cum esset in asia, quod ab heredibus secundis accepta pecunia partum sibi medicamentis ipsa abegisset, rei capitalis esse damnatam. sed et si qua visceribus suis post divortium, quod praegnas fuit, vim intulerit, ne iam inimico marito filium procrearet, ut temporali exilio coerceatur, ab optimis imperatoribus nostris rescriptum est.
Cicero, in the oration Pro Cluentio delivered, wrote that a certain Milesian woman, when she was in Asia, because, after money had been accepted from the secondary heirs, she had by drugs herself expelled the offspring, was condemned on a capital charge. But also that, if any woman, after a divorce, on the ground that she was pregnant, were to inflict violence upon her own viscera, so as not to beget a son for a husband now hostile, she should be constrained by temporal exile, has been rescripted by our most excellent emperors.
Sanctio legum, quae novissime certam poenam irrogat his, qui praeceptis legis non obtemperaverint, ad eas species pertinere non videtur, quibus ipsa lege poena specialiter addita est. nec ambigitur in cetero omni iure speciem generi derogare, nec sane verisimile est delictum unum eadem lege variis aestimationibus coerceri.
The sanction clause of laws, which in its concluding part imposes a fixed penalty upon those who have not obeyed the precepts of the law, does not seem to pertain to those species for which by the law itself a penalty has been specially added. Nor is it in doubt, in all other law, that the species derogates from the genus; nor indeed is it plausible that one delict should be coerced, under the same law, by various estimations.
Quod si deportata sit filia familias, Marcellus ait, quae sententia et vera est, non utique deportatione dissolvi matrimonium: nam cum libera mulier remaneat, nihil prohibet et virum mariti affectionem et mulierem uxoris animum retinere. si igitur eo animo mulier fuerit, ut discedere a marito velit, ait Marcellus tunc patrem de dote acturum. sed si mater familias sit et interim constante matrimonio fuerit deportata, dotem penes maritum remanere: postea vero dissoluto matrimonio posse eam agere, quasi humanitatis intuitu hodie nata actione.
But if a daughter in the household power has been deported, Marcellus says—and this opinion is true—that the marriage is not, to be sure, dissolved by the deportation: for since she remains a free woman, nothing prevents both the man from retaining a husband’s affection and the woman a wife’s intent. If therefore the woman were of that mind, that she wishes to depart from her husband, Marcellus says then the father will sue for the dowry. But if she is a mater familias and in the meantime, with the marriage still subsisting, she has been deported, the dowry remains with the husband; afterwards, however, once the marriage is dissolved, she can bring an action, as it were an action born today out of a consideration of humanity.
Divus hadrianus aquilio braduae ita rescripsit: " panniculariae causa quemadmodum intellegi debeat, ex ipso nomine apparet. non enim bona damnatorum pannicularia significari quis probe dixerit, nec, si zonam circa se habuerit, protinus aliquis sibi vindicare debebit: sed vestem qua is fuerit indutus, aut nummulos in ventralem, quos victus sui causa in promptu habuerit, aut leves anulos, id est quae rem non excedit aureorum quinque. alioquin si quis damnatus digito habuerit aut sardonychica aut aliam gemmam magni pretii vel si quod chirographum magnae pecuniae in sinu habuerit, nullo iure illud in pannicularia ratione retinebitur". pannicularia sunt ea, quae in custodiam receptus secum attulit: spolia, quibus indutus est, cum quis ad supplicium ducitur, ut et ipsa appellatio ostendit.
The deified Hadrian thus wrote back to Aquilius Bradua: "How the case of pannicularia ought to be understood appears from the name itself. For no one would rightly say that pannicularia signifies the goods of the condemned; nor, if he had a belt around him, should someone straightway claim it for himself: but the garment with which he was clothed, or little coins in the ventral (money-belt), which he had at hand for the sake of his sustenance, or light rings—that is, property which does not exceed five aurei. Otherwise, if some condemned man had on his finger either a sardonyx or another gem of great price, or if he had some chirograph of a great sum in his bosom, by no right will that be retained under the head of pannicularia." Pannicularia are those things which, once received into custody, he brought with him: the "spoils" with which he is clothed when someone is led to punishment, as the very appellation shows.
thus neither let the speculatores claim on their own initiative for themselves, nor let the optiones desire those things of which a person is despoiled at the moment he is punished; governors ought not to turn this account to their own profit, nor permit the optiones or the commentarienses to abuse that money, but it ought to be reserved for those things which by the law of governors are wont to be disbursed—for example, to enter from it a chartiaticum for certain officials, or, if some soldiers have acted bravely, to make a gift to them from it; also to reward from it barbarians coming to them either for the sake of an embassy or for some other matter. Often, too, governors have sent the monies scraped together from this to the fisc: which is a case of very excessive punctiliousness, since it is sufficient if one does not convert it to one’s own uses, but allows it to serve the utility of the office.
Cum ratio naturalis quasi lex quaedam tacita liberis parentium hereditatem addiceret, velut ad debitam successionem eos vocando ( propter quod et in iure civili suorum heredum nomen eis indictum est ac ne iudicio quidem parentis nisi meritis de causis summoveri ab ea successione possunt): aequissimum existimatum est eo quoque casu, quo propter poenam parentis aufert bona damnatio, rationem haberi liberorum, ne alieno admisso graviorem poenam luerent, quos nulla contingeret culpa, interdum in summam egestatem devoluti. quod cum aliqua moderatione definiri placuit, ut qui ad universitatem venturi erant iure successionis, ex ea portiones concessas haberent.
Since natural reason, as though a certain tacit law, assigned to children the inheritance of their parents, as it were calling them to a due succession ( on account of which also in the civil law the name “sui heredes” has been assigned to them, and they cannot be removed from that succession even by the parent’s judgment except for deserved causes): it was judged most equitable that even in the case in which, on account of the parent’s penalty, condemnation takes away the goods, consideration be had for the children, lest they pay a heavier penalty for another’s offense, they whom no fault touches, sometimes devolved into the utmost destitution. And since it pleased that this be determined with some moderation, those who would come to the entirety by right of succession should have portions granted from it.
Si in libertinum animadversum erit, patrono eius id, quod in bonis illius habiturus esset, si is in quem animadversum est sua morte decessisset, eripiendum non erit: reliqua pars bonorum, quae ad manumissorem non pertinebit, fisco erit vindicanda.
If action has been taken against a freedman, that which his patron would have had in that man’s estate, if the one against whom action has been taken had died his own death, is not to be taken away; the remaining part of the goods, which will not pertain to the manumitter, is to be claimed by the fisc.
Ex bonis damnatorum portiones adoptivis liberis, si non fraudis causa facta est adoptio, non minus quam naturalibus concedi aequum est. fraudis autem causa adoptio facta videtur, etiamsi non in reatu, sed desperatione rerum per conscientiam, metu imminentis accusationis quis adoptet in hoc, ut ex bonis, quae se amissurum cogitat, portio detrahatur.
It is equitable that shares out of the goods of the condemned be granted to adopted children, if the adoption was not made for the purpose of fraud, no less than to natural children. But an adoption appears to have been made for the purpose of fraud, even if not while under formal charge, yet when someone, in desperation about his affairs, with a consciousness of guilt, from fear of an imminent accusation, adopts to this end: that from the goods which he thinks he is going to lose a portion be deducted.
Si plures filios damnatus habeat, feruntur exempla, per quae pluribus liberis omnia bona damnati concessa sunt. sed et divus hadrianus in hac sententia rescripsit: " favorabilem apud me causam liberorum albini filiorum numerus facit, cum ampliari imperium hominum adiectione potius quam pecuniarum copia malim: ideoque illis paterna sua concedi volo, quae manifestabunt tot possessores, etiamsi acceperint universa".
If a condemned man should have several sons, there are recorded examples by which to several children all the goods of the condemned were granted. But even the deified Hadrian replied by rescript in this sense: "The number of sons makes the case of Albinus’s children favorable with me, since I prefer that the empire be enlarged by the addition of men rather than by an abundance of monies: and therefore I wish their paternal property to be conceded to them, which will display so many possessors, even if they receive the whole."
Praeterea ex his, quae per flagitium damnatus adquisiit, portiones liberorum non augentur: veluti si cognatum suum interemi curaverit et eius hereditatem adiit vel bonorum possessionem accepit: nam ita divus pius rescripsit. cui consequenter illud idem princeps constituit, cum filia familias veneno necasse convinceretur eum, a quo heres instituta erat: quamvis iussu patris, cuius in potestate erat, hereditatem eam adiisset, tamen fisco eam vindicandam esse.
Moreover, from those things which a convicted man acquired through a flagitious act, the portions of the children are not increased: for example, if he arranged to have his kinsman killed and entered upon his inheritance or accepted the possession of the goods; for thus the deified Pius rescripted. Consequently, the same princeps established this as well, when a daughter-in-power (filia familias) was convicted of having killed by poison the man by whom she had been instituted heir: although, by the order of her father, in whose power she was, she had entered upon that inheritance, nevertheless it must be vindicated to the fisc.
Quae post condemnationem adquisiit is cuius bona publicata sunt, si relegatus est, ad heredes scriptos ab eo vel ab intestato venientes pertinent: nam in insulam relegatus testamenti factionem habet ut reliqua quoque iura. quod si deportatus est, quoniam, quia civitatem amittit, heredem habere non potest, etiam postea adquisita fiscus capit.
What the person whose goods have been confiscated acquired after the condemnation, if he has been relegated, pertains to the heirs instituted by him or to those coming by intestacy; for one relegated to an island retains testamentary capacity, as he does his other rights as well. But if he has been deported, since he loses citizenship and therefore cannot have an heir, the fisc takes even what is acquired thereafter.
Si is, de cuius poena imperatori scriptum est ( veluti quod decurio fuerit vel quod in insulam deportari debuerit), antequam rescriberetur decesserit: potest quaeri, num ante sententiam decessisse videatur. argumento est senatus consultum, quod factum est de his, qui romam transmissi ante sententiam decessissent. cuius verba haec sunt: " cum damnatus nemo videri possit in hunc annum, antequam de eo forte iudicium romae redditum et pronuntiatum esset: neque cuiusquam mortui bona, antequam de eo romae pronuntiatum sit, publicata sunt, eaque bona heredes possidere debent".
If the person about whose punishment it has been written to the emperor (for example, that he was a decurion, or that he ought to have been deported to an island) dies before a rescript is issued: it can be asked whether he appears to have died before sentence. An argument is a senatorial decree, which was made concerning those who, having been transmitted to Rome, died before sentence. Whose words are these: "since no one can be seen as condemned in this year, before judgment about him had perchance been rendered and pronounced at Rome; nor have the goods of any dead man been confiscated, before a pronouncement about him has been made at Rome, and the heirs ought to possess those goods."
Qui rei postulati vel qui in scelere deprehensi metu criminis imminentis mortem sibi consciverunt, heredem non habent. papinianus tamen libro sexto decimo digestorum responsorum ita scripsit, ut qui rei criminis non postulati manus sibi intulerint, bona eorum fisco non vindicentur: non enim facti sceleritatem esse obnoxiam, sed conscientiae metum in reo velut confesso teneri placuit. ergo aut postulati esse debent aut in scelere deprehensi, ut, si se interfecerint, bona eorum confiscentur.
Those who, being defendants formally arraigned, or who have been apprehended in the crime, from fear of the imminent charge have procured death for themselves, have no heir. Papinian, however, in book 16 of the Digest of Responses wrote thus: that those who, not having been demanded as defendants of a charge, have laid hands on themselves, their goods are not to be claimed by the fisc; for it has been decided that it is not the criminality of the deed that is liable, but that the fear of conscience in the defendant, as if confessed, is held. Therefore they must either have been arraigned or apprehended in the crime, so that, if they have slain themselves, their goods are confiscated.
Sic autem hoc distinguitur, interesse qua ex causa quis sibi mortem conscivit: sicuti cum quaeritur, an is, qui sibi manus intulit et non perpetravit, debeat puniri, quasi de se sententiam tulit. nam omnimodo puniendus est, nisi taedio vitae vel impatientia alicuius doloris coactus est hoc facere. et merito, si sine causa sibi manus intulit, puniendus est: qui enim sibi non pepercit, multo minus alii parcet.
Thus, however, this is distinguished, that it is of interest for what cause someone procured death for himself: just as when it is asked whether one who laid hands upon himself and did not perpetrate it ought to be punished, as if he had passed sentence upon himself. For in every way he is to be punished, unless he was compelled to do this by tedium of life or by impatience of some pain. And deservedly, if without cause he laid hands upon himself, he is to be punished: for he who did not spare himself will much less spare another.
De illo videamus, si quis conscita morte nulla iusta causa praecedente in reatu decesserit, an, si parati fuerint heredes causam suscipere et innocentem defunctum ostendere, audiendi sint nec prius bona in fiscum cogenda sint, quam si de crimine fuerit probatum: an vero omnimodo publicanda sunt. sed divus pius modesto taurino rescripsit, si parati sint heredes defensiones suscipere, non esse bona publicanda, nisi de crimine fuerit probatum.
Let us consider this: if someone, by a self‑inflicted death, has died while under indictment, with no just cause antecedent, whether, if the heirs are prepared to undertake the case and to show the deceased to be innocent, they should be heard, and the goods should not first be driven into the fisc until it has been proved concerning the crime; or rather whether they are in every way to be made public property. But the deified pius replied by rescript to modestus taurinus that, if the heirs are prepared to undertake the defenses, the goods are not to be made public property, unless it has been proved concerning the crime.
Caput ex rescripto divi traiani ad didium secundum: " scio relegatorum bona avaritia superiorum temporum fisco vindicata. sed aliud clementiae meae convenit, qui inter cetera, quibus innocentiam rationum mearum temporum, hoc quoque remisi exemplum".
Chapter from the rescript of the deified Trajan to Didius Secundus: " I know that the goods of the relegated were, by the greed of former times, adjudged to the fisc. But something else befits my clemency, I who, among other things whereby I make manifest the innocence of the accounts of my times, have also remitted this as a precedent".
Eum, qui civitatem amitteret, nihil aliud iuris adimere liberis, nisi quod ab ipso perventurum esset ad eos, si intestatus in civitate moreretur: hoc est hereditatem eius et libertos et si quid aliud in hoc genere repperiri potest. quae vero non a patre, sed a genere, a civitate, a rerum natura tribuerentur, ea manere eis incolumia. itaque et fratres fratribus fore legitimos heredes et adgnatorum tutelas et hereditates habituros: non enim haec patrem, sed maiores eius eis dedisse.
That one who loses citizenship takes away no other right from his children, except what would come to them from him, if he were to die intestate in the citizenship: that is, his inheritance and his freedmen, and if anything else can be found in this genus. But the things that are granted not by the father, but by the lineage, by the citizenship, by the nature of things, those remain to them unharmed. And so both brothers will be legitimate heirs to brothers, and they will have the tutelages and inheritances of agnates: for it was not their father who gave these, but their ancestors gave them to them.
Relegati in insulam in potestate sua liberos retinent, quia et alia omnia iura sua retinent: tantum enim insula eis egredi non licet. et bona quoque sua omnia retinent praeter ea, si qua eis adempta sunt: nam eorum, qui in perpetuum exilium dati sunt vel relegati, potest quis sententia partem bonorum adimere.
The relegated to an island retain their children under their own power, because they also retain all their other rights: for only it is not permitted them to go out from the island. and they likewise retain all their goods, except those which, if any, have been taken from them: for of those who have been given into perpetual exile or relegated, one can by sentence take away a part of their goods.
Deportandi autem in insulam ius praesidibus provinciae non est datum, licet praefecto urbi detur: hoc enim epistula divi severi ad fabium cilonem praefectum urbi expressum est. praesides itaque provinciae quotiens aliquem in insulam deportandum putent, hoc ipsum adnotare debeant, nomen vero eius scribendum principi, ut in insulam deportetur: sic deinde principi scribere missa plena opinione, ut princeps aestimet, an sequenda sit eius sententia deportarique in insulam debeat. medio ^ modo^ autem tempore, dum scribitur, iubere eum debet in carcere esse.
However, the right of deporting to an island was not granted to the governors of a province, although it is granted to the Prefect of the City: for this was made explicit in a letter of the deified Severus to Fabius Cilo, Prefect of the City. Therefore the governors of provinces, whenever they think that someone ought to be deported to an island, ought to note this very point, but his name is to be written to the princeps, so that he may be deported to an island: thus thereafter they should write to the princeps, sending a full opinion, so that the princeps may assess whether their opinion is to be followed and he ought to be deported to an island. In the meantime, however, while the writing is being done, he ought to order him to be in prison.
In insulam relegare praesides provinciae possunt, sic tamen, ut, si quidem insulam sub se habeant ( id est ad eius provinciae formam pertinentem, quam administrant), et eam specialiter insulam adsignare possint inque eam relegare, sin vero non habeant, pronuntient quidem in insulam se relegare, scribant autem imperatori, ut ipse insulam adsignet. ceterum non possunt damnare in eam insulam, quam in ea provincia cui praesunt non habeant. interim quoad imperator insulam adsignet, militi tradendus est relegatus.
Governors of a province can relegate to an island, yet on this condition: if indeed they have an island under their authority (that is, pertaining to the jurisdiction of that province which they administer), they can also specifically assign that island and relegate to it; but if in fact they do not have one, let them indeed pronounce that they are relegating to an island, but write to the emperor, so that he himself may assign an island. Moreover, they cannot condemn to that island which they do not have within that province over which they preside. Meanwhile, until the emperor assigns an island, the relegated person is to be handed over to a soldier.
Ad tempus relegatis neque tota bona neque partem adimi debere rescriptis quibusdam manifestatur, reprehensaeque sunt sententiae eorum, qui ad tempus relegatis ademerunt partem bonorum vel bona, sic tamen, ut non infirmarentur sententiae quae ita sunt prolatae.
By certain rescripts it is made manifest that, for those relegated for a term, neither the whole of their goods nor any part ought to be taken away; and the judgments of those who took away a part of the goods or the goods from persons relegated for a term have been censured—yet in such a way that the judgments which were thus delivered are not invalidated.
Interdicere autem quis ea provincia potest quam regit, alia non potest: et ita divi fratres rescripserunt. unde eveniebat, ut, qui relegatus esset ab ea provincia, in qua domilium ^ domicilium^ habuit, morari apud orginem suam posset. sed imperator noster cum divo patre suo huic rei providerunt.
Moreover, a person can interdict in that province which he governs; he cannot in another: and thus the deified brothers wrote back by rescript. Whence it used to occur that one who had been relegated from that province in which he had his domicile could remain at his place of origin. But our emperor, together with his deified father, provided for this matter.
for to Maecius Probus, governor of the province of Hispania, they issued a rescript that even interdict from that province from which someone is originated may be imposed by the one who governs the province where one has domicile. but it is also equitable that the authority of the rescript pertain to those who, although they were not inhabitants, have committed something in that province.
Dubitatum est, an interdicere quis alicui possit provincia, in qua oriundus est, cum ipse ei provinciae praesit, quam incolit, dum sua non interdicit, ut solent italia interdicere, qui patria non interdicunt: vel an per consequentias videatur etiam provinciae interdixisse, cui praeest. quod magis erit probandum.
It has been doubted whether someone can interdict a person from the province in which he is born, when he himself presides over that province which he inhabits, provided he does not interdict what is his own, as those who do not interdict their fatherland are accustomed to interdict Italy; or whether, by consequence, he is to be seen to have also interdicted the province which he presides over. The latter is what is more to be approved.
Si quis eam sententiam admiserit, ut is, qui in alia provincia commisit, possit relegari ab eo qui ei provinciae praeest: eveniet, ut relegatus iste tribus provinciis praeter italiam debeat abstinere, et in qua deliquit et quam incolit et originis. et si ex diversis provinciis oriri videatur propter condicionem vel suam vel parentis patronorum: vel pluribus provinciis consequenter interdictum ei dicemus.
If anyone should admit that opinion, namely that he who has committed a delict in another province can be relegated by him who presides over that province: it will come about that this relegated person ought to abstain from three provinces, apart from Italy, namely the one in which he committed the delict, the one which he inhabits, and the one of his origin. And if he should seem to arise from diverse provinces on account of the condition either his own or that of a parent or of patrons, we shall say that, accordingly, an interdict from more provinces has been laid upon him.
Potest alicui et unus honor interdici, sic tamen, ut, si cui honore uno interdictum sit, non tantum eum honorem petere non possit, verum ne eos quoque, qui eo honore maiores sunt: est enim perquam ridiculum eum, qui minoribus poenae causa prohibitus sit, ad maiores adspirare. maioribus tamen prohibitus minores petere non prohibetur. sed muneribus si quis poenae causa fuerit prohibitus, nihil valebit sententia: neque enim immunitatem poena tribuere debet. ergo et si honoribus quis in poenam fuerit prohibitus, poterit dici, si honores isti habuerunt mixtam muneris gravem impensam, infamiam illi ad hoc non profuturam:
It is possible for even a single honor to be interdicted to someone; but in such a way that, if one has been interdicted from one honor, not only can he not seek that honor, but neither those also which are greater than that honor: for it is exceedingly ridiculous that he who has been prohibited from the lesser by reason of penalty should aspire to the greater. One who has been prohibited from the greater, however, is not prohibited from seeking the lesser. But if someone has been prohibited from munera (public burdens) by way of penalty, the sentence will avail nothing: for a penalty ought not to bestow immunity. Therefore even if someone has been prohibited from honors as a penalty, it can be said, if those honors had a heavy expense of a munus mingled in, that his infamy will not be of use to him for this.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . deportatus civitatem amittit, libertatem retinet et iure civili caret, gentium vero utitur. itaque emit vendit, locat conducit, permutat, fenus exercet aliaque similia. unde etiam recte obligat, quae post condemnationem quaesivit: quibus in rebus creditores quoque, qui bona fide contraxerunt cum eo, praeferuntur fisco deportatis defunctis succedenti.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the deported man loses citizenship, retains liberty, and lacks the civil law, but uses the law of nations. and so he buys, sells, lets and hires, barters, carries on moneylending, and the like. whence also he validly obligates himself with respect to the things which he has acquired after condemnation: in which matters the creditors also, who have contracted in good faith with him, are preferred to the fisc that succeeds to deported persons who have died.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . cum ulpianus damascenus ab imperatore petisset, ut matri deportatae ad victum necessaria relinquere sibi permitteretur, item mater per libertum suum petisset, ut quaedam filio deportato relinquere liceret, imperator antoninus ita iis rescripsit. " neque hereditas nec legatum nec fideicommissum contra consuetudinem legemque publicam huiusmodi personis relinqui potest neque earum condicionem mutari convenit: quoniam autem pie rogastis, permitto vobis ultima voluntate relinquere iis, quae ad victum aliosque usus necessarios sufficiant, ut si quid ad eos ex his causis pertinebit, capere iis liceat".
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . when ulpianus the damascene had petitioned the emperor that it be permitted to him to leave to his deported mother the things necessary for sustenance, likewise the mother through her freedman had petitioned that it be permitted to leave certain things to her deported son, the emperor antoninus wrote back to them in a rescript thus. "neither inheritance nor legacy nor fideicommissum can be left to persons of this kind contrary to custom and the public law, nor is it fitting that their condition be changed: however, since you have piously asked, i permit you by last will to leave to them such things as may suffice for sustenance and other necessary uses, so that if anything shall pertain to them from these causes, it may be lawful for them to take."
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . relegatus morari non potest romae, etsi id sententia comprehensum non est, quia communis patria est: neque in ea civitate, in qua moratur princeps vel per quam transit, iis enim solis permissum est principem intueri, qui romam ingredi possunt, quia princeps pater patriae est.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a relegated person cannot stay at Rome, even if that is not included in the sentence, because it is the common fatherland; nor in that city in which the princeps stays or through which he passes, for only those who can enter Rome are permitted to behold the princeps, because the princeps is father of the fatherland.
Cum adversus homines liberos eiusmodi sententia fertur, per quam bona eorum publicantur, qualis est deportationis in insulam, ea ipsa sententia priorem condicionem amittunt et statim poenis sibi irrogatis per eam traduntur, nisi quid cum maiestate coniunctum requirit, ut poena exacerbetur.
When a sentence of such a kind is brought against free persons, by which their goods are publicized (confiscated), such as that of deportation to an island, by that very sentence they lose their prior condition and immediately are delivered over to the penalties inflicted upon them by it, unless something conjoined with majesty (treason) requires that the punishment be exacerbated.
Si deportatus restitutus dignitatem quidem indulgentia principis reciperavit, in sua autem omnia bona non est restitutus, nec a creditoribus nec publico nomine conveniri potest. sed cum ei facultas oblata esset a principe bona quoque sua reciperandi, maluerit ea derelinquere, actionibus exuere se, quibus ante sententiam subiectus fuerat, non poterit.
If a deported man, when restored, has indeed recovered his dignity by the emperor’s indulgence, but has not been restored to all his own goods, he cannot be sued either by his creditors or in the public name. But when the opportunity has been offered him by the emperor to recover his goods as well, if he has preferred to abandon them, he will not be able to strip himself of the actions to which he had been subject before the sentence.
In insulam deportati bona fiscus poena remissa retinuit: creditores ex ante gesto non habere cum eo qui debitor quondam fuit actiones constitit. quod si bona cum dignitatis restitutione concessa reciperaverit, utiles actiones necessariae non erunt, cum et directae competunt.
In the case of one deported to an island, the fisc retained the goods, the penalty having been remitted: it is established that the creditors, from what was transacted before, do not have actions against him who once was a debtor. But if he has recovered the goods granted together with restitution of dignity, useful actions will not be necessary, since direct actions also lie.
Corpora eorum qui capite damnantur cognatis ipsorum neganda non sunt: et id se observasse etiam divus augustus libro decimo de vita sua scribit. hodie autem eorum, in quos animadvertitur, corpora non aliter sepeliuntur, quam si fuerit petitum et permissum, et nonnumquam non permittitur, maxime maiestatis causa damnatorum. eorum quoque corpora, qui exurendi damnantur, peti possunt, scilicet ut ossa et cineres collecta sepulturae tradi possint.
The bodies of those who are condemned to capital punishment are not to be denied to their kinsfolk: and the deified Augustus writes that he observed this too in book 10 of his Life. But today the bodies of those upon whom punishment is inflicted are not buried otherwise than if it has been requested and permitted, and sometimes permission is not granted, especially in the case of those condemned for treason. The bodies also of those who are condemned to be burned can be requested, namely so that the bones and ashes, once collected, may be handed over to burial.
Si quis in insulam deportatus vel relegatus fuerit, poena etiam post mortem manet, nec licet eum inde transferre aliubi et sepelire inconsulto principe: ut saepissime severus et antoninus rescripserunt et multis petentibus hoc ipsum indulserunt.
If anyone has been deported or relegated to an island, the penalty remains even after death, nor is it permitted to transfer him from there elsewhere and bury him without the emperor being consulted: as Severus and Antoninus very frequently wrote back in rescripts and granted this very thing to many who petitioned.