William of Tyre: HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM

Sextus Hierosolymis Latinorum rex fuit dominus Balduinus quartus, domini Amalrici, illustris memoriae regis, de quo praediximus, filius, ex Agnete comitissa, Joscelini junioris Edessani comitis filia, cujus saepe in superioribus fecimus mentionem. Hanc, ut praedictum est, dum ad regnum avitum et jure haereditario debitum vocaretur, compellente domino Amalrico, bonae memoriae, tunc Hiersolymorum patriarcha, domini Fulcherii praedecessoris sui vestigiis inhaerendo, coercitione ecclesiastica coactus est dimittere. Dicebantur enim, sicuti vere sic erat, proxima consanguinitatis linea se contingere, sicuti diligentius comprehensum est a nobis, dum de regno domini Amalrici in ordine tractaremus.

The sixth king of the Latins at Jerusalem was lord Baldwin IV, son of lord Amalric, king of illustrious memory, of whom we have spoken before, by Agnes the countess, daughter of Joscelin the younger, count of Edessa, of whom we have often made mention above. This woman, as has been aforesaid, when he was called to the ancestral kingdom owed by hereditary right, with the then patriarch of Jerusalem, of good memory, compelling—adhering to the footsteps of his predecessor, lord Fulcherius—he was forced by ecclesiastical coercion to dismiss. For they were said—as indeed it truly was—to meet in the nearest line of consanguinity, as has been more diligently set forth by us when in due order we were treating of the reign of lord Amalric.

Hunc, puerum adhuc, annorum circiter novem, dum nos archidiaconatum administraremus Tyrensem, pater multum pro ejus eruditione sollicitus, multis precibus, et sub obtentu gratiae suae, nobis erudiendum tradidit, et liberalibus studiis imbuendum. Dumque apud nos esset, et ei vigilem curam, et quantam regio puero convenit, tum in morum disciplina, tum litterarum studio sollicitudinem impenderemus, accidit quod colludentibus pueris nobilium qui secum erant, et se invicem, ut mos est pueris lascivientibus, unguibus per manus et brachia vellicantibus, alii sensum doloris clamoribus significabant; ipse autem quasi doloris expers patienter nimis, quamvis ei coaetanei ejus non parcerent, supportabat. Hoc autem cum semel et saepius accidisset, mihique nuntiatum esset, credidi prius, de virtute patientiae, et non ex insensibilitatis vitio procedere; vocansque eum, percunctari coepi, quidnam esset; tandemque comperi brachium ejus dexterum manumque eamdem, pro parte dimidia, obstupuisse, ita ut penitus vellicationes, aut etiam morsus non sentiret.

Him, still a boy, about nine years old, while we were administering the archdeaconate of Tyre, his father, very solicitous for his erudition, with many entreaties and on the plea of his favor, handed over to us to be educated and to be imbued with liberal studies. And while he was with us, and we were expending on him a wakeful care, and such solicitude as befits a royal boy, both in the discipline of morals and in the study of letters, it happened that, as the boys of the nobles who were with him were playing together, and, as is the custom with frolicking boys, scratching one another with their nails, pinching along the hands and arms, others signified their sense of pain by cries; but he, as if devoid of pain, too patiently endured it, although his coevals did not spare him. And when this had happened once and often, and it had been reported to me, I believed at first that it proceeded from the virtue of patience and not from the vice of insensibility; and calling him, I began to inquire what it was; and at length I discovered that his right arm and the same hand, to the extent of half, had become benumbed, so that he did not feel pinches, or even bites, at all.

Dubitare coepi, reputans mecum illud Sapientis verbum: Certum est a salute plurimum abstinere membrum quod obstupuit; et aegrum se non sentientem, periculosius laborare. Nuntiatum est hoc patri; consultisque medicis, crebris fomentis, unctionibus, pharmacis etiam, ut ei subveniretur, diligenter, sed frustra, procuratum est. Erat enim, ut processu temporis, ipso rerum experimento postea plenius cognovimus, amplioris et penitus incurabilis doloris initium, quod praemittebatur; quodque siccis oculis dicere non possumus, cum ad pubertatis annos coepit exsurgere, morbo elephantioso visus est periculosissime laborare; quo per dies singulos ingravescente nimium, extremitatibus maxime laesis et facie, fidelium suorum corda, quoties eum intuebantur, compassionis affectu molestabat. Proficiebat tamen in studio litterarum; singulisque diebus magis et magis, bonae spei et amplectendae indolis succrescebat.

I began to doubt, reckoning with myself that word of the Sage: It is certain that a member which has grown numb keeps itself very far from health; and the sick man who does not perceive himself to be ill labors more perilously. This was announced to his father; and, physicians having been consulted, with frequent fomentations, unctions, and even pharmaceuticals, in order that he might be succored, it was carefully—but in vain—provided. For it was, as in the process of time, by the very experiment of events we later more fully learned, the premonitory beginning of a greater and utterly incurable affliction; and this, which we cannot say with dry eyes, when he began to rise to the years of puberty, he seemed to labor most perilously with elephantine disease; which, aggravating excessively day by day, with the extremities and the face especially injured, burdened the hearts of his faithful, whenever they looked upon him, with an affect of compassion. Nevertheless he advanced in the study of letters; and with each day, more and more, he grew as one of good hope and of an embraceable disposition.

Erat autem juxta illius conditionem aetatis, forma venusta, et praeter morem majorum suorum, equis admittendis regendisque aptissimus; memoriae tenacis et confabulationum amator; parcus tamen; sed et beneficiorum pariter et injuriarum valde recolens; patri per omnia, non solum facie, verum toto corpore, incessu quoque et verborum modificatione similis; ingenii velocis, sed verbi impeditioris; historiarum more patris avidus auditor, et salubribus monitis valde obtemperans.

He was moreover, according to the condition of that age, of comely form, and, beyond the custom of his forefathers, most apt for mounting and governing horses; of tenacious memory and a lover of conversations; sparing, however; but also very mindful alike of benefits and of injuries; like his father in all things, not only in face, but in the whole body, in gait also and in the modulation of words; of quick wit, but more impeded in speech; after his father’s manner an avid hearer of histories, and very obedient to wholesome admonitions.

CAPUT II. Quo tempore injunctus et coronatus fuerit.

CHAPTER 2. At what time he was enjoined and crowned.

Hic, defuncto patre, vix erat annorum tredecim, habens sororem Sibyllam nomine, natu se priorem, ex eadem matre, quae in claustro Sancti Lazari in Bethania, apud dominam Ivetam, ejusdem loci abbatissam, patris ejus materteram, nutriebatur. Defuncto igitur patre, convenientibus in unum universis regni principibus, tam ecclesiasticis quam saecularibus, consonante omnium desiderio, in ecclesia Dominici Sepulcri solemniter et ex more, a domino Amalrico, bonae memoriae, Hierosolymorum patriarcha, cum ministrantibus archiepiscopis, episcopis et aliis Ecclesiarum praelatis, Idibus Julii, quarta die post patris obitum, inunctus est et coronatus: praesidente sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae domino Alexandro, papa tertio, sanctae vero Antiochenae Ecclesiae, domino Almerico, Hierosolymitanae domino Amalrico, Tyrensi vero domino Frederico; imperante apud Constantinopolim, inclytae recordationis et piae memoriae domino Manuele; apud Romanos domino Frederico, apud Francos domino Ludovico, in Anglia domino Henrico Gaufredi comitis Andegaviensium filio; in Sicilia vero domino Willelmo secundo, domini item Willelmi senioris filio; Antiochiae autem praeerat dominus Boamundus, Raimundi principis filius; Tripoli vero, dominus Raimundus junior, senioris Raimundi comitis filius.

This one, his father having died, was scarcely thirteen years of age, having a sister named Sibylla, older than himself by birth, of the same mother, who was being brought up in the cloister of Saint Lazarus in Bethany, with Lady Iveta, abbess of the same place, his father’s maternal aunt. His father therefore deceased, with all the princes of the kingdom, both ecclesiastical and secular, coming together into one, with the desire of all in consonance, in the Church of the Lord’s Sepulcher, solemnly and according to custom, by lord Amalric, of good memory, patriarch of Jerusalem, with archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the Churches ministering, on the Ides of July, the fourth day after his father’s death, he was anointed and crowned: with lord Alexander, the third pope, presiding over the holy Roman Church; and over the holy Antiochene Church, lord Almeric; over the Jerusalemite, lord Amalric; and over Tyre, lord Frederick; with lord Manuel, of illustrious recollection and pious memory, reigning at Constantinople; among the Romans, lord Frederick; among the Franks, lord Louis; in England, lord Henry, son of Geoffrey, count of the Angevins; in Sicily, lord William the second, likewise son of lord William the elder; but at Antioch lord Bohemond presided, son of prince Raymond; and at Tripoli, lord Raymond the younger, son of count Raymond the elder.

CAPUT III. Anno regni ejus primo, classis Siculorum regis, Alexandriam veniens, damnum incurrit enorme. Comes Tripolitanus regni procurationem, et regis tutelam, tanquam agnatorum proximus, poscit.

CHAPTER 3. In the first year of his reign, the fleet of the king of the Sicilians, coming to Alexandria, incurred enormous loss. The Count of Tripoli demands the procuration of the kingdom and the tutelage of the king, as the nearest of the agnates.

Hujus domini Balduini, anno primo, circa Augusti initium, ducentarum navium classis a domino Willelmo Siculorum rege, ad impugnandam Alexandriam missa, honestas tam peditum quam equitum copias deferens, descendit in Aegyptum. Ubi dum ejus procuratores et primicerii incautius se habent, amissis ex utroque ordine quampluribus, tam captivatis quam peremptis gladio, per moram quinque aut sex dierum, quam circa urbem fecerant, confusi recesserunt. In regno vero nostro, procurante Milone de Planci regni negotia, obortae sunt graves inimicitiae inter eum et quosdam regni principes; invidebant enim et anxie movebantur, quod, ipsis ignorantibus nec vocatis, ipse solus, nimium de se praesumens, spretis aliis, regi semper assisteret; et caeteris a regia familiaritate seclusis, eis inconsultis, regni negotia procuraret.

In the first year of this lord Baldwin, about the beginning of August, a fleet of two hundred ships, sent by lord William, king of the Sicilians, to assail Alexandria, conveying respectable forces both of foot and of horse, put ashore in Egypt. There, while his procurators and primicerii conducted themselves too incautiously, with very many lost from both orders, both taken captive and slain by the sword, after a delay of five or six days which they had made around the city, they withdrew discomfited. But in our kingdom, while Milo de Planci was managing the affairs of the realm, grave enmities arose between him and certain princes of the kingdom; for they envied him and were anxiously stirred, because, they themselves being ignorant and not summoned, he alone, presuming too much of himself, with the others scorned, would always attend the king; and, the rest being excluded from royal familiarity, without consulting them, he managed the business of the kingdom.

Interea comes Tripolitanus, ad dominum regem accedens, apud principes, qui tunc forte aderant, regni procurationem petit, allegans domini regis adhuc infra pubertatis annos degentis, tutelam legitimam, jure agnationis sibi deberi. Et hanc multiplici ratione sibi dicebat competere, tum quia consanguineorum suorum omnium erat proximus; tum quia ditissimus et potentissimus erat omnium regis fidelium; tertiam quoque adnectebat rationem validissimam, quod dum ipse captus fuisset, ex ipso carcere, fidelibus suis, sub obtentu fidelitatis, praecepit, quatenus domino regi Amalrico patri hujus, universam terram suam, arces et castella traderent; et ejus mandatis et omnimodae ditioni supponerent universa; hoc adjiciens etiam, in calce verborum, quod si eum humanitus in carcere vitam finire contingeret, praedictum dominum regem, quia consanguineorum suorum omnium esset proximus, ex asse constituerat haeredem. Pro iis omnibus, hanc sibi rependi vicissitudinem magis honoris gratia, quam spe futurae alicujus utilitatis, postulabat. Dilata est ad has domini comitis allegationes responsio, eo praetextu, quod paucos haberet dominus rex de regni majoribus secum, quorum consilio in praesenti uteretur; promisit tamen, quod tempore opportuno eos citius et generalius convocaret; habitoque eorum consilio, congruum, auxiliante Domino, super his omnibus daret responsum.

Meanwhile the Count of Tripoli, approaching the lord king, in the presence of the princes who then by chance were there, asks the procuration of the kingdom, alleging that, as the lord king was still living below the years of puberty, legitimate tutelage, by the right of agnation, was owed to him. And he said that this befitted him for multiple reasons, both because he was the nearest of all his consanguines; and because he was the richest and most potent of all the king’s fideles; he also annexed a third reason most strong, that when he himself had been taken captive, from the prison itself he instructed his faithful, under the bond of fealty, that they should deliver to the lord king Amalric, the father of this one, all his land, strongholds and castles; and that they should subject all things to his commands and to his every manner of dominion; adding this also, at the close of his words, that if, as a man, it should befall him to end his life in prison, he had constituted the aforesaid lord king, because he was the nearest of all his consanguines, heir in full. For all these things, he was asking that this return be repaid to him, more for the sake of honor than from hope of any future utility. The response to these allegations of the lord count was deferred, on the pretext that the lord king had few of the realm’s maiores with him, whose counsel he might use at the moment; he promised, however, that at an opportune time he would summon them more swiftly and more generally; and, their counsel having been taken, he would give, with the Lord’s help, a congruous response concerning all these things.

His ita gestis, comes ad sua se contulit, favebat autem comiti populus pene omnis; de baronibus vero Henfredus de Torono, regius constabularius, Balduinus Ramatensis, Balianus frater ejus, Rainaldus Sidoniensis; episcopi vero omnes.

With these things thus carried out, the count betook himself to his own; however, almost all the people favored the count; but among the barons, Humphrey of Toron, the royal constable; Baldwin of Ramla; Balian, his brother; Reynald of Sidon; and indeed all the bishops.

CAPUT IV. Milo de Planci apud Accon occiditur. Turensis archiepiscopus Fredericus moritur.

CHAPTER 4. Milo of Plancy is killed at Acre. Frederick, archbishop of Tyre, dies.

Praedictus vero Milo de Planci, unde praediximus, nobilis homo erat de Campania ultramontana, de terra Henrici comitis Trecensis: fueratque domino Amalrico regi nimium familiaris et consanguineus, ita ut regni sui eum senescalcum constitueret; tandem mortuo Henfredo juniore, senioris Henfredi filio, Stephaniam ejus viduam, Philippi Neapolitani filiam, uxorem ei dedit. Erat autem ex parte uxoris dominus Syriae Sobal, illius videlicet regionis quae est trans Jordanem, quae vulgo dicitur montis Regalis. Susceperat tamen ex priore marito sobolem geminam praedicta vidua, filium videlicet et filiam.

Now the aforesaid Milo de Planci, as we have said above, was a noble man from Ultramontane Champagne, from the land of Henry, count of Troyes; and he had been to lord Amalric the king exceedingly familiar and a consanguineous kinsman, such that he appointed him seneschal of his kingdom; and at length, when the younger Humphrey, son of the elder Humphrey, had died, he gave him as wife Stephanie, his widow, the daughter of Philip of Naples. He was, however, on his wife’s side lord of Syria Sobal, namely of that region which is beyond the Jordan, which is commonly called of Mount Royal. Yet the aforesaid widow had received from her prior husband twin issue, namely a son and a daughter.

Hic, ut praediximus, confisus de nimia familiaritate, quam apud dominum regem hujus patrem habuerat, regni principes, etiam se majores, despectui habebat. Erat autem homo incircumspectus, superbus quoque et arrogans, verborum inutilium prodigus, et de se plus aequo praesumens. Hic ut videretur aliorum quodammodo lenire invidiam, arte quadam, sed nimium manifesta, ad colorem quaesitum, alium quemdam Roardum nomine, arcis Hierosolymitanae custodem, gregarium hominem et minus sufficientem, subornaverat, tanquam is praeesset, Milo vero obsequeretur ejus mandatis.

This man, as we have said, relying on the excessive familiarity which he had had with the lord king, the father of the present one, held the princes of the realm, even those greater than himself, in contempt. Moreover he was an incircumspect man, proud and arrogant as well, prodigal of useless words, and presuming more than is equitable about himself. This man, in order that he might seem somehow to soothe the envy of others, by a certain artifice, but too manifest, to a sought-for color (pretext), had suborned a certain other, Roard by name, keeper of the citadel of Jerusalem, a common fellow and less than sufficient, as though he should be in command, and Milo would in truth comply with his orders.

Erat autem versa vice; unus, nomen magis splendidum quam solidum gestabat; ille autem, sub hoc colore, de regni negotiis pro sua voluntate tractabat. Dum ergo incaute se gerit, dum imprudentius loquitur, et omnia regni negotia, invitis aliis, ad suam revocat sollicitudinem, omnia disponit, omnia pro arbitrio dispensat, conflato adversus eum odio pertinaci, subornati sunt quidam, qui vitae ejus insidias molirentur; quod cum ei nuntiatum esset, quasi frivolum pro nihilo duxit. Dumque more solito incaute se habens, in Acconensi civitate moram faceret, circa primum noctis crepusculum, in via publica gladiis confossus, turpiter et ignominiose tractatus, interiit.

But the turn was reversed; the one bore a name more splendid than solid; the other, under this color (pretext), dealt with the affairs of the kingdom according to his own will. While therefore he conducts himself incautiously, while he speaks more imprudently, and, the others being unwilling, recalls all the affairs of the kingdom to his own solicitude, he arranges everything, he dispenses everything at his discretion; a stubborn hatred having been kindled against him, certain men were suborned to plot ambushes against his life; and when this was announced to him, he reckoned it as a trifle, as nothing. And while, in his usual manner keeping himself incautiously, he was making a stay in the city of Acre, around the first twilight of night, pierced with swords on the public street, foully and ignominiously handled, he perished.

Porro de ejus nece variae sententiae ferebantur in populo; dicentibus aliis, quia pro sua fidelitate, quam domino regi devotus exhibebat, hoc ei acciderat; aliis econtra, quod sibi regnum occulte parabat, missis nuntiis ad amicos et notos suos in Franciam, ut ad eum properarent, quorum suffragiis regnum sibi videbatur posse obtinere. Nobis autem neutrum horum pro certo compertum est. Notorium tamen erat, Balianum Joppensem, Roardi praedicti fratrem, ad partes transmontanas missum, cum regiis epistolis et muneribus, cujus in dies praestolabatur adventum.

Moreover, about his slaying various opinions were being carried among the people; some saying that on account of his fidelity, which, devoted, he displayed to the lord king, this had befallen him; others, on the contrary, that he was secretly preparing the kingdom for himself, messengers having been sent to his friends and acquaintances in France that they should hasten to him, by whose suffrages he seemed to himself to be able to obtain the kingdom. To us, however, neither of these has been discovered for certain. It was, however, notorious that Balian of Joppa, the aforesaid Roard’s brother, had been sent to the transmontane parts with royal epistles and gifts, whose arrival was being awaited from day to day.

Per Idem tempus, eodem mense, dominus Fredericus Tyrensis archiepiscopus, praedecessor noster, vir secundum carnem nobilis admodum, cujus supra fecimus mentionem, dum apud Neapolim aegritudine aliquandiu esset gravissima detentus, III Kal. Novembr. viam universae carnis ingressus est.

At the same time, in the same month, Lord Frederick, archbishop of Tyre, our predecessor, a man very noble according to the flesh, of whom we have made mention above, while at Naples, having for some time been detained by a most grievous sickness, on October 30 entered upon the way of all flesh.

Cujus funus cum decentibus exsequiis et debita honorificentia Hierosolyma delatum est, et in capitulo Templi Domini, unde prius canonicus fuerat regularis, sepultum est.

Whose funeral, with fitting obsequies and due honor, was conveyed to Jerusalem, and was buried in the chapter-house of the Temple of the Lord, where previously he had been a regular canon.

CAPUT V. Describitur comes Tripolitanus; quis moribus, et ex quibus majoribus fuerit; quomodo regni procurationem susceperit. Hujus historiae conscriptor, cancellarius regis efficitur.

CHAPTER 5. The Count of Tripoli is described; what his morals were, and from which progenitors he was; how he undertook the procuration of the kingdom. The compiler of this history becomes the king’s chancellor.

Eodem quoque tempore, convocatis regni principibus et Ecclesiarum praelatis, dum rex esset Hierosolymis, comes Tripolitanus iterum rediit, auditurus super petitionibus suis de obtinenda regni procuratione, quas porrexerat prius, responsum. Iteratoque verbo, dum eisdem insisteret, habita rex per continuum biduum deliberatione, novissime de communi omnium conniventia, in capitulo Dominici Sepulcri tradita est ei universa regni, post dominum regem, populo acclamante, procuratio et potestas. Et quoniam de comite nobis sermo, rerum serie sic exigente, se obtulit, dignum est ut de eo quae pro certo comperimus, posteris memoriae mandemus; non quod panegyricos propositum sit scribere, sed ut quantum compendiosae historiae sermo patitur succinctus, quis qualisque fuerit edoceamus.

At the same time also, the princes of the kingdom and the prelates of the Churches having been convoked, while the king was at Jerusalem, the Count of Tripoli returned again, to hear the response concerning his petitions for obtaining the procuration of the kingdom, which he had previously presented. And with the word repeated, while he pressed upon the same points, the king, deliberation having been held through a continuous two-day period, finally, by the common concurrence of all, in the chapter of the Lord’s Sepulchre, the entire procuration and power of the kingdom, next after the lord king, was delivered to him, the people acclaiming. And since discourse about the count, the sequence of events so requiring, has presented itself to us, it is fitting that we consign to memory for posterity what we have ascertained for certain concerning him; not that it is our purpose to write panegyrics, but that, so far as the speech of a compendious history, succinct, permits, we may instruct who and of what sort he was.

Hic de quo nobis sermo est, Raimundus comes, a domino seniore Raimundo, sementivam traxit carnis originem, qui in exercitu Domini, cujus opera et studio et laboribus, regnum orientale Christi servitio restitutum est, tantus princeps fuit, quemadmodum superius diligenter edocuimus, dum de primis principibus, qui in prima expeditione venerant, tractaremus. Praedictus igitur dominus comes senior Raimundus, bonae memoriae, filium habuit Bertrannum nomine, qui post mortem patris, et Guillelmi Jordani necem, qui praedicti comitis nepos erat, Tripolitanum obtinuit comitatum. Hic filium habuit Pontium nomine, qui eumdem comitatum post mortem patris haereditario jure possedit, qui Ceciliam Philippi regis Francorum filiam, Tancredi viduam, duxit uxorem; ex qua suscepit filium Raimundum nomine, qui eidem in comitatu successit.

This Raymond the count, of whom we speak, drew the seminal origin of his flesh from Lord Raymond the elder, who, in the army of the Lord—by whose works, zeal, and labors the eastern kingdom was restored to the service of Christ—was so great a prince as we have diligently set forth above, when we treated of the first princes who came on the first expedition. The aforesaid lord Count Raymond the elder, of good memory, had a son named Bertrand, who, after his father’s death and the slaying of William Jordan, who was the said count’s nephew, obtained the County of Tripoli. He had a son named Pontius, who, by hereditary right after his father’s death, possessed the same county; he took to wife Cecilia, daughter of King Philip of the French, the widow of Tancred; from whom he received a son named Raymond, who succeeded him in the county.

Hic Hodiernam, domini Balduini Hierosolymorum regis secundi filiam, duxit uxorem, ex quibus iste Raimundus, de quo nobis in praesenti est sermo, natus est; qui patri in porta urbis Tripolitanae, ab Assissinis repentinis invasionibus occiso, in eodem comitatu successit. Erat ergo praedictus comes domini Amalrici et domini Balduini regum, ex parte matris, consobrinus; erant enim duarum sororum filii: ex parte patris erat uno gradu inferior; ejus namque avia, mater patris, videlicet, Cecilia, de qua praediximus, soror fuit domini regis Fulconis, patris dominorum Balduini et Amalrici regum, ex eadem matre, non ex eodem patre. Nam utriusque mater, soror domini Amalrici de Muntfort, Fulconi seniori Andegavensium comiti in uxorem tradita fuit; quae postmodum Fulcone juniore jam edito, maritum deserens, ad Francorum regem, dominum Philippum, se conferens, hanc Ceciliam cum quibusdam aliis filiis edidit.

He took Hodierna, daughter of lord Baldwin, the second king of Jerusalem, as wife, from whom this Raymond, of whom our discourse is at present, was born; who, when his father was slain at the gate of the city of Tripoli by the sudden incursions of the Assassins, succeeded to the same county. Therefore the aforesaid count was, to lord Amalric and lord Baldwin the kings, on the mother’s side, a first cousin; for they were sons of two sisters: on the father’s side he was one degree lower; for his grandmother, the father’s mother, namely Cecilia, of whom we have spoken above, was sister of lord King Fulk, father of lords Baldwin and Amalric the kings, from the same mother, not from the same father. For the mother of both, sister of lord Amalric of Montfort, had been given in marriage to Fulk the elder, count of the Angevins; who afterwards, with Fulk the younger already born, deserting her husband and betaking herself to the king of the Franks, lord Philip, bore this Cecilia together with certain other children.

Rex autem nihilominus reginam uxorem legitimam, unde jam Ludovicum et Constantiam susceperat, contra legem ecclesiasticam amore praedictae comitissae infatuatus, expulerat. Ita ergo ex utroque parente, vinculis consanguinitatis sibi invicem erant connexi, dominus comes et praedicti reges duo. Erat autem praedictus comes vir carne tenuis, submacilentus, statura modeste procerus, facie aquilus, capillo plano mediocriter fusco, acutis luminibus, erectus humeris, mente compositus, providus multum, et in actibus suis strenuus, cibo et potu quasi supra hominem sobrius, alienis munificus, suis vero non ita affabilis admodum; et quod in hostium vinculis summo labore collegerat, litteratus modice, sed magis tamen, naturali mentis vivacitate, Scripturarum intelligentiam, more domini Amalrici regis, nitebatur apprehendere.

The king, nevertheless, had expelled the queen, his legitimate wife, by whom he had already had Louis and Constance, infatuated with love for the aforesaid countess against ecclesiastical law. Thus then, from both parents, by the bonds of consanguinity they were mutually connected, the lord count and the two aforesaid kings. Now the aforesaid count was a man thin in flesh, somewhat gaunt, in stature moderately tall, swarthy in face, with straight hair of a middling dark-brown, with sharp eyes, upright in the shoulders, composed in mind, very provident, and strenuous in his actions, in food and drink sober almost beyond a man, munificent to others, but to his own not so very affable; moderately lettered—what he had gathered with utmost toil while in the enemies’ chains—but rather, by the natural quickness of his mind, he strove to apprehend the understanding of the Scriptures, after the manner of lord King Amalric.

Frequens in quaestionibus, si praesentem haberet quem ad earum solutionem arbitraretur sufficere. Is eodem anno quo regni procurationem suscepit, dominam Eschivam, domini Galterii principis Galileae viduam, locupletem valde, filiis fecundam ex priore marito, duxit uxorem; sed, postquam ad eum pervenit, causa occulta parere desiit; quam cum filiis ita tenere dicitur diligere, tanquam ei universos illos peperisset. Verum decursa breviter hac digressione, ad historiae seriem redeamus.

Frequent in inquiries, whenever he had present someone whom he judged sufficient for their solution. He, in the same year in which he undertook the procuration of the kingdom, took to wife Lady Eschiva, widow of Lord Walter, Prince of Galilee, very wealthy, fecund with sons by her former husband; but, after she came to him, for a hidden cause she ceased to bear; whom, together with the sons, he is said to love so tenderly, as if she had borne them all to him. But, this digression having been briefly run through, let us return to the series of the history.

Per idem tempus, quia praecedente aestate dominus Radulphus bonae memoriae, Bethlehemita episcopus, regni cancellarius, ex hac luce migraverat, ut esset qui regiarum epistolarum curam haberet, de consilio principum suorum, nos ad praedictum vocavit officium et cancellarii nobis tradidit dignitatem.

At the same time, because in the preceding summer lord Ralph, of good memory, the Bethlehemite bishop, chancellor of the kingdom, had migrated from this light, so that there might be someone to have the care of the royal epistles, by the counsel of his princes he called us to the aforesaid office and handed over to us the dignity of chancellor.

CAPUT VI. Salahadinus, vocantibus eum Damascenis, Damascum obtinet, et reliquas regionis partes. Dirigitur contra eum Tripolitanus comes, qui ejus obsistat moliminibus.

CHAPTER 6. Saladin, being called by the Damascenes, obtains Damascus, and the remaining parts of the region. The Count of Tripoli is sent against him, to obstruct his undertakings.

Eodem anno Salahadinus Negemendi filius, Syraconi ex fratre nepos, qui patruo suo Syracono in Aegypti regno successerat, vocantibus occulte eum Damascenis optimatibus, legitimo eorum domino Mehele Salah, filio videlicet Noradini adhuc impubere, apud Halapiam commorante, commissa Aegypti cura cuidam fratri suo Seifedin nomine, ut regnum Damascenorum occuparet, per vastitatem solitudinis in Syriam festinans, Damascum pervenit. Unde non post multos dies, civitate, tradentibus civibus, recepta, versus Coelesyriam properat, sperans quod omnes illius urbes in suam, sine bello, ditionem reciperet; nec spe frustratus est. Nam intra modicum tempus, tradentibus locorum incolis, et ultro reserantibus aditus, contra fidelitatem domini sui, cujus servus fuerat, omnes illius provinciae urbes recepit; Heliopolim Graece videlicet, quae hodie Malbec dicitur, Arabice dictam Baalbeth; Emissam, quae vulgo Camela dicitur; Hamam; Caesar, quae vulgo dicitur Casarea magna.

In the same year Saladin, son of Negemendus, a nephew to Syraconus on his brother’s side, who had succeeded his paternal uncle Syraconus in the kingdom of Egypt, with the nobles of Damascus secretly summoning him, while their legitimate lord Mehele Salah, namely the son of Noradin, still underage, was residing at Aleppo, the care of Egypt having been committed to a certain brother of his by the name Seifedin, that he might seize the realm of the Damascenes, hastening through the vastness of the desert into Syria, arrived at Damascus. Whence, not after many days, the city being received, the citizens surrendering it, he makes speed toward Coele-Syria, hoping that he would receive all its cities into his dominion without war; nor was he disappointed of his hope. For within a short time, the inhabitants of the places surrendering, and of their own accord opening the approaches, against the fealty of their lord, whose servant he had been, he received all the cities of that province: Heliopolis in Greek, namely, which today is called Malbec, in Arabic called Baalbeth; Emisa, which in the vernacular is called Camela; Hama; Caesar, which in the vernacular is called Greater Caesarea.

Praesumebat autem praeterea Halapiam, et ipsum puerum, per quorumdam proditorum operam sibi tradi; sed illud casu quodam impeditum est. Nam dum haec in partibus illis aguntur, dominus rex, communicato consilio, quid in tam subito eventu et in tanta rerum permutatione opus esset facto, dum diu cum principibus suis deliberat, placuit demum universis, quod dominus comes cum exercitu tam de regno quam de suo comitatu, ad partes Coelesyriae quantocius properet. Additur etiam in mandatis, quatenus omni conamine profectibus Salahadini contrarium se objiciat, et merito.

He moreover presumed that Aleppo and the boy himself would be handed over to him through the agency of certain traitors; but that was hindered by a certain chance. For while these things are being transacted in those parts, the lord king, counsel having been communicated, as to what ought to be done in so sudden an event and so great a permutation of affairs, while he long deliberates with his princes, it at last pleased all that the lord count, with an army both from the kingdom and from his own county, should hasten as quickly as possible to the parts of Coele-Syria. It is also added in the mandates that, by every endeavor, he should set himself in opposition to the advances of Saladin—and deservedly.

Suspectum enim nobis erat omne ejus incrementum; et quidquid ei accedebat, nobis totum decedere videbatur. Erat enim vir consilio providus, armis strenuus, supra modum liberalis; in quo prudentioribus nostris maxime erat suspectus. Nam nullo alio hodie visco subjectorum, et etiam quorumlibet aliorum hominum corda magis solent principibus conciliari, nihilque alienos animos magis obligat, quam munificentia, maxime principalis. Suspectus ergo nimirum nobis erat, ne geminatis possessionibus, duplicato cum viribus imperio, acrior in nos insurgeret et fatigaret vehementius.

For all his increment was suspect to us; and whatever accrued to him seemed to us wholly to decline from us. For he was a man provident in counsel, strenuous in arms, beyond measure liberal; in which regard he was especially suspect to our more prudent men. For by no other bird-lime today are the hearts of subjects, and even of any other men whatsoever, more wont to be conciliated to princes, and nothing binds alien minds more than munificence, especially princely. Suspect therefore he surely was to us, lest, with his possessions doubled and his dominion, together with his forces, duplicated, he should rise up against us more keenly and weary us more vehemently.

Quod tamen evacuatis nostris moliminibus et frustra cohibere volentibus, lacrymosis hodie inspicimus oculis; quod tantus terra marique in nos insurgit; quod, nisi nos misericorditer visitaverit Oriens ex alto (Luc. I, 78), nulla sit spes resistendi. Tutius sane videbatur puero, adhuc infra annos constituto, ministrare subsidium; non ut gratia ejus, aliquid humanitatis videretur ei praestandum; sed ut suspectiori aemulo nutriretur adversarius, quo remorante ejus proposita, in nos fierent ejus impetus infirmiores.

Which, however, with our endeavors nullified and we wishing in vain to restrain it, we behold today with lachrymose eyes; that so great a force rises up against us by land and sea; that, unless the Orient from on high (Luke 1, 78) mercifully visit us, there is no hope of resisting. It certainly seemed safer to minister succor to the boy, still under age; not so that, for the sake of his favor, some measure of humanity should seem to be afforded to him; but that an adversary might be nourished against the more suspect rival, whereby, he delaying his designs, his assaults upon us might become weaker.

CAPUT VII. Assignantur causae, quare contingat quod super populum nostrum solito amplius hostes invalescant.

CHAPTER 7. The causes are assigned, why it comes to pass that the enemies prevail over our people more than is usual.

Libet paulisper ab historiae textu, non evagandi inutiliter gratia, sed ut inferatur aliquid non absque fructu, discedere. Solet quaeri, et vere merito quaerendum videtur, quid causae sit, quod patres nostri in numero pauciore majores hostium copias in conflictu saepe sustinuerunt fortius; et frequentius, propria divinitate, in manu modica majores eorum cuneos et innumeram plerumque multitudinem contriverunt; ita etiam, quod ipsum nomen Christianum, gentibus Deum ignorantibus, esset formidini, et in operibus patrum nostrorum glorificaretur Dominus. Nostri autem temporis homines, versa vice, a paucioribus saepius devicti; et cum pluribus nonnunquam adversus pauciores frustra aliquid tentasse, et succubuisse aliquoties reperiuntur. Considerantibus ergo nobis et statum nostrum diligenter discutientibus, prima occurrit causa, in Deum auctorem respiciens; quod pro patribus nostris, qui fuerunt viri religiosi et timentes Deum, nati sunt filii perditissimi, filii scelerati, fidei Christianae praevaricatores, passim et sine delectu per omnia currentes illicita; tales aut talibus pejores, qui dixerunt Domino Deo suo: Recede a nobis; scientiam viarum tuarum nolimus (Job XXI, 14); quibus merito, peccatis eorum exigentibus, gratiam subtrahat Dominus, tanquam iracundiam provecatus.

It pleases me for a little while to depart from the thread of the history, not for the sake of wandering uselessly, but that something not without fruit may be brought in. It is wont to be asked, and truly with merit it seems to be asked, what the cause is, that our fathers, being fewer in number, often sustained in conflict the greater forces of the enemy more bravely; and more frequently, by His own divinity, with a small band crushed their larger battalions and for the most part an innumerable multitude; likewise also, that the very name Christian was a terror to the nations ignorant of God, and in the works of our fathers the Lord was glorified. But men of our time, with the turn reversed, are more often defeated by fewer; and, even when they are more numerous, are sometimes found to have attempted something against fewer in vain, and at times to have succumbed. Therefore as we consider and diligently examine our condition, the first cause presents itself, looking toward God the author: that, instead of our fathers who were religious men and fearing God, there have been born most lost sons, criminal sons, prevaricators of the Christian faith, rushing everywhere and without selection through all unlawful things; such men, or worse than such, who have said to the Lord their God: Depart from us; we do not wish the knowledge of your ways (Job 21, 14); from whom deservedly, their sins requiring it, the Lord withdraws grace, as though provoked to wrath.

Tales sunt praesentis saeculi et maxime Orientalis tractus homines; quorum mores, imo vitiorum monstra, si quis diligentiori stylo prosequi tentet, materiae immensitate succumbat, et potius satyram movere videatur, quam historiam texere. Secunda nobis causa ex latere occurrit; quod tempore praeterito, cum illi viri venerabiles, zelo ducti divino, ardore fidei interius succensi, primum ad orientales partes descenderunt, erant bellicis assueti disciplinis, praeliis exercitati, usum habentes armorum familiarem. Populus vero orientalis econtrario, longa pace dissolutus, rei militaris expers, inexercitatus legibus praeliorum, vacatione gaudebat.

Tsuch are the men of the present age and especially of the Eastern tract; whose manners—nay, the monsters of vice—if anyone should attempt to pursue with a more diligent style, he would succumb to the immensity of the material, and would seem rather to set satire in motion than to weave history. A second cause occurs to us from the side; that in the time past, when those venerable men, led by divine zeal, inwardly kindled with the ardor of faith, first descended to the Eastern parts, they were accustomed to warlike disciplines, trained in battles, having a familiar use of arms. But the Eastern people, on the contrary, loosened by long peace, devoid of the military art, unexercised in the laws of battles, was rejoicing in exemption.

Unde non erat admiratione dignum, si pauci plures sustinerent levius, aut eis devictis in bellicis eventibus meliorem calculum, et cum palma victoriam reportarent. In talibus enim (ut melius me norunt, qui sensus circa talia habent plenius exercitatos) experientia usti comparata longaevo et continuo, adversus indoctas vires et carentes industria, solet saepius obtinere. Tertia quoque causa non inferior, nec minus efficax, iterum nobis se ingerit: quod priscis temporibus singulae pene civitates dominos habebant diversos, ut more Aristotelis nostri loquamur; non subalternatim positos qui raro, paribus; frequentius, contrariis studiis agebantur. Contra quos diversa sapientes, vel saepius adversa; sibique suspectos invicem, minore periculo decertabatur; quippe qui nec ad communes injurias propulsandas facile possent aut vellent convenire; nec in nostram leviter perniciem armarentur, qui suos nimirum non minus quam nostros formidini haberent.

Whence it was not worthy of admiration, if a few should more lightly sustain the many, or, these being defeated, in the outcomes of war carry off the better calculus, and with the palm report victory. For in such matters (as those know better than I, who have their senses more fully exercised about such things) experience, acquired by long-aged and continual use, is wont more often to prevail against untrained forces and those lacking in industry. A third cause also, not inferior nor less efficacious, again obtrudes itself upon us: that in former times almost each single city had different lords, to speak in the manner of our Aristotle; not placed in subordination, who were seldom driven by equal, more frequently by contrary, parties. Against such men, being of diverse counsels, or more often opposed, and mutually suspected of one another, there was contesting with less danger; since they could neither easily be able or willing to come together to repel common injuries; nor would they be lightly armed for our destruction, who surely held their own men no less than ours as a matter of fear.

At nunc omnia regna nobis contermina, in unius potestatem, Domino ita sustinente, redacta sunt; nam proxime praeteritis temporibus, vir immanissimus, et nomen Christianum abhorrens, quasi pestem aliquam, Sanguinus, hujus qui nuper obiit Noradini pater, post alia quae violenter occupavit regna, nostra memoria nobilem et egregiam Medorum metropolim Rages, alio nomine Edessam dictam, fidelibus qui in ea erant, neci datis, cum omnibus finibus suis occupavit violenter. Item Noradinus ejus filius, expulso Damascenorum rege, magis fraude suorum quam viribus propriis, regnum illius sibi vindicavit, atque ad paternam adjecit haereditatem. Novissime idem Noradinus per ministerium et industriam Siraconi, regnum Aegypti antiquissimum et opulentum nimis, sibi mancipavit; sicut superius, dum de regno domini Amalrici tractaremus, latius disseruimus.

But now all the kingdoms contiguous to us have been reduced into the power of one, with the Lord so sustaining; for in times but lately past, a most monstrous man, and one abhorring the Christian name as though some pestilence, Sanguinus, the father of this Noradin who has lately died, after other kingdoms which he seized by violence, in our memory violently occupied the noble and outstanding metropolis of the Medes, Rages, called by another name Edessa, the faithful who were in it having been given over to death, and he seized it with all its borders by force. Likewise Noradin, his son, the king of the Damascenes having been expelled, more by the fraud of his own men than by his own forces, claimed that king’s realm for himself, and added it to the paternal inheritance. Most recently this same Noradin, through the ministry and industry of Siracon, the kingdom of Egypt, most ancient and exceedingly opulent, made his own; as above, while we were treating of the kingdom of lord Amalric, we discussed it more at large.

Sic ergo, ut diximus, omnia vicina nobis regna, unius parent imperio, unius nutibus serviunt vel inviti, ad unius vocem, quasi vir unus, in nostram armantur laesionem; non est qui dispari rapiatur studio; non est qui domini mandata impune praetereat. Haec sane omnia Salahadinus, de quae saepius mentionem fecimus, vir genere quidem humilis, extremae conditionis homo, secunda nimis arridente fortuna, possidet: ex Aegypto et finibus adjacentibus auri primi et purissimi, quod obryzum dicitur, inaestimabilem habens copiam; ex aliis provinciis equitum, pugnatorum, et aurum sitientium turmas habens innumeras; quas auri habentibus copiam, facile est satis congregare. Sed nunc ad historiam redeamus.

Thus therefore, as we have said, all the kingdoms near to us obey the empire of one, serve the nods of one, even unwilling; at the voice of one, as if one man, they are armed for our injury; there is no one who is carried away by a differing zeal; there is no one who passes over the lord’s mandates with impunity. All these things, to be sure, Saladin—of whom we have made mention more often—a man indeed of low birth, a man of the extremest condition, with fortune smiling far too favorably, possesses: from Egypt and the adjacent borders having an inestimable store of the first and purest gold, which is called obryzum; from other provinces having innumerable bands of horsemen, fighters, and men thirsting for gold—which, for those who have a plenty of gold, it is easy enough to gather. But now let us return to the history.

Placuit igitur, ut praemisimus, omnibus qui aderant, quod huic viro tam magnifico, et ita per successus continuos ad supremum culmen acceleranti, modis omnibus resisteretur; ne cum amplius posset, in nos durior insurgeret adversarius. Assumptis igitur regni principibus, congregatisque undique militaribus auxiliis, ad partes Tripolitanas dominus comes festinans contendit; ibique circa fines Archenses castrametatus, in ea regionis parte quae dicitur Galifa, consedit.

It was therefore agreed, as we have premised, by all who were present, that to this man so magnificent, and thus by continuous successes accelerating to the supreme summit, resistance should be made by all means; lest, when he could do more, a harsher adversary should rise up against us. Having accordingly taken up the princes of the realm, and the military auxiliaries having been gathered from everywhere, the lord count, hastening, made for the Tripolitan parts; and there, having encamped around the borders of Archas, he settled in that part of the region which is called Galifa.

CAPUT VIII. Mussulae dominus in nepotis subsidium properat. Salahadinus proficit; regionem occupat universam.

CHAPTER 8. The lord of Mosul hastens to his nephew’s aid. Saladin advances; he occupies the entire region.

Comes cum eo paciscitur; obsides recipit.

The count makes terms with him; he receives hostages.

Dum haec apud nos geruntur, audiens filii Noradini patruus, princeps maximus et inter Orientales gentis Parthorum potentissimus, nomine Cotobedi, quod fratre mortuo, Salahadinus spretis humanitatis legibus, immemor factus suae conditionis et beneficiorum sibi a patre pueri collatorum ingratus, ita contra dominum suum adhuc impuberem insurrexisse, congregata equitum numerosa manu, quorum maxima dicitur esse illi copia, Euphrate transmisso, contra proditores suos, nepoti opem laturus advenit. Erat autem hic maximus princeps, dominus illius antiquissimae et famosissimae civitatis Ninive, quae olim Jonae prophetae exhortationis verbo, in cinere et cilicio dicitur egisse poenitentiam; nunc autem mutato nomine, loco etiam non multum longe ab illa antiquiore remota, ex residuis aedificiorum et populi restituta, Musula dicitur; retenta adhuc metropoleos dignitate, in omni Assyria. Hic, postquam advenit, in campestribus circa Halapiam castra locavit.

While these things are being done among us, hearing that, his brother having died, Saladin, the laws of humanity scorned, become forgetful of his condition and ungrateful for the benefactions conferred on him by the boy’s father, had thus risen up against his own lord, still under age, the paternal uncle of Noradinus’s son, a very great prince and, among the Oriental peoples of the Parthians, most powerful, by the name Cotobedi, with a numerous band of horsemen gathered—of which a very great abundance is said to be his—after the Euphrates was crossed, came against his traitors, to bring help to his nephew. Moreover, this was a very great prince, lord of that most ancient and most famous city Nineveh, which once, at the word of exhortation of Jonah the prophet, is said to have done penance in ashes and sackcloth; now, however, the name having been changed, the site also not removed very far from that more ancient one, restored from the remains of the buildings and of the people, it is called Mosul, the dignity of a Metropolis still retained in all Assyria. He, after he arrived, pitched camp in the plains around Halapia.

Salahadinus interea nihilo segnius Bostro primae Arabiae metropoli maxima, Heliopoli quoque, quae hodie vulgo dicitur Malbec, spontanea civium traditione sine bello receptis, urbem Emissenam, quae dicitur Camela, obsederat; et absque cunctatione aliqua tradita est ei a civibus ejusdem urbis pars inferior; nam in colle quodam aliquantulum edito erat civitatis praesidium, satis munitum, in quod fideles praedicti pueri se contulerant, quod tamen et armis, et alimentis prius satis et attentius communierant. Susceperat etiam nihilominus ejusdem provinciae urbes illi conterminas, tradentibus locorum incolis, Hamam, Caesaream et regionem universam usque ad ipsam Halapiam. Hi ergo qui in arce erant civitatis Emissenae, missis nuntiis ad comitem Tripolitanum, et nostros qui erant in castris, ut praediximus, exspectantes ut ab alterutra parte, in tanto tumultu optatis conditionibus, evocarentur, rogant, ut ad eos venire non pigritentur, pollicentes non esse absque emolumento et condigno fructu, si sibi contra hujusmodi pestilentem hominem subsidia ministrarent.

Meanwhile Saladin, by no means more tardy, having received without war Bostra, the greatest metropolis of First Arabia, as well as Heliopolis, which today is commonly called Malbec, by the spontaneous surrender of the citizens, had besieged the city of Emisa, which is called Camela; and without any delay the lower part of the same city was delivered to him by its citizens. For on a certain somewhat elevated hill there was the citadel of the city, sufficiently fortified, into which the loyalists of the aforesaid boy had withdrawn—this, however, they had previously and carefully supplied both with arms and with provisions. He had likewise taken over the cities bordering upon it in the same province, the inhabitants of the places surrendering them—Hama, Caesarea, and the whole region as far as Aleppo itself. Those therefore who were in the citadel of the city of Emisa, sending messengers to the Count of Tripoli and to our men who were in the camp, as we have said, expecting that from either side, in so great a tumult, they might be called out on desirable conditions, ask that they be not slow to come to them, promising that it would not be without emolument and condign fruit if they should furnish them succors against a man of such a pestilent sort.

Porro domini comitis obsides in eodem municipio servabantur, quos pro sua redemptione et certa pecunia usque ad sexaginta millia aureorum, Noradino patri pueri dum a carcere solutus egrederetur, obligaverat. Erant etiam ibidem et domini Rainaldi Sidoniensis, pro fratre suo Eustachio obsides nonnulli. Sperantes ergo, quod aliquo pacto eos pro spe subsidii, quod postulabant, a principe arcis, in qua erant, possent recipere, illuc celerrime cum omni militia contendunt; ubi cum nihil ponderis in eorum verbis reperissent, erat enim spes eis, per supradictum principem suum posse obsidionem solvi, post multas tamen deliberationis varietates, in castra unde prius exierant, revertuntur.

Moreover, the lord count’s hostages were being kept in the same municipality, whom, for his own redemption and for a certain sum of money up to 60,000 gold pieces, he had bound to Noradin, the boy’s father, when, released from prison, he was going out. There were also there several hostages of Lord Rainald of Sidon, for his brother Eustace. Hoping, therefore, that by some compact they might be able to recover them, for the hope of the aid which they were requesting, from the prince of the citadel in which they were, they hasten thither with all the soldiery; but when they found nothing of weight in their words—for there was hope for him that through the aforesaid his prince the siege could be lifted—after many fluctuations of deliberation, they return to the camp whence they had previously set out.

Salahadinus interea videns, quod nostri quasi indignati recesserant, factus inde erectior et de eorum absentia praesumens plurimum, Halapiae vicinius approximans, exercitum praedicti principis coepit ad pugnam lacessere crebrisque irritare incursionibus; quo saepius instigante, commissum est cominus et graviter inter eos. Tandem deficientibus Ninivitis, proditione suorum, ut dicitur, pecunia corruptorum, victoriam obtinuit Salahadinus. Inde Emissam rediens, sicut prius civitatem, ita demum et civitatis praesidium recepit.

Meanwhile Saladin, seeing that our men had withdrawn as if indignant, became thereby more erect and, presuming greatly upon their absence, drew nearer to Aleppo and began to challenge the army of the aforesaid prince to battle and to irritate them with frequent incursions; and the more often he urged them on, the more it came to close-quarters and grievous combat between them. At length, with the Ninevites failing, through the treachery of their own—so it is said—corrupted by money, Saladin obtained the victory. Thence returning to Emesa, as earlier he had received the city, so at last he also received the city’s stronghold.

Inde ad comitem legationem dirigens, dominum comitem orat, ne suis successibus se opponat, sed permittat se cum filio Noradini, et aliis qui in auxilium ejus venerant, experiri; ne autem et hoc ipsum sine condigna retributione contemnat, obsides suos et domini Rainaldi gratis offert restituendos. Placuit hoc verbum domino comiti, receptisque obsidibus, prout pactis fuerat insertum, caeteris quoque nobilibus qui in eadem expeditione erant, non sine decenti munificentia dimissis, solutis castris, ad propria remearunt. Dicebatur horum omnium verborum dominus Henfredus de Torono, regius constabularius, mediator fuisse, qui praedicto Salahadino nimiae familiaritatis affectu devinctus arguebatur.

Thence directing a legation to the count, he begs the lord count not to oppose his successes, but to permit him to make trial with the son of Nur ad-Dīn, and with others who had come to his aid; and lest he scorn even this very thing without condign retribution, he offers gratis to have his own hostages and those of Lord Renaud restored. This word pleased the lord count, and the hostages having been received, as had been inserted in the pacts, and the other nobles also who were in the same expedition being dismissed not without seemly munificence, the camp being broken, they returned to their own. It was said that Lord Humphrey of Toron, the royal constable, was the mediator of all these words, who was accused of being bound to the aforesaid Saladin by an affection of excessive familiarity.

Factum est igitur contra propositum nostrum, ut cui penitus fuerat obviandum, ne contr nos factus potentior, solito vehementius insolesceret, eidem favor noster accederet; et de nobis auderet sperare, qui in nostrum continue ampliabatur detrimentum. Egressi itaque a nobis circa Kal. Januarias, Kal. iterum Maii domum reversi sunt.

It was therefore brought about against our purpose, that he whom it had been necessary to oppose utterly, lest, having become more powerful against us, he should grow insolent more vehemently than usual, to the same our favor should be added; and that he would dare to hope from us, he who was continually being enlarged to our detriment. Having thus gone forth from us around the Kalends of January, at the Kalends again of May they returned home.

CAPUT IX. Mainardus Berythensis episcopus moritur. Hujus conscriptor historiae ad Tyronensem metropolim promovetur.

CHAPTER 9. Mainardus, bishop of Berytus, dies. The compiler of this history is promoted to the Tyrian metropolis.

Iisdem diebus dominus Mainardus, bonae memoriae, Berythensis episcopus, dum in urbe Tyrensi languore correptus aliquantulum aegrotasset, morte praeventus est VII Kal. Maii, cujus anima requiescat in pace. Eodem mense, cum Tyrensis Ecclesi septem vacasset mensibus continuis, consonante cleri et populi voto, regis quoque, ut moris est, conveniente assensu, Dei patientia potius quam meritis nostris, ad regimen illius Ecclesiae vocati sumus, et infra decem dies in ecclesia Dominici Sepulcri, per manus domini Amalrici Hierosolymitani patriarchae, munus consecrationis, VI Idus Junii, auctore Domino, suscepimus, licet indigni.

In those same days lord Mainard, of good memory, bishop of Berytus, while in the city of Tyre, having been seized by languor, had been somewhat ailing, was anticipated by death on April 25; may his soul rest in peace. In the same month, since the Tyrian Church had stood vacant for seven continuous months, with the vote of the clergy and of the people consonant, and with the king’s assent also concurring, as is the custom, by the patience of God rather than by our merits, we were called to the governance of that Church, and within ten days, in the Church of the Lord’s Sepulchre, through the hands of lord Amalric, patriarch of Jerusalem, we received, by the Lord as author, the office of consecration on June 8, although unworthy.

CAPUT X. Rex Damascenorum regionem ingreditur: et eam depopulatur. Hernesius Caesariensis archiepiscopus defungitur.

CHAPTER 10. The king enters the region of the Damascenes: and lays it waste. Hernesius, archbishop of Caesarea, dies.

Per idem tempus Salahadino circa partes illas arctius occupato, nuntiatum est domino regi, Damascenorum fines, absque militia et sine rectore, patere satis aperte ad praedam et ad alia incommoda sustinenda, quae hostibus jure belli possunt inferri. Quo comperto, congregatis militaribus copiis, Jordanem transiens, per silvam quae Paneadensi adjacet civitati, et ab ea nomen ducit, Libanum famosissimum promontorium habens ad laevam, agrum Damascenum attingit. Erat autem tempore messis.

At the same time, with Saladin more closely occupied around those parts, it was announced to the lord king that the borders of the Damascenes, without militia and without a rector, lay quite openly to plunder and to sustaining other incommodities which can be inflicted upon enemies by the right of war. On learning this, with military forces congregated, crossing the Jordan, through the forest which is adjacent to the city of Paneas and takes its name from it, having Lebanon, the most famous promontory, on the left, he reaches the Damascene countryside. Now it was the time of harvest.

Discurrentes ergo nostri, et totam regionem obambulantes libere, fruges sive in areis comportatas, sive solo haerentes, sive per agros manipulatim congestas, incendiis tradunt. Homines autem, praecognito eorum adventu, ad loca munitiora cum uxoribus et parvulis se contulerant. Sicque pro arbitrio nostri regionem habentes, pervenerunt usque Dariam.

Therefore our men, running hither and thither and freely ambulating through the whole region, consign to fires the crops—whether gathered on the threshing-floors, or clinging to the soil, or heaped up through the fields in sheaves. But the inhabitants, their arrival having been foreknown, had betaken themselves with wives and little ones to the more fortified places. And thus, our men having the region at their own discretion, they came as far as Daria.

Is locus suburbanus est, Damasco conterminus, vix ab ea distans milliaribus quatuor; inde etiam Bedegene, qui locus ad radicem Libani situs, perspicuas emanat aquas, unde Domus voluptatis dicitur, perveniunt; et invitis, et multum renitentibus incolis, occupant locum violenter; spoliis inde ditati, praedam et manubias secum trahentes, cernentibus nec contradicere valentibus Damascenis, sani et incolumes post dies aliquot domum reversi sunt. Per idem tempus, dominus Hernesius bonae memoriae, Caesariensis archiepiscopus defunctus est; inque loco ejus dominus Eracleus Hierosolymitanus archidiaconus electus et consecratus est.

That place is suburban, contiguous to Damascus, scarcely distant from it by four miles; thence also they reach Bedegene, a place situated at the root of Lebanon, which sends forth pellucid waters, whence it is called the House of Pleasure; and with the inhabitants unwilling and greatly resisting, they seize the place by violence; enriched with spoils from there, carrying off booty and manubial spoils with them, while the Damascenes looked on and were not able to gainsay, they returned home safe and unhurt after some days. At the same time, lord Hernesius of good memory, archbishop of Caesarea, died; and in his place lord Heraclius, archdeacon of Jerusalem, was elected and consecrated.

CAPUT XI. Rex iterum fines hostium Damascenorum ingressus, vallem cui cognomentum est Bachar, depraedatur. Rainaldus de Castellione et Joscelinus regis patruus, a vinculis hostium solvuntur.

CHAPTER 11. The king, entering again the borders of the Damascene foes, plunders the valley whose cognomen is Bachar. Rainald of Castellion and Joscelin, the king’s paternal uncle, are loosed from the bonds of the enemy.

Anno secundo regni domini Balduini quarti, Salahadino adhuc circa partes Halapiae negotiis occupato, mense Augusto, prima die mensis, convocatis regni magnatibus et collecta militia, iterum dominus rex hostium fines ingreditur, pertransiensque agrum Sidoniensem, et montana, quae media sunt inter nostros et hostium terminos conscendens, pervenit ad locum bonis temporalibus commodum pene omnibus, glebam uberem, fontibus irriguum, cui nomen Messaara; inde in vallem quae dicitur Bacar, descendens, terram reperit, ut legitur, lacte et melle manantem. Hanc regionem existimant quidam dictam fuisse olim Ituream, cujus in Evangelio Lucae (cap. III) Philippus Herodis senioris filius, tetrarcha dicitur, simul et Traconitidis regionis; antiquius autem, videlicet tempore regum Israel Saltum Libani nuncupatam, eo quod ad radices Libani porrecta distenditur vallis opimo solo, aquis salubribus, populorum numerositate, suburbanorum frequentia et aeris grata temperie commendabilis.

In the second year of the reign of lord Baldwin IV, with Saladin still occupied with affairs around the parts of Halapia, in the month of August, on the first day of the month, the lord king, having convoked the magnates of the kingdom and gathered the soldiery, again enters the borders of the enemy; and passing through the Sidonian countryside, and ascending the mountains which lie between our borders and the enemy’s boundaries, he came to a place convenient in almost all temporal goods, with rich soil, irrigated by springs, whose name is Messaara; thence, descending into the valley which is called Bacar, he found a land, as it is read, flowing with milk and honey. Some think this region was formerly called Iturea, of which in the Gospel of Luke (ch. 3) Philip, son of Herod the elder, is called tetrarch, as also of the region of Trachonitis; but earlier, namely in the time of the kings of Israel, it was named the Forest of Lebanon, because the valley, stretching along the roots of Lebanon, extends, commendable for fertile soil, healthful waters, the numerousness of peoples, the frequency of suburban settlements, and the pleasing temperateness of the air.

In hujus partibus submissioribus civitas ostenditur usque hodie validis moenibus circumsepta, multa praetendens nobilitatis pristinis in aedificiis argumenta, cui nomen est modernum Amegarra. Hanc quidam antiquitatis perscrutatores, arbitrantur esse Palmyream, nobilem quondam in Phoenice coloniam; cujus memoriam facit Ulpianus Tyrius in Digesto novo titulo 10, De censibus. Huc pervenientes nostri, coeperunt omnem regionem libere, nemine contradicente, perlustrare incendiisque vastare universa; incolae autem regionis ad montes confugerant, ad quos non erat facile iter nostris pervium; greges vero et armenta pro maxima parte in paludibus, quae erant in vallis medio, ubi pascua erant uberrima, adventu nostrorum praecognito, collocaverant. Interea comes Tripolitanus, ex condicto per agrum Bibliensem, juxta castrum quod Manethera dicitur, subito in fines Heliopolitanos ingressus, in eadem valle, cum suis, cuncta incendiis cremare nuntiatur.

In the lower parts of this region there is shown, even to this day, a city girded round with strong walls, presenting many proofs of former nobility in its ancient edifices, whose modern name is Amegarra. Some investigators of antiquity judge this to be Palmyra, once a noble colony in Phoenicia; Ulpian of Tyre makes mention of it in the New Digest, title 10, On the Censuses. Our men, on arriving here, began freely, with no one gainsaying, to traverse the whole region and to ravage everything with fires; but the inhabitants of the region had fled to the mountains, to which there was not an easy route passable for our men; while the flocks and herds, for the most part, they had placed in the marshes which were in the midst of the valley, where the pastures were most abundant, their foreknowing of our men’s coming. Meanwhile the count of Tripoli, by prearrangement, through the Byblian countryside, near the castle which is called Manethera, having suddenly entered the Heliopolitan borders, is reported, in the same valley, with his men, to be burning everything with fires.

Quo audientes nostri, obviam illis properantes, illi quoque nihilominus occurrere nobis optantes, convenerunt quasi in vallis medio; quod audiens Semsedolus. Salahadini frater, qui Damasci residebat procurator, congregata militia, locorum etiam incolis convenientibus, resistere tentat, acies instruit, nostris obviam ire parat. Nostri quoque ordinatis agminibus, animo proniore occurrunt; decertatur utrinque viriliter; sed Divinitate propitia multis interfectis, captis innumeris, hostis in fugam versus est.

Hearing this, our men, hastening to meet them, and they likewise, nonetheless wishing to encounter us, came together, as it were, in the midst of the valley; which when Semsedolus, brother of Saladin, hearing—who was residing at Damascus as procurator—having gathered the militia, with the inhabitants of the places also assembling, he attempts to resist, draws up the battle-line, prepares to go to meet our men. Our men also, their columns ordered, with a readier spirit run to meet them; it is fought on both sides manfully; but, with Divinity propitious, many being slain and countless captured, the enemy was turned to flight.

Semsedolus cum paucis evadens, ad montis ardua se contulit. Nostri vero hostilibus onusti spoliis, cum armentis et praeda maxima redeunt; paucis tamen, imprudenter, qui paludes praeliandi gratia fuerant ingressi, dum vias ignorant, et nostrorum ita subitum non opinantur regressum, amissis. Reversus ergo dominus rex, et sui, cum omni sospitate, trahentes boum armenta oviumque greges et supellectilem omnimodam, victoriae argumenta et felicitatis insignia, Tyrum auctore Domino pervenerunt.

Semsedolus, escaping with a few, betook himself to the steep places of the mountain. Our men, indeed, laden with hostile spoils, return with herds of cattle and with very great booty; yet with a few lost—men who, imprudently, had entered the marshes for the sake of fighting, since they did not know the paths and did not suppose so sudden a return of our men. Therefore the lord king and his own, with all safety, driving herds of oxen and flocks of sheep and furniture of every kind—proofs of victory and insignia of felicity—came to Tyre, with the Lord as author.

Comes quoque Tripolitanus, eodem quo venerat itinere, secum etiam praedam referens innumeram, ad propria feliciter cum suis omnibus se contulit. Eodem anno dominus Rainaldus de Castellione, qui domino Raimundo principi Antiocheno, in eodem principatu successerat, uxorem ejus, Constantiam nomine, ducens, post multos annos captivitatis suae, quam apud Halapiam duram nimis passus fuerat, intervenientibus amicis suis, et multae quantitatis pro eo numerata pecunia, libertati restitutus, simulque cum eo Joscelinus, Joscelini comitis Edessani filius, domini regis avunculus, studio et industria Agnetis comitissae, uxoris Rainaldi Sidoniensis, sororis suae, matris videlicet regis, ereptus a vinculis, in pristinam libertatem se recepit.

The Count of Tripoli also, by the same route by which he had come, bringing back with him plunder innumerable, betook himself happily to his own lands with all his people. In the same year Lord Reynald of Chastillon, who had succeeded Lord Raymond, Prince of Antioch, in the same principality, taking his wife, Constance by name, after many years of his captivity, which he had suffered as overly harsh at Aleppo, with his friends intervening, and money of great quantity counted out on his behalf, was restored to liberty; and together with him Joscelin, son of Joscelin, Count of Edessa, the lord king’s maternal uncle, by the zeal and industry of Agnes the countess, wife of Reynald of Sidon, his sister—namely, the king’s mother—rescued from chains, returned to his former freedom.

Eodem anno, mense Maio, secunda mensis die, per nostrum ministerium, in ecclesia Tyrensi, munus consecrationis susceperunt, dominus Odo Sidoniensis electus, qui ejusdem ecclesiae Tyrensis fuerat praecentor, et dominus Rainaldus, Berythensis electus.

In the same year, in the month of May, on the second day of the month, through our ministry, in the Tyrian church, the gift of consecration was received by lord Odo, the Sidonian bishop-elect, who had been precentor of that same Tyrian church, and by lord Rainald, the Berytian bishop-elect.

CAPUT XII. Dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus apud Iconium ignominiose conficitur.

CHAPTER 12. The lord Constantinopolitan emperor is ignominiously crushed at Iconium.

Eodem quoque tempore dominus Manuel imperator Constantinopolitanus, illustris memoriae et amplectendae in Christo recordationis, cujus beneficia et liberalitatem eximiam universus pene sentit mundus, dum contra immanissimam Turcorum gentem, et impium eorum ducem, Iconii soldanum, pro ampliando Christiano nomine, pietatis commendabili motu decertat, peccatis nostris exigentibus, suorum stragem infinitam, et copiarum imperialium, quas secum supra hominum etiam opinionem trahebat, enormia circa Iconium passus est dispendia: ubi etiam de consanguineis ejus, viri illustres, et inclyta recordatione digni, in acie occubuerunt; inter quos et Joannes Protosevasto, ejusdem domini imperatoris ex fratre nepos, vir egregiae liberalitatis et memorandae magnificentiae, cujus filiam Mariam dominus Amalricus uxorem duxerat, dum strenue resistit hostibus, multis confossus vulneribus interiit. Ipse tamen ex plurima parte receptis exercitibus, sed sinistro casu, mente supra modum consternatus, in suos fines corpore incolumis se recepit. Dicitur autem suorum ducum qui praeibant agmina, magis imprudentia, quam hostium viribus id accidisse.

At the same time also, Lord Manuel, the Constantinopolitan emperor, of illustrious memory and of a remembrance to be embraced in Christ, whose benefactions and outstanding liberality almost the whole world feels, while he contends, by a commendable motion of piety, against the most savage nation of the Turks and their impious leader, the sultan of Iconium, for the enlarging of the Christian name, our sins requiring it, suffered an infinite slaughter of his men and enormous losses of the imperial forces—which he was bringing with him beyond even the opinion of men—around Iconium: where also of his kinsmen, illustrious men and worthy of renowned remembrance, fell in the battle-line; among whom was John the Protosebastos, the nephew of the same lord emperor by his brother, a man of outstanding liberality and memorable magnificence, whose daughter Mary Lord Amalric had taken as wife, who, while he stoutly resisted the enemies, perished, pierced with many wounds. He himself, however, with his armies for the greatest part rallied, yet by an adverse mishap and beyond measure dismayed in mind, withdrew bodily unhurt into his own borders. It is said, moreover, that this happened more through the imprudence of his own leaders who were leading the columns than through the forces of the enemy.

Nam, cum patentes amplaeque viae, ad producendas acies, et sarcinarum moles commodius trahendas, et impedimentorum omne genus subvehendum, quod et numerum excedere dicebatur et mensuram, non deessent, incaute nimis in periculosas locorum angustias praecipites se dederunt, ubi nec hostibus, qui loca eadem jam occupaverant, dabatur resistere; nec referendi vices copia ministrabatur. Ab ea die, hujus tam sinistri casu praedictus dominus imperator, adeo menti perennem dicitur impressisse memoriam, ut de caetero nec solita mentis hilaritate, qua singulariter praeminebat, laetiorem se suis, id admodum postulantibus, exhiberet; nec corporis sospitate qua plurimum pollebat, usque in supremum vitae diem frueretur; ita sane continua facti refricatione urebatur, ut nec animo quies, nec menti consueta tranquillitas indulgeretur.

For, although open and ample roads were not lacking, for drawing out the battle-lines, and for more conveniently dragging the masses of baggage and bringing up every kind of impedimenta, which was said to exceed both number and measure, they, too incautiously, hurled themselves headlong into the perilous narrows of the places, where neither was it granted to resist the enemies, who had already occupied those same spots, nor was opportunity afforded for returning the blows. From that day, by the so ill‑omened mishap, the aforesaid lord emperor is said to have so impressed upon his mind a perennial memory, that thereafter he would neither, with the accustomed cheerfulness of mind in which he singularly excelled, show himself more joyful to his own, though they earnestly demanded it, nor enjoy the soundness of body in which he greatly prevailed, down to the last day of life; so indeed was he scorched by the continual re‑irritation of the deed, that neither rest to his spirit nor the wonted tranquility to his mind was indulged.

CAPUT XIII. Guillelmus junior, marchio de Monteferrato, in Syriam veniens, regis sororem uxorem duxit.

CHAPTER 13. William the Younger, marquis of Montferrat, coming into Syria, took the king’s sister as wife.

Tertio regni ejusdem domini Balduini anno, circ Octobris initium, dominus Willelmus marchio, qui cognominatus est Longaspata, filius marchionis Willelmi senioris de Monteferrato, vocatus a domino rege et universis regni principibus, tam saecularibus quam ecclesiasticis, apud Sidonem applicuit; cui infra quadraginta dies, postquam advenit, quoniam anno praecedente, dum ad hoc specialiter citaretur, id per manum domini regis et omnium principum juramentis corporaliter praestitis firmatum fuerat, dominus rex sororem suam, natu se priorem, uxorem dedit; et cum ea Joppen et Ascalonem urbes maritimas cum pertinentiis suis et universo comitatu, sicut prius pactis insertum fuerat, eidem contulit; invitis tamen et palam contradicentibus quibusdam, quorum consilio vocatus fuerat, non satis attendentibus, quoniam varii et inconstantis hominis est, adversus sua facta venire. Erat autem praedictus marchio adolescens decenter procerus, forma commendabilis, crine flavus, animosus viriliter, iracundus, ita ut modum excederet; liberalis plurimum; profusus mente, et qui nihil unquam vellet occultare propositi; talem se foris exhibens, qualem intus gerebat animum; multum in cibo, in potu quoque maxime superfluus, non usque tamen ad animi laesionem; armorum usum et experientiam ab ipsa ineunte aetate plenius dicebatur habere; nobilis secundum saeculi dignitatem, ita ut in eo, aut nullum, aut rarissimum diceretur habere parem. Pater quippe ejus domini Philippi Francorum regis avunculus erat, matris ejus videlicet frater; mater vero ejus, domini Conradi, illustris Romanorum imperatoris soror fuerat, domini Frederici, qui nunc post dominum inclytae recordationis Conradum patruum suum, strenue Romanum administrat imperium, amita; et ita utriusque illorum illustrium regum, pari gradu consanguineus erat praefatus marchio.

In the third year of the reign of that same lord Baldwin, around the beginning of October, lord William the marquis, who is surnamed Longsword, son of Marquis William the elder of Montferrat, called by the lord king and all the princes of the realm, both secular and ecclesiastical, made landfall at Sidon; to whom, within forty days after he arrived, since in the preceding year, when he was cited specifically for this, it had been established by the hand of the lord king and of all the princes, with oaths sworn in person, the lord king gave his sister, older than himself by birth, as a wife; and with her he conferred upon him Joppa and Ascalon, the maritime cities, with their appurtenances and the whole county, as previously had been inserted in the pacts; though certain persons, by whose counsel he had been summoned, were unwilling and openly contradicted, not sufficiently considering that it is the part of a variable and inconstant man to go against his own deeds. Now the aforesaid marquis was a young man, becomingly tall, of commendable form, blond-haired, spirited in manly fashion, hot-tempered, to such a point that he exceeded the mean; very liberal; lavish in mind, and one who would never wish to conceal anything of his purpose; presenting himself outwardly such as the spirit he bore within; very excessive in food, and especially in drink, yet not to the point of impairment of mind; he was said to have had fuller use and experience of arms from his very earliest age; noble according to the dignity of the age, so that he was said to have either no equal, or a very rare one. For his father was the uncle on the mother’s side of lord Philip, king of the Franks—namely, the brother of his mother; and his mother had been the sister of lord Conrad, the illustrious emperor of the Romans, and the paternal aunt of lord Frederick, who now, after lord Conrad of famed memory, his uncle, vigorously administers the Roman Empire; and thus the aforesaid marquis was a kinsman in an equal degree to each of those illustrious kings.

Ducta demum uxore, cum vix tribus mensibus cum ea fuisset corpore incolumis, decidit in aegritudinem difficilem nimis; qua quasi mensibus duobus sine intermissione laborans, sequenti Junio, domino quoque rege apud eamdem Ascalonem graviter aegrotante, in fata concessit, uxore praegnante relicta; cujus corpus Hierosolymam devectum, in vestibulo ecclesiae domus Hospitalis, intrantibus ad laevam, magnifice satis per nostrum ministerium, tumulatum est.

Having at last taken a wife, when he had scarcely for three months been with her in bodily health, he fell into a very grievous sickness; laboring under it, as it were, for two months without intermission, in the following June, with the lord king also lying gravely ill at that same Ascalon, he departed to his fate, his wife being left pregnant; and his body, conveyed to Jerusalem, was interred, splendidly enough through our ministry, in the vestibule of the church of the House of the Hospital, on the left for those entering.

Circa id temporis Henfredus de Torono, regius constabularius, dominam Philippam, domini Raimundi Antiochiae principis filiam, domini Boamundi tertii, qui nunc eumdem regit principatum, et dominae Mariae imperatricis Constantinopoleos sororem, uxorem duxit, quam Andronicus, domini imperatoris consanguineus, prius uxorem habuerat; hacque dimissa, dominam Theodoram, domini regis Balduini viduam, neptem suam impudenter nimis sed et impudice non minus, clam abduxit. Hic de quo praediximus, dominus Henfredus statim ex quo illam in domum traduxit suam, coepit desperabiliter infirmari; illa quoque nihilominus, languore nimio correpta, infra paucos dies vitam finivit.

Around that time Humphrey of Toron, the royal constable, took to wife Lady Philippa, daughter of Lord Raymond, prince of Antioch, sister of Lord Bohemond the Third, who now governs that same principate, and of Lady Maria, the Empress of Constantinople—whom Andronicus, a consanguineous kinsman of the lord emperor, had previously had as wife; and, this one having been dismissed, he clandestinely carried off Lady Theodora, widow of Lord King Baldwin, his own niece, very impudently indeed and no less indecently. This man of whom we have spoken, Lord Humphrey, as soon as he had led her into his house, began to fall ill in a desperate way; she likewise, seized with excessive languor, within a few days finished her life.

CAPUT XIV. Comes Flandrensium, diu exspectatus, regnum ingreditur.

CHAPTER 14. The Count of the Flemings, long awaited, enters the kingdom.

Quarto anno regni ejusdem domini Balduini quarti, mense secundo, circa Kal. Augustales, diu exspectatus Philippus comes Flandrensium, apud Acconensem applicuit civitatem; cujus adventu dominus rex, qui ab Ascalona Hierosolymam, in lectica adhuc aegrotans se fecerat deferri, exhilaratus plurimum, mittens de principibus suis et Ecclesiarum praelatis, multiplici fecit cum honore praevenire. Cui etiam, postquam Hierosolymam pervenit, ubi adhuc rex graviter infirmabatur, communicato consilio universorum, domini videlicet patriarchae, archiepiscoporum, episcoporum, abbatum et priorum, magistrorum quoque Hospitalis et Templi, et omnium principum laicorum, obtulit ei potestatem, et liberam et generalem administrationem super regnum universum, ut et in pace et in guerra, intus et foris, super majores et minores plenam haberet jurisdictionem; et ut super thesauros et reditus regni libere exerceret arbitrium suum. Qui habito cum suis consilio, respondit: Quod ipse non venerat ad hoc, ut potestatem aliquam acciperet, sed ut servitio se manciparet divino, cujus gratia venerat; nec erat ejus propositi, quod alicui administrationi se obligaret, quin libere posset, cum eum sua revocarent negotia, ad propria redire.

In the fourth year of the reign of that same lord Baldwin 4, in the second month, around the Kalends of August, the long‑awaited Philip, count of Flanders, put in at the city of Acre; at whose arrival the lord king—who had had himself carried from Ascalon to Jerusalem in a litter, still sick—was greatly cheered, and, sending some of his princes and the prelates of the Churches, caused him to be met in advance with manifold honor. To whom also, after he reached Jerusalem—where the king was still grievously infirm—having taken common counsel of all, namely of the lord patriarch, the archbishops, bishops, abbots and priors, and likewise the masters of the Hospital and of the Temple, and all the lay princes, he offered to him authority, and free and general administration over the whole kingdom, that both in peace and in war, within and without, over greater and lesser he should have full jurisdiction; and that over the treasures and revenues of the kingdom he should freely exercise his arbitrament. Who, having held counsel with his own, replied: That he had not come for this, to accept any power, but to devote himself to divine service, for whose sake he had come; nor was it his intention to bind himself to any administration, so that he could not freely, when his own affairs called him back, return to his own.

Sed dominus rex in regno suo procuratorem ordinaret quem vellet, et ipse, tanquam domino suo Francorum regi, ob regni utilitatem ei vellet obedire. Videntes ergo quod ita penitus, quod obtuleramus, renueret, iterum per principes suos dominus rex eum fecit devotissime rogari, ut saltem expeditionis in proximo futurae, quam multo prius tempore cum domino imperatore Constantinopolitano ordinaverat, et universi exercitus Christiani dux vellet esse, et praelia Domini contra Aegyptios procuraret. Ad quod verbum, sicut et ad prius respondit. Constituit ergo dominus rex, sicut et prius ante introitum comitis fecerat, regni et exercituum procuratorem dominum Rainaldum, quondam Antiochiae principem, virum approbatae fidei et mirabilis constantiae; qui, si dominus rex in propria persona venire non posset, administraret regni negotia, cum consilio tamen domini comitis per omnia regeretur.

But that the lord king should appoint in his realm whatever procurator he wished, and he himself, as to his lord, the king of the Franks, for the utility of the realm would wish to obey him. Seeing therefore that he utterly rejected what we had offered, again through his own princes the lord king had him most devoutly entreated, that at least of the expedition soon to come, which long before he had arranged with the lord emperor of Constantinople, he would be willing to be the leader of the whole Christian army, and to procure the battles of the Lord against the Egyptians. To this proposal he replied as he had to the earlier one. Therefore the lord king appointed, as previously he had done before the count’s entry, as procurator of the realm and of the armies, lord Rainald, once prince of Antioch, a man of approved faith and wondrous constancy; who, if the lord king could not come in his own person, would administer the business of the realm, yet with the counsel of the lord count in all things he should be governed.

Cumque hoc ipsum domino comiti nuntiatum esset, respondit: Quod non videbatur ei talis procurator necessarius; sed talem ordinaret, cujus et belli gloria, si Deus ita provideret; et dedecus, si Dominus ita pateretur, esset proprium, et cui regnum Aegypti cederet, si Dominus illud in nostram traderet ditionem. Ad hoc respondimus, qui missi a rege fueramus: Quod talem non posset dominus rex constituere procuratorem, nisi eumdem regem crearet; quod neque domini regis, neque nostri erat propositi. His ita se habentibus, tandem aperuit evidentius mentis arcanum; et quo tota ejus properabat intentio, non habuit occultum, dicens: Mirum esse quod de matrimonio consanguineae suae nullus eum conveniret. Audientes hoc verbum, admirati sumus hominis malitiam, et sinistrum mentis conceptum, quod qui tam honeste a domino rege susceptus fuerat, contra leges consanguinitatis, hospitalitatis immemor, in supplantationem domini regis haec moliri attentaret.

And when this very same thing had been announced to the lord count, he replied: That such a procurator did not seem to him necessary; but that he should appoint such a one, to whom both the glory of the war, if God so provided, and the disgrace, if the Lord so permitted, would be proper, and to whom the kingdom of Egypt would cede, if the Lord delivered it into our dominion. To this we, who had been sent by the king, replied: That the lord king could not constitute such a procurator, unless he made him the king himself; which was the purpose neither of the lord king nor of us. Matters thus standing, at length he opened more evidently the secret of his mind; and that to which his whole intention was hastening he did not keep hidden, saying: That it was a wonder that no one should approach him about the marriage of his kinswoman. Hearing this word, we marveled at the man’s malice, and the sinister conception of mind, that he who had been received so honorably by the lord king, against the laws of consanguinity, unmindful of hospitality, should attempt to contrive these things for the supplanting of the lord king.

CAPUT XV. Qui cum comite venerant, seducunt eum, monentes ne regni principibus acquiescat.

CHAPTER 15. Those who had come with the count lead him aside, warning him not to acquiesce to the princes of the kingdom.

Libet paulisper digredi, ut plenius auditorum sensibus ingeratur, quidnam sit, in quo praedictum comitem, malitiose versatum, tum ex multorum relationibus, tum etiam ex ejus confessione cognovimus. Quidam potens homo, cum domino comite peregrinationis illius comes venerat, advocatus videlicet de Betuna, qui duos secum traxerat filios jam adultos. Hic, ut dicitur, suffragio usus comitis Willelmi de Mandavilla, qui cum eodem comite, eadem via venerat, dominum comitem circumveniens, persuadere coepit quod maximis sibi compendiis uti posset dominus comes, in facto regni; dicens se amplissimum habere patrimonium, in ejus comitatu, quod universum domino comiti haereditario jure possidendum daret, si elaboraret saepedictus comes, ut duae filiae domini regis Amalrici, apud duos filios suos nuptui locarentur.

It pleases me to digress a little, so that it may be more fully instilled into the senses of the hearers what it is, in which we learned the aforesaid count to have conducted himself maliciously, both from the reports of many and also from his own confession. A certain powerful man had come with the lord count as a companion of that pilgrimage, namely the Advocate of Béthune, who had drawn along with him two sons already adult. This man, as it is said, making use of the suffrage of Count William de Mandeville, who had come by the same way with the same count, circumventing the lord count, began to persuade that the lord count could make use for himself of very great advantages in the matter of the kingdom; saying that he had a very ample patrimony in his county, the whole of which he would give to the lord count to be possessed by hereditary right, if the oft-said count would exert himself that the two daughters of lord King Amalric be placed in marriage with his two sons.

Erant autem domini Amalrici profecto duae filiae, una quae uxor fuerat marchionis; altera infra annos nubiles constituta, cum domina regina matre ejus apud Neapolim degens. His ergo verbis assensum praebens comes, pronum se dabat, ut verbum hoc effectui mandaretur. Sed nunc redeamus ad propositum.

Lord Amalric indeed had two daughters: one who had been the wife of the marquis; the other, set below the marriageable years, residing at Naples with the lady queen, his mother. Therefore, giving assent to these words, the count showed himself ready that this proposal be carried into effect. But now let us return to our purpose.

Intellecto ergo quorsum spiritus comitis anhelaret, respondimus: Quod domino regi id prius oporteret nuntiari; quodque illi videretur de communi consilio respondendum, die crastina renuntiaremus. Facto mane, prius tamen habito consilio, redeuntes ad comitem, respondimus: Quod apud nos consuetudo erat, usu approbata longaevo, quod viduam, et maxime praegnantem, infra annum luctus non sit honestum, ad vota migrare secunda; et vix praeterierant tres menses a morte mariti. Unde non esset nobis imputandum ad malum, si contra disciplinam temporum et regionis nostrae, de matrimonio praedictae dominae nullum habuerimus tractatum. Tamen universis nobis gratum esse et acceptum, si cum ejus, ex quo praesens erat, consilio, de verbo praedicto tractaretur; nam pro certo dominus rex, et in hoc, et in omnibus aliis negotiis, ejus semper proposuerat specialiter regi consilio, et ejus quantum cum suo honore posset, deservire voluntati.

Therefore, understanding whither the spirit of the count aspired, we replied: That it ought first to be announced to the lord king; and that, as to what might seem to him to be answered by common counsel, we would report back on the morrow. When morning came, counsel having first, however, been held, returning to the count we answered: That with us it was a custom, approved by long-standing use, that for a widow, and especially one pregnant, it is not honorable, within the year of mourning, to migrate to second vows; and scarcely three months had passed since the husband’s death. Whence it ought not to be imputed to us as an evil if, in keeping with the discipline of the times and of our region, we have had no discussion concerning the marriage of the aforesaid lady. Nevertheless it would be agreeable and acceptable to us all if, with his counsel, inasmuch as he was present, the aforesaid matter were discussed; for assuredly the lord king, both in this and in all other negotiations, had always proposed to be specially ruled by his counsel, and, as far as he could with his own honor, to subserve his will.

Praeiret ipse in verbo, et nominaret aliquam personam ad hoc idoneam; et nos de communi voluntate, in facto praesenti, parati eramus procedere. Quod verbum moleste ferens, dixit: Se id omnino non facturum, nisi prius universi principes jurarent, quod sine contradictione, ejus starent verbo; nam hoc esset personam alicujus nobilis dehonestare, si eo nominato, repulsam pateretur. Nos autem respondimus: Quod illud omnino contra domini regis et nostram esset honestatem, si ejus sororem personae ignotae, et cujus etiam nomen ignoraretur, traderemus. Tandem cognita regis et principum omnium voluntate, licet plurimum indignans et iratus, ab hoc verbo destitit.

Let him himself take the lead in the proposal, and name some person suitable for this; and we, by common will, in the present matter, were prepared to proceed. Bearing that proposal with displeasure, he said: That he would not do this at all, unless first all the princes should swear that, without contradiction, they would stand by his word; for this would be to dishonor the person of some noble, if, he being named, he should suffer a repulse. But we replied: That that would be altogether against the honor of the lord king and of ourselves, if we were to hand over his sister to a person unknown, and whose very name was unknown. At length, the will of the king and of all the princes having been learned, although exceedingly indignant and angry, he desisted from this proposal.

CAPUT XVI. Imperatoris Constantinopolitani ad sunt legati petentes instanter pacta, quae cum domino eorum rex inierat, impleri; et contra Aegyptum expeditiones praeparari.

CHAPTER 16. Legates of the Emperor of Constantinople are present, urgently requesting that the pacts which the king had entered into with their lord be fulfilled; and that expeditions be prepared against Egypt.

Erant per idem tempus Hierosolymis, domini imperatoris nuntii, viri inclyti et eminentes, dominus Andronicus, qui cognominatur Angelus, domini imperatoris ex sorore nepos; Joannes vir magnificus, megaltriarcha; vir nobilis Alexander, comes Cupersanensis de Apulia; Georgius Sinaites, imperialis aulae familiaris. Hi ex praecepto imperiali ad dominum regem venerant, arbitrantes tempus esse, sicut et sperabatur, ut in adventu domini comitis Flandrensis, pacta, quae aliquando inter dominum imperatorem, et dominum regem Amalricum inita fuerant; postmodum inter eumdem dominum imperatorem, et dominum Balduinum qui in praesenti regnat, non dissimilibus conditionibus fuerant innovata, auctore Domino, contraherentur ad effectum. Et ob hoc curia generalis apud eamdem sacratissimam urbem indicta fuerat, convenientibus in unum universis regni magnatibus.

At the same time there were at Jerusalem the lord emperor’s envoys, illustrious and eminent men: lord Andronicus, who is surnamed Angelus, the lord emperor’s nephew by his sister; John, a magnificent man, megalotriarch; the noble man Alexander, Count of Cupersanum of Apulia; George the Sinaite, a familiar of the imperial court. These, by imperial precept, had come to the lord king, thinking it was the time, as was also hoped, that upon the arrival of the lord Count of Flanders the pacts which once had been entered into between the lord emperor and lord King Amalric, and afterwards between that same lord emperor and lord Baldwin who presently reigns, under not dissimilar conditions had been renewed, might, with the Lord as author, be brought to effect. And on account of this a general curia had been proclaimed at that same most sacred city, with all the magnates of the kingdom coming together into one.

Erat omnibus spes una, eaque quasi fovebat universos, quod auxilio et consilio praedicti comitis et suorum regnum Deo amabile, optatum susciperet incrementum, et de conterendis Christi hostibus, diligens haberetur tractatus; cum subito, ut praemisimus, in sinistrum latus mutatus est comes, et promissorum immemor, ad alia se convertit negotia, omne spei nostrae firmamentum evacuans. Instant tamen imperiales apocrisiarii, ut pactis staretur, allegantes, moram solere secum periculum trahere; per eos non stare, quominus in concepto negotio procederetur; verum se paratos asserunt, omnes pactis insertas conditiones, fideliter et larga interpretatione velle adimplere. Nos autem audientes legatorum verba, deliberatione habita, visum est expedire, ut domino comiti verbum ex ordine panderetur; quo accito et praesente, propositus fuit ei pactorum inter nos et dominum imperatorem in scriptis fideliter tenor, ejus aurea bulla munitus. Quo diligenter lecto, et intellecto plenius, quaesitum est ab eo, Quid sibi videretur? Qui respondit: Se hominem peregrinum esse, locorum ignarum, et maxime regionis Aegypti, quae longe ab omnibus aliis regionibus, alterius dicitur esse conditionis; quae certis temporibus aquis irrigetur, et occupetur universa.

There was one hope for all, and this, as it were, was fostering everyone alike, that by the aid and counsel of the aforesaid count and his men, the kingdom beloved of God would receive the desired increase, and that a diligent discussion would be had about crushing the enemies of Christ; when suddenly, as we have premised, the count took a sinister turn, and, forgetful of his promises, turned himself to other business, emptying all the buttress of our hope. Nevertheless the imperial apocrisiaries press urgently that the pacts be stood by, alleging, that delay is wont to drag danger along with it; that it is not owing to them that the conceived business should not proceed; but they assert themselves prepared, faithfully and with a broad interpretation, to wish to fulfill all the conditions inserted in the pacts. But we, hearing the envoys’ words, and deliberation being had, judged it expedient that the matter should be unfolded in due order to the lord count; and he being summoned and present, the faithful tenor in writing of the pacts between us and the lord emperor, fortified with his golden bull, was set before him. Which, when carefully read and more fully understood, it was asked of him, What seemed to him? He replied: that he was a pilgrim, ignorant of the places, and especially of the region of Egypt, which, far from all other regions, is said to be of another condition; which at fixed times is irrigated by waters and is wholly covered.

Nos autem melius nosse et locorum faciem, et abeundi opportunitatem; tamen se audivisse ex eis qui frequenter in Aegyptum descenderant, tempus ad ejus impugnationem non convenire. Adjecitque, quod hiems in proximo erat; Aegyptus vero aquis Nili restagnantis operiebatur. Iterum infinitam Turcorum multitudinem illuc confluxisse audierat. Timebat praeterea, et maxime, ne iter agentibus, aut etiam pervenientibus, alimenta deficerent, et inediae molestia conficeretur exercitus. Ad hoc nos, videntes quod calvas quaereret occasiones, ne sub hoc pretextu viam declinaret, obtulimus ei sexcentos camelos, ad victualia, arma et caetera impedimentorum genera per terras deportanda; et naves quotquot haberet necessarias ad alimenta, sive bellicis usibus necessarias, machinarum moles per mare devehendas.

But that we knew both the aspect of the places and the opportunity for departing better; nevertheless he had heard from those who had frequently gone down into Egypt that the time was not suitable for its assault. He added, that winter was near; and Egypt, indeed, was being covered by the waters of the Nile standing back. Again, he had heard that an infinite multitude of Turks had flocked thither. He feared moreover, and most of all, lest for those making the journey, or even for those arriving, provisions should fail, and the army be worn out by the distress of famine. To this we, seeing that he was seeking hollow pretexts, lest under this pretext he should turn aside from the way, offered him six hundred camels, for transporting victuals, arms, and the other kinds of baggage overland; and ships, as many as he might have as necessary for provisions, or necessary for warlike uses, to convey by sea the masses of the machines.

Quibus omnibus spretis, subintulit: Quod omnino in Aegyptum non descenderet nobiscum, ne forte ipse, et qui eum sequerentur, fame perire compellerentur; adjecit etiam, quod ipse consueverat per opulentas regiones suos trahere exercitus; nec possent sui hujusmodi tolerare inopias; sed eligeremus alias partes, ubi commodius et facilius ad Christiani nominis incrementum, et exercitus ducere, et hostes Christi conterere possemus; et ad hoc ipse cum suis libenter se accingeret.

All of which being spurned, he subjoined: That he would by no means descend into Egypt with us, lest perhaps he himself, and those who would follow him, be compelled to perish by famine; he added also, that he was accustomed to draw his armies through opulent regions; nor could his men tolerate indigences of this sort; but that we should choose other parts, where more commodiously and more easily, for the increment of the Christian name, we might both lead the army and crush the enemies of Christ; and to this he, together with his own, would gladly gird himself.

CAPUT XVII. Comes factum impedit, ab honesto alienus proposito.

CHAPTER 17. The Count impedes the deed, alien from an honest purpose.

Porro nobis nec tutum erat, nec honestum a pactis discedere. Nam domini imperatoris nuntii, praeclari et nobiles viri, cum infinita pecunia praesentes erant, paratos se asserentes, ut praemisimus, conventiones inter nos et dominum imperatorem initas fideliter adimplere; habentes in portu Acconensi septuaginta galeas, exceptis aliis navibus, ad iter et opus condictum sufficientes; item juramentis nostris obviare, inhonestum nimis et periculosum videbatur. Quod si etiam cum assensu imperialium nuntiorum res in aliud tempus differri potuisset, praesens domini imperatoris auxilium deserere non reputabamus tutum, timentes indignationem ejus, quae nobis poterat esse nimis periculosa.

Moreover, for us it was neither safe nor honorable to depart from the pacts. For the lord emperor’s envoys, illustrious and noble men, were present with infinite money, asserting themselves ready, as we have premised, to fulfill faithfully the conventions entered into between us and the lord emperor; having in the port of Accon seventy galleys, besides other ships, sufficient for the agreed-upon journey and work; likewise, to run counter to our oaths seemed exceedingly dishonorable and perilous. But even if, with the assent of the imperial envoys, the matter could have been deferred to another time, we did not reckon it safe to desert the present aid of the lord emperor, fearing his indignation, which could be most perilous to us.

Igitur juxta condictum nostrum, secundum quod prius convenerat, consentientibus partibus utrisque, iter nostrum firmavimus, ad opus nos accingentes, quod ante multo cum domino imperatore constitueramus. Quo audito, comes Flandrensis iterum contra nos vehementius coepit inflammari, dicens: quod in ejus contumeliam totum hoc fuerat fabricatum. Et factum est post multa, ut ejus quocunque modo satisfaceremus voluntati, quod de communi tam nostrorum quam Graecorum consilio, iterum expeditio dilata est, usque per totum Aprilem sequentem.

Therefore, according to our stipulation, as had been agreed before, with both parties consenting, we made firm our march, girding ourselves for the work which long before we had established with the lord emperor. On hearing this, the Count of Flanders again began to be inflamed more vehemently against us, saying that all this had been fabricated to his contumely. And it came to pass after much, that we might in whatever way satisfy his will, that by the common counsel both of our people and of the Greeks the expedition was again deferred, even through the whole of the following April.

His ita gestis, dominus comes, cum Hierosolymis quasi per quindecim dies fuisset, completis orationibus et sumpta palma, quod est apud nos consummatae peregrinationis signum, quasi omnino recessurus Neapolim abiit. Unde post dies aliquot, ad nos misit Hierosolymam advocatum de Betuna, cum quibusdam aliis de suis hominibus; qui nobis ex parte domini comitis nuntiarunt quod comes paratus erat, et haec erat ejus deliberationis summa, quocunque nobis videretur optimum, sive in Aegyptum, sive ad alias partes nos sequi. Quo comperto, etsi nobis videretur ridiculum toties mutare sententias, et nimiae instabilitati videretur merito imputandum, nulli certo haerere proposito; tamen Graecos, licet inviti convenimus, videntes comitis intentionem.

With these things thus done, the lord count, when he had been at Jerusalem for about fifteen days, his prayers completed and the palm taken—which among us is the sign of a pilgrimage consummated—went off to Naples as if about to withdraw entirely. Whence after some days he sent to us at Jerusalem the Advocate of Bethune, with certain others of his men; who announced to us on the part of the lord count that the count was prepared, and this was the sum of his deliberation: to follow us wherever should seem best to us, whether into Egypt or to other parts. On learning this, although it seemed ridiculous to us to change judgments so often, and seemed with good reason to be imputable to excessive instability, to adhere to no fixed purpose; nevertheless we came to terms with the Greeks, though unwilling, seeing the count’s intention.

Non enim erat ejus propositi dicta compensare operibus; sed ad id summa ope nitebatur, quod nos in culpam traheret, et scribere ultramontanis principibus posset, per nos stetisse, quominus in negotio esset processum. Culpam ergo suam in nos retorquere volens, praedictos ad nos miserat; nullo modo sperans quod Graeci ad nostram iterum redirent voluntatem.

For it was not his purpose to compensate words with works; but he strove with utmost effort to this end, that he might drag us into blame, and might be able to write to the ultramontane princes that it was through us that there had been no progress in the business. Therefore, wishing to retort his own fault upon us, he had sent the aforesaid men to us; in no way hoping that the Greeks would return again to our will.

CAPUT XVIII. Imperatoris legati ad propria redeunt. Comes versus partes Antiochenas contendit.

CHAPTER 18. The emperor’s legates return to their own places. The count hastens toward the Antiochene parts.

Balianus domini regis Amalrici viduam uxorem ducit.

Balian marries the widow of lord King Amalric.

Convenimus ergo Graecos, tentantes, si vellent iterum pactis stare prioribus; et si comes nobiscum veniret, utrum vellent in Aegyptum descendere? Qui respondentes: Quamvis tempus esset arctum nimis, ut exercitus possent praeparare suos, tamen, si comes propria manu vult jurare, quod veniat nobiscum; et si contigerit eum, vel hic, vel in via infirmari, quod suos mittat; et quod in tota expeditione bona fide, sine fraude, et malo ingenio, pro Christianitatis incremento laboret: et quod non sit in consilio vel auxilio, quod pacta inter dominum regem et dominum imperatorem tractata et conscripta, ex aliqua parte infringantur; et idipsum homines suos jurare fecerit, licet nobis nimis durum, et contra virilem constantiam videatur toties mutare consilia, tamen, ut regni hujus Deo amabilis, et domini imperatoris amplietur gloria, veniemus. Hic, cum suum juramentum, advocatus et qui cum eo missi fuerant, super dictis conditionibus offerrent; nec omnia tamen praedicta cum suo juramento vellent comprehendere, nec comitis promitterent juramentum, noluimus amplius verbis inutilibus insistere; solutum est colloquium nostrum; sumptaque licentia, imperiales legati, negotium saepe dictum, usque in tempus opportunum differentes, ad propria redierunt. Post hoc coeperunt nuntii comitis quaerere, ex quo praedicta non posset esse in praesenti expeditio: Quid cum auxilio regni dominus comes posset facere, ne omnino videretur otiosus? Placuit tandem iis quibus verbum erat hoc propositum, quod in terram Tripolitanam aut Antiochenam proficisceretur; ibi enim videbatur quod ad honorem suum et Christianitatis incrementum, aliquid posset operari.

Therefore we met with the Greeks, trying whether they would wish again to stand by the prior pacts; and, if the count would come with us, whether they would wish to descend into Egypt? They, answering: Although the time was too strait for them to be able to prepare their armies, nevertheless, if the count wishes with his own hand to swear that he will come with us; and if it should befall that he, either here or on the way, fall ill, that he send his men; and that in the whole expedition in bona fide, without fraud and evil contrivance, he labor for the increment of Christianity: and that he be not in counsel or help, that the pacts treated and written between the lord king and the lord emperor be in any part infringed; and that he make his men swear the same—although to us it may seem too hard, and against manly constancy, to change counsels so often—nonetheless, that the glory of this kingdom beloved of God and of the lord emperor may be amplified, we will come. Here, when his oath, the advocate and those who had been sent with him, were offering upon the said conditions; yet they were unwilling to include all the aforesaid with their oath, nor would they promise the count’s oath; we were unwilling to insist any further on useless words; our colloquy was dissolved; and leave having been taken, the imperial legates, deferring the oft-mentioned business until a suitable time, returned to their own. After this the count’s envoys began to inquire, since the aforesaid expedition could not be at present: What could the lord count do with the help of the kingdom, lest he should seem altogether idle? It pleased at length those to whom this proposal had been set forth, that he should set out into the land of Tripoli or of Antioch; for there it seemed that, for his honor and the increment of Christianity, he could effect something.

Erant nonnulli, qui domino principi Antiocheno, qui praesens erat, et domino comiti Tripolitano imputabant quod comes ita erat adversus profectioni in Aegyptum; nitebantur enim, ut dicitur, ad suas eum partes trahere, sperantes ejus auxilio aliquid adoriri, ad incrementum suarum regionum respiciens; sed spe sua frustrati sunt; quia nec apud nos, nec apud eos quidpiam memoria dignum ei datum est divinitus consummasse. Dignum quippe erat, ut cui Dominus suam subtraxerat gratiam, in nullo prosperaretur. Quia superbis resistit Deus, humilibus autem dat gratiam (I Petr.

There were some who imputed to the lord Prince of Antioch, who was present, and to the lord Count of Tripoli that the count was thus opposed to the setting-out to Egypt; for they strove, as it is said, to draw him to their side, hoping by his aid to attempt something, having regard to the increment of their regions; but they were frustrated in their hope; because neither with us nor with them was it granted to him by divine favor to consummate anything worthy of memory. Indeed it was fitting that he from whom the Lord had withdrawn His grace should prosper in nothing. For God resists the proud, but to the humble He gives grace (1 Peter

V, 5). Promisit tamen dominus rex, se cooperatorem et adjutorem futurum; tradiditque ei illuc eunti, centum equites de suis et peditum duo millia. Et in hoc statu erant res nostrae, circa Kal. Octobris.

5, 5). Nevertheless the lord king promised that he would be a co-operator and helper; and he handed over to him, as he was going thither, one hundred of his own knights and two thousand foot-soldiers. And in this condition our affairs stood, around the 1st of October.

Assumptis ergo suis, et domino comite Tripolitano, magistroque domus Hospitalis et multis ex fratribus militiae Templi, ad partes contendit Tripolitanas. Per idem tempus, dominus Balianus de Ibelim, frater domini Balduini de Ramis, viduam domini regis Amalrici, reginam Mariam, filiam Joannis Protosevasti, unde superius fecimus mentionem, domino rege id permittente, uxorem duxit; cum qua etiam Neapolitanam urbem, quam illa possidebat nomine donationis propter nuptias, in vita uxoris habendam suscepit.

Therefore, having taken his own men, and the lord Count of Tripoli, and the master of the House of the Hospital and many of the brothers of the militia of the Temple, he made for the Tripolitan parts. At the same time, Lord Balian of Ibelin, brother of Lord Baldwin of Ramla, took to wife the widow of Lord King Amalric, Queen Maria, daughter of John the Protosebastos—of whom we made mention above—the lord king permitting this; and with her he also received the city of Neapolis, which she possessed by title of a donatio propter nuptias, to be held during the life of his wife.

CAPUT XIX. Comes Flanarensis, una cum principe Antiocheno et Tripolitano comite, castrum Harenc obsidet, et sine fructu laborat.

CHAPTER 19. The Count of Flanders, together with the prince of Antioch and the count of Tripoli, besieges the castle of Harenc, and labors without fruit.

Perveniens igitur ad partes destinatas comes, compositis ad iter necessariis, ordinatisque agminibus, cum Tripolitano comite et suis, terras hostium ingreditur, circa Emissenam et Hamam, moram facientes aliquam, non sine hostium damno. Salahadinus enim completis pro voto in illa regione negotiis, facta cum filio Noradini pro suo arbitrio pace, in Aegyptum descenderat; timens ne ille de quo praediximus, apparatus et diu promissa expeditio, illuc, sicut dispositum multo ante fuerat, properaret. Traxerat ergo secum, quoscunque et undecunque eos corrogare poterat, maximas militum copias; illuc robur congerens, ubi videbantur majora emergere posse negotia.

Therefore, the count, arriving at the destined parts, with the necessities for the journey composed and the columns ordered, together with the Count of Tripoli and his men, enters the lands of the enemy, making some delay around Emesa and Hama, not without damage to the enemy. For Saladin, his affairs in that region completed according to his wish, and peace made with the son of Nur al-Din at his own discretion, had descended into Egypt; fearing lest that expedition, equipped and long promised, of which we have spoken before, should hasten thither, just as had been arranged long before. He had therefore drawn with him, whomever and from wherever he could muster them, very great forces of soldiers; gathering strength there where greater affairs seemed able to emerge.

Invenientes igitur comes et sui regionem viribus vacuam, liberius poterant evagari; municipia tamen et civitatum praesidia, alimentis, armis et custodibus satis erant et sufficienter munita. Cognito vero dominus princeps, quod hostium fines ingressi essent, sicut ex condicto inter eos convenerat, ipse vero alia via properans adjungit se illis. Convenientes itaque corpore, convenerunt et mente; idque temporibus praesentibus magis opinantes expedire, placuit ut castrum Harenc obsiderent.

Accordingly, the count and his men, finding the region void of forces, were able to range more freely; the municipalities, however, and the garrisons of the cities were sufficiently and adequately fortified with aliments, arms, and guards. But when the lord prince learned that they had entered the borders of the enemy, as by compact it had been agreed between them, he himself, hastening by another route, adjoins himself to them. Coming together, therefore, in body, they also agreed in mind; and judging that this would be more expedient for the present times, it pleased them to besiege the castle of Harenc.

Est autem praedictus locus, in territorio Chalcidensi, quae civitas hodie vulgo appellatur Artasia, nobilis aliquando, nunc ad instar parvissimi redacta oppidi. Distat autem uterque locus ab Antiochia quasi milliaribus duodecim. Ad quem locum ubi perventum est, locatis in gyrum castris, locum ex omni vallant parte, ut nec obsessis exitus; nec ad eos, subsidium ministrare volentibus, liber pateret introitus.

Now the aforesaid place is in the Chalcidian territory, whose city today is commonly called Artasia, once noble, now reduced to the likeness of a very small town. Moreover, each place is distant from Antioch by about twelve miles. And when they came to that place, with the camps located in a ring, they entrench the place on every side, so that neither was there an exit for the besieged, nor would a free entrance lie open for those wishing to minister succor to them.

Proinde machinas, et quae ad usus hujusmodi solent esse necessaria, construunt; et quamdam quasi perpetuitatem obsidionis et propositi constantiam promittentes, casas componunt vimineas, et propter ingruentem hiemem vallis castra muniunt, ne torrentium impetu damna rerum sustineant in aliquo. Porro ab Antiochia et suburbanis confinibus ruris incolae, et illius professionis homines, certatim student necessariam ministrare alimoniam. Erat saepedictum castrum filii Noradini, idque solum in partibus illis Salahadinus ei dimiserat.

Accordingly they construct machines, and the things which are wont to be necessary for uses of this kind; and, promising a sort of, as it were, perpetuity of the siege and constancy of purpose, they put together wattle huts, and, on account of the incoming winter, they fortify the camp with palisades, lest by the rush of torrents they sustain any loss of goods. Moreover, from Antioch and from the suburban bordering countryside, the inhabitants, and men of that profession, vie in zeal to supply the necessary aliment. The oft-mentioned castle was the son’s of Nur ad-Din, and this alone in those parts Saladin had left to him.

Vallato igitur undique municipio, temporibus certis, et per vices, more solito, oppidanis dabant assultus, et machinis ac tormentis moenia quatientes obsessis negabant requiem.

Therefore, the town, invested on every side, at set times and by turns, in the customary manner, they delivered assaults upon the townspeople, and, shaking the walls with machines and siege engines, they denied the besieged any respite.

CAPUT XX. Salahadinus cum multitudine infinita ab Aegypto veniens, regnum ingreditur; ante Ascalonam se locat. Rex cum universis regni viribus illi obviam occurrit; ante praedictam urbem conflictus cum hostibus habetur maximus.

CHAPTER 20. Saladin, coming with an infinite multitude from Egypt, enters the kingdom; he positions himself before Ascalon. The king, with all the forces of the kingdom, goes to meet him; before the aforesaid city the greatest conflict with the enemies is held.

Interea, dum haec in partibus Antiochenis geruntur, Salahadinus audiens quod comes et totius exercitus Christiani robur, quod ipse non sine timore vehementi in Aegypto praestolatus fuerat, ad partes se contulerat Antiochenas; arbitratus non imprudenter, quod regnum viribus vacuum impune posset invadere; et duorum alterum facilius obtinere, aut obsidionem ab obsesso dimovere municipio; aut hostibus illic perseverantibus, de his qui in regno remanserant, obtinere triumphum. Collectis igitur undique militaribus copiis, in multitudine gravi, et armis et omnibus pene quae in bello solent usui esse, solito instructiore, egressus de Aegypto, per vastitatem interjectae solitudinis, maturato itinere pervenit ad urbem antiquissimam, desertam tamen, Laris nomine; ubi deposita impedimentorum parte, et sarcinarum onere sublevato, assumptis sibi qui expeditiores, et pugnandi peritiores videbantur, relictis post se oppidis nostris Darum et Gaza urbe famosissima, subito ante Ascalonam, praemissis quibusdam excursoribus, irruit. Dominus vero rex, aliquot diebus ante, de adventu ejus praemonitus, id quod residuum erat in regno militiae, celeriter convocans, cum suis eamdem urbem, paucis ante diebus ingressus fuerat.

Meanwhile, while these things are being transacted in the Antiochene parts, Saladin, hearing that the count and the strength of the whole Christian army—which he himself had awaited in Egypt not without vehement fear—had betaken themselves to the Antiochene regions; judging not imprudently that he could with impunity invade the kingdom void of forces; and that he could more easily obtain one of two: either to dislodge the siege from the besieged municipality, or, the enemies persevering there, to obtain a triumph over those who had remained in the kingdom. Therefore, having collected military forces from everywhere, in a heavy multitude, and with arms and almost everything which in war are wont to be for use, more than usually well-equipped, having set out from Egypt, through the vastness of the interposed solitude, with a hastened march he came to a most ancient city, though deserted, by the name Laris; where, a part of the impediments having been set down and the burden of the baggage lightened, taking with him those who seemed more expeditious and more experienced in fighting, leaving behind him our towns Darum and Gaza, the most famous city, suddenly, with certain skirmishers sent ahead, he rushed before Ascalon. The lord king, however, some days before, having been forewarned of his advent, quickly convoking what of the militia remained in the kingdom, with his men had entered that same city a few days before.

Aberat, ut praemisimus, comes Tripolitanus cum centum ex nostris militibus, de multo numero electis; magister quoque Hospitalis cum fratribus suis, et pars maxima militiae Templi; reliqua vero pars fratrum in Gazam se receperat, timentes ne eam, quia prima de urbibus nostris ei occurreret, Salahadinus obsideret; item Henfredus regius constabularius, aegritudine maxima, ut diximus, laborabat. Paucos igitur secum habens dominus rex, ut comperit quod per campestria nobis contermina libere et hostiliter vagarentur et discurrerent hostes, invocato divino auxilio, relictis qui civitatem tuerentur, urbe cum suis egreditur, tanquam cum eis pugnaturus. Salahadinus vero prope civitatem gentem suam in unum collegerat.

He was absent, as we have premised, the Count of Tripoli with one hundred of our knights, chosen from a great number; also the Master of the Hospital with his brothers, and the greatest part of the knighthood of the Temple; but the remaining part of the brothers had withdrawn to Gaza, fearing lest Saladin should besiege it, because it would be the first of our cities to meet him; likewise Humphrey, the royal constable, as we have said, was laboring under a very great sickness. Therefore the lord king, having few with him, when he learned that the enemies were roaming and coursing freely and hostilely through the plains conterminous with us, with divine aid invoked, leaving behind those who should defend the city, goes forth from the city with his own, as though about to fight with them. Saladin, however, had gathered his host into one near the city.

Egressus autem Christianus exercitus, inspecta partis adversae multitudine infinita, qui sensus habebant magis exercitatos in talibus, tutius esse dicebant in se subsistere, quam dubiis belli eventibus inconsulte se committere. Ita ergo usque ad vesperam, habitis tamen interdum singularibus conflictibus, quamvis proximae essent utrinque acies, eorum impetus sustinuerunt nostri. Advesperascente autem die, periculosum credentes, in tam modica manu, castris se committere illa nocte, praesertim cum tanta esset hostium immensitas, in civitatem Ascalonam iterum prudenter se receperunt. Quod factum in tantam Salahadinum cum suis erexit praesumptionem, ut jam non in se solide subsisteret, sed ambularet in mirabilibus super se; et jam quasi victor, commilitonibus suis regni subjugati portiones certas designaret.

But the Christian army, having gone out and, upon inspecting the infinite multitude of the opposing side, those whose senses were more exercised in such matters said it was safer to stand fast in themselves than rashly to commit themselves to the doubtful outcomes of war. Thus, therefore, until evening, though with individual skirmishes occurring from time to time, although the battle-lines on both sides were near, our men sustained their assaults. As the day was drawing toward evening, thinking it perilous, with so small a band, to commit themselves to camp that night, especially since so great was the immensity of the enemies, they prudently withdrew again into the city Ascalon. This deed lifted Saladin and his men into such presumption that he no longer stood solidly in himself, but walked in marvels beyond himself; and already, as if a victor, he was assigning to his fellow-comrades definite portions of the subjugated kingdom.

Coeperunt ergo de caetero, quasi pro votis obtinentes omnia, incautius discurrere, habere se imprudentius, passim per turmas inordinatis agminibus vagari.

Therefore they began henceforth, as if obtaining everything according to their vows, to range about more incautiously, to comport themselves more imprudently, to wander everywhere in troops in disordered columns.

CAPUT XXI. Hostes regionem longe lateque depopulantur, urbes et suburbana succendunt.

CHAPTER 21. The enemies ravage the region far and wide, and set cities and suburban areas ablaze.

Nocte ergo illa opinati sumus, quod ante urbem castra locarent sua, in ea regione ubi pridie fuerant; aut urbi vicinius se conferentes, ipsam obsidione clauderent. Verum ipsi neque sibi neque equis requiem indulgentes, catervatim universam perlustrantes regionem, prout cuique impetus erat, ad diversa rapiebantur. Erat autem inter eorum satrapas quidam, Ivelinus nomine, vir bello strenuus, quaelibet tentanda pronus; vir apostata, qui relicta mediatoris Dei et hominum fide, ad gentilem impietatem devia secutus, se contulerat, natione Armenius.

Therefore that night we supposed that they would pitch their camp before the city, in that region where they had been the day before; or, betaking themselves nearer to the city, they would enclose it with a siege. But they, granting rest neither to themselves nor to their horses, in bands traversing the whole region, were snatched off in different directions, as each one’s impulse was. Now there was among their satraps a certain man, by name Ivelinus, a man strenuous in war, prone to attempt whatever; an apostate, who, having left the faith of the mediator of God and men, had, following byways, betaken himself to gentile impiety, an Armenian by nation.

Hic, cum acie cui praeerat, usque Ramam urbem in campestribus sitam pervenit; inveniensque eam vacuam, succendit; diffidentes enim illius loci cives, eo quod non esset munita commode, partim cum domino Balduino rege in expeditionem apud Ascalonam profecti fuerant; pars cum infirmiore manu, cum mulieribus et parvulis in Joppen se contulerant; pars in castrum in montibus, situ munitum satis, cui nomen Mirabel, ascenderant. Incensa igitur urbe, praedictus Ivelinus Liddam, finitimam urbem, cum omni suo comitatu properat, locum partitis agminibus, subito vallat in circuitu; deinde sagittarum immissa grandine et omni armorum genere, inclusos aggreditur et incessanter fatigat. Contulerat sane se populus omnis super ecclesiam beati martyris Georgii.

He, with the battle-line which he commanded, came as far as the city of Rama, set in the lowlands; and finding it empty, he set it on fire; for the citizens of that place, mistrusting it because it was not conveniently fortified, had partly set out with lord King Baldwin on an expedition at Ascalon; part, with a weaker band, with the women and little ones, had betaken themselves to Joppa; part had gone up into a castle in the mountains, sufficiently fortified by its site, by name Mirabel. The city therefore being burned, the aforesaid Ivelinus hastens to Lydda, the neighboring city, with all his retinue; dividing his columns, he suddenly invests the place all around; then, with a hail of arrows let loose and with every kind of arms, he attacks those shut in and wearies them incessantly. Indeed all the people had betaken themselves to the church of the blessed martyr George.

Porro tantus nostros invaserat timor, ut jam non esset spei residuum, nisi in fuga; nec solum his qui in campestribus habitabant, ubi tam liber hostium erat discursus, verum etiam et montium incolis tantus incubuerat horror, ut civitatem sanctam prope desererent ejus cives, et de urbis tuitione diffidentes, in arcem quae dicitur David, reliqua parte civitatis neglecta, se certatim conferrent. Processerant quippe excursores usque ad locum qui dicitur Calcalia, et obtexerant pene universam superficiem terrae eorum praeambuli; et jam etiam dimissis campestribus, montana conscendere disponebant. Haec erat facies regionis desolatae, et oppressae amaritudine, in die qua obtexit eam caligine Dominus in furore suo, ad iracundiam provocatus: tamen non continuit in ira sua misericordias suas, nec oblitus est misereri; sed conversus, consolatus est nos, et apposuit ut complacitior sit adhuc (Psal.

Moreover so great a fear had invaded our people, that now there was no remnant of hope except in flight; and not only for those who dwelt in the plains, where so free was the coursing of the enemies, but even upon the inhabitants of the mountains so great a horror had pressed, that the citizens of the Holy City almost deserted it, and, distrusting the guarding of the city, with the remaining part of the city neglected, they hurried in rivalry into the citadel which is called David. For the raiders had advanced as far as the place which is called Calcalia, and their forerunners had almost covered the whole surface of the land; and now also, the plains being abandoned, they were preparing to ascend the mountains. This was the face of a region desolated, and oppressed with bitterness, on the day when the Lord, provoked to wrath, covered it with darkness in his fury: yet he did not restrain in his anger his mercies, nor did he forget to have mercy; but turning, he consoled us, and he added that he might be yet more well-pleased (Psal.

LXXVI, 7), et secundum multitudinem dolorum nostrorum, in corde nostro consolationes ejus laetificaverunt animas nostras (Psal. XCIII, 19).

76, 7), and according to the multitude of sorrows of ours, in the heart our his consolations have gladdened our souls (Ps. 93, 19).

CAPUT XXII. Rex Ascalona egressus, hostibus occurrit; ordinantur utrinque acies; procinctus fit ad dimicandum.

CHAPTER 22. The king, going out from Ascalon, meets the enemy; on both sides the battle-lines are arrayed; a battle-array is made for combat.

Nam, dum haec ita in partibus illis geruntur, dominus rex audiens quod fines ejus longe lateque hostium multitudo diffusa penitus occupaverat, ex Ascalona cum suis egreditur, ac hostibus obviam ire parat: satius ducens, cum hostibus etiam dubio eventu praeliandi fortunam tentare, quam praedam, incendia, suorum stragem sustinere. Egrediens igitur per maritimam oram, littus quoque secutus, ut subito et occultus posset inimicis occurrere, pervenit ad eum locum, ubi Salahadinus e regione erat in campestribus. Quo perveniens, acies omnemque apparatum bellicum, tam equitum quam peditum adversus eum dirigit; ubi adjunguntur ei fratres militiae Templi, qui in Gaza remanserant.

Now, while these things are thus being carried on in those parts, the lord king, hearing that his borders had been completely occupied far and wide by a multitude of enemies spread abroad, goes out from Ascalon with his own men, and prepares to go to meet the foes: deeming it better to try the fortune of fighting with the enemy, even with the outcome doubtful, than to endure plunder, burnings, and the slaughter of his own. Accordingly, going out along the maritime coast, and following the shore as well, so that he might be able to fall upon the enemies suddenly and hidden, he reached the place where Saladin was opposite in the plains. Arriving there, he draws up the battle-line and all the warlike apparatus, both of cavalry and of infantry, against him; and to him there are joined the brothers of the militia of the Temple, who had remained at Gaza.

Inde instructis ordinibus militum, hostibus obviam ire parant, dumque proficiscuntur unanimes injurias suas ultum iri, incendiis quae ex omni parte intuebantur, et strage suorum audita, in virilem audaciam divinitus accensi, quasi vir unus facti, properant; cum ecce ex adverso non multum distantia hostium agmina contuentur. Erat autem hora diei quasi octava. Salahadinus interea audiens nostros spe pugnandi adventare, timens quem prius videbatur optasse congressum, missis qui suos passim dispersos convocarent; clangore quoque buccinarum et tympanorum strepitu, verbis quoque, sicut in talibus fieri solet, manipulos suos ad conflictum animabat, et dictis vires addere nitebatur.

Thence, with the ranks of the soldiers drawn up, they prepare to go to meet the enemies; and while they set out, of one mind that their injuries would be avenged, by the conflagrations which they beheld on every side and by the slaughter of their own of which they had heard, divinely enkindled to virile audacity, as though made one man, they hasten; when, lo, opposite they behold the enemy columns not far distant. Now it was about the eighth hour of the day. Saladin meanwhile, hearing that our men were coming with hope of fighting, fearing the engagement which he had previously seemed to have desired, sent men to summon his forces scattered everywhere; and with the clangor of trumpets and the din of drums, and with words also, as is wont to be done in such cases, he was animating his maniples to the conflict, and strove to add strength by his sayings.

Erat ibi cum domino rege, Odo de Sancto Amando, magister militiae Templi, cum octoginta ex suis; princeps Rainaldus, Balduinus de Ramis, et Balianus frater ejus; Rainaldus Sidoniensis, comes Joscelinus, regis avunculus et senescalcus. Omnes vero quotquot erant promiscuae conditionis, vix trecenti septuaginta quinque inventi sunt. Hi omnes, invocato de supernis auxilio, praevio vivificae crucis ligno mirabili, quod dominus Albertus Bethlehemita episcopus gestabat in manibus, instructis ordinibus, ad dimicandum viriliter se accingebant.

There was there with the lord king Odo of Saint-Amand, master of the militia of the Temple, with 80 of his own; Prince Rainald, Baldwin of Ramla, and Balian his brother; Rainald of Sidon, Count Joscelin, the king’s uncle and seneschal. But all told, as many as there were of mixed condition, scarcely 375 were found. All these, having invoked aid from on high, with the wondrous life-giving wood of the Cross going before— which Lord Albert, the Bethlehemite bishop, was bearing in his hands— with the ranks drawn up, girded themselves to fight manfully.

At vero interea ad hostium cuneos, qui longius praedas secuti et procurantes incendia discesserant, certatim ex diversis partibus addebantur, fiebatque major numerus; ita quod nisi Dominus, qui non derelinquit sperantes in se, nostros interiore quadam inspiratione clementius erigeret, omnino non solum de victoria, sed et de salute et de libertate desperare cogerentur. Ordinant et ipsi nihilominus acies suas, et juxta militarem disciplinam agmina digerunt, disponentes qui primi aggrediantur, et qui eis sint subsidio.

But indeed, meanwhile, to the enemy wedges, who, having followed the booty farther and procuring the burnings, had withdrawn, there were being added, in emulous haste, from diverse parts, and the number was becoming greater; so that unless the Lord, who does not abandon those hoping in Him, more mercifully raised up our men by a certain interior inspiration, altogether they would be compelled to despair not only of victory, but also of safety and of liberty. They likewise, nonetheless, array their battle-lines, and according to military discipline distribute the ranks, designating who should first assault, and who should be for their subsidy.

CAPUT XXIII. Committitur pugna; vincitur Salahadinus, et in fugam cum supremo periculo et ignominia vertitur.

CHAPTER 23. The battle is joined; Saladin is conquered, and is turned to flight with supreme peril and ignominy.

Interea, accedentibus hinc inde gradatim bellatorum ordinibus, commissum est praelium, prius casu dubio, sed viribus longe imparibus; postmodum nostris animosius insistentibus, infusa coelitus gratia, quae eos solito redderet fortiores, confractis eorum legionibus, post multam stragem hostes in fugam vertunt. Quis autem esset hostium numerus investiganti mihi et quaerenti diligentius, veridica multorum relatione innotuit, quod viginti sex millia equitum expeditorum, exceptis iis qui summariis insidebant et camelis, intra fines nostros immiserat; ex quibus erant octo millia egregiorum, quos ipsi lingua sua Toassin vocant; reliqua vero decem et octo millia erant gregariorum, quos ipsi appellant Carnagolam. De egregiis autem erant mille, qui omnes induti croceis super loricas examentis, Salahadino concolores, eidem familiarius ad tutelam proprii corporis assistebant.

Meanwhile, as from here and there the ranks of warriors were gradually drawing near, the battle was joined—at first with the outcome doubtful, yet with forces very unequal; afterward, as our men pressed on more spiritedly, there was grace infused from heaven, which rendered them stronger than usual, and, their legions being broken, after much slaughter they turned the enemies to flight. As to what the number of the foe was, upon my investigating and inquiring more diligently, it became known by the veridical report of many that he had sent within our borders 26,000 light horsemen, excepting those who sat upon sumpter-horses and camels; of these there were 8,000 of the select, whom they in their own tongue call Toassin; the remaining 18,000 were the rank-and-file, whom they call Carnagola. Moreover, of the select there were 1,000 who, all clothed in saffron-yellow garments over their cuirasses, of the same color as Salahadin, attended him more closely for the protection of his own body.

Solent enim Turcorum satrapae et majores principes, quos ipsi lingua Arabica vocant emir, adolescentes, sive ex ancillis natos, sive emptos, sive capta in praeliis mancipia studiose alere, disciplina militari instruere diligenter; adultis autem, prout cujusque exigit meritum, dare stipendia et largas etiam possessiones conferre; in dubiis autem bellorum eventibus, proprii conservandi corporis solent his curam committere et de obtinenda victoria spem habere non modicam: hos lingua sua vocant Mameluc. Hi assistentes domino suo perseveranter, unanimiter ab eo nitebantur propulsare injurias, et usque ad mortem non destituere. Hi sane in conflictu perseverantes, quoadusque fugeret dominus eorum, unanimiter perstiterunt; unde contigit quod, caeteris fuga elapsis, hi pene omnes occumberent.

For the satraps of the Turks and the greater princes, whom in the Arabic tongue they themselves call emirs, are accustomed zealously to nourish adolescents—whether born of handmaids, or bought, or slaves captured in battles—and to instruct them diligently in military discipline; and when they are grown, according as each one’s merit requires, to give stipends and to confer even ample possessions; and, when the events of wars are doubtful, they are wont to entrust to these the care of preserving their own person, and to have no small hope of obtaining victory: these in their own language they call Mamelukes. These, assisting their lord perseveringly, unanimously strove to repel injuries from him, and not to desert him even unto death. These indeed, persevering in the conflict, until such time as their lord fled, stood fast with one mind; whence it befell that, the rest having escaped by flight, these almost all succumbed.

Conversis itaque hostibus in fugam, insecuti sunt nostri usque dum, inclinata jam die, nox irrueret; ab eo loco, qui dicitur Mons Gisardi, usque ad paludem illam, quae vulgo dicitur Caunetum Esturnellorum. Toto autem illo fugae tempore et spatio, non desiit hostium strages fieri continua, per duodecim vel amplius milliaria; nec de omni numero superfuissent aliqui, nisi nox importune irruens, persequentium gladiis eripuisset. Ut autem expeditius possent fugiendo saluti consulere, abjectis armis et vestibus, sarcinis expositis, relictis infirmioribus, qui fortiores erant et equorum velocium sessores, fugiendo pro viribus, beneficio noctis imminentis, neci subtracti sunt; alii autem omnes aut capti, aut gladiis interempti, graviores exitus sunt consecuti.

Accordingly, with the enemies turned to flight, our men pursued until, the day now inclining, night rushed in; from that place which is called Mons Gisardi up to that marsh which is commonly called Caunetum Esturnellorum. But during all that time and stretch of flight, there was unceasing, continual slaughter of the enemy, for twelve miles or more; nor, of the whole number, would any have survived, if the inopportunely rushing-in night had not snatched them from the swords of the pursuers. But that they might more expeditiously be able, by fleeing, to look to their safety, with arms and garments cast away, their packs thrown off, the weaker left behind, those who were stronger and riders of swift horses, fleeing to the best of their powers, by the benefit of the impending night, were withdrawn from slaughter; but all the others, either captured or slain by swords, met graver outcomes.

De nostris autem in primo conflictu quatuor aut quinque occubuerunt equites; pedites autem ad certum, quem nos ignoramus numerum Pervenientes autem, qui fuga fuerant elapsi, usque ad praedictam paludem, si quid residuum erat oneris, loricas videlicet et caligas ferreas, in carectum aquae et in ipsam aquam projecerunt interius, ut et ipsi expeditius incederent, et arma in aquis projecta, nostris nullo tempore possent esse aut usui, aut victoriae signo. Quorum tamen utrumque nostri postea sunt plenius assecuti; nam inhaerentes eorum vestigiis et nocte instante, et sequenti die, et praedictum arundinetum diligentius perscrutantes, paludem quoque ipsam contis et uncis percunctantes, quidquid illi occultaverant, celerius repererunt. Audivimus a quibusdam fide dignis, quod centum inde viderant una die loricas extrahi, exceptis galeis et ocreis ferreis, et minoris ponderis rebus, utilibus tamen et pretiosis.

But of our men in the first conflict four or five knights fell; the foot-soldiers, however, to a certain number which we do not know. Those, however, who had escaped by flight, upon arriving as far as the aforesaid marsh, if there was anything of burden remaining—namely cuirasses and iron boots—threw them farther into the sedge-bed of the water and into the water itself, so that they themselves might go on more expeditiously, and so that the arms cast into the waters could at no time be either for our men’s use or a sign of victory. Yet our men later attained both of these more fully; for adhering to their tracks both with night approaching and on the following day, and searching the aforesaid reed-bed more diligently, and also probing the marsh itself with poles and hooks, whatever they had concealed they found more swiftly. We have heard from certain trustworthy persons that they had seen a hundred cuirasses drawn out from there in one day, besides helmets and iron greaves, and things of lesser weight, yet useful and precious.

Collatum autem nobis est hoc tam insigne et saeculis memorabile beneficium, divinitus, anno domini Balduini quarti tertio, mense Novembre, VII Kal. Decembris, die festo Sanctorum martyrum Petri Alexandrini et Catherinae virginis. Reversus autem dominus rex Ascalonam, exspectavit quousque suos reciperet, qui diversis itineribus insecuti fuerant fugientes, quos infra dies quatuor recollegit.

Moreover this boon, so distinguished and memorable for the ages, was bestowed upon us by divine favor, in the 3rd year of Lord Baldwin 4, in the month of November, on the 7th day before the Kalends of December (November 25), on the feast day of the holy martyrs Peter of Alexandria and Catherine the virgin. The lord king, having returned to Ascalon, waited until he might receive his own men, who by various routes had pursued the fugitives, and within four days he gathered them in.

Videre erat redeuntes, manubiis onustos, mancipia trahentes, camelorum armenta, equos, tentoria referentes, exsultantes secundum Prophetae dictum: Quasi victores capta praeda, quando dividunt spolia (Isa. IX, 3).

It was a sight to see them returning, laden with spoils, dragging captives, herds of camels, horses, bringing back tents, exulting according to the Prophet’s saying: As victors with captured prey, when they divide the spoils (Isa. 9, 3).

CAPUT XXIV. Pluviarum intemperies et frigus insolitum eos qui ex acie fugerant, fatigant supra vires; occiduntur ex eis innumeri, capiuntur quamplures. Rex Hierosolymam victor revertitur.

CHAPTER 24. The inclemency of the rains and an unusual cold weary beyond their strength those who had fled from the battle-line; innumerable of them are slain, very many are captured. The king returns to Jerusalem victorious.

Accessit et aliud, in quo manifeste innotuit praesentem esse divinam nobis clementiam; nam sequenti die, et per decem dies continuos, tanta vis imbrium, tanta algoris praeter solitum violentia incubuit, ut vere credi posset, etiam ipsa contra eos conjurasse elementa. Equos nimirum omnes amiserant, quibus per illud triduum, quo in finibus nostris moram fecerant, nec cibum, nec potum, nec ullam indulserant requiem; item indumenta et vestium genera quaelibet, ut praemisimus, omnino a se rejecerant. Accedebat ad miseriarum cumulum, quod nec victum penitus habentes, frigore, inedia, viarum taedio et laboris insueti pondere tabescebant.

There was added also another thing, in which it was made manifest that the divine clemency was present with us; for on the following day, and for ten continuous days, so great a force of rains, so great a violence of cold beyond what is usual settled down, that it could truly be believed that even the very elements had conspired against them. Assuredly they had lost all their horses, to which during that three-day period, in which they had made a stay within our borders, they had indulged neither food nor drink nor any rest; likewise, as we have premised, they had utterly cast off garments and every kind of clothing. There was added to the heap of miseries that, having no victuals at all, they were wasting away from cold, hunger, the weariness of the roads, and the burden of unaccustomed labor.

Reperiebantur ex eis passim aliquando plures, aliquando pauciores, in quos quamvis etiam impotens et debilis, impune poterat pro suo arbitrio desaevire; ignari enim locorum ex eis plerique, putantes domum redire, nostris se vicis aut viatoribus, aut eos quarentibus offerebant. Arabes interea, infidum genus hominum, videntes quidem casum qui Turcis acciderat, ad illos properant, quos superius cum sarcinis apud Laris civitatem diximus relictos, quos nuntiata suorum strage territos, in fugam vertunt; eos quoque nihilominus, qui quocunque casu nostrorum manus evaserant, durius insequuntur; et qui a nobis elapsi videbantur, illis dabantur ad praedam; ita ut impletum videretur illud propheticum: Residuum locustae, comedit bruchus (Joel. I, IV). Id enim moris huic generationi nequam esse dicitur, ut sub quocunque duce ingrediantur ad praelia, anceps soleant declinare certamen; et quandiu bellorum dubius est eventus, de remoto conspicere; demumque adhaerere victoribus; victos vero tanquam hostes insequi et de eorum locupletari spoliis.

They were being found here and there, sometimes in greater numbers, sometimes fewer, and against them even one powerless and weak could, with impunity, at his own arbitrium wreak his fury; for most of them, ignorant of the places, thinking they were returning home, were offering themselves to our villages or to travelers, or to those searching for them. Meanwhile the Arabs, a faithless race of men, seeing indeed the disaster that had befallen the Turks, hasten to those whom above we said were left with the baggage at the city of Laris; and, once the slaughter of their own was announced, they turn them—terrified—into flight; those also, nonetheless, who by whatever chance had escaped our hands, they pursue more harshly; and those who seemed to have slipped away from us were given to them for prey; so that that prophetic word seemed fulfilled: The remnant of the locust, the cankerworm has eaten (Joel 1:4). For this is said to be the custom of this wicked generation: that under whatever leader they enter into battles, they are accustomed to decline the contest when it is in the balance; and as long as the outcome of wars is doubtful, to look on from afar; and at last to adhere to the victors; but the vanquished to pursue as though enemies, and to enrich themselves with their spoils.

Igitur per dies multos de silvis, de montibus, de ipsa etiam solitudine educebantur captivi; aliquando etiam sponte nostris occurrebant, satius arbitrantes carceri et vinculis mancipari, quam frigore et inedia tabescere et cruciari. Interea dominus rex praeda et manubiis, lege belli distributis, votivas gratiarum actiones pro collatis sibi a Domino beneficiis soluturus, Hierosolymam properavit. Salahadinus autem, qui cum tanta superbia et tam multiplici equitatu ascenderat, divina percussus manu, vix cum centum equitibus reversus est; ipse quoque camelo invectus dicitur.

Therefore for many days captives were led out from the woods, from the mountains, even from the very wilderness; at times they even of their own accord met our men, judging it better to be handed over to prison and chains than to waste away and be tormented by cold and hunger. Meanwhile the lord king, the booty and spoils having been distributed by the law of war, to pay his votive thanksgivings for the benefactions conferred upon him by the Lord, hastened to Jerusalem. But Saladin, who had ascended with such pride and with so manifold a cavalry, smitten by the divine hand, returned scarcely with 100 horsemen; he himself also is said to have been carried on a camel.

Intueri libet et considerare interius, divini hujus muneris largitatem; et quomodo in nobis exhibita nobis liberalitate, hanc universam sibi voluit pius consolator gloriam vindicare. Nam, si praesenti operi divinitus procurato, comes Flandriae, princeps Antiochenus, comes Tripolitanus, et illa militiae multitudo quae aberat, interfuisset, more imprudentum, et qui solet in prosperis irrepere fastus, etsi non verbo, saltem cogitatione non vererentur dicere: Manus nostra excelsa, et non Dominus fecit haec omnia (Deut. XXXII, 27). At nunc juxta verbum suum, quod scriptum est: Ego gloriam meam alteri non dabo (Isa.

It is pleasing to look and to consider inwardly the largess of this divine gift; and how, by liberality shown toward us, the pious Consoler willed to claim for himself all this glory. For, if to this present work, divinely managed, the count of Flanders, the prince of Antioch, the count of Tripoli, and that multitude of knighthood which was absent, had been present, in the manner of the imprudent, and of that haughtiness which is wont to creep in amid prosperities, though not in word, at least in thought they would not have feared to say: Our hand is exalted, and not the Lord has done all these things (Deut. 32, 27). But now according to his word, which is written: I will not give my glory to another (Isa.

XLII, 8); reservata sibi penitus auctoritate et gloria, non in multitudine, sed paucorum usus ministerio; et Gedeonis innovans clementer miracula, innumeram stravit multitudinem; significans quod ipse sit, et non alius, cujus beneficio unus persequitur mille, et duo fugant decem millia. Ei ergo ascribatur, a quo est omne datum optimum, et omne donum perfectum (Jac. I, 17); quia non est in hoc praesenti articulo, quod operibus suis imputare possit homo. Divinae enim gratiae munus est et non meritis exhibitum: Tuum est opus, Domine, extendisti enim manum tuam, et devoravit eos terra (Exod.

42, 8); with authority and glory reserved wholly to Himself, not by a multitude, but by employing the ministry of a few; and gently renewing the miracles of Gideon, he laid low an innumerable multitude; signifying that it is he himself, and not another, by whose beneficence one pursues a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. To him therefore let it be ascribed, from whom is every best gift and every perfect gift (James 1, 17); because in this present point there is nothing which a man can impute to his own works. For it is a gift of divine grace and not exhibited to merits: Yours is the work, O Lord; for you stretched out your hand, and the earth devoured them (Exod.

XV, 12); in multitudine gloriae tuae deposuisti omnes adversarios meos (ibid., 7).

15, 12); in the multitude of your glory you have cast down all my adversaries (ibid., 7).

CAPUT XXV. Qui in partibus Antiochenis castrum Harenc obsederant, infecto negotio reversi sunt ad propria.

CHAPTER 25. Those who in the Antiochene parts had besieged the castle Harenc returned to their own with the business unfinished.

Cum haec apud nos peraguntur, comes, et qui cum eo erant, in obsidione supradicti castri perseverabant, sed inutiliter; nam in dissolutionem dati, aleis et caeteris noxiis voluptatibus majorem dabant operam, quam disciplina militaris aut obsidionis lex exposceret; continuis itineribus Antiochiam properabant, ubi balneis, comessationibus, et ebrietatibus et caeteris lubricis voluptatibus dediti, desidiis obsidionem deserebant. Sed neque ii qui ibi juges et assidui videbantur, negligentia torpentes aliquid utilitatis operabantur, terebant otia, et palustres trahebant dies. Ipse etiam comes singulis diebus minabatur, quod eum redire oporteret, quodque invitus ibi detinebatur; quod verbum non solum eos qui in obsidione erant exterius, ab honesto revocabat proposito; sed etiam obsessos reddebat ad resistendum promptiores; sperantes enim in vicino solvendam obsidionem, proponebant hoc modico tempore melius esse cuncta tolerare, etsi dura viderentur quae possent inferri, quam municipium fidei suae creditum, invisis prodere gentibus et proditionis notam incurrere perpetuam.

While these things are being transacted among us, the count, and those who were with him, were persevering in the siege of the aforesaid castle, but to no purpose; for, given over to dissolution, they were giving greater attention to dice and the other noxious pleasures than military discipline or the law of a siege would require; with continual journeys they were hastening to Antioch, where, devoted to baths, comessations, drunkennesses, and other lubricious pleasures, by sloth they were abandoning the siege. But nor did those who there seemed constant and assiduous, benumbed by negligence, accomplish anything of utility; they wore away their leisure, and dragged out palustrine days. The count himself also daily was threatening that he ought to return, and that he was being detained there against his will; which word not only called back from an honorable purpose those who were on the outside in the siege, but even made the besieged readier to resist; for hoping that the siege would soon be lifted, they proposed that during this short time it was better to endure everything, even if the things that might be inflicted seemed hard, than to betray to hated peoples the municipality entrusted to their good faith and incur the perpetual mark of treachery.

Erat autem praedictum castrum in edito loco situm, in colle constitutum, qui ex maxima parte videbatur congestus, ex uno solo latere impugnantibus aditum praebens; in reliquis autem etsi assultus dare volentibus minime pervius, tamen undique machinis libere poterat flagellari. Post varios igitur eventus et frequentes assultus, quibus si ex animo res gesta esset, et propitia adesset Divinitas, posse capi videretur, decidit res in negligentiam, ut praediximus; et peccatis nostris exigentibus, ita omnis nostrorum emarcuit virtus, et evacuata est omnis prudentia, ut cum jam qui inclusi tenebantur, in supremam desperationem incidissent, nostri coeperint de reditu ad propria tractare. Admirari non sufficimus (esse enim videtur amplius opinione hominum) quod tantis principibus tantam induxit Dominus mentis caliginem; et ita in indignatione sua eos caecitate percussit, quod nemine compellente, castrum jam pene expugnatum, sola stimulante invidia, et negligentia revocante, hostibus dimitterent.

Moreover, the aforesaid castle was situated in an elevated place, set upon a hill which for the most part seemed heaped up, offering access to assailants from a single side only; but in the rest, although in no way passable for those wishing to give assaults, yet it could everywhere be scourged freely by engines. After various outcomes, therefore, and frequent assaults, by which, if the matter had been done from the heart and the Divinity had been propitious, it would have seemed able to be taken, the matter fell into negligence, as we have said before; and, our sins demanding it, so did all the valor of our men wither, and all prudence was evacuated, that when those who were enclosed were now falling into utmost desperation, our men began to discuss a return to their own. We cannot suffice to marvel (for it seems to be beyond the opinion of men) that the Lord brought such a darkness of mind upon such great princes; and so in His indignation He struck them with blindness, that, with no one compelling, a castle now almost stormed, with envy alone goading, and negligence calling them back, they would let slip to the enemies.

Videns ergo dominus princeps, quod ita comes Flandriae fixerat propositum, quodque in hoc verbo irrevocabiliter erat obstinatus, sumpta ab obsessis, in incerta nobis quantitate, pecunia, obsidionem solvit. Comes autem Flandriae Hierosolymam rediens, completis ibi solemnibus sanctae Paschae diebus, ad reditum se parat; aptatisque galeis et navibus ad onera devehenda necessariis, per dominum imperatorem Constantinopolitanum, ad propria rediturus, a Laodicia Syriae, navigationis suae iter arripuit, in nullo relinquens post se in benedictione memoriam.

Therefore the lord prince, seeing that the Count of Flanders had thus fixed his purpose, and that he was irrevocably obstinate in this resolve, having taken money from the besieged, in an amount uncertain to us, lifted the siege. But the Count of Flanders, returning to Jerusalem, when the solemn days of holy Easter had there been completed, prepared himself for return; and, the galleys and the ships necessary for conveying burdens being fitted out, through the lord emperor of Constantinople, being about to return to his own lands, from Laodicea of Syria he took up the course of his voyage, leaving behind him no memory in benediction whatsoever.

Eodem tempore dominus Fredericus Romanorum imperator, post vicesimum annum schismatis, cum domino Alexandro papa, apud Venetias pacificatus est.

At the same time lord Frederick, emperor of the Romans, after the twentieth year of the schism, was reconciled with lord Alexander the pope at Venice.

Per idem quoque tempus, cum sanctae urbis Hierusalem, propter nimiam vetustatem, muri jam ex parte corruissent, facta collatione inter principes, tam saeculares quam ecclesiasticos, collecta est certae quantitatis pecunia annuatim persolvenda, quousque, auctore Domino, opus consummaretur, ut impleretur illud: Benigne fac in bona voluntate, sic ut aedificentur muri Hierusalem (Psal. L, 19).

At the same time also, since the walls of the holy city of Jerusalem, on account of excessive old age, had already in part collapsed, a collation having been held among the princes, both secular and ecclesiastical, a sum of money of a fixed quantity was collected, to be paid annually, until, with the Lord as author, the work might be consummated, in order that this might be fulfilled: Deal kindly in good will, so that the walls of Jerusalem may be built (Psalm 50, 19).

CAPUT XXVI. Romae generalis synodus indicitur. Rex super fluenta Jordanis, infaustis avibus, castrum aedificat, aedificatum templariis tradit.

CHAPTER 26. At Rome a general synod is convoked. The king, upon the banks of the Jordan, under ill auspices, builds a castle, and, once built, hands it over to the Templars.

Anno ab incarnatione Domini, 1178 qui erat regni domini Balduini quarti annus quintus, mense Octobri, cum anno praecedente indicta esset per universum Latinorum orbem Romae synodus generalis, ad eamdem synodum vocati, profecti sunt de nostro Oriente, ego Willelmus, Tyrensis archiepiscopus, Heraclius Caesariensis archiepiscopus, Albertus Bethlehemita episcopus, Radulphus Sebastenus episcopus, Joscius Acconensis episcopus, Romanus Tripolitanus episcopus, Petrus prior ecclesiae Dominici Sepulcri, Rainaldus abbas ecclesiae montis Sion. Praedictus vero Joscius non solum ad synodum pro perabat nobiscum, verum ad dominum Henricum, Burgundiae ducem, legatione fungebatur, ut eum ad nos evocaret. Conveneramus enim unanimiter, ut domini regis sororem, quam prius marchio habuerat, eisdem conditionibus eidem in matrimonio concederemus; quod verbum cum idem dux per manum praedicti domini episcopi, prius gratanter suscepisset, et etiam, ut dicitur, juramento propriae manus, se venturum firmasset, causis quibusdam adhuc nobis incognitis, venire renuit, juramenti quod praebuerat immemor, et fidei qua se obligaverat prodigus inventus.

In the year from the Incarnation of the Lord, 1178, which was the fifth year of the reign of lord Baldwin the fourth, in the month of October, when in the preceding year a general synod at Rome had been proclaimed through the whole Latin world, having been summoned to that same synod, there set out from our East: I, William, archbishop of Tyre; Heraclius, archbishop of Caesarea; Albert, bishop of Bethlehem; Ralph, bishop of Sebaste; Joscius, bishop of Acre; Romanus, bishop of Tripoli; Peter, prior of the church of the Lord’s Sepulcher; Rainald, abbot of the church of Mount Sion. The aforesaid Joscius, in truth, was not only hastening with us to the synod, but was discharging a legation to lord Henry, duke of Burgundy, to summon him to us. For we had concurred unanimously that we would concede the lord king’s sister, whom previously the marquis had had, to that same man in marriage on the same conditions; which proposal, when that same duke had earlier gladly received through the hand of the aforesaid lord bishop, and even, as it is said, had confirmed by an oath of his own hand that he would come, for certain causes as yet unknown to us he refused to come, forgetful of the oath which he had offered and found prodigal of the troth by which he had bound himself.

Eodem mense quo nos iter ad synodum arripuimus, dominus rex cum omnibus regni viribus, castrum quoddam super ripas Jordanis, in eo loco qui vulgo vadum Jacob appellatur, aggressus est aedificare. Habent traditiones veterum, eum esse locum ubi Jacob de Mesopotamia rediens, missis nuntiis ad fratrem, factisque duabus turmis, dixit: In baculo meo transivi Jordanem istum, et nunc cum duabus turmis regredior (Gen. XXXII, 10). Est autem in pago Cades Nepthalim, inter Nepthalim et Dan, quae alio nomine appellatur Pancas, alio etiam Caesarea Philippi dicitur; quarum utramque Phoenicis constat esse portionem, et Tyrensis metropolis urbes suffraganeas.

In the same month in which we undertook the journey to the synod, the lord king, with all the forces of the kingdom, set about to build a certain castle upon the banks of the Jordan, in that place which is commonly called Jacob’s Ford. The traditions of the ancients have it that this is the place where Jacob, returning from Mesopotamia, after sending messengers to his brother and making two companies, said: With my staff I crossed this Jordan, and now with two companies I return (Gen. 32, 10). It is, moreover, in the district of Kedesh-Naphtali, between Naphtali and Dan, which by another name is called Pancas, and by another also is called Caesarea Philippi; both of which are acknowledged to be a portion of Phoenice, and suffragan cities of the Tyrian metropolis.

Distat autem a Paneade milliaribus decem. Porro collis erat ibi mediocriter eminens, super quem fundamenta jacientes profundidate congrua, murum mirae spissitudinis, in quadrum aedificantes opere solidissimo, ad convenientem altitudinem, infra sex menses erexerunt. Contigit autem, dum in aedificando ibi moram facerent, egressi sunt latrunculi de partibus Damascenis, qui universas ita obsederant vias, quod non nisi cum periculo ire ad exercitum aut inde redire, aut vias carpere quaslibet viatores possent.

It is, moreover, ten miles distant from Paneas. Furthermore, there was there a hill moderately eminent, upon which, laying the foundations with suitable depth, they raised within six months a wall of wondrous thickness, building in a square with most solid workmanship, to a convenient height. It befell, however, while they were making a delay there in building, that brigands came forth from the Damascene parts, who had so beset all the roads that travelers could not go to the army or return from there, or take any roads at all, except with danger.

Erant autem praedicti latrunculi de loco in montibus Acconibus sito, cui Bacades nomen, qui vulgo Bucael dicitur. Hic locus in finibus Zabulon situs est, amoenus admodum; et, licet in summis montium, tamen aquis irriguus est et arborum fructiferarum frequentia consitus, habitatores habens insolentes, armis strenuos et numerositate superbos, adeo ut vicinorum agros et suburbana finitima sibi facerent tributaria; maleficis et debita supplicia fugientibus, aggressoribus quoque et viarum effractoribus tutum apud se praebentes refugium, ob praedae et vi raptarum rerum, quod eis dabatur, participium. Erant ergo omnibus per circuitum propter intolerabilem eorum arrogantiam, tam nostris quam etiam Sarracenis invisi et odibiles facti, ita ut saepius fuerit attentatum eos funditus exstirpare; sed successum res non habuit; unde et singulis diebus fiebant proterviores.

But the aforesaid brigands were from a place set in the Aconian mountains, called Bacades, which in the vulgate is called Bucael. This place is situated on the borders of Zebulun, very pleasant; and, although on the summits of the mountains, yet it is irrigated with waters and planted thick with a frequency of fruit-bearing trees, having inhabitants insolent, strenuous in arms, and proud by reason of their numbers, to such a degree that they made the fields of their neighbors and the neighboring suburbs tributary to themselves; furnishing among them a safe refuge for malefactors and those fleeing deserved punishments, for aggressors also and breakers of the highways, on account of a share in booty and in things seized by force that was given to them. Therefore to all around, because of their intolerable arrogance, they became odious and hateful, both to our people and even to the Saracens, so that it was often attempted to extirpate them utterly; but the matter had no success; whence also with each day they were becoming more insolent.

Quorum intolerabilem superbiam, furta commissa, perpetrata homicidia, dominus rex non ferens, locum praedictum subito et violenter occupans, quos comprehendere potuit, neci dedit; sed fugerunt ex parte maxima, praecognito domini regis adventu; et ad partes Damascenas, cum uxoribus et parvulis se contulerunt. Inde frequentes in provincias nostras, occulte tamen, irruptiones, veteris consuetudinis non immemores, facere consueverant. Nunc autem adjunctis sibi ejusdem factionis consortibus, fines nostros ingressi erant, ut praemisimus.

Not bearing their intolerable arrogance, the thefts committed, the homicides perpetrated, the lord king, seizing the aforesaid place suddenly and violently, gave over to death those whom he could apprehend; but by far the greater part fled, the arrival of the lord king being foreknown, and they betook themselves with their wives and little ones to the Damascene parts. From there they were accustomed to make frequent, yet covert, irruptions into our provinces, not unmindful of their ancient custom. Now, however, with associates of the same faction joined to themselves, they had entered our borders, as we have premised.

Quod audientes nostri, indignati, quod hujusmodi homines vias publicas ita fecerant periculosas, locis competentibus eis ponentes insidias, operam dabant sollicitam, quomodo eos possent praevenire. Accidit autem nocte quadam, quod ipsi, facta praeda, de montibus Zabulon descendentes, volentes se ad partes unde exierant conferre, in nostros, qui eis insidias paraverant, incidentes, viarum suarum fructum collegerunt; captis etenim ex eis novem, septuaginta et plures interfecti sunt. Accidit autem hoc, mense Martio, XII Kal.

Hearing this, our men, indignant that men of this sort had made the public roads so perilous, placing ambushes for them in suitable places, gave solicitous effort as to how they might forestall them. It happened, however, on a certain night that they, booty having been made, descending from the mountains of Zebulun and wishing to betake themselves to the parts whence they had gone out, running into our men, who had prepared ambushes for them, collected the fruit of their ways; for, with 9 of them captured, 70 and more were slain. This, moreover, happened in the month of March, on the 12th day before the Kalends.

Aprilis.

April.

Per idem tempus, Romae celebrata est synodus in basilica Constantiniana, qui dicitur Lateranum, trecentorum episcoporum; pontificatus domini Alexandri anno vicesimo, mense Martio, indictionis XII, quinta die mensis. Cui si quis statuta et episcoporum nomina, numerum et titulos scire desiderat, relegat scriptum quod nos ad preces sanctorum Patrum, qui eidem synodo interfuerunt, confecimus diligenter; quod in Archivo sanctae Tyrensis Ecclesiae, inter caeteros, quos eidem contulimus Ecclesiae libros, cui jam sex annos praefuimus, jussimus collocari.

At the same time, a synod was celebrated at Rome in the Constantinian basilica, which is called the Lateran, of three hundred bishops; in the twentieth year of the pontificate of Lord Alexander, in the month of March, in the indiction 12, on the fifth day of the month. If anyone desires to know the statutes and the names of the bishops, their number and their titles, let him consult the writing which we, at the prayers of the holy Fathers who took part in that same synod, diligently composed; which we ordered to be placed in the Archive of the holy Tyrian Church, among the other books which we have bestowed upon that same Church, over which we have already presided for six years.

CAPUT XXVII. Rex in terras hostium ingressus, damna patitur enormia. Henfredus regius constabularius occasionem mortis ibi colligens, defungitur.

CHAPTER 27. The King, having entered into the lands of the enemy, suffers enormous losses. Humphrey, the royal constable, there meeting his death, passes away.

Constructo igitur castro et ex partibus suis absoluto, nuntiatum est domino regi, quod in eam silvam, quae Paneadensi adjacet civitati, hostes incaute pascua sequentes, greges immiserant et armenta, non habentes secum illas militum copias, quibus freti nostris irruentibus possent resistere. Arbitrantur ergo nostri quod immunitos eos, sicut nuntiatum fuerat et praeliaribus auxiliis destitutos, facile possent opprimere, illuc occulte tendunt; et ut latenter et ex improviso, celatoque eorum adventu possent irruere, de nocte iter aggrediuntur et de nocte accelerant. Mane igitur facto ad locum destinatum perveniunt; ubi aliis ad alia praeliandi gratia properantibus loca, aliis lente nimis et de remoto subsequentibus, ea acies in qua rex erat, imprudenter nimis quibusdam septis lapideis se immergit, ubi ex hostibus latebant nonnulli; audito enim nostrorum adventu, latere disposuerant ut, declinato nostrorum impetu, propriae saluti eo modo possent consulere.

Therefore, with the fortress constructed and completed in its parts, it was announced to the lord king that into that forest which is adjacent to the city of Paneas the enemies, incautiously following the pastures, had driven in flocks and herds, not having with them those companies of soldiers by reliance on which they could resist when our men rushed upon them. Our men therefore reckon that, as reported, being unprotected and deprived of battle auxiliaries, they could easily crush them; they make their way thither secretly; and, so that covertly and by surprise, with their approach concealed, they might be able to burst in, they set out by night and hasten by night. Therefore, when morning came, they reach the appointed place; where, with some hurrying to other places for the sake of fighting, and others following too slowly and from a distance, that battle-line in which the king was imprudently enough plunges itself into certain stone enclosures, where some of the enemies were lying hidden; for, on hearing of our men’s approach, they had arranged to lie in concealment so that, our men’s onset having been evaded, they might in that way consult for their own safety.

Videntes nostros super eos irruisse incautius, licet inviti et de vita desperantes, facti sunt, ipsa necessitate urgente, fortiores; et subito exsilientes, videntes nostros inter angustias, instant animosius; et quibus satis fuerat prius latendo posse declinare adversarium, interfectis equis, sagittis eminus missis, nostros comprimunt violenter. Videns itaque dominus constabularius hostem ex improviso emersisse, eis cum multo impetu se ingerit medium; dum de more viriliter dimicat, dominumque regem in arcto positum, ne in eum periculosius irruatur, fideliter protegit, et ab injuriis vindicat potenter, crebris et violentis ictibus lacessitus, et lethalibus confossus vulneribus, tandem suis eum eripientibus, vix in equo revocatus est. Ceciderunt porro in ea congressione viri memorabiles et pia recordatione digni: juvenis quidam elegantis formae et honestis pollens moribus, nobilis et dives, Abraham de Nazareth, et Godescalcus de Turolte, qui etiam bonam sui reliquit existimationem; et alii pauci inferioris manus.

Seeing that our men had rushed upon them incautiously, they, though unwilling and despairing of life, became, necessity itself urging, the braver; and suddenly leaping up, seeing our men in straits, they press the more spiritedly; and they who before had deemed it enough, by lying hidden, to be able to decline the adversary, killing the horses and sending arrows from afar, violently hem in our men. Therefore, seeing that the enemy had emerged unexpectedly, the lord constable thrusts himself into their midst with much impetus; while, according to his wont, he fights manfully, and, the lord king being placed in a narrow pass, lest a more dangerous onset be made upon him, he faithfully protects him and powerfully defends him from injuries; harassed by frequent and violent blows, and pierced through with lethal wounds, at last, his own men snatching him away, he was scarcely set back on his horse. Moreover, in that congress there fell men memorable and worthy of pious remembrance: a certain youth of elegant form and excelling in honest morals, noble and rich, Abraham of Nazareth; and Godescalcus of Turolte, who also left behind a good estimation of himself; and a few others of lower rank.

His ita se habentibus, de casu tam periculoso dominus rex suorum ereptus opera, ad castra unde exierat, reversus est; ubi suos qui ad varia inordinate dispersi fuerant recepit. Dominus vero Henfridus regius constabularius, ingravescentibus doloribus, ad Castellum novum quod ipse adhuc aedificabat, delatus est. Factum est autem hoc, IV Idus Aprilis.

With things standing thus, the lord king, rescued from so perilous a mishap by the effort of his own men, returned to the camp whence he had set out; there he received back his followers, who had been scattered to various places without order. But Lord Henfrid, the royal constable, as his pains grew more severe, was carried to the New Castle, which he himself was still building. Now this took place on April 10.

Decubans ergo ibi et per dies quasi decem, cum dolore vitam protrahens, supremo judicio memoriter et prudenter ordinato, vir per omnia commendabilis, X Kal. Maii, patriae perpetuo lugendus, vivendi fecit finem; et in ecclesia Beatae Dei Genitricis et semper Virginis, apud nobile et famosum castrum ejus, Toronum videlicet, debita magnificentia sepultus est. Quo defuncto, statim intra eumdem mensem, Salahadinus praedictum castrum, quod de novo fuerat constructum, VI Kal.

Lying there, then, and for nearly ten days prolonging life in pain, with his last judgment thoughtfully and prudently arranged, a man in all respects commendable, on the 10 Kal. of May, to be mourned forever by his fatherland, made an end of living; and in the church of the Blessed Mother of God and Ever-Virgin, at her noble and famous castle, namely Toron, he was buried with due magnificence. He having died, immediately within that same month, Saladin the aforesaid castle, which had been newly built, on the 6 Kal.

Jun. obsidet; crebrisque insultibus, et denso sagittarum nimbo fatigare coepit violenter inclusos; cum ecce unus de interioribus, cui nomen erat, ut dicitur, Raynerius de Marum, unum de ditioribus admiratis sagitta saucium interemit; pro cujus obitu omnes ita consternati sunt, ut infecto negotio, soluta obsidione discederent.

June, he lays siege; and with frequent assaults and a dense nimbus of arrows he began to wear out those violently shut in; when behold, one of the men within—whose name was, as it is said, Raynerius of Marum—slew with an arrow one of the richer emirs, having wounded him; at whose death all were so dismayed that, the business unfinished, they departed, the siege lifted.

CAPUT XXVIII. Salahadinus regionem ingreditur Sidoniensem; rex convocatis regni viribus, hostibus occurrit.

CHAPTER 28. Saladin enters the Sidonian region; the king, the forces of the kingdom convoked, meets the enemies.

Sequenti mense, cum jam praedictus Salahadinus, bis jam vel eo amplius in pago Sidoniensi violenter esset ingressus et libere satis, nemine cohibente, quaedam incendia, hominum quoque stragem exercuisset, adjecit iterato introire; locatisque castris inter urbem Paneadensem, et fluvium Dan, excursores praemiserat frequenter qui praedas agerent, incendia procurarent. Ipse autem, quasi pro subsidio, castra non deserens, eorum reditum et aggressionum eventum exspectabat. Nuntiatum est interea domino regi, quod ita per fines nostros Salahadinus desaeviret; qui, assumpto sibi Dominicae crucis ligno convocatisque suis, quoscunque colligere undecunque potuit, ad urbem properat Tiberiadensem: inde per oppidum Sephet, per urbem antiquissimam Naason, ad praedictum Toronum cum suis pervenit.

In the following month, when the aforesaid Saladin had already twice or even more often violently entered the Sidonian district and, quite freely, with no one restraining him, had carried out certain conflagrations and a slaughter of men, he added to this by entering again; and, having pitched camp between the city of Paneas and the river Dan, he frequently had sent ahead raiders to drive plunder and to contrive arsons. But he himself, as a kind of support, not leaving the camp, was awaiting their return and the outcome of their aggressions. Meanwhile it was reported to the lord king that thus Saladin was raging through our borders; who, having taken up for himself the wood of the Lord’s Cross and having convoked his own, whomsoever he could gather from wherever, hastens to the city of Tiberias: thence, through the town of Sephet, through the most ancient city Naason, he comes with his men to the aforesaid Toron.

Ubi, frequentibus nuntiis intercurrentibus pro certo comperit Salahadinum cum exercitu suo adhuc in eodem perseverare loco; suos autem levioris armaturae milites, qui praemissi fuerant, agros Sidoniensium hostiliter depopulari, caedes, incendia, praedas exercere. Habita itaque deliberatione, placuit omnibus, hostibus obviam ire. Inde ergo, juxta condictum contra Paneadem exercitum dirigentes, perveniunt ad vicum qui dicitur Mesaphar; unde quia in summis montibus situm est, prospicere erat totam subjectam regionem usque ad radices Libani; castra quoque hostium dabatur eminus intueri.

Where, with frequent messengers running between, he ascertained for certain that Saladin with his army was still persevering in the same place; and that his own light‑armed soldiers, who had been sent ahead, were hostilely depredating the fields of the Sidonians, perpetrating slaughter, arson, and plundering. Therefore, counsel having been taken, it pleased all to go to meet the enemies. Thence then, according to the pre‑arrangement, directing the army toward Paneas, they arrive at the village which is called Mesaphar; whence, because it is situated in the highest mountains, one could look out over the whole subject region as far as the roots of Lebanon; the enemy’s camp also could be beheld from afar.

Patebant quoque nihilominus prospectibus singulorum, inimicorum discursus et incendia. Descendentes igitur nostri per montis declivum cum festinatione, turmas peditum secum trahere non poterant; fessi enim erant oppido viae longinquitate, nec poterant equites passibus adaequare. Unde cum paucis peditibus, qui agiliores inventi sunt, in planitiem quae statim montibus subjecta est, devenerunt in eum locum, qui vulgo Mergium appellatur.

The enemies’ excursions and fires were likewise nonetheless open to the sight of each. Therefore our men, descending with haste along the mountain’s declivity, could not draw the troops of infantry along with them; for they were exceedingly wearied by the long length of the road, and could not match their paces to the horsemen. Whence, with a few foot-soldiers who were found more agile, they came down into the plain which lies immediately beneath the mountains, to that place which is commonly called Mergium.

Per aliquot igitur horas, ut plenius deliberaretur quid facto opus esset, ibi substiterunt. Interea Salahadinus de subito regis adventu aliquantulum perterritus, timens suis excursoribus, quos quasi a se et suis videbat exclusos; timens item ne in castra irruerent, impedimenta, sarcinas et omnem supellectilem inter murum et antemurale vicinae urbis comportari praecipit, ut ad quemlibet belli eventum expeditior inveniatur. Succinctus ergo, et dubius plurimum, rei exitum praestolabatur.

Therefore for several hours they halted there, that it might be more fully deliberated what needed to be done. Meanwhile Saladin, somewhat alarmed at the sudden advent of the king, fearing for his raiding-parties, whom he saw as if cut off from himself and his own; fearing likewise lest they burst into the camp, orders the baggage, packs, and all the furnishings to be carried together between the wall and the antemural of the neighboring city, so that he might be found more expeditious for any outcome of war. Girded, therefore, and very much in doubt, he awaited the issue of the affair.

Verum excursores qui praedatum ierant, audito nostrorum adventu, perterriti, postpositis aliis optimum ducunt, si suorum agminibus possint aggregari. Transmisso ergo flumine, quod per medium dividit Sidoniensium agros et praedictam planitiem, in qua diximus nostros esse, occurrunt nostris: ubi inito cominus praelio, nostri statim, propitio Domino, fiunt superiores; multisque interfectis et ad terram dejectis, pluribus in fugam versis, hostes ad castra suorum se conferre nituntur.

But the excursors who had gone to plunder, upon hearing of the arrival of our men, terrified, with other things set aside, deem it best if they can be aggregated to the columns of their own. Therefore, the river having been crossed, which through the midst divides the Sidonians’ fields and the aforesaid plain, in which we said our men were, they encounter our men: where, battle having been joined at close quarters, our men at once, with the Lord propitious, become the superiors; with many slain and cast to the ground, and more turned to flight, the enemies strive to betake themselves to the camp of their own.

CAPUT XXIX. Committitur pugna; nostri vincuntur; capiuntur ex eis quamplures.

CHAPTER 29. The battle is joined; our men are vanquished; a great many of them are taken captive.

Dum haec ita se haberent, Odo magister militiae Templi et cum eo comes Tripolitanus, deinde alii sequentes, collem quemdam sibi obvium ascenderunt, flumen habentes ad laevam; a dextris vero erat eis planities maxima et castra hostium. Audiens ergo Salahadinus suos gravari, expositos periculo, neci quoque datos, parat eis subsidium ministrare; in quo proposito dum fixus maneret, ecce suos qui evaserant, fugientes, videt: quibus occurrens, cognito rei statu, animos verbis addit, in aciem revocat; nostris quoque insequentibus et nimium securis, subito se immergit. At vero pedites nostri de spoliis eorum qui interfecti fuerant, ditati, putantes nihil superesse ad consummatam victoriam, secus ripam fluminis castrametati, quieti consederant; equites vero hostes super se, quos devictos putabant, reparatis viribus videntes irruere, non habentes ferias vel otium, ut juxta militarem disciplinam, acies instruerentur, ordinarentur agmina, ordine confuso decertantes, resistunt ad tempus, et hostium perseveranter sustinent impetus.

While these things so stood, Odo, Master of the Militia of the Temple, and with him the Count of Tripoli, then others following, ascended a certain hill that met them, having the river on their left; but on their right there was a very great plain and the camp of the enemy. Hearing then that his men were being pressed, exposed to danger, even given over to slaughter, Saladin prepares to supply them succor; and while he remained fixed in this purpose, behold, he sees his men who had escaped, fleeing: running to meet them, having learned the state of the matter, he adds courage with words, calls them back into the battle-line; and with our men also pursuing and overly secure, he suddenly plunges in. But our infantry, enriched from the spoils of those who had been slain, thinking that nothing remained for the consummated victory, encamped along the bank of the river, had sat down to rest; but the horsemen, seeing the enemies—whom they thought defeated—with their forces repaired, rushing upon them, not having respite or leisure that, according to military discipline, the battle-lines might be drawn up, the columns arrayed, fighting in confused order, resist for a time, and steadfastly sustain the assaults of the enemy.

Tandem viribus impares, nec se cum dispersi essent inordinatius, mutuo juvantes, in fugam versi succumbunt turpiter. Cumque satis commode hostes insequentes, per alia loca possent declinare et in tutum se locare, peccatis nostris exigentibus, deteriorem deliberationis partem secuti, in angustias scabris rupibus obsitas, et penitus exitum negantibus se immergunt: ubi nec ad anteriora procedere, nec nisi cum mortis periculo, per hostium manus redire dabatur; qui fluvium transierunt vitae et saluti consulentes, ex maxima parte, in municipium proximum cui nomen Belfort, se contulerunt; alii flumen transeuntes et ulteriorem ripam secuti, versus Sidonem euntes, confusi praelii aestum periculosum declinaverunt. Quibus cum dominus Rainaldus Sidoniensis cum suis, qui ad exercitum festinabat, occurreret, intellecto quod acciderat infortunio, eis etiam monentibus, Sidonem reversus est.

At length, unequal in strength, and, since they had been dispersed, no longer mutually aiding one another, they were turned to flight and disgracefully succumbed. And though they could quite conveniently, by other routes, swerve from the pursuing enemies and place themselves in safety, yet, our sins requiring it, having followed the worse part of deliberation, they plunge into straits overgrown with scabrous crags and utterly denying any exit: where it was permitted neither to advance forward, nor to return through the hands of the enemies except with the peril of death; those who crossed the river, consulting for life and safety, for the most part betook themselves into the nearest municipality, whose name is Belfort; others, crossing the river and following the farther bank, going toward Sidon, avoided the perilous surge of the confused battle. And when Lord Rainald of Sidon with his men, who was hastening to the army, met them, having understood the misfortune that had occurred, he too, at their urging, returned to Sidon.

Quod factum, in illa die, multiplex damnum creditur intulisse. Verisimile est enim, quod si in castrum suum continuato itinere se recepisset, cooperantibus oppidanis et rusticis locorum peritis, multos eripuisset hostibus, qui nocte illa in cavernis, in rupibus latentes, sequenti mane discurrentibus et cuncta perlustrantibus inimicis, inventi, capti, vinculis mancipati sunt. Dominus autem rex, quorumdam fidelium suorum fretus auxilio, evasit incolumis.

That deed, on that day, is believed to have inflicted manifold damage. For it is likely that, if he had withdrawn to his castle by a continued march, with the townsmen and rustics, skilled in the locales, cooperating, he would have snatched many from the enemies, who that night, hiding in caverns and in crags, were, on the following morning, as the enemies ran about and thoroughly surveyed everything, found, captured, and consigned to bonds. But the lord king, relying on the help of certain of his faithful men, escaped unharmed.

Comes quoque Tripolitanus, cum paucis Tyrum pervenit. Capti sunt ibi de nostris, Odo de Sancto Amando, militiae Templi magister, homo nequam, superbus et arrogans, spiritum furoris habens in naribus, nec Deum timens, nec ad hominem habens reverentiam. Hic, juxta multorum assertionem, damni praedicti et perennis probri occasionem dicitur dedisse; qui eodem anno quo captus est, in vinculis et squalore carceris, nulli lugendus, dicitur obiisse.

The Count of Tripoli also, with a few, arrived at Tyre. There, of our people were taken captive: Odo of Saint Amand, Master of the militia of the Temple, a worthless man, proud and arrogant, having a spirit of fury in his nostrils, fearing neither God nor having reverence toward man. This man, according to the assertion of many, is said to have given the occasion of the aforesaid loss and of perennial disgrace; and he, in the same year in which he was captured, in chains and in the squalor of prison—mourner to none—is said to have died.

Balduinus quoque de Ramis, nobilis vir et potens; Hugo quoque de Tiberiade, domini comitis Tripolitani privignus, adolescens bonae indolis, et acceptus plurimum: et alii multi, quorum nomina non novimus, nec numerum, capti sunt.

Baldwin also of Ramis, a noble and powerful man; Hugh also of Tiberias, the lord Count of Tripoli’s stepson, a youth of good disposition, and very highly accepted; and many others, whose names we do not know, nor their number, were captured.

CAPUT XXX. Salahadinus castrum quod de novo aedificatum fuerat, obsidet; obsessum occupat; diruit occupatum. Henricus comes Trecensis, Petrus, regis Francorum Ludovici frater, in Syriam veniunt.

CHAPTER 30. Saladin besieges a fortress which had been newly built; the besieged place he seizes; the place once taken he razes. Henry, Count of Troyes, and Peter, brother of Louis, king of the Franks, come into Syria.

Rebus igitur nostris sic se habentibus, et in imo collocatis, ecce dominus Henricus comes Trecensis, vir magnificus, senioris Theobaldi comitis filius, (quem nos a synodo redeuntes, apud Brundusium Apuliae civitatem dimiseramus) apud Acconensem civitatem, cum multo nobilium comitatu applicuit. Venerant, ut praemisimus, nobiles multi in eodem transitu, dominus videlicet Petrus de Corteniaco, domini Ludovici Francorum regis frater; dominus quoque Philippus, domini comitis Roberti, ejusdem domini regis fratris filius, Belvacensis electus; quorum adventu, nostri, anterioribus casibus plurimum consternati, aliquatenus tamen in spem erecti sunt, sperantes quod tot tantorumque nobilium patrocinio propulsare futuras, praeteritasque ulcisci possent injurias; verum adversa nobis divinitate, nec priores depulerunt, sed etiam in majores descenderunt molestias. Nam hostis noster immanissimus Salahadinus, dextris eventibus et prospera fortuna, in tantam est elatus superbiam, ut subito antequam nostris ad modicum respirare liceret, castrum nostrum, quod nuper Aprili proxime praeterito fuerat consummatum, obsideret.

Therefore, with our affairs thus situated and placed at the very bottom, behold lord Henry, Count of Troyes, a magnificent man, son of the elder count Theobald, (whom we, returning from the synod, had left at Brundisium, a city of Apulia) put in at the city of Acre, with a great company of nobles. There had come, as we have premised, many nobles on the same passage, namely lord Peter of Courtenay, brother of lord Louis, king of the Franks; lord also Philip, son of lord count Robert, brother of that same lord king, bishop-elect of Beauvais; at whose arrival our people, very greatly dismayed by earlier disasters, were nonetheless raised somewhat into hope, hoping that by the patronage of so many and so great nobles they might be able to ward off future injuries and avenge past ones; but with divinity adverse to us, they did not drive off the former, but even sank into greater troubles. For our most monstrous enemy Saladin, by favorable outcomes and prosperous fortune, was lifted up into such pride, that suddenly, before it was permitted our men to breathe even a little, he besieged our castle, which had lately been completed in the April just past.

Traditum sane fuerat saepe dictum castrum fratribus militiae Templi, qui omnem illam regionem de concessione regum sibi vindicabant, statim postquam fuerat consummatum eorumque diligentiae commissum. Quod ubi domino regi fuit nuntiatum, convocans regni robur omne et militiam universam, accito quoque domino Henrico comite et aliis nobilibus viris, qui advenerant, apud Tiberiadem properat; ubi collectis universis regni principibus, opem ferre obsessis, hostes ab obsidione amovere proponit; dumque exspectat et in diem apparatus differtur, nuntiatur castrum praedictum, sicut vere erat, ab hostibus violenter captum, funditusque usque solum dirutum, occisis omnibus aut captivatis, qui in eo ad tuitionem relicti fuerant. Sicque accessit damnis prioribus major confusio, ut vere dici posset: Recessit ab eis Dominus Deus eorum.

Now the often-mentioned castle had indeed been handed over to the brothers of the militia of the Temple, who claimed all that region for themselves by concession of the kings, immediately after it had been completed and committed to their diligence. When this was announced to the lord king, calling together all the strength of the kingdom and the universal soldiery, and summoning also lord Henry the count and the other noble men who had arrived, he hastens to Tiberias; and there, with all the princes of the realm gathered, he proposes to bring aid to the besieged and to remove the enemies from the siege; and while he waits and the preparations are deferred from day to day, it is reported that the aforesaid castle, as indeed was true, had been violently seized by the enemies and utterly razed down to the ground, all who had been left in it for its tutelage having been slain or taken captive. And thus to the prior losses a greater confusion was added, so that it could truly be said: The Lord their God departed from them.

Vere judicia Dei, abyssus multa (Psal. XXXV, 7); vere terribilis est Deus in consiliis super filios hominum (Psal. LXV, 5). Nam qui tantam fidelibus suis, anno proxime praeterito contulerat sui muneris immensitatem, tanta eosdem nunc indui reverentia passus est, et confusione.

Truly the judgments of God, a great abyss (Psal. 35, 7); truly God is terrible in counsels over the sons of men (Psal. 65, 5). For He who in the year next past had conferred upon His faithful such immensity of His gift, has now suffered those same to be clothed with as great reverence and with confusion.

An quis novit sensum Domini? aut quis consiliarius ejus fuit? (Rom. XI, 34.) Quid est, Domine Deus?

Or who has known the mind of the Lord? or who has been his counselor? (Rom. 11, 34.) What is it, Lord God?

Quia hic praesens multitudo, et nobilium numerus erat, subtraxisti gratiam, ne sibi ascribant, quod meritis non datur, sed gratia; aut quia de collato gratis priore beneficio, non satis uberes tibi, benefactori suo, gratiarum persolverant actiones; aut quia flagellas, Domine, filium quem recipis (Hebr. XII, 6); imples facies nostras ignominia, ut quaeramus nomen tuum sanctum, quod est benedictum in saecula. Scimus, Domine, et confitemur, quia tu non mutaris.

Because here there was a present multitude, and the number of nobles, you withdrew grace, lest they ascribe to themselves what is not given by merits, but by grace; or because, concerning the prior benefit conferred gratis, they had not paid to you, their benefactor, sufficiently abundant thanksgivings; or because you scourge, Lord, the son whom you receive (Hebr. 12, 6); you fill our faces with ignominy, so that we may seek your holy name, which is blessed unto the ages. We know, Lord, and we confess, that you do not change.

Tu enim dixisti: Ego Deus, et non mutor (Mal. III, 6); quidquid tamen id est, scimus quia justus es, Domine, et rectum judicium tuum.

For you indeed said: I am God, and I do not change (Mal. 3, 6); whatever, however, it is, we know that you are just, Lord, and your judgment is right.

Per idem tempus renovatum est verbum, quod anno proxime praeterito de duce Burgundiae motum fuerat, cum domino comite Henrico, ejus avunculo; sperabatur in proxime futuro transitu venturus esse; sed sicut postea evidenter patuit, causis quibusdam occultis adhuc, venire recusavit.

At the same time the report was renewed, which in the immediately preceding year had been set in motion about the Duke of Burgundy, together with lord Count Henry, his maternal uncle; it was hoped that he would come at the next forthcoming passage; but, as afterwards plainly appeared, for certain causes still occult, he refused to come.