Ammianus: RES GESTAE A FINE CORNELI TACITI

Julian Aug. at Vienne celebrates the quinquennalia: how he foreknew that Constantius A. would shortly die: and on the various arts of prognosticating the future.

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1 Intercluso hac bellorum difficili sorte Constantio trans flumen Euphratem, Iulianus agens apud Viennam formandis in futura consiliis dies inpendebat et noctes, quantum opes patiebantur angustae altius semet adtollens, semperque ambigens utrum Constantium modis omnibus alliceret in concordiam, an terroris incutiendi gratia lacesseret prior.

1 With Constantius, shut in by this difficult lot of wars, across the Euphrates River, Julian, staying at Vienne, was expending days and nights on fashioning counsels for the future, raising himself higher as far as his straitened resources allowed, and ever wavering whether he should by every method allure Constantius into concord, or, for the sake of infusing terror, should be the first to provoke him.

2 Quae sollicite reputans utrumque formidabat, et amicum cruentum et in aerumnis civilibus saepe victorem, maximeque Galli fratris exemplum mentem eius anxiam suspendebat, quem inertia mixtaeque periuriis fraudes prodidere quorundam.

2 Considering these things anxiously, he dreaded both: a blood-stained friend and one often a victor in civil hardships; and most of all the example of his brother Gallus kept his anxious mind in suspense, whom the inertia and frauds of certain men, mixed with perjuries, betrayed.

3 Erigebat tamen aliquotiens animum ad multa et urgentia, tutissimum ratus inimicum se ex confesso monstrare ei, cuius ex praeteritis motus coniectabat ut prudens, ne per amicitias fictas insidiis falleretur occultis.

3 Nevertheless he sometimes lifted his spirit to many and pressing matters, judging it safest to show himself avowedly an enemy to him, whose motives from past events he inferred, as a prudent man, lest through feigned friendships he be deceived by hidden ambushes.

4 Parvi igitur habitis, quae per Leonam Constantius scripserat, nulloque arbitrio eius promotorum suscepto praeter Nebridium, quinquennalia Augustus iam edidit: et ambitioso diademate utebatur lapidum fulgore distincto, cum inter exordia principatus adsumpti vili corona circumdatus erat xystarchae similis purpurato.

4 Therefore, the things which Constantius had written through Leona being held of little account, and with none of the judgment of his promoters adopted except Nebridius, as Augustus he already celebrated the quinquennalia; and he was using an ambitious diadem, distinguished by the brilliance of gems, whereas at the beginnings of the assumed principate he had been encircled with a cheap crown, like a purple-clad xystarch.

5 Inter quae Helenae coniugis defunctae suprema miserat Romam in suburbano viae Nomentanae condenda, ubi uxor quoque Galli quondam, soror eius, sepulta est Constantina.

5 Among these things, he had sent the funeral rites of his deceased wife Helena to Rome, to be interred in a suburban estate on the Nomentan Way, where also Constantina, once the wife of Gallus, his sister, was buried.

6 Accedebat autem incendebatque eius cupiditatem, pacatis iam Galliis incessere ultro Constantium, coniciens eum per vaticinandi praesagia multa, quae callebat, et somnia e vita protinus excessurum.

6 Moreover, there was added to—and it inflamed—his desire, with the Gauls now pacified, to assail Constantius unprovoked, inferring from many presages of vaticination, which he was skilled in, and from dreams, that he would forthwith depart from life.

7 Et quoniam erudito et studioso cognitionum omnium principi malivoli praenoscendi futura pravas artes adsignant, advertendum est breviter, unde sapienti viro hoc quoque accidere poterit doctrinae genus haud leve.

7 And since the malign assign to a prince, erudite and studious of all cognitions, the perverse arts of foreknowing the future, it must briefly be observed whence this too may befall a wise man—a not slight genus of doctrine.

8 Elementorum omnium spiritus, utpote perennium corporum praesentiendi motu semper et ubique vigens, ex his, quae per disciplinas varias adfectamus, participat nobiscum munera divinandi: et substantiales potestates ritu diverso placatae, velut ex perpetuis fontium venis, vaticina mortalitati suppeditant verba, quibus numen praeesse dicitur Themidis, quam ex eo quod fixa fatali lege decreta praescire facit in posterum, quae tetheimena τεθειμένα Graecus appellat, ita cognominatam in cubili solioque Iovis vigoris vivifici theologi veteres conlocarunt.

8 The spirit of all the elements, inasmuch as, by a motion of presentiment of perennial bodies, it is ever and everywhere vigorous, from those things which we pursue through various disciplines shares with us the gifts of divining; and the substantial powers, appeased by a diverse rite, as though from perpetual veins of fountains, supply to mortality vaticinal words, over which the numen of Themis is said to preside; she, from the fact that she makes the decreed things fixed by fatal law to be foreknown for the future— which the Greek calls tetheimena (τεθειμένα)— has thus been surnamed; and the ancient theologians placed her in the couch and throne of Jove, of life-giving vigor.

9 Auguria et auspicia non volucrum arbitrio futura nescientium conliguntur - nec enim hoc vel insipiens quisquam dicet - sed volatus avium dirigit deus, ut rostrum sonans aut praetervolans pinna turbido meatu vel leni futura praemonstret. Amat enim benignitas numinis, seu quod merentur homines, seu quod tangitur eorum adfectione, his quoque artibus prodere quae inpendent.

9 Auguries and auspices are not gathered at the arbitration of birds ignorant of the future - for not even a foolish person would say this - but God directs the flights of birds, so that a sounding beak or a wing flying past, with a turbulent course or a gentle one, may foreshow things to come. For the benignity of the divinity loves, whether because human beings deserve it or because it is touched by their affection, to disclose by these arts as well the things that impend.

10 Extis itidem pecudum attenti fatidicis, in species converti suetis innumeras, accidentia sciunt. Cuius disciplinae Tages nomine quidam monstrator est, ut fabulantur, in Etruriae partibus emersisse subito visus e terra.

10 Those attentive to the prophetic entrails of cattle, which are wont to be converted into innumerable forms, know the occurrences. Of this discipline an instructor by the name Tages, as they tell in fable, was seen to have suddenly emerged from the earth in the parts of Etruria.

11 Aperiunt tunc quoque ventura cum aestuant hominum corda sed locuntur divina. Sol enim, ut aiunt physici, mens mundi, nostras mentes ex sese velut scintillas diffunditans cum eas incenderit vehementius, futuri conscias reddit. Unde Sibyllae crebro se dicunt ardere torrente vi magna flammarum.

11 Future things then too are opened when the hearts of men seethe, but they speak divine matters. For the Sun, as the physicists say, the mind of the world, diffusing our minds from itself like scintillas, when it has kindled them more vehemently, makes them conscious of the future. Whence the Sibyls often say that they burn with a torrent-like great force of flames.

Multa significant super his crepitus vocum et occurrentia signa, tonitrua quin etiam et fulgura et fulmina itidemque siderum sulci.

Many things signify beyond these—the cracklings of voices and occurring signs, thunders, yes indeed both flashes and thunderbolts, and likewise the furrows of the stars.

12 Somniorum autem rata fides et indubitabilis foret, ni ratiocinantes coniectura fallerentur. Interdumque, ut Aristoteles adfirmat, tum fixa sunt et stabilia, cum animantis altius quiescentis ocularis pupilla neutrubi inclinata rectissime cernit.

12 But the confirmed and indubitable credibility of dreams would stand, were it not that those ratiocinating are deceived by conjecture. And sometimes, as Aristotle affirms, then they are fixed and stable, when the ocular pupil of the more deeply resting living creature, inclined to neither side, discerns most correctly.

13 Et quia vanities aliquotiens plebeia strepit, haec inperite mussando, si esset praesentiendi notitia quaedam, cur ille se casurum in bello vel alius hoc se passurum ignoravit aut illud, sufficiet dici, quod et grammaticus locutus interdum est barbare, et absurde cecinit musicus, et ignoravit remedium medicus: at non ideo nec grammatica nec musica nec medicina subsistit.

13 And because plebeian vanity sometimes clamors, muttering such things unskillfully—“if there were some knowledge of presaging, why did that man not know he would fall in war, or another that he would suffer this or that”—it will suffice to say that even a grammarian has sometimes spoken barbarously, and a musician has sung absurdly, and a physician has been ignorant of a remedy; yet not on that account do grammar, music, or medicine cease to subsist.

14 Unde praeclare hoc quoque ut alia Tullius "signa ostenduntur" ait "a dis rerum futurarum. In his siqui erraverit, non deorum natura sed hominum coniectura peccavit". ne igitur extra calcem, quod dicitur, sermo decurrens lecturo fastidium ferat, ad explicanda prospecta revertamur.

14 Whence, excellently, Tullius also, as in other places, says, “signs of future things are shown by the gods. In these, if anyone has erred, it is not the nature of the gods but the conjecture of men that has sinned.” Therefore, lest, as the saying goes, a discourse running on outside the heel bring distaste to the reader, let us return to expounding the prospects.

Iulianus A. Viennae Christianum se simulat illiciendae multitudinis causa: et die festo in Ecclesia inter Christianos Deum precatur.

Julian the Augustus at Vienna feigns himself a Christian for the sake of alluring the multitude: and on a feast day in the Church among Christians he prays to God.

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1 Cum apud Parisios adhuc Caesar Iulianus quatiens scutum variis motibus exerceretur in campo, axiculis, quis orbis erat conpaginatus, in vanum excussis ampla remanserat sola, quam retinens valida manu stringebat.

1 While at Paris, Caesar Julian, still brandishing his shield with various movements, was exercising in the field; the little pins by which the ring was fastened together having been shaken out to no effect, the broad panel had remained by itself, which, holding it, he was gripping with a strong hand.

2 Territisque ut omine diro praesentibus cunctis "nemo" inquit "vereatur: habeo firmiter quod tenebam". Item cum apud Viennam postea quiesceret sobrius, horrore medio noctis imago quaedam visa splendidior hos ei versus heroes modo non vigilanti aperte dixit eadem saepius replicando, quibus fretus nihil asperum sibi superesse existimabat

2 And with all present terrified as by a dire omen, “let no one,” he said, “be afraid: I hold firmly what I was holding.” Likewise, when afterward he was resting sober at Vienne, in the horror of midnight a certain image, seen more splendid, openly said to him these heroic verses, to him not awake, by repeating the same again and again; relying on which he reckoned that nothing harsh remained for him.

ζεὺς ὅταν εἰς πλατὺ τέρμα μόλῃ κλυτοῦ ὑδροχόοιο,
παρθενικῆς δὲ κρόνος μοίρῃ βαίνῃ ἐπὶ πέμπτῃ
εἰκοστῇ, βασιλεὺς κωνστάντιος ᾿ασίδος αἴης
τέρμα φίλου βιοτοῦ στυγερὸν καὶ ἐπώδυνον ἕξει.

Zeus, whenever he goes into the broad boundary of the famed Water-Pourer,
and the Virgin’s season, by fate’s allotment, goes on the twenty-fifth,
King Constantius of the Asiatic land
will have the end of his dear life, Stygian and grievous.

3 Agebat itaque nihil interim de statu rerum praesentium mutans, sed animo tranquillo et quieto incidentia cuncta disponens paulatimque sese conroborans ut dignitatis augmento virium quoque congruerent incrementa

3 Accordingly he carried on, meanwhile changing nothing in the state of present affairs, but with a tranquil and quiet mind arranging all incidents, and little by little strengthening himself, so that to the augmentation of dignity the increments of strength too might be congruent.

4 Utque omnes nullo inpediente ad sui favorem inliceret, adhaerere cultui Christiano fingebat, a quo iam pridem occulte desciverat, arcanorum participibus paucis, haruspicinae auguriisque intentus et ceteris quae deorum semper fecere cultores.

4 And so that, with nothing hindering, he might entice all to favor him, he was pretending to adhere to the Christian worship, from which he had long since secretly seceded, with few participants in his secrets, intent upon haruspicy and auguries and the other practices which worshipers of the gods have always performed.

5 Et ut haec interim celarentur, feriarum die, quem celebrantes mense Ianuario Christiani Epiphania dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam sollemniter numine orato discessit.

5 And, that these things might meanwhile be concealed, on a feast day which Christians, celebrating in the month of January, commonly call Epiphany, he went forth into their church and, the divinity solemnly invoked, departed.

Vadomarius, rex Alamannorum, rupto foedere, per emissarios limites vastat, et Libinonem comitem cum paucis interficit.

Vadomarius, king of the Alamanni, the treaty broken, lays waste the frontiers by emissaries, and kills the count Libino with a few companions.

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1 Dum haec ita aguntur, propinquante iam vere, nuntio percitus inopino ad tristitiam versus est et maerorem. Didicit enim Alamannos a pago Vadomarii exorsos, unde nihil post ictum foedus sperabatur incommodum, vastare confinis Raetiis tractus, nihilque sinere intemptatum manus, praedatorias fusius discurrentes.

1 While these things are thus being transacted, with spring now approaching, he was roused by an unexpected message and turned to sadness and mourning. For he learned that the Alamanni, setting out from the district of Vadomarius, whence, after the treaty had been struck, no inconvenience was expected, were devastating the tracts contiguous with Raetia, and that the predatory bands, roving more widely, were leaving nothing unattempted.

2 Quod ne dissimulatum redivivas bellorum materias excitaret, Libinonem quendam comitem cum Celtis et Petulantibus misit hiemantibus secum, negotium, ut poscebat ratio, correcturum.

2 Lest the concealment of it should rouse revived materials of wars, he sent a certain Count Libino with the Celts and the Petulants, who were wintering with him, to set the business right, as the plan required.

3 Qui cum mature prope oppidum Sanctionem venisset longe visus a barbaris, qui iam certamina meditantes sese per valles abdiderant, hortatusque milites licet numero inpares, cupidine tamen pugnandi vehementius inritatos, adgreditur inconsulte Germanos interque dimicandi exordia ipse concidit omnium primus, cuius interitu erecta barbarorum fiducia Romanisque ad ducis vindictam accensis certamen committitur obstinatum, et urgente magnitudinis mole disiecti sunt nostri occisis paucis et vulneratis.

3 When he had come in good time near the town of Sanction and was seen from afar by the barbarians, who, already meditating combats, had hidden themselves through the valleys, and when he had encouraged the soldiers—although unequal in number, yet, by the desire of fighting, more vehemently provoked—he rashly attacks the Germans, and in the very beginnings of the fight he himself fell, the first of all; and with his death the confidence of the barbarians was raised up, and the Romans, kindled for the avenging of their leader, join a stubborn battle; and, with the weight of their great numbers pressing, our men were scattered, with a few killed and others wounded.

4 Cum hoc Vadomario et Gundomado eius fratre itidem rege Constantius, ut iam relatum est, firmaverat pacem. Post quae mortuo Gundomado hunc sibi fore existimans fidum secretorumque taciturnum exsecutorem et efficacem mandabat, si famae solius admittenda est fides, scribebatque, ut tamquam rupto concordiae pacto subinde conlimitia sibi vicina vexaret, quo Iulianus id metuens nusquam a tutela discederet Galliarum.

4 With this Vadomarius and with Gundomadus, his brother, likewise a king, Constantius, as has already been related, had ratified peace. After this, Gundomadus having died, supposing that this man would be for him a faithful and taciturn executor of secrets, and an effective one, he kept commissioning him—if credit is to be given to rumor alone—and was writing that, as though the pact of concord had been broken, he should from time to time vex the conterminous borderlands near him, so that Julian, fearing this, might nowhere depart from the guardianship of Gaul.

5 Quibus, ut dignum est credere, obtemperans Vadomarius haec et similia perpetrabat, ad perstringendum fallendumque miris modis ab aetatis primitiis callens, ut postea quoque ducatum per Phoenicen regens ostendit. Sed re ipsa convictus abstinuit. capto enim a stationariis militibus notario, quem miserat ad Constantium, scrutatoque siquid portaret, epistula eius reperta est, in qua praeter alia multa id quoque scripserat "Caesar tuus disciplinam non habet". Iulianum autem adsidue per litteras dominum et Augustum appellabat et deum.

5 Obeying these orders, as it is reasonable to believe, Vadomarius was perpetrating these and similar things, skilled from the first beginnings of his age in marvelous ways for striking and deceiving, as he later also showed when administering a command through Phoenicia. But, convicted by the fact itself, he desisted. For a notary, whom he had sent to Constantius, having been seized by picket soldiers and searched to see what he was carrying, his letter was found, in which, among many other things, he had also written this: “Your Caesar has no discipline.” Yet in his letters he was continually addressing Julian as lord and Augustus and as a god.

Iulianus A., interceptis Vadomarii litteris ad Constantium A., eum in convivio comprehendendum curavit: et Alamannis aliis occisis, aliis in deditionem acceptis, ceteris pacem petentibus dedit.

Julian Augustus, the letters of Vadomarius to Constantius Augustus having been intercepted, took care to have him apprehended at a banquet; and with some of the Alamanni slain, others accepted in surrender, he granted peace to the rest who were seeking it.

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1 Haec ut erant periculosa et dubia, Iulianus in exitiale malum eruptura considerans, in unum omni cogitatione intenta, eum incautum rapere festinabat, ut securitatem suam provinciarumque locaret in tuto, et iniit consilium tale.

1 As these things were perilous and dubious, Julian, considering that they were about to erupt into a death-bringing evil, with all his cogitation intent upon one thing, was hastening to seize him off his guard, so that he might set his own security and that of the provinces in safety, and he entered upon such a plan.

2 Philagrium notarium, orientis postea comitem, ad eas miserat partes, cuius prudentiae fidebat olim sibi conperti, eique inter multa, quae pro captu instantium rerum erat acturus, signatam quoque chartulam tradidit, mandavitque, ne aperiret vel recitaret nisi Vadomario viso cis Rhenum.

2 He had sent Philagrius, a notary, afterwards Count of the East, to those parts, whose prudence, once ascertained by himself, he trusted; and to him, among many things which he was about to perform according to the capacity of the urgent affairs, he also handed over a sealed paper, and he instructed that he should neither open nor recite it unless Vadomarius had been seen on this side of the Rhine.

3 Perrexit Philagrius ut praeceptum est, eoque praesente et negotiis adstricto diversis transgressus Vadomarius flumen, ut nihil in profunda metuens pace, nihilque secus gestorum simulans scire, viso praeposito militum ibi degentium, pauca locutus ex more, ultro semet, ut suspicionis nihil relinqueret abiturus, ad convivium eius venire promisit, ad quod erat etiam Philagrius invitatus.

3 Philagrius proceeded as was prescribed, and while he was present and engaged in diverse affairs, Vadomarius crossed the river, as one fearing nothing in profound peace, and pretending to know nothing of the things that had been transacted; on seeing the commander of the soldiers stationed there, after speaking a few words according to custom, unprompted he promised to come to his banquet, so that, being about to depart, he might leave nothing of suspicion— to which banquet Philagrius also had been invited.

4 Qui statim ingressus, rege conspecto imperatoris recordatus est verba, causatusque rem seriam et urgentem, ad diversorium rediit, scriptisque lectis doctus quid agi conveniret, confestim reversus discubuit inter ceteros.

4 He, immediately entering, on seeing the king recalled the emperor’s words; and alleging a serious and urgent matter, he returned to the lodging, and, the writings having been read, instructed as to what it was fitting to do, he forthwith returned and reclined among the others.

5 Finitisque epulis Vadomarium fortiter adprehensum rectori militum arte custodiendum apud signa conmisit, textu lecto iussorum, comitibus eius ad sua redire conpulsis, super quibus nihil fuerat imperatum.

5 With the banquet finished, Vadomarius, firmly seized, he committed to the commander of the soldiers to be guarded with skill at the standards; after the text of the orders was read, his companions, about whom nothing had been commanded, were compelled to return to their own.

6 Exhibitus tamen idem rex ad principis castra iamque spe veniae omni praeclusa, cum interceptum notarium et quae scripserat ad Constantium conperisset iam publicata, ne convicio quidem tenus conpellatus missus est ad Hispanias. Id enim studio curabatur ingenti, ne Iuliano discedente a Galliis inmanissimus homo provinciarum statum aegre conpositum licentius conturbaret.

6 However, the same king, produced before the emperor’s camp and, with all hope of pardon now shut off—when he had learned that the notary had been intercepted and that what he had written to Constantius had already been made public—was not even addressed so much as with an insult, but was sent off to Spain. For this was managed with great zeal, lest, with Julian departing from the Gauls, that most savage man should, with freer license, disturb the condition of the provinces, scarcely settled.

7 Hoc casu elatior Iulianus, regis opinione citius intercepti, quem profecturus ad longinqua formidabat, nihil remittentibus curis barbaros adoriri disposuit, quos peremisse Libinonem comitem in congressu cum militibus docuimus paucis.

7 Buoyed up by this occurrence, Julian—since the king had been intercepted sooner than he had expected, the very man whom, when he was about to set out to far-away regions, he had feared—without relaxing his concerns resolved to attack the barbarians, who had slain Libino, the count, in an encounter with the soldiers, as we have indicated briefly.

8 Et ne rumor adventus sui eos ad remotiora traduceret, superato Rheno noctis alto silentio cum auxiliorum expeditissimis globis nihil metuentes huius modi circumvenit, excitatosque hostilium fragore armorum dum gladios circumspectant et tela, celeriter involavit et quosdam occidit, orantes alios praedamque offerentes dediticios cepit, reliquis, qui remansere, pacem precantibus dedit quietem pollicitis firmam.

8 And lest the rumor of his arrival should lead them off to more remote places, with the Rhine crossed, in the deep silence of night, with the most unencumbered companies of the auxiliaries he circumvented those fearing nothing of this sort; and when they were roused by the clash of hostile arms, while they look around for swords and missiles, he swiftly swooped in and killed some, and others, begging and offering booty, he took as surrenderers; to the rest, who remained, beseeching peace, he granted quiet, pledging that it would be firm.

Iulianus A. milites suos alloquitur, et in verba sua universes adigit, Constantio A. bellum illaturus.

Julian Augustus addresses his soldiers, and binds them all by oath to his words, intending to wage war against Constantius Augustus.

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1 Quae dum mentibus aguntur erectis, coniectans quantas intestinae cladis excitaverat moles, nihilque tam convenire conatibus subitis quam celeritatem sagaci praevidens mente, professa palam defectione se tutiorem fore existimavit, incertusque de militum fide, placata ritu secretiore Bellona, classico ad contionem exercitu convocato, saxeo suggestu insistens, iamque, ut apparebat, fidentior haec clarius solito disserebat:

1 While these things were being handled with spirits upheld, conjecturing how great a mass of internal calamity she had aroused, and with a sagacious mind foreseeing that nothing fits sudden undertakings so well as celerity, having openly professed defection she judged that she would be safer; and, uncertain of the soldiers’ loyalty, Bellona having been placated by a more secret rite, the army having been called to assembly by the trumpet-call, standing on a stony rostrum, and now, as was apparent, more confident, she expounded these things more clearly than usual:

2 "Iam dudum tacita deliberatione vos aestimo, magni commilitones, gestorum excitos amplitudine hoc operiri consilium ut eventus, qui sperantur, perpendi possint et praecaveri. Plus enim audire quam loqui militem decet actibus coalitum . . . Gloriosis, nec alia spectatae aequitatis sentire rectorem, quam ea, quae laudari digne potuerunt et probari. Ut igitur quae proposui abiectius absolvam, advertite oro benivole, quae sermone brevi percurram.

2 "For some time now, with silent deliberation, I reckon you, great fellow-comrades, stirred by the amplitude of the deeds, to be awaiting this plan, in order that the outcomes which are hoped for may be weighed and precautioned against. For it befits a soldier, coalesced to glorious acts, to hear more than to speak . . . and it befits a ruler of approved equity to think nothing other than those things which could be worthily praised and approved. Therefore, that I may complete more modestly what I have proposed, attend, I pray, kindly, to what I shall run through in a brief discourse.

3 "Arbitrio dei caelestis vobis inter ipsa iuventae rudimenta permixtus inruptiones Alamannorum adsiduas et Francorum populandique iugem licentiam fregi, et vigore communi Romanis agminibus quotiens libet Rhenum pervium feci, contra rumorum fremitus gentiumque validarum violentos excursus stando inmobilis, virtutis vestrae nimirum firmamento confisus.

3 "By the judgment of the celestial God, mingled among you in the very rudiments of youth, I broke the continual irruptions of the Alamanni and the perpetual license of the Franks to ravage, and with common vigor I made the Rhine pervious to the Roman columns as often as it pleased, standing immobile against the rumbling of rumors and the violent excursions of powerful nations, surely confiding in the firm support of your valor."

4 Et haec laborum, quos exhausimus, Galliae spectatrices post funera multa iacturasque recreatae diuturnas et graves, posteritati per aetatum examina commendabunt.

4 And these proofs of the labors which we have drained, the witnesses of Gaul, revived after many funerals and long and grave losses, will commend to posterity through the examinations of ages.

5 At nunc cum auctoritate vestri iudicii rerumque necessitate conpulsus ad augustum elatus sum culmen, deo vobisque fautoribus, si fortuna coeptis adfuerit, altius adfecto maiora, id prae me ferens quod exercitui, cuius aequitas armorumque inclaruit magnitudo, domi moderatus visus sum et tranquillus et in crebritate bellorum contra conspiratas gentium copias consideratus et cautus.

5 But now, with the authority of your judgment and compelled by the necessity of affairs, I have been elevated to the august summit, with God and you as supporters; if fortune attends the undertakings, I aspire higher to greater things, declaring this openly: that to the army—whose equity and the magnitude of its arms have become illustrious—I have seemed at home moderate and tranquil, and, in the frequency of wars, against the conspired forces of the nations, deliberate and cautious.

6 Ut igitur adversa praeveniamus mentium societate iunctissima, sequimini viam consilii mei salutarem, ut puto, cum integritas rerum intentioni nostrae voluntatique respondeat, et dum maioribus vacant praesidiis regiones Illyricae, inpraepedito cursu tendentes Daciarum interim fines extimos occupemus, exinde quid agi oporteat bonis successibus instruendi.

6 Therefore, that we may forestall adverse things by a most closely joined fellowship of minds, follow the salutary way of my counsel, as I think, since the integrity of affairs answers to our intention and will; and while the Illyrian regions are vacant of greater garrisons, advancing with an unimpeded course let us meanwhile seize the outermost borders of Dacia, thence to be instructed by good successes as to what ought to be done.

7 At vos ex more fidentium ducum iuramento quaeso concordiam spondete mansuram et fidem, operam mihi navaturo sedulam et solitam, nequid agatur inconsultum et segne, et producturo, siquis exegerit, incorruptam conscientiam meam, quod nihil voluntate praeter ea, quae in commune conducunt, adgrediar aut temptabo.

7 But you, as is the custom of confident commanders, I ask by an oath, pledge concord that shall endure and fidelity, to render to me sedulous and accustomed service, that nothing be done unadvised and sluggish; and that I stand ready, should anyone require it, to produce my incorrupt conscience, that by intention I will undertake or attempt nothing beyond those things which conduce to the common good.

8 Illud sane obtestor et rogo observate, ne inpetu gliscentis ardoris in privatorum damna quisquam vestrum exiliat, id cogitans quod ita nos inlustrarunt hostium innumerae strages, ut indemnitas provinciarum et salus exemplis virtutum pervulgatae".

8 This indeed I adjure and ask: observe, lest in the impulse of swelling ardor any one of you spring forth to the detriment of private persons, considering this—that the innumerable slaughters of the enemy have so made us illustrious, that the indemnity of the provinces and their safety have been made widely known by examples of virtues".

9 Hoc sermone imperatoris vice alicuius oraculi conprobato mota est incitatius contio et rerum cupida novandarum unanimanti consensu voces horrendas inmani scutorum fragore miscebat, magnum elatumque ducem et, ut experta est, fortunatum domitorem gentium adpellans et regum.

9 With this speech of the emperor, approved as in the place of some oracle, the assembly was stirred more impetuously and, eager for affairs to be renewed, with unanimous consensus was mixing horrendous shouts with the immense crash of shields, calling him a great and exalted leader and, as it had experienced, a fortunate tamer of nations and of kings.

10 Iussique universi in eius nomen iurare sollemniter gladiis cervicibus suis admotis sub exsecrationibus diris verbis iuravere conceptis omnes pro eo casus, quoad vitam profuderint, si id necessitas exegerit, perlaturos; quae secuti rectores omnesque principis proximi fidem simili religione firmarunt.

10 And all were ordered to swear solemnly in his name, with swords set to their own necks, under dire execrations; by set words they swore that they would carry through all hazards for him, even to the outpouring of life, if necessity should exact it; following which the governors and all the prince’s intimates confirmed their loyalty by a similar sacred obligation.

11 Solus omnium licet proposito stabili, audacter tamen praefectus repugnavit Nebridius, iuris iurandi nexu contra Constantium nequaquam se constringi posse commemorans, cuius beneficiis obligatus erat crebris et multis.

11 Alone of all, though with a steadfast purpose, Prefect Nebridius nevertheless boldly resisted, recalling that by the bond of an oath he could in no way be constrained against Constantius, to whose frequent and manifold benefactions he was obligated.

12 Quibus auditis cum stantes propius milites acriter inflammati eum adpeterent trucidandum, ad genua sua prolapsum imperator paludamento protexit, indeque reversus in regiam cum antegressum eum vidisset supplicemque iacentem orare, ut levandi causa timoris ei porrigeret dexteram "ecquid" ait "praecipuum amicis servabitur, si tu manum tetigeris meam? sed hinc quo libet abi securus". Hocque audito ille innoxius ad larem suum recessit in Tusciam.

12 Having heard these things, when the soldiers standing nearer, sharply inflamed, were rushing at him to be butchered, the emperor, he having fallen at his knees, shielded him with his military cloak; and then, returning into the palace, when he had seen him go on ahead and lying as a suppliant, begging that for the sake of alleviating fear he would extend to him his right hand, he said: "Will anything special be reserved for friends, if you touch my hand? but from here go wherever you please, secure." And on hearing this, he, unharmed, withdrew to his own hearth in Tuscany.

13 His Iulianus, ut poscebat negotii magnitudo, praestructis expertus, quid in rebus tumultuosis anteversio valeat et praegressus, per tesseram edicto itinere in Pannonias, castris promotis et signis temere se fortunae conmisit ambiguae.

13 With these things pre-arranged, Julian, as the magnitude of the business demanded, having learned by experience what anticipation and going on ahead avail in tumultuous affairs, the march into the Pannonias having been ordered through the tessera, and the camp and the standards advanced, recklessly committed himself to ambiguous Fortune.

Constantius A. Faustinam ducit uxorem; auget supplementis exercitum; Armeniae et Hiberiae regis donis sibi conciliat.

Constantius Augustus takes Faustina as his wife; augments the army with supplements; by gifts he conciliates to himself the king of Armenia and of Iberia.

[6]

1 Replicare nunc convenit tempori et narrare summatim quae, dum aguntur in Galliis ante dicta, Constantius hiemans Antiochiae domi militiaeque perfecit. Inter conplures alios honore conspicuos adoraturi imperatorem peregre venientem ordinantur etiam ex tribunis insignibus.

1 It now suits the occasion to recapitulate and to narrate summarily what, while the things said above were being transacted in Gaul, Constantius, wintering at Antioch, accomplished in domestic and military affairs. Among many others conspicuous for honor, who were to adore the emperor coming from abroad, there are also marshaled some from the distinguished tribunes.

2 cum igitur a Mesopotamia reversus Constantius hoc exciperetur officio, Amphilochius quidam ex tribuno Paphlago, quem dudum sub Constante militantem discordiarum sevisse causas inter primores fratres suspiciones contiguae veritati pulsabant, ausus paulo petulantius stare, ut ipse quoque ad parile obsequium admittendus, agnitus est et prohibitus, strepentibusque multis et intueri lucem ulterius non debere clamantibus ut perduellem et obstinatum, Constantius circa haec lenior solito "desinite" ait "urgere hominem ut existimo sontem sed nondum aperte convictum et mementote quod, siquid admisit huius modi, sub obtutibus meis conscientiae ipsius sententia punietur, quam latere non poterit " et ita discessum est.

2 therefore, when Constantius, having returned from Mesopotamia, was received with this homage, a certain Amphilochius, a Paphlagonian from the tribunes—whom suspicions contiguous to the truth were assailing of having long ago, while serving under Constans, sown the causes of discords between the foremost brothers—having dared somewhat more petulantly to take his stand, so that he too might be admitted to equal obeisance, was recognized and forbidden; and as many were clamorously declaring that he ought no longer to look upon the light, as a public enemy and obstinate, Constantius, milder than usual in these matters, said: "Cease pressing the man, whom I suppose to be guilty, yet not as yet openly convicted; and remember that, if he has committed anything of this sort, under my gaze he will be punished by the sentence of his own conscience, which will not be able to lie hidden." And thus they dispersed.

3 Postridie ludis Circensibus idem ex adverso imperatoris, ubi consueverat, spectans repentino clamore sublato cum certamen opinatum emitteretur, diffractis cancellis, quibus una cum pluribus incumbebat, cunctis cum eo in vanum excussis laesisque leviter paucis, interna conpage disrupta efflasse spiritum repertus solus, unde Constantius futurorum quoque praescius exsultabat.

3 On the next day, at the Circus games, the same man, watching opposite the emperor, where he was accustomed, when a sudden shout was raised as the expected contest was being released, with the barrier-rails, upon which he together with many was leaning, broken, and all with him shaken off to no effect and only a few slightly hurt, with his internal structure torn asunder he alone was found to have breathed out his spirit; whereat Constantius, prescient also of things to come, exulted.

4 Eodem tempore Faustinam nomine sortitus est coniugem amissa iam pridem Eusebia, cuius fratres erant Eusebius et Hypatius consulares, corporis morumque pulchritudine pluribus antistante et in culmine tam celso humana, cuius favore iustissimo exemptum periculis declaratumque Caesarem rettulimus Iulianum.

4 At the same time he took as wife one named Faustina, Eusebia having already long since been lost, whose brothers were Eusebius and Hypatius, men of consular rank, she surpassing many in beauty of body and of character and, upon so lofty a summit, humane; by whose most just favor we have reported Julian to have been exempted from dangers and declared Caesar.

5 Habita est isdem diebus etiam Florentii ratio e Galliis novitatis metu digressi, et Anatolio recens mortuo praefecto praetorio per Illyricum, ad eius mittitur locum, cumque Tauro itidem praefecto praetorio per Italiam amplissimi suscepit insignia magistratus.

5 In the same days consideration was also given to Florentius, who had departed from the Gauls for fear of revolution; and Anatolius, the praetorian prefect for Illyricum, having recently died, he is sent to his place, and, together with Taurus, likewise praetorian prefect for Italy, he received the insignia of the most distinguished magistracy.

6 Parabantur nihilo minus externorum atque civilium instrumenta bellorum et augebatur turmarum equestrium numerus parique studio supplementa legionibus scripta sunt indictis per provincias tirociniis, omnisque ordo et professio vexabatur, vestem armaque exhibens et tormenta, aurum quin etiam et argentum, multiplicisque rei cibariae copias et diversa genera iumentorum.

6 Nonetheless the instruments of wars, foreign and civil, were being prepared, and the number of equestrian squadrons was increased; and with equal zeal supplements were enrolled for the legions, recruitments having been proclaimed throughout the provinces, and every order and profession was vexed, furnishing clothing and arms and artillery engines, nay even gold and silver, and manifold supplies of victuals and diverse kinds of beasts of burden.

7 Et quia Persarum rege ob difficultatem hiberni temporis aegre contruso, reserata caeli temperie validior impetus timebatur, ad Transtigritanos reges et satrapas legati cum muneribus missi sunt amplis, monituri cunctos et hortaturi nostra sentire et nihil fallax temptare vel fraudulentum.

7 And because the king of the Persians, on account of the difficulty of the winter season, had been checked only with difficulty, and, with the temperateness of the sky unbarred, a stronger onset was feared, envoys were sent with ample gifts to the Trans-Tigris kings and satraps, to warn all and to exhort them to take our side and to attempt nothing deceitful or fraudulent.

8 Ante omnia tamen Arsaces et Meribanes, Armeniae et Hiberiae reges, cultu ambitioso indumentorum emercabantur et multiformibus donis, damna negotis Romanis inlaturi, si rebus tum etiam dubiis descivissent ad Persas.

8 Before all things, however, Arsaces and Meribanes, kings of Armenia and Iberia, were being bought off with ambitious attire of garments and with multiform gifts, about to bring losses upon Roman affairs, if, in circumstances even then doubtful, they were to defect to the Persians.

9 Inter tot urgentia Hermogene defuncto ad praefecturam promovetur Helpidius ortus in Paphlagonia, aspectu vilis et lingua sed simplicioris ingenii, incruentus et mitis adeo, ut cum ei coram innocentem quendam torquere Constantius praecepisset, aequo animo abrogari sibi potestatem oraret haecque potioribus aliis ex sententia principis agenda permitti.

9 Amid so many urgent matters, with Hermogenes deceased, Helpidius, born in Paphlagonia, is promoted to the prefecture, mean in aspect and in tongue but of a rather simpler disposition, bloodless and so mild, that when Constantius had ordered him in person to torture a certain innocent man, he with an even mind begged that authority be abrogated from himself and that these things be permitted to be done by other, more suitable men, in accordance with the emperor’s judgment.

Constantius A. Antiochiae tum agens, per Gaudentium notarium Africam in sua potestate retinet, ac Euphrate transito Edessam se exercitumque confert.

Constantius Augustus, then residing at Antioch, through Gaudentius the notary retains Africa in his own power, and, the Euphrates having been crossed, he directs himself and the army to Edessa.

[7]

1 Rigore itaque instantium negotiorum anceps Constantius, quid capesseret ambigebat, diu multumque anxius, utrum Iulianum peteret et longinqua, an Parthos repelleret iam transituros ut minabantur Euphratem, haerensque tandem cum ducibus communicato saepe consilio, in id flexus est, ut finito propiore bello vel certe mollito, nullo post terga relicto quem formidaret, Illyriis percursis et Italia, ut rebatur, Iulianum inter exordia ipsa coeptorum tamquam venaticiam praedam caperet. Hoc enim ad leniendum suorum metum subinde praedicabat.

1 By the rigor of the pressing affairs Constantius was in a dilemma, uncertain what to undertake, long and very anxious whether he should pursue Julian and the distant regions, or drive back the Parthians, now about to cross, as they threatened, the Euphrates; and lingering at last, after counsel oft shared with the leaders, he was inclined to this: that, when the nearer war had been finished, or at least softened, with none left behind his back whom he feared, after scouring Illyricum and Italy, as he supposed, he would seize Julian amid the very beginnings of his undertakings, like hunting-prey. For this he kept proclaiming from time to time to assuage the fear of his own.

2 Tamen ne intepesceret aut omisisse belli videretur aliud latus, adventus sui terrorem ubique dispergens, veritusque ne Africa absente eo perrumperetur ad omnes casus principibus oportuna, velut finibus orientis egressus per mare notarium misit Gaudentium quem exploratorem actuum Iuliani per Gallias aliquamdiu fuisse praestrinximus.

2 Nevertheless, lest he grow lukewarm or seem to have omitted the war’s other flank, scattering everywhere the terror of his arrival, and fearing lest Africa, in his absence, be breached—so opportune to princes for all emergencies—he, as though having departed from the borders of the East, sent by sea Gaudentius, a notary, whom we have previously just touched upon as having for some time been an investigator of Julian’s actions throughout the Gauls.

3 Hunc enim obsequio celeri cuncta consideratione gemina efficere posse sperabat, quod adversam partem metueret offensam, et properabit nanctus hanc oportunitatem commendari Constantio, quem credebat procul dubio fore victorem: nemo enim omnium tunc ab hac constanti sententia discrepabat.

3 For he hoped that this man, by swift obedience, could accomplish everything on a twofold reckoning: both that he would fear to offend the opposing party, and that, having found this opportunity, he would hasten to be recommended to Constantius, whom he believed without doubt would be the victor; for at that time no one of all differed from this settled opinion.

4 Qui cum eo venisset, mandatorum principis memor per litteras Cretione comite quid ageretur edocto reliquisque rectoribus, lecto undique milite fortiore translatisque ab utraque Mauritania discursatoribus expeditis, Aquitaniae et Italiae obiecta litora tuebatur artissime.

4 When he had come to him, mindful of the emperor’s mandates, with Count Cretio informed by letters about what was being done, and the other governors as well, after choosing everywhere the stronger soldiery and sending over from both Mauretanias swift couriers, he was guarding most tightly the shores lying opposite Aquitania and Italy.

5 neque id consilium fefellit Constantium. Eo enim superstite nullus adversorum illas tetigit terras, licet oram Siciliensem a Lilybaeo protentam ad Pachynum multitudo servabat armata, si patuisset facultas, ocius transitura.

5 Nor did that counsel deceive Constantius. For with him surviving, none of the adversaries touched those lands, although an armed multitude was guarding the Sicilian shore, stretched from Lilybaeum to Pachynus, which, if the faculty had stood open, would have crossed over the sooner.

6 His pro rerum ratione, ut sibi prodesse existimabat Constantius, aliisque minutis et levioribus ordinatis, ducum nuntiis docebatur et litteris Persarum copias in unum coactas, rege turgido praeeunte, iam prope margines tendere Tigridis, incertum quonam erumpere cogitantes.

6 In accordance with the circumstances, as Constantius thought would benefit himself, and with other smaller and lighter matters arranged, he was informed by the messengers of the leaders and by letters that the forces of the Persians, collected into one, with their turgid king leading the way, were already tending toward the banks of the Tigris, planning to burst forth, it being uncertain where.

7 Quibus percitus, ut propius agens futuros possit antevenire conatus, quam primum hibernis egressus, accito undique equitatu peditumque robore, quo fidebat, per Capersanam Euphrate navali ponte transcurso Edessam petit uberem commeatibus et munitam, ibi parumper operiens dum exploratores aut perfugae motum castrorum hostilium indicarent.

7 Stirred by these things, in order that, acting nearer at hand, he might be able to anticipate the forthcoming attempts, as soon as he had gone out from the winter quarters, having summoned from every side the cavalry and the strength of the foot-soldiers, in which he trusted, with the Euphrates crossed by a naval bridge at Capersana, he made for Edessa, rich in provisions and fortified; there he waited a little while until scouts or deserters should indicate the movement of the enemy camps.

Iulianus Augustus post ordinatas res Galliarum ripam Danubii petit, et partem militum per Italiam perque Raetias praemittit.

Julian Augustus, after the affairs of Gaul were ordered, makes for the bank of the Danube, and sends ahead part of the soldiers through Italy and through the Raetias.

[8]

1 Discedens inter haec Iulianus a Rauracis, peractis, quae docuimus dudum, Sallustium praefectum promotum remisit in Gallias, Germaniano iusso vicem tueri Nebridii, itidemque Nevittae magisterium commisit armorum, Gumoarium proditorem antiquum timens, quem cum Scutarios ageret, latenter prodidisse Veteranionem suum principem audiebat; et Iovio quaesturam, cuius in actibus Magnenti meminimus, et Mamertino largitiones curandas, et Dagalaifum praefecit domesticis, aliosque plures ex arbitrio suo militibus regendis adposuit, quorum merita norat et fidem.

1 Departing meanwhile from the Rauraci, the things which we have set forth before having been completed, Julian sent back into the Gauls Sallustius, the promoted prefect, Germanianus being ordered to hold the place of Nebridius; and likewise he entrusted to Nevitta the mastership of arms, fearing Gumoarius, an ancient traitor, whom he heard had, when he commanded the Scutarii, secretly betrayed his own prince Vetranio; and he assigned to Jovius the quaestorship, whom we have mentioned in the acts of Magnentius, and to Mamertinus the care of the largesses, and he appointed Dagalaifus prefect of the domestics, and he set several others, at his own discretion, over the soldiers to be governed, whose merits and loyalty he knew.

2 Profecturus itaque per Marcianas silvas viasque iunctas Histri fluminis ripis, inter subita vehementer incertus id verebatur ne contemptus ut comitantibus paucis multitudinem offenderet repugnantem.

2 Therefore, about to set out through the Marcian forests and the roads joined to the banks of the river Hister (the Danube), amid sudden emergencies and greatly uncertain, he feared this: lest, being despised as accompanied by few, he might encounter a resisting multitude.

3 Quod ne fieret consilio sollerti praevidit et agminibus distributis, per itinera Italiae nota quosdam properaturos cum Iovino misit et Iovio, alios per mediterranea Raetiarum magistro equitum Nevittae commissos, quo diffusi per varia opinionem numeri praeberent immensi, formidineque cuncta conplerent. Id enim et Alexander Magnus et deinde alii plures negotio ita poscente periti fecere ductores.

3 In order that this not occur, he anticipated it with shrewd counsel, and, the columns having been distributed, he sent certain men, to make speed along the well-known routes of Italy, with Jovinus and Jovius, others through the interior parts of the Raetias, entrusted to Nevitta, master of cavalry, so that, spread through various places, they might present the impression of an immense number and fill all things with dread. For this both Alexander the Great and thereafter many other experienced commanders did, the business thus demanding.

4 Mandabat tamen egressis, ut tamquam hoste protinus occursuro tutius graderentur, stationesque nocturnas agerent et vigilias, ne improviso hostium invaderentur excursu.

4 He nevertheless instructed those setting out that, as though an enemy were about immediately to meet them, they should proceed more safely, and should keep night stations and watches, lest they be assailed by an unforeseen excursion of the enemy.

Taurus et Florentius, consules ac praefectipraetorio hic per Illyricum, ille per Italiam, fugiunt appropinquante Iuliano A. Lucillianus, magister equitum, qui resistere Iuliano parabat, opprimitur.

Taurus and Florentius, consuls and praetorian prefects, this one through Illyricum, that one through Italy, flee as Julian Augustus approaches. Lucillianus, master of horse, who was preparing to resist Julian, is overpowered.

[9]

1 Quibus ita, ut videbatur, apte dispositis, more quo tractus perruperat saepe barbaricos, contextis successibus fidens porrectius ire pergebat.

1 With these things, as it seemed, aptly disposed, in the manner in which he had often broken through barbarian tracts, confident with successes woven together, he continued to press on farther.

2 cumque ad locum venisset, unde navigari posse didicit flumen, lembis escensis, quos oportune fors dederat plurimos, per alveum, quantum fieri potuit, ferebatur occulte, ideo latens quod toleranter et fortiter nullius cibi indigens mundioris sed paucis contentus et vilibus, oppida forinsecus transibat et castra, imitatus egregium illud Cyri veteris dictum, qui cum delatus ad hospitem interrogaretur ab eo, quid ad convivium parari deberet, panem responderat solum: sperare enim aiebat prope rivum se cenaturum.

2 and when he had come to a place whence he learned the river could be navigated, having boarded skiffs, which fortune had opportunely provided in great number, he was carried along the channel, as far as was possible, secretly, remaining hidden for this reason: that, with endurance and bravery, needing no food of a more refined sort but content with few and cheap things, he passed towns and camps from the outside, imitating that distinguished saying of old Cyrus, who, when brought to a host and asked by him what ought to be prepared for the banquet, had replied: bread only; for he said he hoped to dine near the stream.

3 Fama vero, quae mille, ut aiunt, linguis rerum mire exaggerat fidem, per Illyrios omnes celebrior fundebatur, Iulianum strata per Gallias multitudine regum et gentium, numeroso exercitu et successibus tumidum variis adventare.

3 Rumor indeed, which with a thousand, as they say, tongues marvelously exaggerates the credence of things, was being spread more celebrated through all the Illyrians, that Julian, the multitude of kings and nations laid low across the Gauls, was approaching, swollen with a numerous army and with various successes.

4 Quo rumore perculsus praefectus praetorio Taurus ut hostem vitans externum mature discessit, vectusque mutatione celeri cursus publici, transitis Alpibus Iuliis eodem ictu Florentium itidem praefectum secum abduxit.

4 Struck by this rumor, the Praetorian Prefect Taurus, as shunning an external enemy, departed promptly, and, borne by a swift relay-change of the public post, with the Julian Alps crossed, by the same stroke carried off with him Florentius, likewise a prefect.

5 Levibus tamen indiciis super Iuliani motu Lucillianus percitus comes, qui per illas regiones rem curabat ea tempestate castrensem, agensque apud Sirmium milites congregans, quos ex stationibus propriis acciri celeritatis ratio permittebat, venturo resistere cogitabat.

5 Nevertheless, on slight indications concerning Julian’s movement, the count Lucillianus, alarmed—who at that time was administering the military business through those regions—and operating at Sirmium, congregating soldiers whom the rationale of celerity permitted to be summoned from their own stations, was planning to resist the one about to come.

6 Sed ille ut fax vel incensus malleolus volucriter ad destinata festinans, cum venisset Bononeam a Sirmio miliario nono disparatam et decimo, senescente luna ideoque obscurante noctis maximam partem e navi exiluit inprovisus, statimque Dagalaifum misit cum expeditis ad Lucillianum vocandum trahendumque si reniteretur.

6 But he, like a torch or an ignited fire-dart, swiftly hastening to his destinations, when he had come to Bononea, separated from Sirmium by the ninth and the tenth milestone, with the moon waning and therefore obscuring the greater part of the night, leapt unexpectedly from the ship, and at once sent Dagalaifus with light-armed men to summon Lucillianus and to drag him off if he should resist.

7 Qui tum etiam quiescens cum strepitu excitatus turbulento vidisset ignotorum hominum se circulo circumsaeptum, concepto negotio et imperatorii nominis metu praestrictus, praeceptis paruit invitissimus, secutusque alienum arbitrium magister equitum paulo ante superbus et ferox, iumentoque inpositus repentino, principi ut captivus offertur ignobilis, oppressam terrore vix colligens mentem.

7 Who then, even while at rest, when roused with a turbulent din, had seen himself encircled by a ring of unknown men; the affair having been undertaken and benumbed by dread of the imperial name, he obeyed the commands most unwillingly, and, following another’s will—the master of horse a little before proud and fierce—and, suddenly set upon a pack‑animal, he is presented to the prince as a captive, ignoble, scarcely gathering his mind, oppressed by terror.

8 Verum cum primitus visus adorandae purpurae datam sibi copiam advertisset, recreatus tandem suique securus "incaute" inquit "imperator et temere cum paucis alienis partibus te conmisisti". cui amarum Iulianus subridens "haec verba prudentia serva" inquit "Constantio. Maiestatis enim insigne non ut consiliario tibi, sed ut desinas pavere porrexi".

8 But when at first he noticed that an opportunity had been given him for the sight of the adorable purple, at last refreshed and assured of himself, "incautious," he says, "emperor, and rashly you have committed yourself with a few men in alien parts." To which Julian, smiling bitterly, says, "save these words of prudence for Constantius. For I have extended the ensign of Majesty not to you as a counselor, but so that you may cease to be afraid."

Iulianus A. Sirmium, caput Illyrici Occidui, una cum praesidio in fidem recepit; Succos occupat et ad Senatum scribit contra Constantium.

Julian Augustus received Sirmium, the capital of Western Illyricum, into his allegiance together with its garrison; he occupies Succi and writes to the Senate against Constantius.

[10]

1 Nihil deinde amoto Lucilliano differendum nec agendum segne ratus, ut erat in rebus trepidis audax et confidentior, civitatem ut praesumebat dediticiam petens, citis passibus incedebat, eumque suburbanis propinquantem amplis nimiumque protentis, militaris et omnis generis turba cum lumine multo et floribus votisque faustis Augustum adpellans et dominum duxit in regiam.

1 Then, with Lucillianus removed, thinking that nothing was to be deferred nor anything to be done sluggishly, as he was, in troubled affairs, bold and the more confident, seeking the city, which he presumed had surrendered at discretion, he advanced with quick steps; and as he was approaching the suburbs, broad and excessively stretched out, a throng of soldiers and people of every sort, with much light and flowers and auspicious vows, hailing him as Augustus and lord, led him into the palace.

2 Qui eventu laetus et omine, firmata spe venturorum, quod ad exemplum urbium matris populosae et celebris per alias quoque civitates ut sidus salutare susciperetur, edito postridie curuli certamine cum gaudio plebis, ubi lux excanduit tertia, morarum impatiens percursis aggeribus publicis Succos nemine auso resistere praesidiis occupavit, isdemque tuendis Nevittam praefecit ut fidum. cuius loci situm exnunc conveniet ostendi.

2 Who, happy at the outcome and the omen, with hope of things to come made firm, because, after the example of the mother of cities, populous and celebrated, he would be received through other cities also as a health-bringing star, having staged on the next day a curule contest with the joy of the plebs, when the third light blazed forth, impatient of delays, after the public causeways had been traversed, seized Succos with garrisons, no one daring to resist, and set Nevitta over guarding the same as a trusty man. The site of which place it will be fitting to show forth now.

3 Consertae celsorum montium summitates Haemi et Rhodopes, quorum alter ab ipsis Histri marginibus, alter ab Axii fluminis citeriore parte consurgit, in angustias tumulosis collibus desinentes Illyrios interscindunt et Thracas, hinc vicinae mediterraneis Dacis et Serdicae, inde Thracias despectantes et Philippopolim, civitates amplas et nobiles, et tamquam natura in dicionem Romanam redigendas nationes circumsitas praenoscente, ita figuratae consulto, inter artos colles quondam hiantes obscurius, ad magnitudinem splendoremque postea rebus elatis patefactae sunt et carpentis, aditibusque aliquotiens clausis magnorum ducum populorumque reppulere conatus.

3 The interlinked summits of the lofty mountains Haemus and Rhodope—of which the one rises from the very banks of the Ister, the other from the hither side of the river Axius—ending in narrows with hummocky hills, cut apart the Illyrians and the Thracians; on this side neighboring the inland Dacians and Serdica, on that side looking down upon Thrace and Philippopolis, cities ample and noble; and, as though Nature, foreknowing that the encircled nations were to be reduced into Roman dominion, had deliberately shaped them thus, once gaping more obscurely among tight hills, later, when affairs had been exalted to magnitude and splendor, they were laid open even for wagons, and, the approaches at times closed, repelled the attempts of great leaders and peoples.

4 Et pars, quae Illyricum spectat, mollius edita velut incauta subinde superatur. Latus vero e regione oppositum Thraciis prona humilitate deruptum hincque et inde fragosis tramitibus inpeditum difficile scanditur etiam nullo vetante. Sub hac altitudine aggerum utrubique spatiosa camporum planities iacet, superior ad usque Iulias Alpes extenta, inferior ita resupina et panda ut nullis habitetur obstaculis ad usque fretum et Propontidem.

4 And the part that looks toward Illyricum, being more softly raised, as if incautious, is from time to time overcome. But the side opposite, facing the Thracians, broken off in a downward low steepness and impeded here and there by rugged tracks, is difficult to climb even with no one hindering. Beneath this height of the ridges on both sides lies a spacious plain of fields, the upper stretched as far as the Julian Alps, the lower so reclining and bowed that, with no obstacles, it reaches to the strait and the Propontis.

5 His ut in re tali tamque urgenti conpositis, magistro equitum illic relicto imperator revertitur Naessum copiosum oppidum, quo inpraepedite cuncta disponeret suis utilitatibus profutura.

5 With these things, as in such a matter and so urgent, arranged, and the master of cavalry left there, the emperor returns to Naessum, a well‑supplied town, where, unimpeded, he might dispose everything destined to be of profit to his own interests.

6 Ubi Victorem apud Sirmium visum scriptorem historicum exindeque venire praeceptum, Pannoniae secundae consularem praefecit et honoravit aenea statua, virum sobrietatis gratia aemulandum, multo post urbi praefectum.

6 There, upon seeing Victor at Sirmium—a historical writer—and ordering him to come from there, he appointed him consular governor of Pannonia Secunda and honored him with a bronze statue, a man to be emulated for the sake of sobriety, much later prefect of the city.

7 Iamque altius se extollens et numquam credens ad concordiam provocari posse Constantium, orationem acrem et invectivam, probra quaedam in eum explanantem et vitia, scripserat ad senatum. Quae cum Tertullo administrante adhuc praefecturam recitarentur in curia, eminuit nobilitatis cum speciosa fiducia benignitas grata. Exclamatum est enim in unum cunctorum sententia congruente "auctori tuo reverentiam rogamus".

7 And now, lifting himself higher and never believing that Constantius could be provoked to concord, he had written to the senate a sharp and invective oration, setting forth certain reproaches and vices against him. When these were being recited in the curia, while Tertullus was still administering the prefecture, the benignity of the nobility, with splendid confidence, stood out as welcome. For there was a shout, with the judgment of all agreeing as one: "we ask reverence for your author".

8 Tunc et memoriam Constantini ut novatoris turbatorisque priscarum legum et moris antiquitus recepti vexavit, eum aperte incusans, quod barbaros omnium primus ad usque fasces auxerat et trabeas consulares, insulse nimirum et leviter, qui cum vitare deberet id quod infestius obiurgavit, brevi postea Mamertino in consulatu iunxit Nevittam nec splendore nec usu nec gloria horum similem, quibus magistratum amplissimum detulerat Constantinus : contra inconsummatum et subagrestem et, quod minus erat ferendum, celsa in potestate crudelem .

8 Then too he harassed the memory of Constantine as an innovator and disturber of the ancient laws and of the custom received from antiquity, openly accusing him because he, first of all, had advanced barbarians even to the fasces and the consular trabeae, foolishly, to be sure, and frivolously—he who, though he ought to avoid that which he rebuked more hostilely, shortly afterward joined Nevitta with Mamertinus in the consulship, a man like neither in splendor nor in experience nor in glory to those upon whom Constantine had conferred the most ample magistracy : on the contrary, unaccomplished and somewhat rustic, and, what was less to be borne, cruel in lofty power .

Duae legiones Constantianae, quae apud Sirmium ad Iulianum A. transierant, ab eo missae in Gallias, Aquileiam occupant consentientibus oppidanis, ac Iuliani militi portas claudunt.

Two Constantinian legions, which at Sirmium had passed over to Julian Augustus, sent by him into Gaul, seize Aquileia with the townsmen consenting, and shut the gates against Julian’s soldiery.

[11]

1 Haec et talia cogitanti sollicitoque super maximis rebus et seriis, nuntius metuendus intimatur et insperatus, ausa indicans quorundam inmania, inpeditura cursus eius ardentes, ni vigilanter haec quoque antequam adolescerent hebetasset. Quae breviter exponentur.

1 As he was considering these and such matters and was anxious about the greatest and most serious affairs, a fear-inspiring and unhoped-for message is intimated, indicating the monstrous ventures of certain persons, which would have impeded his ardent courses, had he not vigilantly blunted these also before they could mature. These things will be briefly set forth.

2 Duas legiones Constantiacas addita una sagittariorum cohorte, quas invenerat apud Sirmium, ut suspectae adhuc fidei per speciem necessitatum urgentium misit in Gallias. Quae pigrius motae spatiaque itinerum longa et Germanos hostes truces et adsiduos formidantes, novare quaedam moliebantur auctore et incitatore Nigrino, equitum turmae tribuno in Mesopotamia genito: reque digesta per secreta conloquia et alto roborata silentio, cum Aquileiam pervenissent uberem situ et opibus murisque circumdatam validis, eam hostiliter repente clausere iuvante indigena plebe tumultus horrorem, cui Constanti nomen erat tum etiam amicum.

2 Two Constantiac legions, with one cohort of sagittarii added, which he had found at Sirmium, as still suspect in loyalty he sent into Gaul under the appearance of urgent necessities. These, moving more sluggishly and fearing the long stretches of the marches and the Germans, enemies fierce and incessant, were attempting to set on foot certain innovations, with Nigrinus as author and inciter, tribune of a troop of cavalry, born in Mesopotamia; and the matter, arranged through secret conferences and strengthened by deep silence, when they had reached Aquileia—rich in situation and resources and girded by strong walls—they suddenly shut it up in hostile fashion, the native plebs aiding the horror of the tumult, to whom the name of Constantius was then also friendly.

3 Et obseratis aditibus turribusque armatis et propugnaculis, futurae concertationi praeparabant utilia, interim soluti et liberi, hocque facinore ita audaci ad favendum Constanti partibus ut superstitis Italicos incolas excitabant.

3 And with the approaches barred and the towers and outworks armed, they were preparing things useful for the coming contest, meanwhile unbound and free; and by this deed so audacious, in favoring the party of Constantius, they were rousing the Italian inhabitants even while he was still surviving.

Aquileia, favens Constantii A. partibus, oppugnatur; quae postea comperto eius obitu Iuliano se dedidit.

Aquileia, favoring the party of Constantius Augustus, is besieged; which afterwards, upon learning of his death, surrendered to Julian.

[12]

1 Quibus Iulianus acceptis, agens tunc apud Naessum nihil a tergo timens adversum, legensque et audiens hanc civitatem circumsessam quidem aliquotiens, numquam tamen excisam aut deditam, inpensiore studio sibi sociare vel fraude vel diversis adulationum generibus, antequam maius oriretur aliquid, properabat.

1 Upon receiving these, Julian, then staying at Naissus, fearing nothing adverse from the rear, and reading and hearing that this city had indeed been besieged several times, yet never razed or surrendered, was hastening with more earnest zeal to ally it to himself either by fraud or by diverse kinds of adulations, before something greater should arise.

2 Ideoque Iovinum magistrum equitum venientem per Alpes, Noricosque ingressum ad id, quod exarserat, quoquo modo corrigendum redire citius imperavit et nequid deesset, milites omnes, qui comitatum sequebantur aut signa, retineri iussit per idem oppidum transeuntes pro viribus laturos auxilium.

2 Therefore he commanded Jovinus, Master of Horse, who was coming through the Alps and had entered Noricum, to return more quickly, to correct by whatever means that which had flared up; and, so that nothing might be lacking, he ordered that all the soldiers who were following the comitatus or the standards, as they were passing through that same town, be held back, to bring aid according to their forces.

3 Hisque dispositis ipse haut diu postea cognita morte Constanti, discursis Thraciis Constantinopolim introiit: ac saepe doctus lentius fore id obsidium quam verendum, Immone cum comitibus aliis ad hoc destinato removit exinde Iovinum, alia quae potiores flagitabant necessitates acturum.

3 With these things arranged, he himself, not long afterwards, the death of Constans having been learned, after coursing through Thrace he entered Constantinople: and, often instructed that that siege would be slower rather than to be feared, with Immo appointed to this along with other companions, he removed Jovinus from there, to conduct other matters which more pressing necessities were demanding.

4 Ordine itaque scutorum gemino Aquileia circumsaepta, concinentibus sententiis ducum conveniens visum est ad deditionem allicere defensores minacium blandorumque varietate sermonum: et multis ultro citroque dictitatis in inmensum obstinatione gliscente ex conloquio re infecta disceditur.

4 Therefore, Aquileia having been surrounded with a twin order of shields, the opinions of the leaders harmonizing, it seemed convenient to allure the defenders to surrender by a variety of minacious and blandishing speeches; and, with many things repeatedly said to and fro and obstinacy swelling immeasurably, they departed from the conference with the matter undone.

5 Et quia nihil praeter pugnam iam sperabatur, curatis utrubique cibo somnoque corporibus, aurora iam surgente, concrepante sonitu bucinorum partes accensae in clades mutuas, ferocientes magis quam consultius elatis clamoribus ferebantur.

5 And since nothing beyond battle was now expected, after the bodies on both sides had been cared for with food and sleep, with dawn now rising and the sound of the trumpets resounding, the sides, inflamed, were swept into mutual slaughter, borne along with uplifted shouts, raging rather than prudently.

6 Pluteos igitur praeferentes oppugnatores cratesque densius textas, sensim incedentes et caute, murorum ima suffodere ferramentorum multitudine conabantur, factas plerique vehentes ad mensuram moenium scalas, iamque parietibus paene contigui pars lapidibus volutis in pronum conlisi, pars confixi stridentibus iaculis retroque gradientes averterunt secum omnes alios metu similium a proposito pugnandi detortos.

6 Therefore the assailants, carrying mantlets in front and hurdles more thickly woven, advancing gradually and cautiously, were attempting to undermine the lowest parts of the walls with a multitude of iron tools, most of them carrying ladders made to the measure of the ramparts; and now almost contiguous to the walls, some, dashed headlong by stones rolled down, others pierced by whistling javelins, stepping backward turned away with them all the rest, diverted from their purpose of fighting by fear of like things.

7 Hoc primo congressu erecti in audaciam clausi, adsumpta fiducia meliorum parvi ducebant restantia, mentibusque fundatis et conpositis per oportuna tormentis, indefesso labore vigilias et cetera subsidia securitatis implebant.

7 By this first encounter the shut-in, raised to audacity, having assumed confidence of better things, held what remained of little account; and with minds grounded and composed, by means of suitable engines, with tireless labor they filled up the watches and the other supports of security.

8 contra munitores licet pavore discriminum anxii, pudore tamen, ne secordes viderentur et segnes, ubi parum vis procedebat Marte aperto temptata, ad instrumenta obsidionalium artium transtulerunt. Et quia nec arietibus admovendis nec ad intemptandas machinas vel ut possint forari cuniculi inveniebatur usquam habilis locus, disparatione brevi civitatem Natisone amni praeterlabente, commentum excogitatum est cum veteribus admirandum.

8 on the other hand the defenders, although anxious with fear of perils, yet from shame, lest they might seem slothful and sluggish, when force, tried in open war, was advancing too little, shifted to the instruments of the arts of siege. And because nowhere was a suitable place found either for bringing up battering rams, or for attempting machines, or so that cuniculi (mines) could be bored, since, with only a short interval of separation, the Natiso river was gliding past the city, a contrivance was excogitated, admirable even among the ancients.

9 constructas veloci studio ligneas turres propugnaculis hostium celsiores inposuere trigeminis navibus valde sibi conexis, quibus insistentes armati uno parique ardore prohibitores dispellere conlatis ex propinquo viribus nitebantur: subterque expediti velites a turrium cavernis egressi, iniectis ponticulis, quos ante conpaginarant, transgredi festinarunt indiviso negotio ut, dum vicissim missilibus se petunt et saxis utrimquesecus alte locati, hi qui transiere per pontes, nullo interpellante aedificii parte convulsa aditus in penetralia reserarent.

9 the wooden towers, constructed with rapid zeal and loftier than the enemy’s battlements, they set upon triple ships strongly connected to one another; standing on these, the armed men, with one and equal ardor, strove to drive off the defenders by forces brought together at close quarters: and beneath, the nimble velites, having come out from the hollows of the towers, with little bridges thrown in, which they had previously fastened together, hastened to cross in a concerted operation, so that, while those posted aloft on both sides assailed each other in turn with missiles and stones, those who crossed by the bridges, with no hindrance intervening, a part of the structure wrenched away, might unbar the entrances into the inner parts.

10 Verum summa coepti prudentis aliorsum evasit. cum enim adventarent iam turres, contortis malleolis madentibus pice, harundine quin etiam, sarmentis ac vario fomite flammarum incessebantur. quae quoniam incendio celeri ponderibusque trepide superstantium inclinatae prociderunt in flumen, armatorum aliqui per earum fastigia interibant eminus confixi tormentis.

10 But the upshot of the prudent enterprise turned out otherwise. For when the towers were now approaching, they were assailed with fire-darts, whirled, soaked in pitch—nay, with reed as well, with fascines, and with various fuel of flames. And since, inclined by the swift conflagration and by the weights of those standing upon them in panic, they toppled into the river, some of the men-at-arms, along their summits, perished, transfixed from afar by artillery engines.

11 Inter quae destituti pedites post navalium sociorum occasum obtriti sunt saxis inmanibus praeter paucos, quos morte scilicet per inpedita suffugia velocitas exemerat pedum. Ad ultimum certamine protracto in vesperam, datoque signo in receptum, ex more ambo digressi diei residuum animis egere disparibus.

11 Meanwhile, the infantry, left destitute after the downfall of their naval allies, were crushed by immense stones, except a few whom, of course, the velocity of their feet had exempted from death by way of impeded refuges. At last, the struggle having been prolonged into evening, and the signal for retreat having been given, according to custom both withdrew, and they spent the remainder of the day with spirits unequal.

12 Munitorum enim maerores, funera lugentium propria, prohibitores spe iam superandi firmabant, licet ipsi quoque paucos gemebant amissos. Properabatur tamen nihilo minus et, quantum recreandis viribus quiete et cibo satis fuit, tributo per noctis integrae spatium, reparatur lucis exordio proelium incitamento tubarum.

12 For the sorrows of the fortifiers, the funerals proper to the mourners, were strengthening the defenders with hope now of overcoming, although they themselves too were lamenting a few lost. Nevertheless, there was hurrying none the less, and, insofar as was sufficient for restoring their strength with rest and food, time was allotted through the span of the whole night; at the beginning of light the battle is renewed at the incitement of the trumpets.

13 Et quidam elatis super capita scutis ut pugnaturi levius, alii vehentes umeris ut antea scalas ferventique impetu procurrentes, pectora multiformium telorum ictibus exponebant. Alii ferratas portarum obices effringendas adorti, ultro ignibus petebantur vel saxis muralibus oppetebant. Quidam fossam fidentius transire conati, repentinis eorum adsultibus, qui erumpebant clanculo per posticas, ruebant incaute vel saucii discedebant.

13 And some, with shields lifted above their heads so as to fight more easily, others carrying ladders on their shoulders as before and rushing forward with fervent impulse, were exposing their breasts to the blows of multiform missiles. Others, having attempted to break the iron-clad bolts of the gates, were in turn assailed with fires or were meeting death from mural stones. Certain men, having tried more confidently to cross the ditch, at the sudden assaults of those who were bursting out clandestinely through the posterns, were falling headlong incautiously or were withdrawing wounded.

Recursus enim ad moenia tutior vallumque antemuranum cespitibus fultum insidiantes ab omni discrimine defendebat.

For the retreat to the walls was safer, and the ante-mural rampart, propped with turfs, was defending the assailants from every danger.

14 Et quamquam prohibitores duritia bellorumque artibus antistarent, quibus nihil praeter moenium supererat adiumentum, collectus tamen ex potioribus numeris miles diuturnas ferre nequiens moras, suburbana omnia circumibat diligenter inquirens, qua vi vel machinis posset patefactam inrumpere civitatem.

14 And although the defenders, by toughness and by the arts of war, stood up against them— for whom no aid remained except that of the walls— nevertheless the soldiery, assembled from the better ranks, unable to endure long delays, went around all the suburbs, carefully inquiring by what force or with machines they might be able to break into the city once laid open.

15 Quod ubi patrare non poterat magnitudine vetante difficultatum, obsideri remissius coepta est, et excubiis stationibusque relictis, praesidiarii milites vastantes agros propinquos omnibus congruentibus abundabant raptorum pleraque concorporalibus suis inpertientes. Unde largiore admodum potu saginisque distenti marcebant.

15 When they could not accomplish this, the magnitude of the difficulties forbidding, it began to be besieged more laxly; and, the watches and stations having been left, the guard-troops, laying waste the neighboring fields, abounded in everything suitable, imparting most of the plunder to their fellow-members of the corps. Whence, distended with very liberal drink and fattenings, they were languishing.

16 His relatione Immonis consortiumque cognitis, Iulianus Constantinopoli etiam tum hibernans, sollerti remedio turbatis consuluit rebus, moxque Agilonem magistrum peditum ea tempestate probe cognitum miserat, ut viso honoratissimo viro conpertaque per eum morte Constanti solveretur obsidium.

16 With these things known—the report of Immo and the partnership—Julian, still wintering at Constantinople, provided for the disturbed affairs by a skillful remedy, and soon had sent Agilo, Master of Infantry, well known at that time, so that, when the most honorable man had been seen and, through him, the death of Constantius had been ascertained, the siege might be dissolved.

17 Inter quae ne cessaret Aquileiae oppugnatio cum in reliquis opera consumeretur in cassum, placuit resistentes acriter ad deditionem siti conpelli. Et ubi aquarum ductibus intersectis nihilo minus celsiore fiducia repugnarent, flumen laboribus avertitur magnis. Quod itidem frustra est factum.

17 Meanwhile, lest the assault on Aquileia should cease, since in the remaining matters the work was being consumed to no purpose, it was decided to compel the resisters sharply to surrender by thirst. And when, the water-conduits having been cut, they nonetheless resisted with loftier confidence, the river was diverted by great labors. This likewise was done in vain.

Attenuatis enim avidioribus bibendi subsidiis, hi, quos temeritas clauserat, contenti putealibus aquis parce vixerunt.

For, with the more copious supplies for drinking attenuated, those whom temerity had shut in, content with well-water, lived parsimoniously.

18 Quae dum agitantur casibus ante dictis, supervenit, ut praeceptum est, Agilo, scutorumque densitate contectus prope fidenter accessit, multaque locutus et vera, quibus Constanti obitum firmatumque Iuliani docebat imperium, non sine conviciis confutabatur ut fallax. nec ei quisquam credidit gesta narranti, antequam pacta salute susceptus ad pugnaculum solus, fide religiosius reddita ea, quae docuerat, replicaret.

18 While these things were being agitated amid the aforesaid contingencies, there arrived, as had been prescribed, Agilo, and, covered by the density of shields, he approached almost confidently; and having spoken many things—and true—by which he was showing Constantius’s death and Julian’s imperium as confirmed, he was, not without insults, confuted as deceitful. Nor did anyone believe him as he narrated the deeds, until, admitted under a pledged safe‑conduct, alone to a battlement, and his good faith more scrupulously pledged, he restated what he had taught.

19 His auditis ex diuturno angore portis reclusis omnes effusi suscepere laeti pacificum ducem, seque purgantes Nigrinum totius furoris auctorem paucosque alios obtulerunt, eorum supplicio laesae crimina maiestatis et urbis aerumna expiari poscentes.

19 Having heard these things, with the gates opened after long anguish, all, pouring out, joyfully received the pacific leader, and, purging themselves, they offered up Nigrinus, the author of the whole frenzy, and a few others, requesting that by their punishment the crimes of injured majesty and the city’s affliction be expiated.

20 Paucis denique post diebus exploratius spectato negotio, Mamertino tum iudicante praefecto praetorio, Nigrinus ut acerrimus belli instinctor exustus est vivus. Romulus vero post eum et Sabostius curiales convicti sine respectu periculi in studia saeviisse discordiarum, poenali consumpti sunt ferro. Residui omnes abierunt innoxii, quos ad certaminum rabiem necessitas egerat, non voluntas.

20 Finally, after a few days, the matter having been more thoroughly examined, with Mamertinus, then praetorian prefect, judging, Nigrinus, as the fiercest instigator of war, was burned alive. Romulus indeed after him, and Sabostius, curials convicted of having raged into the factions of discord without regard for danger, were consumed by the penal steel. All the rest departed innocent, whom necessity had driven to the frenzy of contests, not will.

Id enim aequitate pensata statuerat placabilis imperator et clemens.

For the placable and clement emperor had decreed that, equity having been weighed.

21 Et haec quidem postea gesta sunt. Iulianus vero agens etiam tum apud Naessum curis altioribus stringebatur, multa utrimque pertimescens. formidabat enim ne clausorum militum apud Aquileiam repentino adsultu obseratis angustiis Alpium Iuliarum, provincias et adminicula perderet, quae exinde sperabat in dies.

21 And these things indeed were done afterward. But Julian, still staying at Naessus, was gripped by deeper anxieties, fearing many things on both sides. For he dreaded lest, by a sudden assault of the soldiers shut up at Aquileia, with the narrow passes of the Julian Alps barred, he would lose the provinces and the supports which from that quarter he was hoping for day by day.

22 Itidemque opes orientis magnopere verebatur audiens dispersum per Thracias militem contra vim subitam cito coactum adventare Succorum confinia, comite Martiano ducente. Sed tamen congrua instantium sollicitudinum moli ipse quoque agitans, efficaciter Illyricum contrahebat exercitum, pulvere coalitum Martio, promptumque in certaminibus bellicoso iungi rectori. nec privatorum utilitates in tempore adflagranti despiciens litesque audiens controversas maxime municipalium ordinum, ad quorum favorem propensior iniuste plures muneribus publicis adnectebat.

22 And likewise he greatly feared the resources of the Orient, hearing that the soldiery, dispersed through Thrace, had been quickly assembled against a sudden violence and was approaching the confines of the Succi, with Count Martianus leading. But yet, himself also devising measures proportionate to the mass of the pressing solicitudes, he effectively drew together the Illyricum army, hardened in the Martial dust, and ready in contests to be joined to a bellicose ruler. Nor, despising the advantages of private persons in a time ablaze, and hearing disputed suits, especially of the municipal orders, to whose favor he was more inclined, he unjustly attached more to the public munera.

24 Ibi Symmachum repertum et Maximum senatores conspicuos, a nobilitate legatos ad Constantium missos, exinde reversos honorifice vidit, et potiore posthabito in locum Tertulli Maximum urbi praefecit aeternae ad Rufini Vulcati gratiam, cuius sororis eum filium norat. Hoc administrante alimentaria res abundavit et querelae plebis excitari crebro solitae cessaverunt.

24 There he found Symmachus and Maximus, distinguished senators, envoys from the nobility sent to Constantius, and he saw them returning from there with honor; and, a better candidate having been set aside, he appointed Maximus in the place of Tertullus as Prefect of the Eternal City, to gratify Rufinus Vulcatus, whose sister’s son he knew him to be. Under his administration the alimentary system abounded, and the complaints of the plebs, wont to be stirred up frequently, ceased.

25 Tunc ut securitatem trepidis rebus adferret et oboedientium nutriret fiduciam, Mamertinum praefectum praetorio per Illyricum designavit consulem, et Nevittam, qui nuper ut primum augendae barbaricae vilitatis auctorem inmoderate notaverat Constantinum.

25 Then, in order to bring security to anxious affairs and to nourish the confidence of the obedient, he designated as consul Mamertinus, praetorian prefect over Illyricum, and Nevitta, who recently, as the first, had immoderately branded Constantine as the author of the augmenting of barbaric baseness.

Sapor domum reducit copias, inhibentibus bellum auspiciis; Constantius A. in Iulianum arma moturus, Hierapoli milites alloquitur.

Sapor leads his forces home, the auspices inhibiting war; Constantius Augustus, about to move arms against Julian, addresses the soldiers at Hierapolis.

[13]

1 His ac talibus inter spem metumque nova negotia commovente, Constantius apud Edessam exploratorum relationibus variis anxius in rationes diducebatur ancipites, nunc ad concursatorias pugnas militem struens, nunc, si copia patuisset, obsidione gemina Bezabden aggressurus, consultans prudenter ne mox partes petiturus arctoas inprotectum Mesopotamiae relinqueret latus.

1 As these and suchlike matters, between hope and fear, were stirring up new business, Constantius, at Edessa, anxious because of the scouts’ diverse reports, was being drawn into wavering plans: now arraying the soldiery for skirmishing clashes, now—if opportunity had opened—about to attack Bezabde with a twofold siege, prudently taking counsel lest, when he should soon be seeking the northern regions, he leave the flank of Mesopotamia unprotected.

2 Verum consiliorum ambiguum retinebant multiplices morae, tardante trans Tigridem rege dum moveri permitterent sacra. nam si permeato flumine nullum qui resisteret invenisset, absque difficultate penetrarat Euphratem: alioqui ad civilia bella custodiens militem timebat eum periculis obiectare circummuranis, firmitatem moenium munimenti defensorumque alacritatem expertus.

2 But the ambiguity of his counsels was held fast by multiple delays, the king beyond the Tigris lingering until the sacred rites should permit him to move. For if, once the river had been crossed, he had found no one to resist, he would without difficulty have penetrated to the Euphrates; otherwise, husbanding the soldiery for civil wars, he was afraid to expose it to the perils that surround walls, having tested both the strength of the walls as a muniment and the alacrity of the defenders.

3 Ne quiesceret tamen neve condemnaretur inertiae, Arbitionem et Agilonem, pedestris equestrisque militiae magistros cum agminibus maximis properare coegit, non ut lacesserent Persas in proelia sed praetenturis iuncturos citeriores Tigridis ripas, et speculaturos quonam rex erumperet violentus. Addebatque monendo saepius et scribendo ut, si multitudo transire coepisset hostilis, referrent citius pedem.

3 However, lest he should rest and be condemned for inertia, he compelled Arbition and Agilo, masters of the infantry and cavalry service, to hurry with very great columns, not to provoke the Persians to battles but to line the nearer banks of the Tigris with outposts, and to reconnoiter where the king would burst forth violently. And he kept adding by frequent admonition and by writing that, if a hostile multitude should begin to cross, they should promptly retire.

4 Dumque conlimitia iussa custodiunt duces, et occulta fallacissimae gentis observantur, agens ipse cum parte validiori exercitus curabat urgentia velut pugnaturus, oppidaque tuebatur excursu. Speculatores vero et transfugae subinde venientes repugnantia prodebant, ideo futurorum incerti, quod apud Persas nemo consiliorum est conscius praeter optimates taciturnos et fidos, apud quos silentii quoque colitur numen.

4 And while the commanders keep the borderlands as ordered, and the secrets of a most deceitful nation are observed, he himself, operating with the stronger part of the army, attended to urgent matters as though about to fight, and protected the towns by sallies. But scouts and deserters, coming repeatedly, disclosed reports at variance, therefore uncertain about the future, because among the Persians no one is privy to counsels except the optimates, taciturn and faithful, among whom the numen of silence too is cultivated.

5 accersebatur autem a memoratis ducibus imperator adsidue, orantibus ferri sibi suppetias. Testabantur enim se non nisi coactis in unum viribus cunctis posse impetum regis ardentissimi sustinere.

5 however, the emperor was being summoned continually by the aforementioned generals, who were begging that succor be brought to them. For they attested that they could not sustain the onset of the most ardent king unless all forces were gathered into one.

6 Quae dum aguntur ita sollicite, nuntii percrebuere certissimi, quorum clara fide conpertum est Iulianum Italiam et Illyricum cursu celeri praetergressum claustra interim occupasse Succorum, accita undique praestolantem auxilia, ut multitudine stipatus armatorum pervaderet Thracias.

6 While these things were being managed with such solicitude, very certain tidings spread abroad, by whose manifest trustworthiness it was ascertained that Julian, having sped past Italy and Illyricum with swift course, had meanwhile seized the barriers of the Succi, and, summoning reinforcements from every side and awaiting them, so that, thronged by a multitude of armed men, he might overrun the Thracian provinces.

7 Quo cognito, maerore offusus Constantius, solacio uno sustentabatur, quod intestinos semper superaverit motus, re tamen magnam ei difficultatem ad capessendum consilium adferente id elegit potissimum, ut vehiculis publicis inpositum paulatim praemitteret militem, inminenti casus atrocitati velocius occursurum.

7 On learning this, Constantius, overcast with grief, was sustained by a single solace: that he had always overcome civil commotions; but as the reality brought him great difficulty in taking up a plan, he chose this chiefly, to send forward gradually the soldiery, set upon the public vehicles, to meet more swiftly the atrocity of the impending calamity.

8 Omniumque consensu adprobata sententia pergebant, ut praeceptum est, expediti. eique haec disponenti luce postera nuntiatur, regem cum omni manu, quam duxerat, ad propria revertisse, auspiciis dirimentibus, lenitoque metu, revocatis omnibus praeter eos, quos consuetudo praesidio Mesopotamiae destinarat, reversus est Hierapolim.

8 And with the opinion approved by the consent of all, they were advancing, as had been ordered, unencumbered. And to him, while he was arranging these things, on the next day it is reported that the king, with the whole force which he had led, had returned to his own, the auspices interrupting; and, the fear softened, with all recalled except those whom custom had destined as a garrison for Mesopotamia, he returned to Hierapolis.

9 Summa itaque coeptorum quorsum evaderet ambigens, cum in unum exercitus convenisset, omnes centurias et manipulos et cohortes in contionem vocavit, concinentibus tubis oppletoque multitudinis campo, ut eam ad firmanda promptius adigeret inperanda, tribunali celso sistens, stipatoque solita densius, haec prosecutus est ad serenitatis speciem et fiduciae vultu formato:

9 Therefore, doubting to what outcome the sum of the undertakings would turn, when the army had gathered into one, he called all the centuries and maniples and cohorts into an assembly, the trumpets sounding in concert and the field filled by the multitude, in order that he might more promptly drive them to confirm what was to be enjoined; taking his stand on a lofty tribunal, and with his escort packed more densely than usual, he proceeded with these words, his face composed to an appearance of serenity and with a countenance shaped to confidence:

10 "Sollicitus semper nequid re levi vel verbo conmittam inculpatae parum congruens honestati, utque cautus navigandi magister clavos pro fluctuum motibus erigens vel inclinans, conpellor nunc apud vos, amantissimi viri, confiteri meos errores, quin potius, si dici liceat verum, humanitatem, quam credidi negotiis communibus profuturam. Proinde ut sciri facilius possit, quae sit huius concilii convocandi materia, accipite quaeso aequis auribus et secundis.

10 "Always solicitous lest I commit anything in a trivial matter or by a word, little congruent with unimpeached honesty, and, like a cautious master of navigation, raising or inclining the helm according to the movements of the waves, I am now compelled, in your presence, most beloved men, to confess my errors—nay rather, if it be permitted to speak the truth, my humanity—which I believed would be of profit to the common business. Accordingly, that it may be more easily known what is the subject of convening this council, receive it, I beg, with fair and favorable ears.

11 "Gallum patruelem meum tempore, quo confundendis rebus pertinaciter Magnentius inhaerebat, quem obruere vestrae virtutes, potestate Caesaris sublimatum ad orientis praesidium misi. Qui cum a iustitia per multa visu relatuque nefaria defecisset, arbitrio punitus est legum.

11 "My cousin Gallus, at the time when Magnentius was pertinaciously clinging to the confounding of affairs—whom your virtues overwhelmed—I sent, elevated with the power of Caesar, to the protection of the East. He, when he had fallen away from justice through many things nefarious to see and to relate, was punished by the arbitrament of the laws.

12 Atque utinam hoc contenta fuisset Invidia, turbarum acerrima concitatrix: et angebat nos una sed secura doloris praeteriti recordatio. At nunc aliud accidit, ausim dicere praeteritis maestius, quod per fortitudinem vobis ingenitam adiumenta caelestia coercebunt.

12 And would that Envy, the fiercest instigator of tumults, had been content with this: and one alone but untroubled recordation of past grief was afflicting us. But now another thing has occurred, I would dare to say sadder than the past, which the celestial aids will restrain by means of the fortitude inborn in you.

13 Iulianus, quem, dum circumfrementes Illyricum nationes exteras oppugnatis, tuendis praefecimus Galliis, levium confidentia proeliorum, quae cum Germanis gessit, semermibus ut vecors elatus, adscitis in societatem superbam auxiliaribus paucis, feritate speque postrema ad perniciosam audaciam promptis, in noxam publicam conspiravit, aequitate calcata, parente nutriceque orbis Romani, quam tumentes spiritus tamquam favillas esse facturam deinde ut sceleste factorum ultricem et ipse expertus et docente antiquitate facile credo.

13 Julian, whom, while you were attacking foreign nations roaring around Illyricum, we appointed to the protection of the Gauls, puffed up, like a madman, by confidence in slight skirmishes which he waged with the Germans against half-armed foes, having adscited into a haughty partnership a few auxiliaries—men ready, through ferocity and last-ditch hope, for pernicious audacity—conspired to public harm, equity being trampled underfoot, the parent and nurse of the Roman world; which would make their swelling spirits like ashes—then, as the avenger of wicked deeds, both he himself experienced it, and, with antiquity teaching, I readily believe.

14 "Quid igitur superest, nisi ut turbinibus excitis occurramus, subcrescentis rabiem belli antequam pubescat validius, celeritatis remediis oppressuri? Nec enim dubium, favore numinis summi praesente, cuius perenni suffragio damnantur ingrati, ferrum impie praeparatum ad eorum interitum esse vertendum, qui non lacessiti sed aucti beneficiis pluribus ad insontium pericula surrexerunt.

14 "What, then, remains, except that we confront the whirlwinds once stirred up, resolved to crush, by remedies of celerity, the rage of a war that is burgeoning before it comes to fuller strength? For there is no doubt, with the favor of the supreme numen present—by whose perennial suffrage the ungrateful are condemned—that the iron impiously prepared for their destruction must be turned against those who, not provoked but augmented by multiple benefactions, have risen up to the peril of the innocent.

15 Ut enim mea mens augurat iustitiaque rectis consiliis adfutura promittit, spondeo quod, si ventum fuerit comminus, ita pavore torpescent, ut nec oculorum vestrorum vibratae lucis ardorem nec barritus sonum perferant primum".

15 “For as my mind augurs, and Justice promises to be present to right counsels, I pledge that, if it comes to close quarters, they will grow so numb with fear that they will endure neither the ardor of the flashing light of your eyes nor, at the outset, the sound of the barritus.”

16 Omnes post haec dicta in sententiam ibant suam hastasque vibrantes irati post multa, quae benivole responderant, petebant duci se protinus in rebellem. Qua gratia in laetitiam imperator versus ex metu, contione mox absoluta, Arbitionem ante alios faustum ad intestina bella sedanda ex ante actis iam sciens, iter suum praeire cum Lanceariis et Mattiariis et catervis expeditorum praecepit, et cum Laetis itidem Gomoarium, venturis in Succorum angustias opponendum, ea re aliis antelatum, quod ut contemptus in Galliis erat Iuliano infestus.

16 After these words, all were going over to his opinion, and, angry, brandishing their spears, after many things which they had answered benevolently, they demanded to be led at once against the rebel. For which reason the emperor, turned from fear into joy, the assembly soon concluded, ordered Arbitio—before others, knowing already from prior deeds that he was propitious for quelling intestine wars—to go on ahead of his march with the Lancearii and the Mattiarii and with companies of light-armed troops; and likewise Gomoarius with the Laeti, to be set in opposition to those who would come into the narrows of the Succi—preferred before others for this reason: because, as one held in contempt in Gaul, he was hostile to Julian.

Praesagia mortis Constantii A.

Presages of the death of Constantius Augustus.

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1 In hoc rerum adversarum tumultu haerens eius fortuna iam et subsistens, adventare casum vitae difficilem, modo non loquentibus signis aperte monstrabat. namque et nocturnis imaginibus terrebatur, et nondum penitus mersus in somnum umbram viderat patris obtulisse pulchrum infantem, eumque susceptum et locatum in gremio suo excussam sibi proiecisse longius sphaeram, quam ipse dextera manu gestabat. Id autem permutationem temporum indicabat licet interpretantes placentia responderent.

1 In this tumult of adverse affairs, his fortune, already sticking fast and coming to a standstill, openly showed by signs that almost spoke that a difficult crisis of life was drawing near. For he was terrified by nocturnal images, and, not yet fully sunk into sleep, he had seen the shade of his father present a beautiful infant, and, after taking him up and placing him in his own lap, he had flung farther from himself the sphere which he was carrying in his right hand. This indicated a permutation of the times, though the interpreters gave pleasing replies.

2 Post haec confessus est iunctioribus proximis, quod tamquam desolatus secretum aliquid videre desierit, quod interdum adfuisse sibi squalidius aestimabat, et putabatur genius esse quidam tutelae salutis adpositus eum reliquisse mundo citius digressurum.

2 After these things he confessed to his closest intimates that, as though desolate, he had ceased to see some secret something, which he sometimes judged had been present to him in a somewhat squalid guise; and it was supposed that a certain genius, appointed for the tutelage of his safety, had left him, as he was going to depart from the world too soon.

3 Ferunt enim theologi in lucem editis hominibus cunctis salva firmitate fatali huius modi quaedam velut actus rectura numina sociari, admodum tamen paucissimis visa, quos multiplices auxere virtutes.

3 For theologians report that to all humans brought forth into the light, with the fatal firmness intact, certain numina of this kind, as if set to straighten their acts, are associated—yet seen by very few, whom manifold virtues have augmented.

4 Idque et oracula et auctores docuere praeclari. Inter quos est etiam Menander comicus, apud quem hi senarii duo leguntur:

4 And both the oracles and distinguished authors have taught this. Among whom is also Menander the comic poet, with whom these two senarii are read:

ἅπαντι δαίμων ἀνδρὶ συμπαρίσταται
εὐθὺς γενομένῳ, μυσταγωγὸς τοῦ βίου.

A daimon stands beside every man
immediately upon his being born, a mystagogue of life.

5 Itidem ex sempiternis Homeri carminibus intellegi datur, non deos caelestes cum viris fortibus conlocutos nec adfuisse pugnantibus vel iuvisse, sed familiaris genios cum isdem versatos, quorum adminiculis freti praecipuis Pythagoras enituisse dicitur et Socrates Numaque Pompilius et superior Scipio et, ut quidam existimant, Marius et Octavianus, cui Augusti vocabulum delatum est primo, Hermesque Termaximus et Tyaneus Apollonius atque Plotinus, ausus quaedam super hac re disserere mystica, alteque monstrare, quibus primordiis hi genii animis conexi mortalium eas tamquam gremiis suis susceptas tuentur, quoad licitum est, docentque maiora, si senserint puras et a conluvione peccandi inmaculata corporis societate discretas.

5 Likewise it is given to be understood from the sempiternal songs of Homer, not that the celestial gods conversed with brave men nor were present to combatants or assisted them, but that familiar genii consorted with those same men; relying on their especial aids Pythagoras is said to have shone forth, and Socrates and Numa Pompilius and the elder Scipio and, as some think, Marius and Octavian, to whom the appellation Augustus was first conferred, and Hermes Trismegistus and Apollonius of Tyana and Plotinus, who dared to discourse certain mystical things about this matter, and to show profoundly by what beginnings these genii, being connected to the souls of mortals, protect them, taken up as if into their own laps, so far as it is permitted, and teach greater things, if they perceive them to be pure and separated from the foul confluence of sin by an immaculate fellowship with the body.

Moritur Constantius A. apud Mopsucrenas Ciliciae.

Constantius the Augustus dies at Mopsucrenae in Cilicia.

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1 Ingressus itaque Antiochiam festinando Constantius, ad motum certaminum civilium, ut solebat, avide surrecturus, paratis omnibus exire properabat inmodice, renitentibus plurimis murmure tenus. nec enim dissuadere palam audebat quisquam vel vetare.

1 Therefore, Constantius, having entered Antioch in haste, at the stir of civil contests, as he was wont, about to rise avidly, with everything prepared was immoderately hurrying to go out, while very many resisted only with a murmur. For no one dared openly to dissuade or to forbid.

2 Autumno iam senescente profectus cum ad suburbanum venisset disiunctum exinde tertio lapide, Hippocephalum nomine, lucente iam die cadaver hominis interfecti dextra iacens capite avulso conspexit, contra occiduum latus extensum: territusque omine, finem parantibus fatis, destinatius ipse tendebat venitque Tarsum, ubi leviore febri contactus ratusque itinerario motu inminutae valetudinis excuti posse discrimen, petit per vias difficiles Mopsucrenas, Ciliciae ultimam hinc pergentibus stationem, sub Tauri montis radicibus positam, egredique secuto die conatus invalente morbi gravitate detentus est: paulatimque urente calore nimio venas, ut ne tangi quidem corpus eius posset in modum foculi fervens, cum usus deficeret medelarum, ultimum spirans deflebat exitium mentisque sensu tum etiam integro successorem suae potestatis statuisse dicitur Iulianum.

2 With autumn now growing old, he set out; when he had come to a suburban residence, set apart from there at the third milestone, named Hippocephalum, with day now shining he caught sight, on his right hand, of the corpse of a murdered man lying with the head torn off, stretched out toward the western side: and terrified by the omen, the fates preparing the end, he himself pressed on more resolutely and came to Tarsus, where, touched by a lighter fever and thinking that by the movement of travel the peril of impaired health could be shaken off, he made for Mopsucrenae by difficult roads, the last station of Cilicia for those going hence, placed under the foothills of Mount Taurus, and when he tried to go out on the day following, he was detained as the severity of the disease grew strong: and as little by little an excessive heat was burning his veins, so that his body, glowing in the manner of a little hearth, could not even be touched, when the efficacy of remedies failed, breathing his last he bewailed his doom, and with the sense of his mind even then intact, he is said to have appointed Julian as successor of his power.

3 Deinde anhelitu iam pulsante letali conticuit, diuque cum anima conluctatus iam discessura abiit e vita tertium nonarum Octobrium, imperii tricesimo octavo vitaeque anno quadragesimo quarto et mensibus paucis.

3 Then, with his panting breath now beating with mortal force, he fell silent; and having long wrestled with his soul, now about to depart, he went out of life on October 5, in the 38th year of his imperial rule and the 44th year of his life, with a few months.

4 Post quae, supremis cum gemitu conclamatis excitisque lamentis et luctu, deliberabant locum obtinentes in aula regia primum, quid agerent quidve moliri deberent: paucisque occulte super eligendo imperatore temptatis, incitante, ut ferebatur, Eusebio, quem noxarum conscientia stimulabat, cum novandis rebus imminens obsisteret Iulianus, mittuntur ad eum Theolaifus et Aligildus tunc comites, mortem indicantes propinqui et oraturi, ut mora omni depulsa ad obtinendum obtemperare sibi paratum tenderet orientem.

4 After which, when the last rites had been proclaimed with groaning and laments and mourning had been aroused, those holding place in the royal palace first deliberated what they should do or what they ought to contrive: and, a few having been secretly tested concerning the choosing of an emperor, with Eusebius, as it was reported, inciting—whom the consciousness of his crimes was goading—since Julian, looming, would oppose the novation of affairs, Theolaifus and Aligildus, then counts, are sent to him, announcing the death of his kinsman and to beg that, with every delay driven away, he should make for the East to secure it, the East being ready to obey him.

5 Fama tamen rumorque loquebatur incertus Constantium voluntatem ordinasse postremam, in qua Iulianum, ut praediximus, scripsit et heredem et his quos diligebat, fidei commissa detulit et legata.

5 Nevertheless rumor and report, uncertain, were saying that Constantius had arranged his last will, in which he wrote Julian, as we have said, as heir, and to those whom he loved he bequeathed fideicommissa and legacies.

6 uxorem autem praegnantem reliquit, unde edita postumal eiusque nomine appellata cum adolevisset, matrimonii iure copulata est Gratiano .

6 but he left a pregnant wife, whence, a posthumous daughter having been brought forth and called by his name, when she had grown up, was joined to Gratian by the right of matrimony .

Constantii A. virtutes, et vitia.

The virtues, and vices, of Constantius Augustus.

[16]

1 Bonorum igitur vitiorumque eius differentia vere servata, praecipua prima conveniet expediri. Imperatoriae auctoritatis cothurnum ubique custodiens, popularitatem elato animo contemnebat et magno, erga tribuendas celsiores dignitates inpendio parcus, nihil circa administrationum augmenta praeter pauca novari perpessus, numquam erigens cornua militarium.

1 Therefore, with the distinction of his good qualities and faults truly maintained, it will be fitting that the chief points first be set forth. Maintaining everywhere the cothurnus of imperial authority, he despised popularity with a lofty and great spirit; exceedingly sparing with regard to the bestowal of loftier dignities, he allowed nothing to be innovated concerning increases of administrations except a few things, never raising the horns of the soldiery.

2 nec sub eo dux quisquam cum clarissimatu provectus est. Erant enim, ut nos quoque meminimus, perfectissimi. nec occurrebat magistro equitum provinciae rector nec contingi ab eo civile negotium permittebat.

2 nor under him was any dux advanced with the clarissimate. For they were, as we too remember, perfectissimi. Nor did the governor of a province go to meet the Master of Horse, nor did he permit any civil business to be touched by him.

Sed cunctae castrenses et ordinariae potestates ut honorum omnium apicem priscae reverentiae more praefectos semper suspexere praetorio.

But all the camp and ordinary powers, as to the apex of all honors, in the custom of ancient reverence, have always looked up to the Praetorian Prefects.

3 In conservando milite nimium cautus, examinator meritorum non numquam subscruposus, palatinas dignitates velut ex quodam tribuens perpendiculo, et sub eo nemo celsum aliquid acturus in regia repentinus adhibitus est vel incognitus, sed qui post decennium officiorum magisterium vel largitiones vel simile quicquam esset recturus, apertissime noscebatur. Valdeque raro contigerat ut militarium aliquis ad civilia regenda transiret contraque non nisi pulvere bellico indurati praeficiebantur armatis.

3 In preserving the soldier he was exceedingly cautious, an examiner of merits sometimes somewhat scrupulous, assigning palace dignities as if from a certain plumb-line; and under him no one who was going to undertake anything exalted in the royal court was brought in as a sudden or unknown appointee, but whoever, a decade beforehand, was to be set over the Mastership of the Offices or the Largesses or anything similar was most plainly known. And very rarely did it befall that someone of the military passed over to govern civil affairs, and conversely none but men hardened with the dust of war were put in charge of the armed.

4 Doctrinarum diligens adfectator, sed cum a rhetorica per ingenium desereretur obtunsum, ad versificandum transgressus nihil operae pretium fecit.

4 A diligent aspirant to doctrines, but, since in rhetoric he was deserted by a blunted ingenium, having crossed over to versifying he did nothing worth the effort.

5 In vita parca et sobria edendi potandique moderatione valetudinem ita retinuit firmam, ut raros colligeret morbos, sed eos non procul a vitae periculis: id enim evenire corporibus a lascivia dimotis et luxu, diuturna experimenta et probationes medendi monstrarunt.

5 In a frugal and sober life, by moderation of eating and drinking, he so retained his health firm that he gathered but rare illnesses, yet those not far from dangers to life: for long-continued experiments and trials of medicine have shown this to happen to bodies removed from lasciviousness and luxury.

6 Somno contentus exiguo, cum id posceret tempus et ratio, perque spatia vitae longissima inpendio castus, ut nec amaro ministro saltem suspicione tenus posset redargui, quod crimen etiam si non invenit, malignitas fingit, in summarum licentia potestatum.

6 Content with scant sleep, whenever time and reason required it, and through the very long spans of life exceedingly chaste, so that he could not be convicted, even to the extent of mere suspicion, by a bitter attendant—a charge which, even if it finds nothing, malice fabricates under the license of the highest powers.

7 Equitandi et iaculandi, maximeque perite dirigendi sagittas, artiumque armaturae pedestris perquam scientissimus. Quod autem nec tersisse umquam nares in publico nec spuisse nec transtulisse in partem alterutram vultum aliquando est visus, nec pomorum quoad vixerat gustaverit, ut dicta saepius praetermitto.

7 Most exceedingly expert in horsemanship and javelin-throwing, and most especially in skillfully directing arrows, and very knowledgeable in the arts of infantry armatura. But as to the fact that he was never seen to have wiped his nostrils in public nor to have spat, nor at any time to have shifted his face to either side, and that he tasted no fruit so long as he lived, I pass over as things often said.

8 Dinumeratis carptim bonis, quae scire potuimus, nunc ad explananda eius vitia veniamus. cum esset in negotiis aliis principibus mediis conparandus, si adfectatae dominationis amplam quandam falsam repperisset aut levem, hanc sine fine scrutando, fasque eodem loco ducens et nefas, Caligulae et Domitiani et Commodi inmanitatem facile superabat, quorum aemulatus saevitiam inter imperandi exordia cunctos sanguine et genere se contingentes stirpitus interemit.

8 Having enumerated piecemeal the good things that we were able to know, now let us come to expounding his vices. Although in other affairs he was to be compared with middling princes, if he found some broad or even slight false pretext of aspired dominion, by scrutinizing this without end, and reckoning right and wrong in the same place, he easily surpassed the inhumanity of Caligula, Domitian, and Commodus; emulating their savagery, in the opening of his rule he annihilated root-and-branch all who were connected to him by blood and lineage.

9 Addebatur miserorum aerumnis, qui rei maiestatis inminutae vel laesae deferebantur, acerbitas eius et iracundae suspiciones in huius modi cuncta distentae. Et siquid tale increpuisset, in quaestiones acrius exurgens quam civiliter, spectatores adponebat his litibus truces, mortemque longius in puniendis quibusdam, si natura permitteret, conabatur extendi, in eius modi controversiarum partibus etiam Gallieno ferocior.

9 There was added to the hardships of the wretched, who were being denounced on a charge of majesty diminished or injured, his severity and irascible suspicions, stretched over all things of this kind. And if anything such had been bruited, rising to inquisitions more sharply than civilly, he would set fierce spectators over these litigations, and he tried to have death extended longer in the punishings of certain persons, if nature permitted, in departments of controversies of this sort even more ferocious than Gallienus.

10 Ille enim perduellionum crebris verisque adpetitus insidiis, Aureoli et Postumi et Ingenui et Valentis, cognomento Thessalonici, aliorumque plurium mortem factura crimina aliquotiens lenius vindicabat: hic etiam ficta vel dubia adigebat videri certissima vi nimia tormentorum.

10 For he, assailed by frequent and true plots of high treason—of Aureolus and Postumus and Ingenuus and Valens, surnamed “of Thessalonica,” and of many others—would sometimes punish more mildly death-dealing charges; this one, by contrast, even compelled forged or doubtful accusations to seem most certain by the excessive force of tortures.

11 Iustumque in eius modi titulis capitaliter oderat, cum maxime id ageret, ut iustus aestimaretur et clemens. Et tamquam ex arida silva volantes scintillae flatu leni ventorum ad usque discrimina vicorum agrestium incohibili cursu perveniunt, ita ille quoque ex minimis causis malorum congeries excitabat, Marci illius dissimilis principis verecundi, qui cum ad imperiale culmen in Syria Cassius surrexisset, epistularum fascem ab eo ad conscios missum, perlatore capto sibi oblatum ilico signatum exuri praecepit, agens adhuc in Illyrico, ne insidiatoribus cognitis invitus quosdam habere posset offensos.

11 And in charges of this sort he had a capital hatred for what was just, at the very time when he was most striving to be esteemed just and clement. And just as from a dry forest flying sparks, by a gentle breath of winds, reach, with an unrestrainable course, even to the perils of country hamlets, so he too from the slightest causes would rouse a heap of evils, unlike that modest emperor Marcus, who, when in Syria Cassius had risen to the imperial summit, a bundle of letters sent by him to his confederates, with the bearer captured and presented to him, he immediately ordered to be burned still sealed, while he was still operating in Illyricum, lest, with the plotters identified, he might unwillingly have certain persons as offended against him.

12 Utque recte sentientes quidam arbitrabantur, virtutis erat potius indicium magnae, imperio eundem Constantium sine cruore cessisse quam vindicasse tam inclementer.

12 And as some, thinking rightly, judged, it was rather an indication of great virtue that the same Constantius had yielded the empire without bloodshed than to have vindicated it so inclemently.

13 Ut Tullius quoque docet crudelitatis increpans Caesarem in quadam ad Nepotem epistula: "neque enim quicquam aliud est felicitas" inquit "nisi honestarum rerum prosperitas. Vel ut alio modo definiam: felicitas est fortuna adiutrix consiliorum bonorum, quibus qui non utitur, felix esse nullo pacto potest. Ergo in perditis impiisque consiliis, quibus Caesar usus est, nulla potuit esse felicitas.

13 As Tullius also teaches, reproaching Caesar for cruelty, in a certain letter to Nepos: "for felicity is nothing else," he says, "but the prosperity of honorable things. Or, that I may define it in another way: felicity is Fortune, helper of good counsels, and whoever does not make use of them can by no means be happy. Therefore, in pernicious and impious counsels, which Caesar employed, there could be no felicity.

Feliciorque meo iudicio Camillus exulans quam temporibus isdem Manlius, etiam si - id quod cupierat - regnare potuisset".

“And more fortunate, in my judgment, was Camillus in exile than, in those same times, Manlius, even if - that which he had desired - he could have reigned”.

14 Id Ephesius quoque Heraclitus adserens monet et ab inertibus et ignavis, eventus variante fortuna, superatos aliquotiens viros fuisse praestantes: illud vero eminere inter praecipuas laudes, cum potestas in gradu, velut sub iugum missa nocendi saeviendi cupiditate et irascendi, in arce victoris animi tropaeum erexerit gloriosum.

14 Heraclitus the Ephesian, asserting this as well, admonishes that, with fortune varying the outcome, outstanding men have sometimes been overcome both by the inert and the cowardly: but that this truly stands out among the chief praises, when power, in position, as if sent under the yoke, has subjected the desire of harming, of being savage, and of being angry, and has erected a glorious trophy on the citadel of the victor’s spirit.

15 Ut autem in externis bellis hic princeps fuit saucius et adflictus, ita prospere succedentibus pugnis civilibus tumidus et intestinis ulceribus rei publicae sanie perfusus horrenda: quo pravo proposito magis quam recto vel usitato triumphalis arcus ex clade provinciarum sumptibus magnis erexit in Galliis et Pannoniis titulis gestorum adfixis, quoad stare poterunt, monumenta lecturis.

15 And just as in foreign wars this prince was wounded and afflicted, so, with the civil fights succeeding prosperously, puffed up and drenched in the horrendous gore from the internal ulcers of the commonwealth, he was terrifying: with this depraved purpose rather than a right or customary one he erected in Gaul and in Pannonia triumphal arches, out of the ruin of the provinces, at great expense, with titles of the deeds affixed—monuments for future readers, so long as they can stand.

16 Uxoribus et spadonum gracilentis vocibus et palatinis quibusdam nimium quantum addictus ad singula eius verba plaudentibus et quid ille aiat aut neget, ut adsentiri possint, observantibus.

16 Addicted beyond all measure to his wives, to the reedy voices of eunuchs, and to certain Palatines, who applauded each of his words and observed what he would affirm or deny, so that they might assent.

17 Augebat etiam amaritudinem temporum flagitatorum rapacitas inexpleta plus odiorum ei quam pecuniae conferentium. Hocque multis intolerantius videbatur, quod nec causam aliquando audivit nec provinciarum indemnitati prospexit, cum multiplicatis tributis et vectigalibus vexarentur. Eratque super his adimere facilis quae donabat.

17 He also augmented the bitterness of the times by the insatiate rapacity of the dunners, who were contributing to him more hatreds than money. And this seemed to many the more intolerable, that he never at any time heard a cause nor provided for the indemnity of the provinces, while they were harassed by multiplied tributes and imposts. And, beyond these things, he was ready to take away what he bestowed.

18 Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem anili superstitione confundens, in qua scrutanda perplexius quam conponenda gravius, excitavit discidia plurima, quae progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum, ut catervis antistitum iumentis publicis ultro citroque discurrentibus per synodos, quas appellant, dum ritum omnem ad suum trahere conantur arbitrium, rei vehiculariae succideret nervos.

18 Confounding the Christian religion, absolute and simple, with an old-womanish superstition, and, in investigating it more perplexedly rather than composing it more gravely, he stirred up very many dissensions, which, having spread more broadly, he nourished by a contestation of words, so that, with bands of bishops running to and fro on public pack-animals through synods, as they call them, while they try to draw every rite to their own arbitrium, he cut the sinews of the vehicular service.

19 Figura tali situque membrorum: subniger, luce oculorum edita, cernensque acutum, molli capillo, rasis adsidue genis lucentibus ad decorem, usque ad pubem ab ipsis colli confiniis longior, brevissimis cruribus et incurvis [unde saltu valebat et cursu].

19 A figure of such a kind and a placement of the limbs: swarthy, with the light of his eyes pronounced, and discerning sharply; with soft hair, his cheeks assiduously shaven, shining for comeliness; longer from the very confines of the neck down to the pubes; with very short and bowed legs [whence he was strong in leaping and in running].

20 Pollinctum igitur corpus defuncti conditumque in loculis Iovianus etiam tum protector domesticus cum regia prosequi pompa Constantinopolim usque iussus est prope necessitudines eius humandum.

20 Accordingly, the embalmed body of the deceased, laid in the coffins, Jovian—then still a domestic protector—was ordered to escort with royal pomp all the way to Constantinople, to be buried near his relatives.

21 Eique vehiculo insidenti quod portabat reliquias, ut principibus solet, annonae militaris offerebantur indicia, ut ipsi nominant, proba et animalia publica monstrabantur et ex usu crebrescebant occursus, quae et alia horum similia eidem Ioviano imperium quidem sed et cassum et umbratile ut ministro rerum funebrium portendebant.

21 And to him, seated upon the vehicle which was carrying the relics, as is customary for princes, tokens of the military annona were offered—“indicia,” as they themselves call them—and the public animals were displayed, and encounters, according to usage, grew frequent; which things, and other similar ones of this sort, portended to that same Jovian an imperium indeed, but hollow and shadowy, as to a minister of funeral affairs.