William of Tyre•HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM
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Quae de praesenti hactenus contexuimus Historia, aliorum tantum quibus prisci temporis plenior adhuc famulabatur memoria, collegimus relatione; unde cum majore difficultate, quasi aliena mendicantes suffragia, et rei veritatem, et gestorum seriem, et annorum numerum sumus consecuti: licet fideli, quantum potuimus, haec eadem recitatione, scripto mandavimus. Quae autem sequuntur deinceps, partim nos ipsi fide conspeximus oculata, partim eorum, qui rebus gestis praesentes interfuerunt, fida nobis patuit relatione. Unde gemino freti adminiculo, ea quae restant, auctore Domino, facilius fideliusque posterorum mandabimus lectioni.
What of the present History we have thus far woven together, we gathered by the relation of others only, to whom the memory of the ancient time was still more copiously in service; whence, with greater difficulty, as though begging for alien suffrages, we have attained both the truth of the matter, and the sequence of deeds, and the number of years: yet in a faithful recitation, as far as we were able, we have consigned these same things to writing. But the things which follow hereafter, partly we ourselves have beheld with eyewitness faith, partly they have lain open to us by the faithful relation of those who were present at the deeds. Wherefore, relying on a twin aid, with the Lord as author, we shall more easily and more faithfully commit the things which remain to the reading of posterity.
Defuncto domino Fulcone, Hierosolymorum ex Latinis rege tertio, successit ei dominus Balduinus tertius, ex domina Milisende regina filius ejus, fratrem habens unum puerulum, Amalricum nomine, annorum septem, ut praemisimus; qui postmodum eidem sine liberis defuncto successit in regno, sicut in sequentibus aperietur. Tredecim annorum erat dominus Balduinus cum regnare coepit: regnavit autem annis viginti. Fuit autem adolescens optimae indolis, id de se certis promittens indiciis, quod postea in virilem evadens aetatem pleno rerum persolvit experimento.
Lord Fulk being deceased, the third king of Jerusalem from among the Latins, Lord Baldwin the Third, his son by Lady Queen Milisende, succeeded him, having one little brother, named Amalric, aged 7, as we have premised; who afterwards, when the same died without children, succeeded to the kingdom, as will be shown in what follows. Lord Baldwin was 13 years old when he began to reign; moreover, he reigned 20 years. He was, moreover, an adolescent of the best natural endowment, giving sure indications of himself which he afterwards, on emerging into manly age, fully paid by the full proof of deeds.
For, once he had become a man, just as in his face and in the whole habit of body he stood out before the rest, preeminent by an elegance of form differing from the others, so too in the vivacity of mind and the flower of eloquence he easily outstripped all the other princes of the realm. He was tall in body, greater than men of moderate height; and to the body’s tallness he had a consonant disposition of the limbs, proportionally corresponding in general, so that not even in the least did any part in him dissent from the rationale of the whole. He was indeed most comely and most elegant in face, with a lively color, marking an innate vigor; in which respects he plainly recalled his mother on that side, and did not degenerate from his maternal grandsire; his eyes of medium size, moderately prominent, of tempered luster; his hair straight, not wholly fair; his beard clothing the chin and cheeks with a certain pleasing fullness; moderated by a kind of middle habit of fleshiness, so that he could be said neither fatter, after the manner of his brother, nor, after the example of his mother, lean.
Huic autem tantae corporis venustati, mentis quoque bene constitutae aequipollenter respondebat habitus. Nam ingenii summe velocis erat et sponte fluentis eloquii ei non deerat praerogativa quaedam singularis, nec morum dignitate commendabilium quolibet principe videbatur inferior. Affabilis enim et misericors erat admodum; et licet supra vires se pene omnibus exhiberet liberalem, alieni tamen minime cupidus, nec ecclesiarum vexabat patrimonia, nec subjectorum, more prodigi, insidiabatur opulentiis.
Moreover, to this so great beauty of body there corresponded, in equal measure, the habit of a mind likewise well-constituted. For he was of an exceedingly swift wit, and there was not lacking to him a certain singular prerogative of eloquence flowing of its own accord; nor did he seem inferior to any prince in the dignity of commendable morals. For he was very affable and merciful; and although, beyond his means, he showed himself liberal to almost all, yet he was in no way covetous of what was another’s, nor did he vex the patrimonies of the churches, nor, after the manner of a prodigal, lay snares for the opulence of his subjects.
And what in that age is very rarely wont to happen, even in his adolescence he was God-fearing, and toward ecclesiastical institutions and the prelates of the churches he had every kind of reverence; endowed also with vivacity of wit, he had likewise obtained the boon of a faithful memory; moreover he was suitably lettered, and much more so than his brother, lord Amalric, who succeeded him; and whenever he could snatch any leisure from public occupations, he gladly applied himself to reading; chiefly an auditor of histories, he diligently investigated the deeds and mores of the kings of old and of the best princes; he was very much refreshed by the confabulations of men of letters, and also of prudent laymen. And he so pre-eminent by the grace of affability, that even to persons of low estate, unexpectedly and by name, he would bestow an address of greeting; and to those wishing to enter to him, or meeting him anywhere, he would either of his own accord offer the commerce of mutual conversation, or not deny it to those requesting it. Whence he had conciliated to himself such favor of the commons and of the fathers, that, beyond any of his predecessors, he was held acceptable to both classes.
He was also enduring of labor, and in doubtful outcomes of wars, after the manner of the best prince most provident; in the greatest necessities, which he very often bore for the increase of the kingdom, displaying royal constancy, and nowhere deserting the security proper to a man of fortitude. Of the customary law by which the Eastern realm was governed he had full experience: so that in doubtful matters even the senior princes of the kingdom would consult his experience and marvel at the erudition of his well-considered mind. He was moreover of pleasant discourse and facetious; and, by a certain favorable composition making himself conformable to persons of any sort, he most graciously tempered himself to every age and condition.
He was also of exceptional urbanity; the less so, because he used an excessive freedom of speaking, so that the things in his friends which were notable and liable to reproach, the distinction removed whether it might please or wound, he would publicly hurl at them to their face; yet since he said these things not with a mind to harm, but from a certain cheerfulness of mind, or rather levity, he did not thereby much forfeit the favor even of those whom he provoked with a freer speech; and it seemed all the more venial for this, that, when turned back upon himself in due turn, he bore with equanimity the biting words. Besides this, he followed the games both of dice and the ruinous games of knucklebones more than befitted royal majesty; and, fulfilling care of the flesh in desires, he was said to inflict injury upon others’ marriages. But this in adolescence; for, having become a man, according to the Apostle, he made void the things that were of a child (2 Cor.
(2 Cor. 13, 11). For, distinguished virtues having followed, he compensated for the vices of his former age; for, a wife having been taken, he is said to have lived with her most continently. And the things which in adolescence, less pleasing to God and liable to censure, he had contracted, the slipperiness of that age impelling him, afterwards he wiped away by more prudent counsel, and by a sounder zeal he reformed for the better. Moreover, in taking bodily refection he was very sober, and more abstemious than that age required, asserting drunkenness, both in food and in drink, to be the tinder of a most wicked crime, he abominated it.
Defuncto igitur patre, IV Idus Novembris, proxime subsecuto Dominici natalis die, anno Incarnationis Dominicae 1142, praesidente sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae domino Eugenio papa tertio, Antiochenae domino Aimerico, Hierosolymitanae domino Willelmo, Tyrensi vero Ecclesiae praesidente domino Fulchero, convenientibus de more principibus, simul et universis Ecclesiarum praelatis, in ecclesia Dominici Sepulcri, per manus domini Willelmi, bonae memoriae Hierosolymorum patriarchae, solemniter inunctus, consecratus et cum matre coronatus est. Erat autem mater, mulier prudentissima, plenam pene in omnibus saecularibus negotiis habens experientiam, sexus feminei plane vincens conditionem, ita ut manum mitteret ad fortia; et optimorum principum magnificentiam niteretur aemulari, et eorum studia passu non inferiore sectari. Regnum enim, filio adhuc intra puberes annos constituto, tanta rexit industria, tanto procuravit moderamine, ut progenitores suos in ea parte aequare merito diceretur; cujus quandiu regi voluit consilio filius, optata tranquillitate gavisus est populus, et prospero cursu regni procedebant negotia.
With his father deceased, on the 4th day before the Ides of November, which was shortly thereafter followed by the day of the Lord’s Nativity, in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1142, with Lord Eugenius, Pope the Third, presiding over the holy Roman Church, Lord Aimery of Antioch, Lord William of Jerusalem, and the Church of Tyre indeed presided over by Lord Fulk, the princes assembling according to custom, together with all the prelates of the Churches, in the church of the Lord’s Sepulchre, through the hands of Lord William, of good memory, patriarch of Jerusalem, he was solemnly anointed, consecrated, and crowned together with his mother. His mother, moreover, was a most prudent woman, possessing almost full experience in all secular business, plainly surpassing the condition of the female sex, such that she put her hand to strong things; and she strove to emulate the magnificence of the best princes, and to follow their pursuits with no inferior step. For the kingdom, with her son still within youthful years, she ruled with such industry and managed with such moderation that she was deservedly said in that respect to equal her progenitors; and for so long as the son wished to be ruled by her counsel, the people rejoiced in the desired tranquility, and the affairs of the realm advanced with a prosperous course.
However, noticing—those whose mind was more light—that the prudence of the lady queen was very much opposing the endeavors by which they were striving to entangle the lord king, they induce the lord king, after the manner of others of the same age, wax-like, to be bent toward vices, harsh toward monitors, by their persuasions to withdraw himself from his mother’s tutelage, and that he himself should moderate the ancestral kingdom. Saying that it was unworthy that a king, whom it befits to be set over all others, should always hang upon his mother’s breasts like the son of a private person. And this matter, just as it had its beginning from ill-considered levity, or from the malice of certain men, so it all but crushed the whole kingdom: as will be shown more diligently below, when these things are treated.
Eodem anno, illo medio temporis intervallo, quod inter patris obitum, et ejusdem domini Balduini in regnum promotionem fuit, Sanguinus vir sceleratus, Turcorum inter Orientales potentissimus, ejus civitatis quae olim Ninive dicta est, nunc autem mutato nomine Musula dicitur, et est metropolis ejus regionis, quae olim dicta est Assur, dominus et moderator, maximam et egregiam Medorum metropolim, Edessam nomine, quae alia magis usitata appellatione Rages dicitur, in multitudine magna obsedit multum praesumens tum de gentis suae numerositate et viribus; tum de simultatibus quae inter principem Antiochenum Raimundum, et ejusdem comitem civitatis Joscelinum, exortae fuerant nimis periculosae. Erat autem eadem civitas trans Euphratem sita, ab eodem flumine distans itinere diei unius. Praedictus autem comes civitatis illius, contra praedecessorum suorum morem, illius dimissa urbis habitatione, circa Euphratem, in loco qui dicitur Turbessei, jugem et assiduam constituerat conversationem, tum propter loci ubertatem, tum propter otium; erat enim longe ab hostium tumultu; deliciis vacans, nec debitam gerens pro tam nobili urbe sollicitudinem.
In the same year, in that middle interval of time which was between the father’s death and the promotion of that same lord Baldwin to the kingdom, Sanguinus, a wicked man, the most powerful among the Eastern Turks, lord and ruler of that city which was once called Nineveh, but now with a changed name is called Mosul, and is the metropolis of that region which was once called Assur, besieged with a great multitude the very great and excellent metropolis of the Medes, by name Edessa, which by another more usual appellation is called Rages, presuming much both on the numerousness and forces of his nation, and on the feuds which had arisen, most perilous, between Raymond, the prince of Antioch, and Joscelin, the count of that same city. Now the same city was situated across the Euphrates, at a distance from the same river of a day’s journey. But the aforesaid count of that city, contrary to the custom of his predecessors, having abandoned the dwelling in that city, had established a constant and assiduous residence about the Euphrates, in a place which is called Turbessei, both on account of the fertility of the place and on account of leisure; for it was far from the tumult of enemies; given over to delights, and not bearing the due solicitude for so noble a city.
The aforesaid city, in truth, had as its natives Chaldeans, and from among the Armenians unwarlike men and utterly ignorant of the use of arms, having only the art of negotiating/commerce as familiar; and it was rarely frequented by the access of Latins, having very few citizens from among them. Moreover, its care was entrusted only to mercenaries, nor were stipends of soldiery paid to them even according to the time, or to the measure of the service rendered; but for the most part, for a year or more, when they sought the money agreed upon, they were put off. But both Baldwin and Joscelin the Elder, after they obtained that same county, established there a continual and abiding habitation, diligently bringing in from the neighboring places both a supply of victuals and of arms, and of other things which were necessary at the time, to full sufficiency; whence it could not only stand secure in itself, but was deservedly formidable also to other neighboring cities.
But, as we have premised, between the Prince of Antioch and the Count there were enmities, no longer hidden, but now advanced to manifest hatred; whence each bore slight or no solicitude for the other’s troubles or adverse events; nay, he even rejoiced at the losses and was glad at the adverse mishaps. From all this the aforesaid great prince Sanguinus, gathering occasion, and leading with him from the whole Oriental tract countless bodies of horsemen, and having convoked also the peoples of the neighboring cities, encloses the aforesaid city with a siege; and for the besieged he blocks every approach, so that no faculty was granted either to the besieged citizens to go out, or to those wishing to enter to go in to them. And the besieged were tormented exceedingly by want of food and of provisions of whatever kind.
Now the city was surrounded by a solid wall, and fenced by lofty towers, with a [garrison]; one part of the city [upper], the other lower, to which, even if the city were stormed, a second refuge could be available for the citizens; but even all these things, just as they are wont to be of use against enemies, if there are those who are willing to contend for liberty and to oppose themselves manfully to the foes; so they lie without utility, where among the besieged there is not found one who is willing to carry the part of a defender. For it is a small thing in cities to have towers, walls, and antemurals, unless there are those who guard all these. Finding, therefore, the city vacant, and from that having greater confidence of obtaining it, he girds the city with a circumvallation, the legions having been posted around and the primicerii of the legions set in suitable station; then with engines and javelin-casting machines he weakens the walls; and by frequent discharges of arrows, continually afflicting the citizens, he denies the besieged respite.
Meanwhile it is announced, and with rumor running about it is made public, that the aforesaid God‑worshipping city was suffering these straits of a siege from the enemies of the faith and of the Christian name: whereupon, at this report, the hearts of the faithful far and wide hearing these things were liquefied, and zeal began to be armed for the vengeance of the iniquitous. But the Count, hearing this and smitten by the bitterness of the deed, energetically summons military forces; and, late mindful of the distinguished city, he prepares the exequies as if for one already deceased, who had not wished to have care of the sick one asking for remedies. He makes the rounds of the faithful, solicits friends, humbly admonishes the prince of Antioch, his lord, and more earnestly through messengers exhorts him to have compassion on its hardships, and to free the aforesaid city from the yoke of future servitude. Messengers also came to the king of Jerusalem, attesting the certitude of the siege around the aforesaid city and of the straits which its citizens were suffering.
But the lady queen, who was moderating the sovereignty of the kingdom, having taken counsel with the nobles, dispatches Manasses, the royal constable, her kinsman, Philip the Neapolitan, and Elinand of Tiberias, together with a multitude of soldiery, thither with all speed, that they might minister the desired solace to the lord count and to the afflicted citizens. But the Prince of Antioch, rejoicing at the adversities of the count, not paying much heed how much he owes to the common utilities, and that personal hatred ought not to redound to public injury, gathers pretexts, while he defers to furnish the requested aid.
At Sanguinus interea obsessos continuis urgens assultibus, omnia nocendi percurrit argumenta; nil intentatum relinquit eorum quae civibus possint augere molestiam, et sibi ad obtinendum locum possint tribuere facultatem. Immissis igitur fossoribus per scrobes et subterraneos meatus, secus murum ducit cuniculum, suffossumque opus stipitibus sustentat appositis; quibus igne consumptis, decidit ex magna parte murus, et hiatum hostibus pervium plus quam centum dedit cubitorum. Hostes igitur aditum pro votis habentes, confluentibus undique in urbem ingrediuntur legionibus, et quos de civibus habent obviam gladiis perimunt, conditioni, aetati aut sexui non parcentes; ita ut de iis dictum videretur: Viduam et advenam interfecerunt, et pupillos occiderunt, juvenem simul ac virginem lactentem, cum homine sene (Psal.
But Sanguinus meanwhile, pressing the besieged with continuous assaults, runs through all the devices of harming; he leaves nothing unattempted of those things which could increase trouble for the citizens and could grant to himself the faculty for obtaining the place. Therefore, with miners sent in through pits and subterranean passages, he drives a tunnel along the wall, and the undermined work he supports with stakes set in place; these being consumed by fire, the wall collapses in great part, and it gave an opening passable to the enemy of more than a hundred cubits. The enemies, therefore, having the entry as they wished, as legions flow together from every side they enter the city, and those of the citizens whom they meet they slay with swords, sparing neither condition, age, nor sex; so that concerning them it might seem said: They killed the widow and the stranger, and they slew the orphans, the young man together with the maiden and the suckling, with the old man (Psal.
93, 6). Therefore, the city having been taken and delivered to the enemies’ swords, those of the citizens who were more prudent, or more expeditious, withdrew with their children and wives into the garrisons which we have said to be in the city, that they might at least consult for life, albeit for a brief time; where so great a tumult arose at the entrance, from the peoples running together, that, because of the compressing crowd, many perished miserably by suffocation; among whom even the most reverend man, Hugh, archbishop of the same city, is said to have fallen in the same manner with certain of his clerics. However, those who were present at the aforesaid business lay back some blame for this miserable outcome upon the aforesaid prelate. For whereas he was said to have collected infinite money, which, by disbursing to the soldiers, could have been a help to the city, he, greedy of riches, preferred to lean upon his resources rather than to care for the perishing people; whence it came about that, gathering the fruits of avarice, he obtained a death indifferent with his fellow-citizens, not very secure even from evil hearing, unless the Lord mercifully come to the aid.
For with such things the Scriptures speak terribly, saying: May your money be with you into perdition (Acts 8, 20). Thus then, while the Antiochene prince, overcome by undiscriminating hatred, puts off ministering the due help to his brothers; and while the count awaits others’ suffrages, the most ancient city—devoted to the Christian name from the times of the apostles by the word and preaching of the apostle Thaddaeus—rescued from the superstitions of the unfaithful, suffered the yoke of undue servitude. It is said that in the same city also the body of the blessed apostle Thomas, together with the bodies of the aforesaid apostle and of blessed King Abgar, is buried.
This is Abgar, the illustrious toparch, whose epistle, sent to the Lord Jesus Christ, Eusebius of Caesarea asserts in his history, which he entitles Ecclesiastical; and he shows him worthy of a reply from the Lord, setting forth the epistle of each, and at the end subjoining thus: We found these things thus recorded in the public archives of the city of Edessa, in which at that time the aforesaid Abgar reigned, in those documents which contained the deeds of King Abgar preserved from antiquity. But so much for these things; now let us return to the history.
Hujus domini Balduini, anno primo quo regnare coepit, Turci, quibusdam faventibus et vocantibus locorum incolis, castrum quoddam nostrum, cui nomen Vallis Moysi, in Syria Sobal, quae est trans Jordanem, occupaverant. Est autem praedictum oppidum, juxta aquas contradictionis, ubi Moyses populo Israelitico vociferante et deficiente prae siti, ex silice fluenta produxit, et bibit populus universus et jumenta ejus. Cognito itaque quod praedictum municipium hostes, nostris qui in eo erant occisis, detinerent, congregatis undique militaribus copiis, dominus rex, licet tener adhuc nimium, illuc proficiscitur; et transiens cum suis expeditionibus, Vallem illustrem, ubi nunc mare Mortuum, quod et lacus Asphaltes dicitur, interjacet, secundae Arabiae, quae est Petracensis, in finibus Moab, montana conscendit.
In the first year that this lord Baldwin began to reign, the Turks, certain of the local inhabitants favoring and summoning them, had occupied a certain of our castle, by name the Valley of Moses, in Syria Sobal, which is beyond the Jordan. Now the aforesaid town is near the waters of contradiction, where Moses, while the Israelite people were clamoring and failing from thirst, drew forth streams from the flint, and all the people drank, and their beasts of burden. Therefore, when it was learned that the enemies were holding the aforesaid municipality, our men who were in it having been slain, with military forces gathered from every side, the lord king, although still exceedingly tender (youthful), sets out thither; and, passing with his expeditions the Illustrious Valley, where now the Dead Sea, which is also called the Asphalt Lake, lies between, he ascended the mountains of Second Arabia, which is Petraean, on the borders of Moab.
Thence, traversing Syria Sobal, which is the Third Arabia, which today in the common tongue is called the land of the Royal Mountain, they arrive at the destined place. But the indigenous people of the region, upon discovering the arrival of our men, had betaken themselves with their wives and children into a stronghold, presuming upon the fortification of the place, since it seemed inexpugnable. There our men, seeing the difficulty of the site and the insuperable muniment, after for several days, by hurling stones, by frequent discharges of arrows, and by other arguments for doing harm, they had fruitlessly spent their effort, turn themselves to other counsels.
Now the whole of that region was planted with fat, rich olives, so that, in the likeness of condensed groves, they overshadowed the entire surface of the land; whence the inhabitants of the region, as also their progenitors, propagated for themselves every kind of victual; with these failing, the hope of living would utterly forsake them. It was therefore decreed to extirpate these and give them to the flames, so that, at least deterred by this loss, and, the olive-groves cut down, they might despair, and, the Turks—who had betaken themselves into the township—being handed over or excluded, they would restore the castle to our men: which conceived plan did not lack a fruitful outcome. For, immediately when they saw the friendly trees being cut down, their counsel changed, they turned themselves to other pursuits; and, conditions interposed—namely, that for the Turks whom they had brought in there should lie open a free and safe exit, and that what they had offended should not be imputed unto death to them and their wives and children—they restored the castle to the lord king.
Accordingly, the municipality having been recovered, and guards stationed in it, and a supply of provisions likewise sent in, as well as of arms, the lord king with his men, the business consummated which had presented itself to him at the auspices of the beginning of his reign, returned, victorious and safe, with the whole army, to his own.
Sanguinus interea, unde supra fecimus mentionem, subjugata urbe Edessana, tanto in immensum elatus successu, apposuit et civitatem munitam, supra Euphratis fluenta sitam, Calogenbar nomine, obsidere; in cujus obsidione dum perseveraret, tractante et disponente praedictae urbis domino, cum quibusdam cubiculariis et familiaribus ejus eunuchis, nocte una vino aestuans, et prae nimia crapula supinus jacens in tabernaculis suis ab eisdem domesticis suis, gladiis confoditur. De quo quidam nostrorum, nuntiato ejus interitu, sic ait:
Meanwhile Sanguinus, of whom we made mention above, the city of Edessa subjugated, so elated beyond measure by so great success, set himself also to besiege the fortified city, set above the streams of the Euphrates, by name Calogenbar; and while he persisted in its siege, it being managed and arranged by the lord of the aforesaid city, together with certain chamberlains and his familiar eunuchs, one night, burning with wine and, because of excessive crapulence, lying supine in his tents, he is stabbed through with swords by those same domestics of his. Concerning him, one of our men, his demise having been announced, thus said:
Qui autem eum interfecerant, a domino urbis obsessae, ex condicto intra moenia recepti, ultrices consanguineorum exstincti manus effugerunt. Fugit autem et universus ejus exercitus, domini solatio et provisione destitutus; cui defuncto successerunt ejus filii, alter apud Mussulam, introrsum in Oriente; alter apud Halapiam, natu posterior, nomine Noradinus, vir providus et discretus, et juxta traditiones illius populi superstitiosas, timens Deum; felix quoque, et paternae ampliator haereditatis.
But those who had killed him, received within the walls by the lord of the besieged city in accordance with a prior agreement, escaped the avenging hands of the kinsmen of the slain. And his whole army fled as well, deprived of the solace and provision of their lord; upon whose death his sons succeeded: one at Mussula, further inward in the East; the other at Halapia, the younger by birth, by name Noradinus, a provident and discreet man, and, according to the superstitious traditions of that people, God-fearing; fortunate too, and an enlarger of his paternal inheritance.
Non multo post tempore, anno secundo regni domini Balduini, nobilis quidam Turcorum satrapa, ex causis quibusdam, Mejeredim regis Damascenorum indignationem sustinens, et procuratoris ejus Mehenedin, qui alio nomine Ainardus dicebatur, gratia destitutus, cujus multo major quam ipsius regis in universis Damascenorum finibus erat auctoritas, ad dominum regem et matrem ejus, cum honesto comitatu venit Hierosolymam, asserens quod si dominus rex honestam et pro boni viri arbitratu sufficientem ei vellet assignare compensationem, ipse Bostrensem urbem, cui praeerat, una cum oppido Selcath, Christianis resignaret. Est autem Bostrum primae Arabiae metropolis, quae hodie vulgari appellatione Bussereth dicitur. Erat porro idem nobilis homo, ut dicebatur, Armenus genere, corpore procerus, facie venusta virilem tota corporis habitudine animositatem praetendens, eratque nomen ei Tantais.
Not long after, in the second year of the reign of lord Baldwin, a certain noble satrap of the Turks, for certain causes enduring the indignation of Mejeredim, king of the Damascenes, and bereft of the favor of his procurator Mehenedin, who by another name was called Ainardus—whose authority in all the territories of the Damascenes was much greater than that of the king himself—came to Jerusalem to the lord king and his mother, with an honorable retinue, asserting that, if the lord king would assign to him compensation honorable and, in the judgment of a good man, sufficient, he would resign to the Christians the city of Bostrum, over which he presided, together with the town Selcath. Now Bostrum is the metropolis of First Arabia, which today by the vulgar appellation is called Bussereth. Moreover, the same noble man, as it was said, was Armenian by race, tall in body, with a comely face, displaying manly spiritedness in the whole habitus of his body; and his name was Tantais.
Accordingly, the princes of the whole realm having been convoked for this matter, and the parts of the deliberation weighed with a congruent balance, the cause of so great a man’s arrival having been heard, it pleased all by common counsel that satisfaction be made to the aforesaid man with an honorable and competent recompense; and that, the armies being summoned, expeditions be directed toward the Bostrian parts; for they judge it a very great and God‑acceptable increment of the kingdom, if by his agency the aforesaid city might be able to increase to the Christian faith and to our jurisdiction by a perpetual right. Therefore, the pacts on either side being brought into a congruent consonance, the whole people of the realm is assembled by a herald’s voice; and, aid from on high having been implored, and the saving wood of the life‑giving Cross taken up with them, both the lord king and all the princes come as far as Tiberias, where, around the bridge whence from the sea the Jordan’s streams part, they encamp. But the aforesaid Ainardus had previously entered into a covenant and a temporal peace with the lord king, as also with his father; wherefore he ought to be solemnly forewarned, that he might have, for preparing himself to resist and for convoking an army, the lawful feriae according to the custom of the region; lest, if suddenly and before the solemn admonition the lord king should enter his bounds in hostile fashion, he might seem to have acted against the law of the agreements.
Therefore, messengers having been sent to that same procurator, while he, as a most sagacious man, intentionally deferred to give responses, now nearly a month had passed: during which meantime he did not cease, both by prayer and by price, to convoke all the neighboring nobles of his nation, far and wide, to his support; and when from every side an excessive multitude had been assembled, he sends word to the lord king and the princes, saying: Against the law of the initiated treaty you are preparing to enter into the land of my lord, and you are striving, with undue patronage, to protect his servant who is contumacious and acting against the rights of due fidelity; we beg, with a mind humbled into prayers, that the lord king desist from an unjust purpose; let him preserve inviolate the tenor of the agreements earlier entered. We are prepared to refund to the lord king all the expenses, with all integrity, which he has made for this expedition. To these things the lord king, with common counsel, gave an answer, saying: We intend in no way to violate the tenor of the agreements and the conceived treaty; but, because the aforesaid noble man has come to us to speak with us familiarly, we cannot, with our honor, so utterly fail a man in our kingdom who has hope. It will suffice for us that it be permitted to introduce him without difficulty into the city which, out of regard for us, he left; but after he has withdrawn himself into his own municipium, let his lord deal with him by the native laws, and grant to him rewards according to his merits; for we, whether in going or in returning, to the Damascene king our friend, altogether, with the Lord as author, as we are bound, will decline to inflict injury. Now this same Ainardus was a most prudent man and a lover of our people; who, though he had three daughters, had given one of them to the aforesaid king of the Damascenes, another to Noradin, son of Sanguinus; the third to a certain distinguished knight, by name Manguarth.
He therefore had the care of the kingdom, both because he was the king’s father-in-law and because he was a man most circumspect. The king, however, slothful, drunken, and a banqueter, devoted himself only to delights and, wholly dissolved, overflowed in lust. He, as we have said, strove to merit the favor of our nation by whatever services he could; and the merits by which friends are wont to be acquired were not idle in him.
Whether this proceeded from his spirit and from the sincerity of dilection, or necessity was impelling him unwilling, was being inquired among the prudent. Surely either could be in the case; for he held his son-in-law Noradin—just as previously his father—under no small suspicion, lest he should thrust down the king, again his son-in-law, a man utterly inutile and supine in crass ignorance, from the kingdom, and himself from the administration. Hence it was especially that, reckoning the favor of our people necessary to himself, by every way by which he could he aspired to obtain it.
The discreet man seemed to have a presaging spirit; for what he feared happened. Immediately upon his death, the aforesaid Noradin, with the Damascenes consenting to him, the one who was reigning having been violently excluded, occupied the kingdom. He therefore labored faithfully that the lord king, his expenses refunded to him—those which he had made for summoning the expedition—might return to his own uninjured; and beyond doubt he would have borne himself less hostilely in that matter against the lord king and the Christian army, if he had been able to restrain the convoked foreign nations at his own arbitrament.
Verum, dum haec nuntiarent legati, inter quos erat praecipuus quidam domini regis familiaris, Bernardus Vacher; populus coepit acclamare eumdem Bernardum proditorem esse: non esse populo Christiano fidelem, quicunque dissuasionibus huic negotio velit dare impedimentum. Magnis etiam vocibus coepit plebs indiscreta clamare procedendum esse, urbem tam nobilem non facile esse deserendam; grates habendas nobili viro, et ejus per omnia propositum amplectendum fideliter et devote, qui tantum Christianitati obtulisset saeculis memorabile beneficium, et pro eo usque ad mortem decertandum. In hoc itaque tanto tumultu, praevaluit vulgi sententia, spreto consilio sanius affectorum.
However, while these things were being announced by the legates, among whom was a certain preeminent familiar of the lord king, Bernardus Vacher, the people began to acclaim that this same Bernard was a traitor: that whoever, by dissuasions, should wish to give impediment to this enterprise is not faithful to the Christian people. With great voices, too, the undiscerning plebs began to shout that there must be proceeding, that so noble a city is not easily to be deserted; that thanks are to be given to the noble man, and that his plan in all things is to be embraced faithfully and devoutly, who had offered to Christianity a benefit so great as to be memorable through the ages, and that for it one must contend even unto death. In this so great tumult, therefore, the opinion of the mob prevailed, with the counsel of the more sanely disposed spurned.
Therefore, with the packs arranged and the camp struck, they direct their march toward the aforesaid town; and, the Roob defile having been passed, they came into a plain which is called Medan, where each year solemn fairs are accustomed to convene of the Arabs and of other Eastern peoples; where so great a multitude of enemies began to meet our men that those who earlier had acclaimed that one must persist in the undertaking and proceed in the business would prefer to return, if it could be done, and judged it more expedient. Yet, the enemy squadrons seen, and amazed at the multitude, our men gird themselves as though about to fight at once. The king, however, by the counsel of those who had experience of the military art, orders the camp to be pitched forthwith; and these things set in order, attending to the care of the body, as they could, being placed in a strait, they spent that night sleepless.
But indeed the enemies, multiplied beyond number, hemming in our legions on every side, did not doubt that on the morrow they would without question have our men fettered as booty and cheap chattel-slaves. Our men, however, prudently keeping guard with continuous watches, fulfilled with all solicitude the offices of brave men about them. With morning come, after counsel had been communicated, our men decree that there must be a proceeding forward; for to return, as both full of ignominy, moreover seemed almost impossible.
But the enemies, set around, seemed to impede both. At length our men, pressing on more spiritedly, through the midst of the enemies’ battle-lines open a way with iron, and with one mind hasten to the destined place; but, laden with cuirasses, helmets, and likewise shields, they were advancing with a slow step; they were also hampered by the multitude of enemies placed around. But indeed the horsemen, although they could advance more unencumbered, nevertheless had to be made conformable to the foot-soldiers in their march in maniples, lest the column be dissolved and an occasion be given to the enemies of rushing upon the wedge-formations.
Therefore the cohorts suffered-with one another, and as if one man, the entire people was of one feeling. For so great was the care of the horsemen for the foot-squadrons, that they themselves, dismounting from their horses, sharing the toil with them, offering themselves as a vehicle for the weary, made the annoyance of the journey lighter. Meanwhile the enemies, by frequent emissions of arrows harassing the army, with troubles multiplied, were striving to dissolve our cohorts.
But our men, on the contrary, the more they see them press upon this and the more importunately, by so much the more they cohere to one another and do not fear to persist more fervently in the undertaken march. There was added, to swell the cumulus of troubles, a harsh thirst, doubled by the difficulty of the toil and the aestival heat. Their route, moreover, was through arid and waterless places; for that whole region knows no springs; but in winter they are wont to collect waters—pluvial—in basins both natural and manufactured.
However, it had happened in those days, whence also these very ones had been rendered useless; for there had been, a little before, in that province an intemperate outbreak of locusts beyond custom, which had infected all cisterns of this sort with filth, and had made the use of the water abominable by the putrescence which the dying had brought in. This region, moreover, through which our route lay, is called Trachonitis; of which Luke makes mention in the Gospel, saying: But Philip, tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis (Luke 3, 1). It seems to us, moreover, to be named from the Tracones.
Transcursa igitur cum summo periculo regionis illius parte, circa horam diei novissimam ad locum perveniunt, qui antiquo Adratum dicitur vocabulo, nunc autem vulgari appellatione dicitur civitas Bernardi de Stampis. Est autem una de urbibus suffraganeis, quae ad Bostrensem metropolim habet respectum; ubi adjunctis illius loci incolis, ad hostium numerum, major nostris accessit molestia; ubi etiam de cisternis, quarum ora videbant patentia, et sine difficultate haurire aquas se posse nostri arbitrarentur, demissas situlas non sine damno amittebant; nam qui intus latebant in cavernis subterraneis funes praecidentes quibus hauriendi alligata erant instrumenta, funes remittebant decurtatos; et spe potus elusos, ad majus compellebant sitis dispendium, dum in hauriendis aquis frustra diutius laborabant. Sic igitur quatuor diebus continuis, nunquam indulta requie, nostri afflicti sunt incessanter, vix noctibus habentes otium ut necessitatibus corporis quocunque modo satisfacerent.
Having therefore traversed, with the greatest peril, a part of that region, they arrive about the very last hour of the day at the place which by an ancient name is called Adratum, but now by the vulgar appellation is called the city of Bernard de Stampis. And it is one of the suffragan cities, which has regard to the Bostran metropolis; where, the inhabitants of that place being joined to the number of the enemies, greater annoyance accrued to our men; where also from cisterns, whose mouths they saw lying open, and our men supposed that they could draw waters without difficulty, they would lose the buckets let down, not without damage; for those who were lurking inside in subterranean caverns, cutting the ropes by which the instruments of drawing were tied, would send back the ropes shortened; and having mocked them in the hope of drink, they were driving them to a greater detriment from thirst, while in drawing waters they labored longer in vain. Thus therefore, for four continuous days, with no rest ever granted, our men were incessantly afflicted, scarcely having leisure at night to satisfy the necessities of the body in whatever way they could.
Moreover, with each single day the number of the enemy was being increased; but the ranks of our men were being diminished: some slain; others wounded mortally; others, despairing of life and struck by excessive fear, were swelling the crowd of baggage and impedimenta, hiding beneath the horses and beasts of burden, and feigning impotence, lest they be compelled to go out to bear the burdens of sustaining the enemy’s onsets. For so great was the almost continuous density of arrows and missiles above our army, that they came down in the likeness of hail or of rains, and everything, both men and beasts of burden, seemed to be studded with darts. Those looking on could marvel either that the enemies were able so much in hurling, or that our men could continue a toil of such unconquerable patience.
Our men too pressed on, with the launching of missiles and of arrows nonetheless; but the army of the enemy, having freer maneuver, were more rarely wounded by our arrows. At last on the fourth day, the marches having been continued with so great danger, as they approached the destined place, they behold the city from afar; where, with much difficulty, the enemies having been forcibly shut out, they seize the waters gently gushing within the rocks, and they pitch camp around them; where, giving themselves somewhat to refection, they indulged their bodies as much as was permitted. That night there, our men having some sort of rest, were awaiting with the highest desire the following day; when behold, in the silence of the dead of night, from the aforesaid city someone, having gone out stealthily, through the midst of the enemy ranks betook himself to our army, bearer of an ill-omened legation.
He, coming at once, asks to be introduced to the king, saying that he has more secret words to deliver. Admitted, therefore, and the princes convoked, together also with that noble man who had administered the magistracy of the same city, and had led us through the perils in person, he announces that the city, the wife of that same noble man betraying it, has been handed over to the enemies; and that their satellites, having been brought in, hold the citadels and the whole stronghold, the others being shut out. At this ill-omened report, our men, greatly dismayed in mind, deliberate what there is need to do; and at length it seemed more expedient to hasten a return to their own, with whatever danger.
Nevertheless there were some among the greater princes of the kingdom who advised the lord king more secretly and in his ear, that, having taken to himself the wood of the vivifying cross, he should mount the horse of lord John Goman, which was said by far to surpass all the other horses of the same army in speed and endurance of toil, and that he should look to his own safety alone. But they said this utterly despairing of a return and fearing a slaughter of all about to occur in the near future. That word the king, though still below the years of puberty (signifying what sort he would be in a greater age), spurned with regal magnificence, saying: That he utterly scorns his own safety, if a people so devoted to God should perish by so lamentable a mischance. Seeing therefore that the king did not acquiesce in their counsels, though out of affection for those going forth, they turn themselves to other plans; and they begin to treat of a return, seeing that they could not proceed to further things without the slaughter of all.
Then for the first time, as so great a hope was cast down, and as they saw all their efforts evacuated, the toil began to arise twice as grievous. For although earlier they had suffered things too hard and almost intolerable, and not inferior to whatever might afterwards befall, yet the hope and confidence of obtaining the city, cherishing the minds of the laboring, with certain welcome stimuli were kindling them to endurance. Therefore, seeing themselves utterly deluded of their hope, determining as fixed and firm what they had resolved, they gird themselves for the journey, the return being signified to all by a herald’s voice.
Reddita igitur terris die, ecce Noradinus in auxilium soceri vocatus, infinita secum trahens Turcorum agmina, ab urbe praedicta veniens, ad hostium se adjungit cohortes. Nostri vero ad redeundum, secundum propositum, iter arripiunt. Quod videntes adversarii, clamoribus perstrepentes obviam se dare contendunt, ut impediant regressum.
Therefore, with the day returned to the earth, behold, Noradinus, called to the aid of his father-in-law, drawing with him innumerable bands of Turks, coming from the aforesaid city, joins himself to the cohorts of the enemies. But our men, for returning, according to the plan, take up the march. Seeing this, the adversaries, resounding with shouts, strive to throw themselves in the way, so that they may impede the return.
But our men, made more high-spirited by the very difficulty which pressed them on every side, breaking up the opposing battle-lines with sword and steel, violently opened a way for themselves, with the utmost peril and with the slaughter of their own. Moreover it had been publicly enjoined upon our men, that they place the bodies of the deceased upon camels and other animals assigned to the baggage, lest, the slaughter of our people being observed, the enemies be rendered stronger; the weak also and the wounded were commanded to be set upon beasts of burden, so that absolutely none of our men might be believed either dead or debilitated. And to these there was given in orders that, drawing their swords, they should at least express the semblance of the able-bodied.
Thus the more prudent of the enemy marveled that, from so great a volley of arrows, from the frequent conflicts, from such thirst, dust, and the immoderate annoyance of heat, no one was ever found dead or fainting; they judge the people iron, who can so perseveringly endure so many and so continual losses. Moreover, seeing that they did not advance thus, the foes turn themselves to other contrivances. The whole region, in truth, was overgrown with brambles and low thickets, with dry thistles and a wild growth of mustard, covered with old stubble and with crops now ripe: to all these they apply fire, the wind, which was against our men, supplying fuel and force.
Here, by the blast of the nearer conflagration and by the most dense cloud of oncoming smoke, our men’s distress is redoubled, when behold, toward the venerable man, lord Robert, archbishop of Nazareth, who was bearing the Lord’s Cross, all the people, turned with clamor and wailing, were beseeching with tears, saying: Pray for us, father; and by this wood of the life-giving cross which you carry in your hands, on which we believe the author of our salvation hung, rescue us from these evils, for we can no longer endure. Now the people, in the manner of smiths plying their workshops, the wind driving the soot, had been made discolored with blackness both in face and in the whole habit of the body; and with the heatwave both of summer and of the fires doubled, afflicted to the extreme by thirst, they toiled beyond their strength. To these voices, then, of the groaning people, the man beloved of God, contrite in heart and most compassionate in spirit, lifts up the saving wood against the fires which they with all their might were contriving; and, the aid from on high invoked, straightway divine power was present, and in a moment, the winds being turned to the opposite, the fires together with the foul gloom of smoke direct themselves upon the enemies who were going before our army; and what they had prepared for our harm, they see turned back into their own destruction. The enemies are astounded at the novelty of the miracle, and reckon the faith of the Christians singular, which can so presently impetrate from the Lord their God a benefit according to their vows.
Dum vero his tam intolerabilibus noster exercitus premeretur malis, diffidentes de vulgi patientia majores, et qui sensus habebant magis exercitatos, regem adeunt, persuadent ut legatio ad Ainardum dirigatur, pacem postulans sub conditione qualibet, dum solummodo ad propria possit redire exercitus. Eligitur quidam qui suspectus habebatur, quod alia vice in legatione simili contra Christi populum malitiose versatus fuisset; tamen propter linguae commercium, quod habere dicebatur familiare plurimum, iterum id ei muneris injungitur. Dumque ei persuaderetur ut fideliter injunctum exsequatur officium, dixisse perhibetur: Injuste et praeter meritum suspectus habeor; vado tamen; quod si objecti reus sum criminis, nunquam mihi redire concedatur, quin hostium gladiis confossus inteream. Datam ergo in se mortis sententiam miser homo, divino judicio expertus est statim; nam, antequam ad hostes perveniret et legationis functus esset munere, armis hostium confossus interiit.
While indeed our army was being pressed by such intolerable evils, the chiefs, distrustful of the patience of the vulgus, and those who had senses more exercised, approach the king; they persuade that a legation be directed to Ainardus, asking for peace under whatever condition, provided only that the army might be able to return to its own. A certain man is chosen who was held suspect, because on another occasion, in a similar legation, he had dealt maliciously against the people of Christ; nevertheless, on account of the commerce of language, which he was said to have most familiar, that duty is again enjoined upon him. And while he was being urged to carry out faithfully the office enjoined, he is reported to have said: Unjustly and beyond my merit I am held suspect; I go nevertheless; but if I am guilty of the crime alleged, let it never be granted me to return, but rather let me perish, run through by the swords of the enemies. Therefore the wretched man, having given a sentence of death upon himself, experienced it at once by divine judgment; for, before he could reach the enemies and discharge the office of the legation, he perished, run through by the arms of the enemies.
There had come together to the same expedition four renowned Arab princes, brothers, sons of an illustrious and eximious satrap of the Arabs who was called Merel, with an innumerable band of their own; these, while they were harassing our men from the flank with assaults too insolent and pressing more urgently, whereas our men, by the law that had been proposed, did not dare to break out against them, lest, if they should loosen the ranks contrary to the discipline of the military art, they should incur a harsher sentence upon themselves as deserters of their positions: one of the household of that Turk who was with us, not bearing their arrogance and wishing to repel the injury from our men, prodigal of life and unmindful of the law that had been set forth, urging on his horse manfully, aiming the spear which he bore in his hand at one of those four, struck him and, run through with the sword, cast him to the ground lifeless in the midst of his own battle-line; and at once he withdrew himself safe and unharmed back into our army. There was therefore made around the corpse of the deceased an innumerable concourse of people; and, when it was known that he had already breathed out his unhappy soul, they break forth into a tearful cry and by the abundance of their weeping attest the immensity of their grief. But our men, rejoicing, diligently ask who it was who had exposed himself to so great a peril, whose deed so distinguished had merited perennial glory; and having learned that the man was a foreigner, and one to whom it was allowable to be ignorant of the promulgated law, especially since, not having commerce of the language, he had not understood the public edict, although it was not doubted that he had acted against the discipline of the military art, nevertheless they mercifully indulge the one ignorant of the law, embracing the man’s deed as commendable not so much by reason as by its outcome.
Therefore the enemy’s wedge is broken on that side; and our army, having freer spaces, redeemed the straits which it was suffering by more patent places; and now, the march having been continued for several days, they had come again to the Cavea Roob; which place, since it was narrow and could be dangerous for those passing through, the princes, advisedly, ordered to be declined. But the aforesaid procurator of the Damascenes, Ainardus, seeing that the king with his armies was hastening toward the aforesaid valley, sending messengers offers that, if it should seem good to him, beyond the Cavea he would have an honorable luncheon prepared for him; for he already knew that for several days the army had labored under a lack of provisions. Whether that word proceeded from the sincerity of affection, or from guile, wishing to plunge our expeditions into the straits of dangerous valleys, we do not have ascertained for certain.
Regularly, however, it is believed to have been handed down that the enemy’s gifts are deservedly also held suspect. Therefore, by a general decree, they determine to proceed by the superior route, since it was flatter and less perilous. And since they did not have a leader to go before the columns and to have expertise of the places through which they were about to pass, behold, suddenly there was a certain unknown soldier, going before the cohorts, a rider of a white horse, bearing a banner of red color, clad in a cuirass, with sleeves short to the elbows, who went on ahead of the army.
Here, as though an angel of the Lord of hosts, following the shortcuts of the roads and leading to waters previously unknown, he taught them to encamp at fitting and commodious stations. Thus therefore, when in five days the expeditions had scarcely reached up to the aforesaid Cavea, afterward in three, under the already-mentioned leader and pathfinder of the journey, making their march, they come as far as Gadara.
Sita est Gadara in ea regione quae Decapolis dicitur, de qua in Evangelio Marci legitur: Exiens Jesus de finibus Tyri, venit per Sidonem ad mare Galilaeae, inter medios fines Decapoleos (Marc. VII, 31). In hac, sicut et nomen indicat, sunt civitates decem: Hippus, Pella, Gadara, de qua hic nobis est sermo, cum aliis septem. Ad quam, quoniam in confinio hostium et nostrae regionis sita est, cum pervenissent primae nostrorum legiones, tunc denuo quasi redivivo malo et recrudescente insania, furere coeperunt hostes circa postrema agmina; sed videntes quod non proficerent, et quod nostri in sua jam se contulerant, fumo, caloris intemperie taedioque fatigati, solutis agminibus gregatim ad propria redire coeperunt.
Gadara is situated in that region which is called the Decapolis, about which in the Gospel of Mark it is read: Jesus, going out from the borders of Tyre, came through Sidon to the Sea of Galilee, through the midst of the borders of the Decapolis (Mark 7, 31). In this, as the name also indicates, there are ten cities: Hippus, Pella, Gadara—of which we speak here—together with seven others. To which, since it is situated on the confine of the enemy and of our region, when the first of our legions had arrived, then anew, as if with an evil revived and a madness breaking out again, the enemies began to rage around the rearmost ranks; but seeing that they were not making progress, and that our men had already withdrawn into their own quarters, wearied by smoke, by the intemperance of heat, and by fatigue, with their columns loosened, they began, in groups, to return to their own homes.
Our men likewise, nonetheless, after that night had passed with tranquility greater than usual, granting to their bodies, exhausted by labor, the due indulgence, on the following day arrived at the city of Tiberias. They assert, moreover, unanimously—those for whom a fuller memory of that deed still serves—that this guide of the journey, of whom we have spoken, no one knew; for when it came time for the army to encamp, he suddenly disappeared, nor was he seen anywhere in the camp; but in the morning he again went before the army. The memory of men now living does not record that, in the time of the Latins, throughout the whole Orient, without a manifest victory of the enemies, there was ever so perilous an expedition.
Therefore, with the lord king returned into his kingdom, and the Lord’s Cross likewise restored at Jerusalem, the people who had remained rejoiced, the people having returned to itself, saying: He had been dead, and has come to life again; he had been lost, and has been found (Luke 15:24). Afterwards, however, that same noble man, summoned by Ainard with pacific words in deceit, as if under the semblance of reconciliation, was treated exceedingly ill; for, his eyes gouged out, in utmost want and misery he was forced to finish a pitiably unhappy life.
Dum haec circa nos geruntur, in partibus Edessanis factum miserabile, scriptis innodari dignum, accidit: quod ut plenius intelligatur, altius aliquantulum repetenda est historia. Mortuo Sanguino, maximo nominis Christiani persecutore, Noradinus filius ejus, dum de successione in patris principatum, apud Mussulam sustinet quaestionem et circa id in partibus illis detinetur occupatus, videntes Edessani cives quod pauci de familia ejus in civitate essent residui, qui ad tuenda praesidia erant deputati, reliqua autem populi pars universa fide polleret Christiana, occulte dirigunt nuntios ad praedictum comitem Joscelinum, significantes urbem Turcis vacuam, exceptis paucis qui praesidia servabant, solis civibus relictam. Erant autem, et a diebus apostolorum fuerant, illius cives urbis in Christi fide radicati et fundati, ita ut, sicut alias dictum est, aut rarissimus, aut nullus alterius professionis homo inter eos habitaret.
While these things are being transacted around us, in the Edessan parts a pitiable deed befell, worthy to be committed to writings: which, that it may be more fully understood, the history must be taken up again a little higher. Sanguinus having died, the greatest persecutor of the Christian name, his son Noradinus, while he sustains the question about succession to his father’s principate at Mussula, and is detained occupied about that matter in those regions, the citizens of Edessa, seeing that few of his household were left remaining in the city—those who had been deputed to guard the garrisons—while the whole remaining part of the people was strong in the Christian faith, secretly send messengers to the aforesaid count Joscelin, signifying the city to be void of Turks, save for the few who were keeping the defenses, left to the citizens alone. Moreover they were, and from the days of the apostles had been, the citizens of that city rooted and founded in the faith of Christ, so that, as has been said elsewhere, either most rare, or none at all of another profession dwelt among them.
They also beseech and, with every insistence, urge that, the military forces gathered without delay, he hasten to the city; and that, with the citizens handing it over, he receive it without danger and without difficulty. He indeed, with all celerity, taking to himself lord Baldwin of Marash, a noble and potent man, and the entire militia of that region, both of horse and of foot, the river suddenly crossed, approached the aforesaid city by night unexpectedly with all his retinue; where, by the citizens, in the silence of the dead of night, while those who had been deputed to the watches were sleeping, they were let in by ropes and ladders, that they might open the gates for the others waiting outside. These opened, and all without distinction being admitted, immediately running through the city, as many of the enemies as they met, they slew by the edge of the sword.
Yet a certain part of them fled, and, avoiding the danger of death, withdrew into the garrisons. Therefore the count, and the Christian army that was with him, held the city in that manner for several days; the garrisons, however, since they were furnished with victuals, arms, and soldiery, and more carefully fortified, he was not able to seize; especially since he had neither brought with him engines, nor the material from which they could be made, nor had he found it in the whole city.
Diriguntur igitur, qui de successu qui acciderat, nostros longe lateque positos certificent nuntii et ad subsidium invitent finitimos, quatenus eorum suffragio, urbem quam sic Domino favente receperant, perpetuo obtinere et cultui conservare Christiano possint. Quibus auditis, laetatus est ubique populus Christianus; et secundum multitudinem doloris, quam de illius urbis captivitate conceperat, videntur in ea mensura recepisse consolationem. Sed, extrema gaudii luctus occupat; et subito versa est in moerorem cithara, et dolor natus redivivus pejor priore.
Therefore messengers are dispatched to certify our men placed far and wide about the success that had occurred, and to invite the neighbors to subsidy, so that by their suffrage they might be able to hold in perpetuity, and conserve to Christian cult, the city which thus, with the Lord favoring, they had recovered. When these things were heard, everywhere the Christian people rejoiced; and according to the multitude of grief which it had conceived from the captivity of that city, they seem to have received consolation in that measure. But, the end of joy grief seizes; and suddenly the cithara was turned into mourning, and the grief, born again, was worse than before.
For Noradinus, hearing that the count had recovered the aforesaid city, the citizens handing it over, with military forces summoned from every side out of the whole Oriental tract and the peoples of the neighboring cities, gathered into one by a herald’s proclamation, is suddenly at hand, and with legions arranged in a circuit he girds the city with a siege. It was therefore for our men, as it is written: Outside, the sword; and inside, fear (Deut. 32, 25). For outside the hostile battle-lines deny egress, prepare battles, threaten death; inside, those who were in the garrisons within the city instill terror, and harass with continual vexations.
Our men, moreover, amid so many straits, unaware what they should do, revolve counsels within themselves and frequently change them; but, turning themselves to whatever part of deliberation, they find nothing safe, discovering no outcome of the matter without the danger of death. At length, according to the condition of place and time, it seemed expedient to all that, whatever the peril, whatever the danger of death, they must go forth from the city. For they do not doubt that it is preferable to attempt to engage with the enemies and to open a way with swords, that provision may be made for safety, than to endure the siege; which, pressing hard, either all without distinction perish by the sword, or, compelled by lack of food, are delivered into the bonds of the enemies and are forced to undergo a slavery harsh and worse than every kind of death.
This opinion pleased all; and although it is too dangerous, yet, regard being had to other worse things which could happen, it is judged more expedient. Hearing this, the citizens, by whose effort and zeal the count had been brought in with his own, since all hope of resisting and the way of safety had failed, fearing that if they remained in the city after the count’s departure they would be punished with a most grievous death, because they would seem to be the authors of this deed, taking their wives and children, choose to go out with the Christian army and to try doubtful Fortune with their brothers, rather than to fall by most certain death; or to endure, under infidel enemies, the yoke of most harsh servitude, more formidable than every kind of death.
Patefactis igitur portis, quasi id singulare remedium et unica via sit salutis, omnes certatim egredi contendunt; et, licet per medios hostium cuneos terro iter aperiendum esse non dubitent, leve tamen judicant quidquid accidere potest urbem egressis. Interea de hostibus nonnulli, reserantibus eis aditum qui erant in praesidiis, in urbem recepti, a tergo instant acrius, et exitum maturare compellunt; qui vero exterius erant, audito quod sui ex parte intra civitatem introducti essent, et jam cum nostris pugnam committerent, suis volentes adjungi, portam quam nostri aperuerant, ut exirent, violenter occupant; et convocata ex universis ordinibus ingenti multitudine, egressum inhibent, sed et in urbem introire contendunt. Commissa est igitur ibi inter partes pugna, quantum loci patiebantur angustiae, periculosa nimis utrique parti.
The gates therefore thrown open, as though that were the singular remedy and the only way of salvation, all strive in rivalry to go out; and, though they do not doubt that a way must be opened with steel through the midst of the enemy’s wedge-formations, yet they judge light whatever can befall those who have gone forth from the city. Meanwhile, some of the enemy, as those who were in the garrisons unbarred the access for them, having been received into the city, press more sharply from the rear and compel them to hasten the exit; but those who were outside, on hearing that some of their own had been admitted in part within the city and were now joining battle with our men, wishing to be adjoined to their own, violently seize the gate which our men had opened to go out; and, having convoked from all orders an immense multitude, they inhibit the egress, but also strive to enter into the city. Therefore a battle was joined there between the parties, as far as the straits of the place allowed, exceedingly perilous to both sides.
T at last, with those from within pressing them by force at close quarters, and on this side our men supplying strength and spirit, though those outside were unwilling and very greatly resisting, they open a way with iron, with much slaughter of either party, pouring themselves into the open fields. There it was to be seen what was both pitiable to the sight and, in the recitation, full of groaning: the unarmed common crowd, the unwarlike people of citizens, old men, the infirm, matrons with tender virgins, very aged mothers with little ones and infants sucking at the breasts, in the very straits of the gates, partly to be trampled by the feet of horses; partly, the passages for breathing blocked by the throng of those compressing, to be miserably suffocated; partly to perish by the swords of enemies not sparing. Moreover, of the citizens of mixed sex there were slain there almost all who had resolved to follow our army as it went out, with few escaping who, either by the vigor of their own body or by the benefit of horses, were able to accompany the departing army.
Therefore, seeing our men girded for returning, Noradinus summons the cohorts to harry the departing, arrays the battle-line, marshals the columns; and, pressing them from the rear with continual engagements as they advanced, he pursues. Now the march for our men was toward the Euphrates, which was distant from the aforesaid city by about 14 miles: along this whole way there was no lack for the lord count and his army of a continual battle, an unfailing peril; for at almost every step there were clashes, both of many and single combats, in which on either side several fell. There died there a noble man, of whom we made mention above, notable for military works, Lord Baldwin of Mares; and there fell also many other men commendable and worthy of memory, whose souls may enjoy holy rest, whose names we do not retain; yet it is certain that they are written in the heavens, because for the cause of the faith and the liberty of the Christian people they came to rest with a glorious end.
The Count at last, unequal in strength, with his own for the most part failing, not bearing the assiduous onsets of the enemy, consulting for life by flight, after crossing the Euphrates, withdrew to Samosata. But others, betaking themselves to different places, as seemed more expedient to each, abandoning their packs and impedimenta, took thought for life and safety. Therefore this report went out through all the borders of the regions lying broadly adjacent; and those whom earlier the rumor of the recaptured city of the Edessenes had made more joyful, now, at its being lost again, and at the slaughter of the nobles and the confusion of the Christian people, a harsher mischance made sorrowful.
Per idem tempus dominus Willelmus bonae memoriae, Hierosolymorum patriarcha, vir simplex ac timens Deum, viam universae carnis ingressus est. Obiit autem V Kal. Octobris, pontificatus ejus anno quintodecimo; cui postmodum subsequente Januario, VIII Kal.
About the same time lord William of good memory, patriarch of Jerusalem, a simple and God‑fearing man, entered the way of all flesh. He died, moreover, on 27 September (the 5th day before the Kalends of October), in the 15th year of his pontificate; to whom thereafter, in the following January, on the 8th day before the Kalends...
of February, lord Fulcher, archbishop of Tyre, was substituted, the third in the number of our predecessors. At the same time, around the day of the Epiphany, a thunderbolt divinely sent struck with a perilous blow the church of the Lord’s Sepulchre and of Mount Sion; portending, as we believe, everything ill-omened, and terrifying the whole city. A comet also was seen for many days; and certain other signs appeared beyond custom, designative of things to come.
In those same days, when the Church of Tyre was vacant, it befell that both the lord king and his mother, with whom the care of the kingdom and the whole governance resided; and also the lord patriarch, who had been taken up from that same church; and also the bishops, suffragans of the same church, had convened at the aforesaid city, that they might provide for the church; where, while, as is customary, there was deliberation about choosing a pontiff, as is wont to happen in matters of this sort, the desires of the electors were divided into two. For one party was demanding for itself lord Ralph, the king’s chancellor, a man indeed lettered, but too secular, English by nation, comely in form, very acceptable to the king and queen and to all the courtiers; and these had the lord king and his mother as well-disposed and as supporters. But the others, whose chief was John the Pisan, archdeacon of the same church, who afterward was a cardinal of the Roman Church of Saints Sylvester and Martin, and Bernard of Sidon, and John of Beirut, bishops—these, following the lord patriarch, were unwilling to promote the aforesaid Ralph; but, an appeal having been interposed, against the others who were presuming upon royal violence, having the lord patriarch as patron, they were prohibiting it by every means.
It came to pass, however, that the aforesaid chancellor, obtaining by violence, invaded the church and its goods, and possessed them for two years; until, by the Roman pontiff, the lawsuit having been decided with the parties present, at the dictation of Lord Eugene, the deed of the aforesaid chancellor was brought to nullity. Afterwards the same Radulph, with Lord Adrian the pope, who was his compatriot, favoring him, was taken up to the Bethlehemite church and was ordained bishop of that place. In the aforesaid metropolis, by the common consensus of all, with the concurrence of everyone, there was substituted a man of wondrous simplicity and mildness, fearing God and turning away from evil, whose memory is in blessing with the Lord and with men—Lord Peter, prior of the Church of the Lord’s Sepulchre, born in Hither Spain, in the city of Barcelona, noble according to the flesh, but nobler in spirit; whose life and conduct call for a longer and more diligent treatment.
Capta igitur urbe, ut praemisimus, Edessana, rumor lethalis memoriae plenius personuit, et crebro fama divulgabatur per Occidentem universum, quod impia gens Turcorum, non solum urbem praedictam, sed omnem omnino Orientis tractum, licentia liberiore percurrens, nostrorum urbes, villas, municipia depopularentur, sed populum amplius solito Christianum praeliis et crebris nimium invasionibus affligerent. Erant qui verba hujusmodi longe lateque in populis et nationibus disseminarent; et desides et longa pace dissolutas, ad tantarum ultionem injuriarum sollicitarent provincias: dominus quoque Eugenius papa tertius, vir Deo plenus, paternam gerens pro filiorum Orientalium, quae dicebatur, afflictione sollicitudinem, et eis affectu pleniore compatiens, viros religiosos et exhortatorii sermonis habentes gratiam, potentes in opere et sermone, ad diversas Occidentis partes dirigit, qui populis, et tribubus et linguis, Orientalium fratrum denuntient pressuras intolerabiles; et ad tantas ultum iri fraterni sanguinis injurias, eos debeant animare. Inter quos vir immortalis memoriae et honestae conversationis speculum, dominus Bernardus, Clarevallensis abbas, piae in Domino et per omnia amplectendae recordationis, ad praedicti Deo placiti muneris exsecutionem, praecipuus eligitur; qui injunctae sibi dispensationis sedulus exsecutor, ejusdem operis secum Deo amabiles trahens comministros, impiger, indefessus, licet corporis esset invalidi, tum propter senium imminens, tum propter jejunia pene continua et subtilem nimis dietam, regna circuit, regiones obambulat, evangelizans ubique regnum Dei: afflictionem populi, qui est in Oriente, simul et molestias, quibus incessanter opprimuntur, aperit diligenter; urbes fidelium, prius fidei Christianae devotas, juga pati persecutorum nominis Christiani, et servitutem durissimam, proponit evidentius.
Accordingly, when the city of Edessa, as we have premised, was captured, a report of deadly memory resounded more fully, and frequently the rumor was spread through the entire West, that the impious nation of the Turks, running through with freer license not only the aforesaid city but absolutely the whole tract of the Orient, was laying waste our cities, villages, and municipalities, and was afflicting the Christian people beyond the usual with battles and with excessively frequent incursions. There were those who disseminated words of this sort far and wide among peoples and nations, and stirred up provinces, slothful and dissolved by long peace, to the avenging of such great injuries: and Lord Pope Eugenius III, a man full of God, bearing a paternal solicitude for the affliction, as it was said, of the Eastern sons, and with fuller affection sympathizing with them, sends to various parts of the West religious men having the grace of exhortatory speech, powerful in deed and in word, who should announce to peoples and tribes and tongues the intolerable oppressions of the Eastern brothers, and should encourage them that such great injuries of fraternal blood be avenged. Among whom, a man of immortal memory and a mirror of honorable conduct, Lord Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux, of pious remembrance in the Lord and in every respect to be embraced, is chosen as the chief for the execution of the aforesaid duty pleasing to God; who, a diligent executor of the dispensation enjoined upon him, drawing with him God-beloved fellow-ministers of the same work, energetic, untiring, although he was of an infirm body, both on account of impending old age and on account of almost continual fasts and a diet too meager, goes around kingdoms, traverses regions, evangelizing everywhere the kingdom of God: he carefully lays open the affliction of the people who are in the East, together with the molestations by which they are incessantly oppressed; he sets forth more plainly that the cities of the faithful, previously devoted to the Christian faith, are suffering the yokes of persecutors of the Christian name, and the most very harsh servitude, more evidently he sets forth.
Brothers also, for whom Christ willed to die, handed over to chains and shackles, wasted by hunger, shut up in the horrendous dungeons of prisons, filthy with squalor, clothed in bitterness, sitting in beggary and in iron, he instructs more fully. To this end he invites to their liberation; he enkindles [men] to drive back the injuries of the oppressed brothers; he pledges that aid from on high will not be lacking for those willing to assume this most pious labor; he also promises everlasting rewards for them, together with the elect. To him, discoursing with pious longanimity through nations, principalities, and kingdoms, there attended the gratuitous favor both of the fathers and of the populace: and, offering spontaneous assent to his exhortations, they commit themselves to a journey toward Jerusalem; and, fitting the sign of the life-giving cross to their shoulders, they gird themselves for the journey. Nor only in plebeian and popular throngs did this discourse of persuaders prove so effective, but even unto the supreme governors of the world, and those who seemed to dispense the chief pinnacles of the kingdoms, this discourse arrived with no lesser effect.
For the illustrious and most powerful of the kings of the earth—namely lord Conrad, emperor of the Romans, and lord Louis, king of the Franks—with many princes of both realms, embraced the word with a harmonious vow and equal desires; and they imprint the salutary sign of the life-giving cross upon their necks and garments, as an earnest of the future setting-forth, with all devotion.
Composito igitur congruo moderamine regnorum statu suorum, assumptis etiam iis qui ejusdem desiderii fervore concepto, votis salutaribus tenebantur obligati, paratis ad iter necessariis, prout regiam decebat dignitatem, Deo placitae peregrinationis, mense Maio, iter arripiunt unanimiter; sed avibus infaustis et omine sinistro. Nam, tanquam invita divinitate et eis irata, iter assumpserunt. In tota illa profectione nihil Deo placitum, peccatis nostris exigentibus, operati sunt; sed nostrum, quibus opem se laturos arbitrabantur, statum, in deteriorem mutaverunt conditionem.
Therefore, with the state of their realms composed under fitting moderation, and having also taken up those who, the fervor of the same desire having been conceived, were held bound by salutary vows, with the necessaries for the journey prepared as befitted royal dignity, for the God-pleasing pilgrimage, in the month of May, they unanimously set out; but under ill-omened birds and a sinister omen. For, as though divinity were unwilling and angry with them, they undertook the journey. In that whole profection they accomplished nothing pleasing to God, our sins requiring it; but our state, for whom they thought they would bring aid, they changed into a worse condition.
Separately, therefore, they proposed to march and to lead their armies sundered from one another, namely on this plan: lest, the peoples being at variance among themselves, contentions arise between them; and that they might more commodiously procure the necessaries of life for their legions; but also that fodder not be lacking for the horses and beasts of burden assigned to loads. Bavaria then having been traversed, and the great river Danube crossed at Ratisbon, having the same river on the left hand, they descended into Austria, and thence entered the borders of the Hungarians, where by the lord king of that province they were honorably treated. The kingdom therefore having been run through and both Pannonias passed, they go by the provinces of the Bulgars, namely Moesia and Dacia Mediterranea, leaving Ripensis on the left.
Thence, touching Thrace and passing through the most famous cities Philippopolis and Adrianopolis, they came to the royal city. Thence, after a more familiar colloquy with Lord Manuel, the Constantinopolitan emperor, and the holidays having been run through which seemed necessary for the recreation of the armies and for rest after so many labors, the Hellespont having been crossed—which bathes that same city and, as the boundary of Europe, affords the beginning of Asia—into Bithynia, which is the first that occurs among the Asian provinces, all the legions encamp in the district of Chalcedon, whence it was possible to behold at close hand the city left behind. This is Chalcedon, an ancient city, where the fourth holy synod of 636 Fathers assembled, under Lord Marcian Augustus and Lord Leo, the Roman pontiff, against Eutyches, a monk and abbot, who asserted only one nature in the Lord Jesus Christ.
Meanwhile the Sultan of Iconium, on hearing of the arrival of so many princes and having held their entry in suspicion from a long time back, summons military auxiliaries from the farthest borders of the East; and he conducts himself anxiously as to how he may be able to extricate himself from the imminent perils of such great enemies. Therefore he fortifies cities, raises the ruins, implores the suffrages (support) of neighboring peoples; and with continual anxiety awaits the coming of those whom he had heard were thieves, from day to day expecting the destruction of his own men and the desolation of his fatherland. For it was said that a multitude unheard of for ages was coming, and their cavalry was said to cover the entire surface of the earth; that the greatest rivers did not suffice them for drink, and that fertile regions could not furnish them foods to sufficiency.
And although rumor, greater than the truth, going before announced this, yet the truth of the matter could greatly and deservedly strike terror into the great princes alien from the Christian faith. For, as those who were present on the same expedition steadily assert, in the lord emperor’s retinue alone there were up to seventy thousand cuirassed men, the infantry, the little ones and the women, and the light-armed horsemen being excepted. In the army indeed of the lord king of the Franks, the number of brave men using cuirasses was estimated at seventy thousand, the second class excepted; with which, if the grace of the Lord had been clement and propitious and a companion, and the Lord had deigned to visit them in his good-pleasure, they could have subjected not only the Soldan, but the whole provinces of the East, to the Christian name; but from his hidden, yet just, judgment the Lord spurned their service, nor held acceptable the gift which perhaps they were offering with unworthy hands.
Interea dominus imperator Conradus, transjectis universis trans Bosphorum legionibus, cum paucis et familiaribus admodum principibus, sumpta a domino imperatore licentia, navigio eumdem Bosphorum superans, exercitus iter jubet arripere, constitutis super singulas legiones singulis principibus: inde relinquens a laeva Galatiam et Paphlagoniam, et utrumque Pontum, a dextris vero Phrygiam, Lydiam et Asiam minorem, per mediam iter agens Bithyniam, juxta ejusdem regionis metropolim Nicomediam, Nicaeam, ubi trecentorum decem et octo sanctorum Patrum, temporibus domini Constantini, adversus infelicis Arii impia dogmata, convenit synodus, a dextris deserens, totam illam transcurrit regionem. Inde Licaoniam, cujus metropolis est Iconium, viam compendiosiorem secuti, instructis agminibus, universus attigit exercitus. Ubi praedictus soldanus, congregatis militaribus copiis et maxima Turcorum multitudine ex finitimis collecta regionibus, sustinens exspectabat, ut loco et tempore opportuno occurrere posset transeuntibus; et ne procederent, procurare posset impedimentum.
Meanwhile the lord emperor Conrad, after all the legions had been ferried across the Bosporus, with a few princes very familiar to him, having taken leave from the lord emperor, crossing that same Bosporus by ship, orders the army to take up the march, single princes being set over each legion. Then, leaving on the left Galatia and Paphlagonia and both Pontus, but on the right Phrygia, Lydia, and Asia Minor, he made his march through the midst of Bithynia, near the metropolis of that region, Nicomedia; leaving Nicaea, where in the times of the lord Constantine a synod of three hundred and eighteen holy Fathers assembled against the impious dogmas of the unfortunate Arius, on the right, he ran through that whole region. Thence the whole army, following the shorter way, with the columns drawn up, reached Lycaonia, whose metropolis is Iconium. There the aforesaid sultan, having gathered military forces and a very great multitude of Turks collected from the neighboring regions, was standing by in expectation, so that at a place and time opportune he might be able to fall upon those passing by, and might be able to contrive an impediment that they should not advance.
For indeed he had incited, even to the furthest limits of the East, the kings, dukes, and princes of whatever kind of those provinces, both by prayer and by price, unto our injury; asserting and attesting with frequent messages that, if to so great and so armed a multitude a free passage were indulged, it would come to pass that they would violently subject the whole East to their dominion. From both Armenias, therefore, from Cappadocia, Isauria, Cilicia, Media, Parthia, at his summons there flocked an infinite number of nations, and an unheard-of multitude was gathered; relying on the aid of all of whom, he conceives the hope that he may be able to resist with equal forces the immense multitude which he had heard was arriving. Moreover, the man of Constantinople had delivered to the lord emperor—departing from him and asking this very thing—guides of the way, experts in the places, having every knowledge of the neighboring provinces; but of meager fidelity.
These were believed to have been assigned for this purpose: that they might go before the army in good faith, lest the straits of the places meet the incautious perilously, or, if they followed pathless ways, sustenance be lacking to the legions. These, after they had led the cohorts into the enemy’s land, instructed the first-ranked officers of the army to take the necessary nourishment of foods for certain days, on which, for the sake of a shortcut, it was proper for them to pass through desert places; most firmly pledging that, when the prefixed number of a few days had flowed by, the army would arrive at Iconium, a most-renowned city, and would mount into an excellent region, overflowing with commodities. But they, obeying the word, loading carts, beasts of burden, and whatever vehicles with victuals, having trust in them in the simplicity of their spirit, followed those going before.
However, the Greeks, using their innate malice and led by their accustomed hatred toward us, whether by the mandate of their lord or corrupted by the enemies’ money, began deliberately and by design to draw the legions through byways, and to conduct them into those places where for the enemies there would be a greater means of oppressing and storming the simple people, and a far ampler opportunity would be furnished.
Imperator vero videns dierum praetaxatum jam effluxisse numerum, et expeditiones nondum ad optatum et promissum pervenisse locum, viarum duces Graecos accersiri jubet, et coram principibus suis interrogare coepit diligentius: Quidnam sit quod amplioribus jam diebus quam ipsi ab initio deputassent, viam coeptam tenuisset exercitus, nec ad locum pervenisset constituti? Illi autem ad solita recurrentes figmenta, futurum esse dicunt et constanter affirmant, opitulante Domino, infra triduum universas Iconium perventum iri legiones. Quibus verbis imperator, sicut vir simplex erat, persuasus, adjecit ut etiam hoc triduum patienter sustineret, fidem habens eorum promissionibus. Nocte ergo insequente, castris more locatis solito, caeteris prae labore quieti membra concedentibus, praedicti pestilentes viri, intempestae noctis silentio, clam ab exercitu diffugiunt, relicto sine duce populo, qui eorum fidei fuerat commendatus.
But the emperor, seeing that the pre-assigned number of days had now flowed away, and that the expeditions had not yet reached the desired and promised place, orders that the Greek guides of the roads be summoned, and before his princes began to inquire more diligently: What is it that, for more days now than they themselves had from the beginning deputed, the army had held to the commenced road, and had not arrived at the appointed place? But they, reverting to their usual figments, say and constantly affirm that, with the Lord helping, within three days all the legions would arrive at Iconium. By these words the emperor, as he was a simple man, being persuaded, added that he would even patiently endure this three-day period, having faith in their promises. Therefore, on the following night, the camp having been pitched in the usual manner, while the rest, because of toil, were yielding their limbs to rest, the aforesaid pestilential men, in the silence of the dead of night, secretly fled away from the army, leaving the people without a leader, who had been commended to their faith.
With light at last returned, when now the time was impending for the army to set out, those who by custom went before the columns were not found; and at length to the emperor and the princes of the army the fraud of the fugitives was reported, and their malice discovered by all. But they, in order to prolong iniquity for themselves and to add sin to sin, men of Belial, hasten to the army of the king of the Franks, who was said to be nearby, lying that the lord emperor, who had gone on before relying on their leadership, had done all things prosperously: that Iconium had been violently stormed, had been cast down to the foundations, and that he had solemnly triumphed over the enemies. These things, however, as we believe, they seemed to assert with this intention: either that they might precipitate the lord king into the same peril, and persuade him to proceed by the same way; or perhaps, that they might not come to the aid of the brothers while they were in danger, since they would believe that all things were succeeding to their wish; or perhaps they fabricated that, lest, if they were to say that the army had perished, they themselves, as traitors by whose malefice the people had collapsed, might be dragged off to punishments.
Whatever intention they may have had in saying that, it is certain that by their perfidy the army, led astray, descended into the perils of death, into those whence it fell to ruin. Therefore the emperor, seeing the army left without guides of the way, with an assembly of all the princes convened, deliberates what needs to be done. Accordingly, with some saying a return must be made, but others that they should proceed, there arises such a dissonance of votes that it could truly be said: Contention was poured out upon the princes, and the Lord made them err in a trackless place, and not in the way (Ps.
106, 40). And while, thus ignorant of the places and anxious on account of the defect of provisions (for fodder had utterly failed both for horses and beasts of burden, and for men any kind of victuals), it is announced—and it was not farther from the truth—that nearby the battle-line of the enemy was standing, and that an innumerable multitude of Turks was at hand. Moreover, the army had been posted in a barren solitude, far from cultivated soil: just as, as we have premised, it had been studiously led in by the aforesaid seducers. For, turning aside from the right toward Lycaonia, through which the route ought to have been for them—since in more curtailed time they could easily have reached there and, following cultivated places, have abounded in all supplies—they held to the left, and into the solitudes of Cappadocia, far from Iconium, they compelled the whole army to deviate.
It was said publicly, nor did it depart much from the verisimilar, that by the conscience and mandate of the emperor of the Greeks, begrudging the progresses of our men, these so perilous machinations were constructed; for the Greeks are said always to have held and to hold our, especially the Teutonics’, every increment suspect, as of those emulating the imperium. They take it ill, to be sure, that their king of the Romans calls himself emperor; for in this their own emperor seems to be greatly detracted, whom they call monarch, that is, to rule singularly over all, as the unique and sole emperor of the Romans.
Sic igitur, cum fame et locorum ignorantia, laboris quoque diuturnitate, difficultate viarum, equorum defectum, sarcinarum pondere, domini imperatoris laboraret exercitus, Turcorum satrapae, et diversi generis magistratus, convocatis prius ad id ipsum militaribus auxiliis, repente supra eorum castra hostiliter irruunt, et irruptione subita, nihil tale verentes, conturbant legiones. Freti autem equis velocibus, quibus non defuerant necessaria, et armorum levitate, arcuum videlicet et pharetrarum, castra magnis vociferationibus circumstrepunt, et agilitate solita, in nostros lentos et armis onustos gravibus, impetus exercent periculosos. At vero nostri loricis, ocreis et clypeis onerati, habentes equos fame et itineris longitudine fatigatos et ad sustinendos discursus insufficientes, licet viribus et armorum usu praeminerent, longius tamen a castris, nec hostes insequi, nec cum eis committere volebant.
Thus then, while the army of the lord emperor was laboring with hunger and ignorance of the localities, with the long duration of toil, the difficulty of the roads, the failure of the horses, and the weight of the baggage, the satraps of the Turks and magistrates of diverse kinds, having first convened military auxiliaries for that very purpose, suddenly rush in hostile fashion upon their camp, and, by a sudden irruption, throw the legions—apprehending nothing of the kind—into confusion. Relying, moreover, on swift horses, to which nothing necessary had been lacking, and on the lightness of their arms, namely bows and quivers, they surround the camp with great vociferations, and with their customary agility exercise dangerous onsets against our men, slow and burdened with heavy arms. But indeed our men, weighed down with cuirasses, greaves, and shields, having horses wearied by hunger and the length of the journey and insufficient to sustain pursuits, although they were preeminent in strength and in the use of arms, yet, farther from the camp, were unwilling either to pursue the enemy or to engage with them.
The enemies, conversely, rushing in by companies, from afar with arrows, after the manner of hail, with an infinite multitude sent in, wounding the horses and their riders, and bringing the causes of death from a distance, were snatched away in flight by the speed of their horses, escaping the swords of our men who wished to pursue. Thus, our army, fenced in a ring, was pressed most anxiously, even unto death, by the discharges of missiles and arrows; nor was there given the chance of returning the exchange, nor the opportunity of engaging at close quarters with the enemies: since they had no capacity of catching hold of their adversaries. For as often as our battle-lines strove to make an attack upon the enemies, they, their columns dissolved, eluding our men’s efforts, were borne off in diverse directions; then, when our men withdrew back into the camp, they, recalling their own columns, would encircle our army; and pressing more sharply, they denied respite to men as if besieged.
Now it came to pass by the hidden, yet just, judgment of God, that all that prowess of such great princes, which before had seemed incomparable in arms, in strength, in spirits, and in number, was suddenly crushed—challenged by a sluggish Mars—and fell, so that scarcely the traces of their glory remained, and scarcely a remnant of such great forces survived. For out of seventy thousand cuirassed horsemen, and out of so great a multitude of foot, whose number was without limit, scarcely, as those who were present assert, a tenth part escaped, some being slain by hunger, others by the sword, and not a few also consigned into the bonds of the enemy. The lord emperor, however, escaped with a few of his princes; and with the remainder of his men, albeit with excessive difficulty, after some days he betook himself into the parts of Nicaea.
But the enemies, having gotten possession of victory, laden with spoils, and made wealthier by manifold treasure, enriched with horses and arms to the point of nausea, betook themselves into their own garrisons, as experts of the locales, eagerly awaiting the arrival of the king of the Franks, who was said to have come to nearly the same regions. For they were hoping that, since they had routed the greater forces of the lord emperor, they could obtain much more easily also from the retinue of the lord king of France: and so it was done. To this, however, so great an affair, the Sultan of Iconium did not be present; but a certain noble, the primicerius (first-ranked) of his militia, a great satrap of the Turks, called Paramum, wrought this blow, the Lord permitting, contrary to expectation.
Interea rex Francorum, pene eisdem subsecutus vestigiis cum suo exercitu, pervenerat Constantinopolim; ubi modico tempore secretioribus cum imperatore usus colloquiis, et ab eo honorificentissime, et multa munerum prosecutione dimissus, principibus quoque suis plurimum honoratis, inter urbem regiam et mare Ponticum, quod ab ea triginta distat milliaribus, ubi Hellespontus angustissimus, vix ad unum milliare habet latitudinis, cum universis legionibus transito mari, in Bithyniam descenderat: gyratoque sinu maris, qui ab adjacente urbe ejusdem Bithyniae metropoli, Nicomediensis dicitur, qui etiam Bosphori, sive Hellesponti pars est, in pago Niceo, non multum a Nicea remotus, castra locaverat, deliberans qua via incedendum esset; et de domino imperatore, qui eum praecesserat, nova diligentius investigans; et ecce nuntiatur dominum imperatorem, amisso exercitu, vagum et profugum, cum paucis principibus evasisse. Primum itaque sermo dubius, et sine certo auctore ortus est; sed processu temporis factus est certior; nam, modico interjecto intervallo, dominum Fredericus Suevorum dux, adolescens admirandae indolis, domini imperatoris ex fratre primogenito nepos, qui eidem domino Conrado, patruo suo succedens, Romanum hodie strenue et feliciter administrat imperium, a castris domini imperatoris egressus, ad exercitum domini regis Francorum properans, haec eadem quae prius incerto auctore susceperant, plenius et certius edocuit. Venerat autem, ut dominum regem cum praedicto domino imperatore ad colloquium invitaret ut, communi consilio, licet sero, de itinere tractaretur.
Meanwhile the king of the Franks, almost following their same footprints with his army, had arrived at Constantinople; where, having for a short time enjoyed more private colloquies with the emperor, and being dismissed by him most honorifically and with a great escort of gifts, his own princes also being very greatly honored, between the royal city and the Pontic sea, which is distant from it by 30 miles, where the Hellespont at its narrowest scarcely has one mile of breadth, with all the legions, the sea having been crossed, he had descended into Bithynia: and, the gulf of the sea having been circled, which from the adjacent city, the metropolis of the same Bithynia, is called the Nicomedian (gulf), which also is a part of the Bosporus or of the Hellespont, in the district of Nicaea, not far from Nicaea, he had pitched camp, deliberating by what route it ought to advance; and making more diligent inquiry for news of the lord emperor, who had gone before him; and lo, it is announced that the lord emperor, his army lost, had escaped as a wanderer and a fugitive with a few princes. At first, therefore, the report was doubtful and arose without a sure author; but with the progress of time it became more certain; for, after a brief interval interposed, lord Frederick, duke of the Swabians, a youth of admirable disposition, the lord emperor’s nephew from his firstborn brother, who, succeeding to that same lord Conrad, his uncle, today vigorously and happily administers the Roman empire, having gone out from the camp of the lord emperor, hastening to the army of the lord king of the Franks, more fully and more certainly informed these same things which previously they had received from an uncertain author. He had come, moreover, to invite the lord king to a colloquy with the aforesaid lord emperor, that, by common counsel, although late, the march might be deliberated.
It came to pass, however, that, when the peril and perishing of the brethren were heard, and the sinister mishap of the lord emperor which had occurred, the whole army of the Franks was rightly disturbed and sympathized in mind; at length, moved by the word of the lord duke, the king, having held deliberation with his own men that he might speak with him, advanced with a few of his princes, the duke leading the way, and came as far as the emperor’s camp, which he likewise had pitched nearby. Therefore, the due address of greeting having been given and received, and with the kiss of peace likewise intervening, having used familiar colloquies, they ordain to persist in the purpose and to set out together with their columns joined. Many, however, from both armies, but especially from the camp of the Teutons, their viatic provisions and the expenses necessary for the journey having been lost, and deterred also by the immensity of the labor, unmindful of their vows, returned to Constantinople.
Therefore, counsel having been communicated with the chiefs of both armies, leaving to the left the road which the emperor had previously gone, they direct their battle array toward Asia Minor, with both Phrygias left on the right, and Bithynia indeed behind their back; and now advancing by an inland, now by a maritime route, leaving Philadelphia on the left, they reached Smyrna, and thence Ephesus, the metropolis of the same Asia, renowned for the conversation and predication of John the Evangelist, and likewise for his sepulcher. Here at last the emperor—either because he was with fewer men, who earlier had had many more with him, enduring shame, or not bearing the haughtiness of the Franks, or for other hidden causes—having dismissed by land the legions that remained, he himself from Ephesus, making use of a ship, returned to Constantinople. There he was received by the lord emperor much more honorably than at his first arrival, and he made a stay with him, together with his princes, until the beginning of the following spring.
For there was between them a bond of affinity; for their wives were sisters, daughters of Berengar the elder, count of Sulcepach, a great and egregious prince, and most powerful in the kingdom of the Teutons: whence a more ample favor toward him abounded, and he was constrained to pour out a more heaped-up liberality upon him and his own, especially with the empress intervening.
Interea rex Francorum de itinere cum suis principibus valde sollicitus, dum apud Ephesum gratia recreandi exercitus, moram faceret, Guido comes de Pontivo, vir militaribus praeclarus et insignis actionibus, morbo gravatus in fata concessit, ibique in vestibulo ecclesiae honorifice sepultus est. Rex autem inde profectus cum suo exercitu, iter in Orientem pro viribus maturabat; profectus enim inde, post paucos dies, ad vada Meandri, oloribus amica, pervenit. Hic est ille fluvius, de quo Naso noster in libro dicit Heroicum:
Meanwhile the king of the Franks, very anxious about the journey with his princes, while at Ephesus he made a delay for the sake of refreshing the army, Guy, count of Ponthieu, a man illustrious in military matters and distinguished in deeds, weighed down by illness, conceded to his fate, and there in the vestibule of the church was honorably buried. But the king, setting out from there with his army, was hastening the march eastward with all his strength; for setting out from there, after a few days, he came to the fords of the Meander, friendly to swans. This is that river, of which our Naso in the book says the Heroic:
Supra cujus ripas in pascuis grate virentibus castrametatus est. Hic primum Francis hostes, juxta eorum desiderium, datum est intueri; nam accedere volentibus ad aquas, ex opposita fluminis ripa, hostes in magna multitudine ripas contingere, et aquae usum nostris interdicebant. Tandem vero inventis vadis, flumine, hostibus invitis, transmisso, irruentes nostrorum acies, pluribus ex eis neci traditis, multisque vinculis mancipatis, eos in fugam vertunt; et obtinentes eorum castra simul et opima spolia et supellectilem universam, ulteriorem fluminis ripam viriliter sibi vindicarunt.
Above whose banks, in pleasantly green pastures, he encamped. Here for the first time it was granted to the Franks, according to their desire, to gaze upon the enemies; for, as they wished to approach the waters, from the opposite bank of the river the enemies, in great multitude, would reach the banks and interdict our men the use of the water. At length, however, the fords having been found, the river—though the enemies were unwilling—having been crossed, our battle-lines, rushing in, turned them to flight, many of them being consigned to death, and many mancipated to bonds; and, seizing their camp together with opulent spoils and all the equipment entire, they manfully vindicated to themselves the further bank of the river.
Accordingly, with a victory of this kind achieved, and made the more rejoicing by the enemy’s spoils and booty, that night having been passed with tranquility, when morning was again given, they gird themselves for the journey; then, arriving at Laodicea, a city of the same region, having taken viatic provisions for several days, in the usual manner, they set out unanimous.
Erat autem exercitui mons obvius, arduus admodum, et ascendendum difficilis; illum ea die, juxta legem profectionis, transire oportebat. Porro in expeditione consuetudo erat, singulis diebus quosdam de illustribus, qui agmina praeirent, quosdam qui subsequerentur ad custodiam imbellis populi, et maxime turmarum pedestrium deputare; et cum principibus de modo viae, de profectionis quantitate, de loco castrorum in die sequenti, ordinare. Praeibat autem illa die cum vexillo regio sorte vocatus, in ordine vicis suae, nobilis quidam de Aquitania vir, nomine Gaufridus de Rancun.
But a mountain lay in the army’s path, very arduous and difficult to ascend; it had to be crossed that day, according to the rule of the march. Moreover, on campaign there was a custom, each day, to appoint some from among the illustrious to go before the columns, and some to follow for the guarding of the unwarlike people—especially assigning the companies of infantry—and to arrange with the leaders about the manner of the way, the measure of the march, and the place of the camp on the following day. Now that day there went before with the royal standard, summoned by lot in the order of his turn, a certain nobleman of Aquitaine, named Geoffrey of Rançon.
Here, when he had ascended the aforesaid mountain with the columns that were preceding, set on the mountain’s ridge, although it had been preordained that those going before should encamp on the mountain’s summit, contrary to the established law he proposed to proceed still a little further; for it seemed to him that the army had advanced too little that day, and much of the day still remained; he began, with the guides going ahead and promising a more commodious place nearby, to push on yet farther. But those who were following, having supposed that on the summit of the aforesaid mountain they would be going to encamp, and thinking that only a little of the day’s appointed march remained, began to follow those ahead too slowly and more slackly; so that, with the mountain by some already crossed, while others were still making delay around the mountain, the army was divided. Seeing this, the enemy’s wedges, who from afar were watching the army from the flank, always ready to rush in if they should find an occasion, and to this end in particular following the army without intermission, seized the opportunity—both because of the narrowness of the places and because the greater and stronger portion of the expedition, the van, had been separated; nor did they suppose that those following could easily either learn the condition of affairs or be able to come to the aid of those in distress; they occupy the mountain’s slope, so that a greater chaos between the vanguard and the rear might be made firm; and, their battle-lines drawn up, they rush upon our men, and before they can snatch up their arms they violently dissolve our ranks; and now no longer with arrows or the bow, but pressing at close quarters with swords, they thrust war and death upon them, and more cruelly drive those ready to flee.
But the narrowness of the places hindered our men; the horses also, made weaker by the long duration and difficulty of the journey, and likewise the manifold multiplicity of baggage, furnished no small impediment; nevertheless they resist unanimously, and with equal spirits they contend manfully for life, for liberty, for their companions of the journey; with swords and lances they carry the matter through, exhorting themselves with mutual speeches and examples. The enemies, on the contrary, with the hope of enjoying victory, animate their own, calling to mind that a few days before they had routed much greater forces with less peril, and had easily triumphed over men more numerous and far stronger. They fight, therefore, with Mars long wavering and the issue doubtful; but in the end, our sins demanding it, the hand of the unbelievers prevailed; and our army, with very many slain and countless taken captive, was reduced to a small number.
On that day fell noble and illustrious men, singularly distinguished in military affairs, worthy of pious remembrance: the Count of Guarenna, a man outstanding among the magnates, Galcherus of Montiay, Eurardus of Bretol, Iterus of Magnac, and many others whose names we do not hold—yet it is to be believed that they are written in the heavens—whose memory will be in blessing unto the age of ages. On that day, ill‑fated for us and with a most adverse turn of fortune, the mighty glory of the Franks perished; and the valor hitherto formidable to the nations, shattered, collapsed, made a mockery by the unclean and those not knowing God, to whom it had previously been a terror. What is it, blessed Lord Jesus, that this people, so devoted to you, willing to adore the footprints of your feet, desiring to kiss the venerable places which you consecrated by your bodily presence, has suffered ruin at the hands of those who hate you?
Rex interea, casu magis quam industria, tanto tamque confuso exemptus periculo, saepe dicti, qui vicinus erat, montis clivum ascendens, cum paucis ejus fugae consortibus, sine duce, noctis intempestae silentio, ad suorum castra, aliquantulum locata remotius, se contulit. Hi autem qui praecesserant, vexillum regium secuti, ut praemisimus, et montis angustias sine difficultate transierant, et castra, nemine prohibente, loco satis commodo, locaverant, ignari prorsus et expertes omnium quae iis qui sequebantur acciderant. Praesagiebat tamen animus eorum qui praecesserant, ex quo viderunt acies interruptas et tantam subsequentium moram, quod aliquid sinistri obtigerat, nec erant eis pro voto universa.
Meanwhile the king, withdrawn from so great and so confused a peril more by chance than by industry, ascending the slope of the oft-mentioned mountain, which was nearby, with a few consorts of his flight, without a guide, in the silence of the dead of night, betook himself to the camp of his men, pitched somewhat farther away. Those, however, who had gone ahead, following the royal standard, as we have previously set forth, had passed the mountain narrows without difficulty, and, no one hindering, had pitched camp in a quite convenient place, utterly ignorant and uninstructed in all that had befallen those who were following. Yet the spirit of those who had gone before presaged, from the moment they saw the battle-lines interrupted and so great a delay of the subsequent troops, that something sinister had occurred, nor were all things according to their wish.
But when, through those who had escaped and had betaken themselves with the king into the camp, they were made more certain about the ill-fated event which had occurred, straightway mourning seizes all; sorrow and anxiety claim for themselves the hearts of each. And while each one seeks, with querulous voices and tearful sighs, the nearest kinsman whom he had lost, and, with grief multiplied, finds not the one sought, the ranks resound with wailing and the cohorts are worn down with groaning; there was not in the camp a place which family grief and domestic loss did not oppress: this man seeks his father, that one his lord; that woman her son, this one her husband, running through and scanning everything; and while they do not find what they seek, they spend the night wakeful under the weight of cares, suspecting whatever worse can befall the absent. Yet that night some from both columns returned, who, in thickets and crags and caverns of the earth, shunning the peril of death, protected by the benefit of night, attached themselves more by chance than by prudence, arriving at the camp.
It came to pass, moreover, in this year from the Incarnation of the Lord, 1146, in the month of January. From that day bread and all sustenance utterly began to fail in the camp; nor for many days thereafter did they have commerce of any other kind; but also, what was worse, without a leader, without a scout, wandering everywhere now here, now there, having no knowledge at all of the places, they roved. At length indeed, having entered Pamphylia, over the precipices of the mountains and the declivities of the valleys, with excessive difficulty, yet without a conflict with the enemies, they came as far as Attalia, the metropolis of the same region.
Now Attalia is a city situated on the shore of the sea, [subject] to the empire of the emperor of Constantinople, having an opulent countryside, and yet unprofitable to its citizens; for with enemies constricting them on every side, and not permitting them to devote themselves to the cultivation of the fields, the land lies unfruitful, since there is no one who can procure its fecundity by tilling; nevertheless having many other conveniences, it is accustomed to show itself pleasing to guests, for, sending forth waters pellucid and healthful, it is hedged about with fruit-bearing orchards, pleasing by a most delightful site; yet it is wont to have supplies of grain ferried across and conveyed by sea, and to furnish to those passing through a sufficient convenience of victuals. But because it is too contiguous to enemies, not being able to sustain their molestations incessantly, it has been made tributary to them, and by this has commerce of necessaries with the enemies. This place our men, not having skill of the Greek idiom, call Satalia by a corrupted word; whence also that whole gulf of the sea, from the promontory Lissidona as far as the island Cyprus, is called Attalic, which by the vulgar appellation is named the Gulf of Satalia.
Arriving there, the king of the Franks with his men, on account of the multitude of those converging, suffered such a scarcity of aliment that almost the remainder of the army, and especially the poor, were consumed there by starvation. But he himself, with his princes, the foot troops left behind, with a hastened voyage, leaving Isauria and Cilicia on the left, and Cyprus on the right, driven by favorable breezes, enters the narrows of the river Orontes, which flows past Antioch—the place today called the Port of Saint Symeon—near the ancient city Seleucia, and it is distant from Antioch 10 miles.
Audiens igitur princeps Antiochenus Raymundus, regem Francorum in partibus suis applicuisse, cujus adventum multis diebus ante exspectaverat, cum desiderio sustinens, convocatis nobilibus totius regionis, et populi primoribus, cum electo comitatu ei occurrens, in urbem Antiochenam, omnem ei exhibens reverentiam, occurrente ei universo clero et populo, magnificentissime introduxit. Conceperat autem multo ante, audito ejus adventu, quod per ejus auxilium Antiochenum principatum ampliare posset: unde et eidem in Franciam, antequam etiam iter arriperet, honesta praemiserat donaria, et exenia multi pretii, ut ejus sibi conciliaret gratiam, largitus fuerat. Praesumebat nihilominus et de reginae apud dominum regem interventu, quae ejusdem peregrinationis regi adhaeserat comes indivisa; quae ejusdem domini principis neptis erat, domini videlicet Willelmi Pictaviensium comitis, fratris ejus primogenita filia.
Therefore, hearing that Raymond, the Antiochene prince, that the king of the Franks had put in within his parts—whose arrival he had awaited many days earlier, bearing it with longing—having convoked the nobles of the whole region and the chiefs of the people, and going to meet him with a chosen retinue, he introduced him most magnificently into the city of Antioch, showing him every reverence, with all the clergy and people coming out to meet him. He had conceived long before, upon hearing of his coming, that by his aid he might be able to amplify the Antiochene principate: whence also to him in France, before he even undertook the journey, he had sent ahead seemly donaries and guest-gifts of great price, in order to conciliate his favor for himself; he had bestowed them lavishly. Nonetheless he was also presuming upon the queen’s intervention with the lord king, who had adhered to the king in that same pilgrimage as an indivisible companion; she was the niece of that same lord prince, namely the firstborn daughter of lord William, count of the Poitevins—his brother.
Therefore, upon his arriving, as we have said, he displayed every humanity; and toward the nobles and princes who followed his retinue there was no lack, on his part, of like zeal nor of works of exceptional liberality; but, anticipating all with honor, as each one’s merits required, he treated them with full munificence. He indeed had a very great hope that the neighboring cities—Halapia, namely Aleppo, and Caesarea, and some others—relying on his aid and aided by his forces, he could subjugate to himself. Nor would he have been deluded of that hope, if he had been able to induce the king, together with his magnates, to this; for so great a fear had weighed upon our enemies from the advent of the king, that now they not only distrusted their own forces, but even seemed to despair of life.
Accordingly, meeting solemnly, and in the presence both of the lord king’s princes and of his own, the prince addressed the lord king, according to what he had conceived in mind and had sometimes agreed more secretly, showing that his petitions were reducible to effect without difficulty, and that they suited both honor and utility; but where he sees he is not advancing, since the king had resolved irrevocably to go to Jerusalem with ardent vows, frustrated of hope, changing his aim, he began to abominate the king’s ways, and to lay snares for him openly and to arm himself for his hurt. For he proposed to snatch away his wife, consenting to that very thing—who was one of the foolish women—either by violence or by hidden machinations. She was, as we premised, as both before and afterwards manifest indications taught, an imprudent woman, and in violation of royal dignity neglectful of the marital law, forgetful of the faith of the conjugal bed; which, after it became known to the king, he, forestalling the prince’s contrivances, and consulting also for his life and safety, by the counsel of his magnates, accelerating the journey, departed secretly from the city of Antioch with his men.
Accordingly the favorable color was changed, and the last acts were dissimilar to the earlier; and he who on arriving had been received with so great glory, departing with his lot changed withdrew inglorious. There are those who impute these things in the king to excessive malice, and say that it befell him worthily according to his deserts, because he did not admit the prayers of so great a man, so well-deserving of him and of his own; especially since they constantly asseverate that he could easily have obtained one or more of the aforementioned cities, if he had been willing to give effort to that.
Interea dominus imperator, transcursa hieme, apud urbem regiam, ubi a domino Constantinopolitano, humanitatis legibus diligenter, prout tantum decebat principem, tractatus, et donis in decessu largissimis cumulatus, classe quam eidem imperialis magnificentia deputaverat, vectus, cum quibusdam ex principibus suis in Orientem perveniens, portum attigit Acconensem. Inde Hierosolymam proficiscens, a domino rege Balduino et domino Fulchero bonae memoriae patriarcha, occurrente ei extra civitatem universo clero et populo cum hymnis et canticis, in sanctam introductus est civitatem. Applicuit etiam eisdem diebus portu quoque Acconensi, vir magnificus et illustris, comes Tolosanus, Anfossus nomine, domini Raymundi senioris comitis filius (qui tantus princeps, tanti fuit meriti in prima expeditione); vir suis egregius titulis; sed patris pia clarior memoria, dum inde Hierosolymam, ut Domino pro peracta feliciter peregrinatione gratias ageret, proficisceretur, apud Caesaream urbem maritimam, paucis postquam appulit diebus, porrecto, ut dicitur, veneno, sed auctore tanti sceleris incerto, vitam finivit.
Meanwhile the lord emperor, winter having been passed, at the royal city—where by the lord of Constantinople, according to the laws of humanity, as was fitting for so great a prince, he was carefully treated, and on his departure heaped with most lavish gifts—borne by the fleet which imperial magnificence had assigned to him, arriving in the Orient with certain of his princes, touched the port of Acre. Thence setting out to Jerusalem, by lord King Baldwin and by lord Fulcher, patriarch of good memory, with the whole clergy and people meeting him outside the city with hymns and songs, he was led into the holy city. In those same days there also put in to the port of Acre a magnificent and illustrious man, the Count of Toulouse, by name Anfossus, son of lord Raymond the elder count (who, so great a prince, was of such merit in the first expedition); a man distinguished by his own titles, yet the pious memory of his father more renowned; while from there he was setting out to Jerusalem, that he might give thanks to the Lord for a pilgrimage happily accomplished, at Caesarea, the maritime city, a few days after he made land, poison, as it is said, having been proffered, but the perpetrator of so great a crime being unknown, he ended his life.
Nuntiatur interea Hierosolymis, regem Francorum ab Antiochia digressum, ad partes accedere Tripolitanas, unde de communi omnium principum consilio dirigitur ei obviam dominus Fulcherus, bonae memoriae Hierosolymorum patriarcha, ut exhortationibus congruis et monitis salutaribus eum in regnum evocaret; ne forte vel a domino principe, restituta in integrum gratia revocatus, vel a domino comite Tripolitano, ejus consanguineo, detentus Hierosolymorum differret desideria. Orientalis enim Latinorum tota regio quatuor principatibus erat distincta. Primus enim ab austro, erat regnum Hierosolymorum, initium habens a rivo qui est inter Biblium et Berythum, urbes maritimas provinciae Phoenicis, et finem in solitudine quae est ultra Darum, quae respicit Aegyptum.
Meanwhile at Jerusalem it is reported that the king of the Franks, having departed from Antioch, is approaching the Tripolitan parts; whereupon, by the common counsel of all the princes, Lord Fulcher, of good memory, Patriarch of Jerusalem, is sent to meet him, that with suitable exhortations and salutary admonitions he might summon him into the kingdom; lest perhaps either, recalled by the lord Prince with favor restored in full, or detained by the lord Count of Tripoli, his kinsman, he should defer the desires of Jerusalem. For the whole Oriental region of the Latins was distinguished into four principalities. The first, from the south, was the kingdom of Jerusalem, having its beginning from the brook which is between Byblos and Beirut, maritime cities of the province of Phoenicia, and its end in the wilderness which is beyond Darum, which looks toward Egypt.
Second, toward the north, was the County of Tripoli, having its beginning from the aforesaid stream, but its end at the stream which is between Maraclea and Valenia, likewise maritime cities. The third was the Principality of Antioch, which, having its beginning from the same stream, extended toward the west as far as Tarsus of Cilicia. The fourth was the County of Edessa, which from that forest which is called Marrim, stretched out toward the east beyond the Euphrates.
All these great and powerful men, from the beginning, had conceived the hope that, at the advent of the aforesaid kings, by their effort and aid they might dilate their borders and extend their termini to an immense extent. For they had very many most savage enemies and hated cities of the enemy conterminous with them, which they wished to adjoin to themselves. Therefore they were very solicitous about domestic care and the increment of their household and family.
Whence the kings, with envoys and gifts, each invited them to himself, wishing to forestall the others. Among these, the lord king and those who were in the kingdom seemed to foster for themselves a greater hope, both on account of the reverence of the venerable places, whose love and devotion drew all the more, and because they had the lord emperor with them, to whom it was credible that the lord king of the Franks would come, both for the sake of completing prayer and pilgrimage, and that by common counsel some enterprise might proceed for the increment of Christianity. Therefore the lord patriarch was sent, as we have said, by the princes of the kingdom, who greatly feared lest the lord king of the Franks might be detained around the parts of Aleppo by the lord prince, whose affine he was and to whom he seemed to be joined by a tighter bond of charity, and most of all by the intervention of the queen, as indeed seemed likely.
But when it was learned that they had departed from each other less amicably, a greater hope came to them, that, departing thence without delay, he would reach Jerusalem. Yet, against the ambushes of fortune, and because whatever can happen is prudently feared, they sent ahead the aforesaid venerable man, the patriarch, by whose authority he might be moved; nor were they disappointed of the hope conceived; for, following his word, he came to Jerusalem without delay. Arriving there, with the entire clergy and people running to meet him, with hymns and songs together with his princes, he was received honorably, and with due glory, into the city, and was led to the venerable places.
At length, the prayers having been completed according to custom, a general court is proclaimed at the city of Acre, so that there might be deliberation concerning the fruit of so great a pilgrimage, and the end of so many labors, and the desired increase of the kingdom. At length, on the appointed day, assembling at the designated place, just as they had preordained, they began more diligently to deliberate, together with the magnates of our realm—who had a fuller knowledge of the affairs and the places—what would be more expedient to be done.