Caesar: COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI VII DE BELLO GALLICO CUM A. HIRTI SUPPLEMENTO

[1] Ea quae secuta est hieme, qui fuit annus Cn. Pompeio, M. Crasso consulibus, Usipetes Germani et item Tencteri magna [cum] multitudine hominum flumen Rhenum transierunt, non longe a mari, quo Rhenus influit. Causa transeundi fuit quod ab Suebis complures annos exagitati bello premebantur et agri cultura prohibebantur. Sueborum gens est longe maxima et bellicosissima Germanorum omnium.

[1] In the winter which followed, which was the year with Gnaeus Pompeius and Marcus Crassus as consuls, the Usipetes, Germans, and likewise the Tencteri, with a great [with] multitude of men crossed the river Rhine, not far from the sea into which the Rhine flows. The cause of their crossing was that, driven for many years by the Suebi, they were pressed by war and were prohibited from the cultivation of fields. The nation of the Suebi is by far the greatest and most bellicose of all the Germans.

Hi centum pagos habere dicuntur, ex quibus quotannis singula milia armatorum bellandi causa ex finibus educunt. Reliqui, qui domi manserunt, se atque illos alunt; hi rursus in vicem anno post in armis sunt, illi domi remanent. Sic neque agri cultura nec ratio atque usus belli intermittitur.

These are said to have a hundred cantons, from which each year they lead out from their borders a thousand armed men apiece for the purpose of war. The rest, who have remained at home, sustain themselves and those men; these in turn, the year after, are in arms, those remain at home. Thus neither agriculture nor the method and use of war is intermitted.

Sed privati ac separati agri apud eos nihil est, neque longius anno remanere uno in loco colendi causa licet. Neque multum frumento, sed maximam partem lacte atque pecore vivunt multum sunt in venationibus; quae res et cibi genere et cotidiana exercitatione et libertate vitae, quod a pueris nullo officio aut disciplina adsuefacti nihil omnino contra voluntatem faciunt, et vires alit et immani corporum magnitudine homines efficit. Atque in eam se consuetudinem adduxerunt ut locis frigidissimis neque vestitus praeter pelles habeant quicquam, quarum propter exiguitatem magna est corporis pars aperta, et laventur in fluminibus.

But private and separate fields among them are nothing, nor is it permitted to remain longer than one year in one place for the sake of cultivation. Nor do they live much on grain, but for the greatest part on milk and livestock; they are much in hunting; which thing, both by the kind of food and by daily exercise and by the liberty of life—for, from boyhood, habituated by no office or discipline, they do absolutely nothing against their will—both nourishes their strength and makes men with an immense magnitude of bodies. And they have brought themselves into such a habit that in the coldest places they have nothing of clothing except skins, on account of the scantiness of which a great part of the body is open, and they bathe in rivers.

[2] Mercatoribus est aditus magis eo ut quae bello ceperint quibus vendant habeant, quam quo ullam rem ad se importari desiderent. Quin etiam iumentis, quibus maxime Galli delectantur quaeque impenso parant pretio, Germani importatis non utuntur, sed quae sunt apud eos nata, parva atque deformia, haec cotidiana exercitatione summi ut sint laboris efficiunt. Equestribus proeliis saepe ex equis desiliunt ac pedibus proeliantur, equos eodem remanere vestigio adsuefecerunt, ad quos se celeriter, cum usus est, recipiunt: neque eorum moribus turpius quicquam aut inertius habetur quam ephippiis uti.

[2] Access is given to merchants rather for this reason—that they may have those to whom they can sell what they have captured in war—than because they desire that anything be imported to themselves. Nay even in the case of draught-animals, with which the Gauls are especially delighted and which they procure at a steep price, the Germans do not use those imported, but those which are born among them, small and misshapen—these they render, by quotidian exercise, to be of the utmost capacity for toil. In equestrian battles they often leap down from their horses and fight on foot; they have accustomed their horses to remain in the same spot, to which they quickly withdraw, when there is need: nor is anything in their mores considered more shameful or more inert than to use saddles.

Itaque ad quemvis numerum ephippiatorum equitum quamvis pauci adire audent. Vinum omnino ad se importari non patiuntur, quod ea re ad laborem ferendum remollescere homines atque effeminari arbitrantur.

Therefore, although few, they dare to approach any number of horsemen equipped with saddles. They do not at all allow wine to be imported to them, because they judge that by that thing men are softened for enduring labor and are effeminated.

[3] Publice maximam putant esse laudem quam latissime a suis finibus vacare agros: hac re significari magnum numerum civitatum suam vim sustinere non posse. Itaque una ex parte a Suebis circiter milia passuum C agri vacare dicuntur. Ad alteram partem succedunt Ubii, quorum fuit civitas ampla atque florens, ut est captus Germanorum; ii paulo, quamquam sunt eiusdem generis, sunt ceteris humaniores, propterea quod Rhenum attingunt multum ad eos mercatores ventitant et ipsi propter propinquitatem [quod] Gallicis sunt moribus adsuefacti.

[3] Publicly they reckon the greatest praise to be that the fields lie empty as widely as possible from their own borders: by this fact it is signified that a great number of states are not able to sustain their force. And so on one side the lands are said to lie empty for about 100 miles from the Suebi. On the other side the Ubii succeed, whose civitas was ample and flourishing, as is the standard of the Germans; they, although of the same stock, are a little more humane than the rest, because they touch the Rhine, merchants make frequent visits to them, and they themselves, on account of proximity, [that] they have been accustomed to Gallic customs.

Hos cum Suebi multis saepe bellis experti propter amplitudinem gravitatem civitatis finibus expellere non potuissent, tamen vectigales sibi fecerunt ac multo humiliores infirmiores redegerunt.

These, since the Suebi, after trying them in many wars, had not been able, on account of the amplitude and gravity of their commonwealth, to expel them from their borders, nevertheless they made tributaries to themselves and reduced them to be much more humble and weaker.

[4] In eadem causa fuerunt Usipetes et Tencteri, quos supra diximus; qui complures annos Sueborum vim sustinuerunt, ad extremum tamen agris expulsi et multis locis Germaniae triennium vagati ad Rhenum pervenerunt, quas regiones Menapii incolebant. Hi ad utramque ripam fluminis agros, aedificia vicosque habebant; sed tantae multitudinis adventu perterriti ex iis aedificiis quae trans flumen habuerant demigraverant, et cis Rhenum dispositis praesidiis Germanos transire prohibebant. Illi omnia experti, cum neque vi contendere propter inopiam navium neque clam transire propter custodias Menapiorum possent, reverti se in suas sedes regionesque simulaverunt et tridui viam progressi rursus reverterunt atque omni hoc itinere una nocte equitatu confecto inscios inopinantes Menapios oppresserunt, qui de Germanorum discessu per exploratores certiores facti sine metu trans Rhenum in suos vicos remigraverant.

[4] In the same condition were the Usipetes and the Tencteri, whom we mentioned above; who for several years withstood the force of the Suebi, but at the last, driven from their fields and, after three years, having wandered in many places of Germany, came to the Rhine, which regions the Menapii inhabited. These had fields, buildings, and villages on both banks of the river; but, terrified at the arrival of so great a multitude, from those buildings which they had across the river they had migrated, and, with garrisons posted on this side of the Rhine, were preventing the Germans from crossing. They, having tried everything, since they could neither contend by force because of a lack of ships nor cross secretly because of the Menapii’s guards, pretended to return into their own seats and territories, and, after advancing a three-days’ journey, returned again, and, the whole of this journey having been completed in one night by their cavalry, overwhelmed the Menapii unknowing and unexpecting, who, made more certain by their scouts about the departure of the Germans, without fear had remigrated across the Rhine into their own villages.

His interfectis navibus eorum occupatis, prius quam ea pars Menapiorum quae citra Rhenum erat certior fieret, flumen transierunt atque omnibus eorum aedificiis occupatis reliquam partem hiemis se eorum copiis aluerunt.

With these slain and their ships seized, before that part of the Menapii which was on this side of the Rhine could be made certain, they crossed the river and, all their buildings occupied, sustained themselves for the remaining part of the winter on their supplies.

[5] His de rebus Caesar certior factus et infirmitatem Gallorum veritus, quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum existimavit. Est enim hoc Gallicae consuetudinis, uti et viatores etiam invitos consistere cogant et quid quisque eorum de quaque re audierit aut cognoverit quaerant et mercatores in oppidis vulgus circumsistat quibus ex regionibus veniant quas ibi res cognoverint pronuntiare cogat. His rebus atque auditionibus permoti de summis saepe rebus consilia ineunt, quorum eos in vestigio paenitere necesse est, cum incertis rumoribus serviant et pleri ad voluntatem eorum ficta respondeant.

[5] Informed of these matters, and fearing the weakness of the Gauls—because they are mobile in taking counsels and for the most part are eager for new things—Caesar judged that nothing should be entrusted to them. For this is the Gallic custom: that they even force travelers, unwilling though they be, to halt and ask what each of them has heard or learned about any matter, and that in the towns the common crowd surround the merchants and compel them to proclaim from what regions they have come and what things they have learned there. Moved by these things and by such reports, they often enter upon counsels about the highest matters, of which it is necessary that they repent on the spot, since they are in thrall to uncertain rumors and most answer fabricated things to suit their desire.

[6] Qua consuetudine cognita Caesar, ne graviori bello, occurreret, maturius quam consuerat ad exercitum proficiscitur. Eo cum venisset, ea quas fore suspicatus erat facta cognovit: missas legationes ab non nullis civitatibus ad Germanos invitatos eos uti ab Rheno discederent: omnia quae[que] postulassent ab se fore parata. Qua spe adducti Germani latius iam vagabantur et in fines Eburonum et Condrusorum, qui sunt Treverorum clientes, pervenerant.

[6] With this custom known, Caesar, lest he should encounter a more grave war, sets out to the army earlier than he was accustomed. When he had come there, he learned that the things which he had suspected would be had been done: legations had been sent by some states to the Germans, inviting them to depart from the Rhine; that everything whatsoever they had demanded from him would be prepared. Led by this hope, the Germans were already wandering more broadly and had reached into the borders of the Eburones and the Condrusi, who are clients of the Treveri.

Principibus Gallice evocatis Caesar ea quae cognoverat dissimulanda sibi existimavit, eorumque animis permulsis et confirmatis equitatu imperato bellum cum Germanis gerere constituit.

With the Gallic leading men summoned, Caesar judged that the things he had learned ought to be dissimulated by himself; and, their minds soothed and strengthened, with cavalry ordered he resolved to wage war with the Germans.

[7] Re frumentaria comparata equitibusque delectis iter in ea loca facere coepit, quibus in locis esse Germanos audiebat. A quibus cum paucorum dierum iter abesset, legati ab iis venerunt, quorum haec fuit oratio: Germanos neque priores populo Romano bellum inferre neque tamen recusare, si lacessantur, quin armis contendant, quod Germanorum consuetudo [haec] sit a maioribus tradita, Quicumque bellum inferant, resistere neque deprecari. Haec tamen dicere venisse invitos, eiectos domo; si suam gratiam Romani velint, posse iis utiles esse amicos; vel sibi agros attribuant vel patiantur eos tenere quos armis possederint: sese unis Suebis concedere, quibus ne di quidem immortales pares esse possint; reliquum quidem in terris esse neminem quem non superare possint.

[7] With the grain-supply arranged and with chosen horsemen, he began to make a march into those places where he heard the Germans were. When he was a march of a few days away from them, envoys came from them, whose speech was this: that the Germans would neither be the first to bring war upon the Roman people, nor yet, if they were provoked, would they refuse to contend by arms, because this is the custom of the Germans handed down from their ancestors: whoever bring war, to resist and not to deprecate it. They said, however, that they had come to say this unwillingly, driven from home; if the Romans wish their favor, they can be useful friends to them; either let them assign lands to them, or allow them to hold those which they have possessed by arms: that they yield to the Suebi alone, to whom not even the immortal gods could be a match; as for the rest, there is no one on earth whom they cannot overcome.

[8] Ad haec Caesar quae visum est respondit; sed exitus fuit orationis: sibi nullam cum iis amicitiam esse posse, si in Gallia remanerent; neque verum esse, qui suos fines tueri non potuerint alienos occupare; neque ullos in Gallia vacare agros qui dari tantae praesertim multitudini sine iniuria possint; sed licere, si velint, in Ubiorum finibus considere, quorum sint legati apud se et de Sueborum iniuriis querantur et a se auxilium petant: hoc se Ubiis imperaturus.

[8] To these things Caesar responded what seemed fit; but the outcome of the speech was: that for himself no friendship with them could be possible, if they should remain in Gaul; nor was it true that they who had not been able to defend their own boundaries should occupy foreign ones; nor were there any fields lying vacant in Gaul that could be given to so great a multitude without injury; but it was permitted, if they wished, to settle in the territory of the Ubii, whose envoys are with him and complain about the injustices of the Suebi and seek aid from him: this he would order to the Ubii.

[9] Legati haec se ad suos relaturos dixerunt et re deliberata post diem tertium ad Caesarem reversuros: interea ne propius se castra moveret petierunt. Ne id quidem Caesar ab se impetrari posse dixit. Cognoverat enim magnam partem equitatus ab iis aliquot diebus ante praedandi frumentandi causa ad Ambivaritos trans Mosam missam: hos expectari equites atque eius rei causa moram interponi arbitrabatur.

[9] The legates said that they would report these things to their people and, the matter having been deliberated, would return to Caesar on the third day: meanwhile they asked that he not move his camp nearer to them. Not even this, Caesar said, could be obtained from him. For he had learned that a great part of the cavalry had been sent by them some days before across the Mosa (the Meuse) to the Ambivariti for the sake of predation and grain-gathering; he supposed that these horsemen were being awaited and that on account of this matter a delay was being interposed.

[10] [Mosa profluit ex monte Vosego, qui est in finibus Lingonum, et parte quadam ex Rheno recepta, quae appellatur Vacalus insulam efficit Batavorum, in Oceanum influit neque longius ab Oceano milibus passuum LXXX in Rhenum influit. Rhenus autem oritur ex Lepontiis, qui Alpes incolunt, et longo spatio per fines Nantuatium, Helvetiorum, Sequanorum, Mediomatricorum, Tribocorum, Treverorum citatus fertur et, ubi Oceano adpropinquavit, in plures diffluit partes multis ingentibus insulis effectis, quarum pars magna a feris barbaris nationibus incolitur, ex quibus sunt qui piscibus atque ovis avium vivere existimantur, multis capitibus in Oceanum influit.]

[10] [The Mosa flows forth from Mount Vosagus, which is in the borders of the Lingones, and, a certain part having been received from the Rhine, which is called the Vacalus, it makes the island of the Batavi, it flows into the Ocean, and not farther from the Ocean than 80 miles it flows into the Rhine. The Rhine, moreover, rises from the Lepontii, who inhabit the Alps, and for a long space it is borne, quickened, through the territories of the Nantuates, the Helvetians, the Sequanians, the Mediomatrici, the Triboci, the Treveri, and, when it has approached the Ocean, it flows apart into several parts, many huge islands having been formed, a great part of which is inhabited by wild barbarian nations, among whom there are those who are thought to live on fish and the eggs of birds, it flows into the Ocean with many mouths.]

[11] Caesar cum ab hoste non amplius passuum XII milibus abesset, ut erat constitutum, ad eum legati revertuntur; qui in itinere congressi magnopere ne longius progrederetur orabant. Cum id non impetrassent, petebant uti ad eos [equites] qui agmen antecessissent praemitteret eos pugna prohiberet, sibique ut potestatem faceret in Ubios legatos mittendi; quorum si principes ac senatus sibi iure iurando fidem fecisset, ea condicione quae a Caesare ferretur se usuros ostendebant: ad has res conficiendas sibi tridui spatium daret. Haec omnia Caesar eodem illo pertinere arbitrabatur ut tridui mora interposita equites eorum qui abessent reverterentur; tamen sese non longius milibus passuum IIII aquationis causa processurum eo die dixit: huc postero die quam frequentissimi convenirent, ut de eorum postulatis cognosceret.

[11] Caesar, when he was no more than 12 miles distant from the enemy, as had been arranged, the legates return to him; and, meeting him on the road, they begged earnestly that he not advance farther. When they did not obtain that, they asked that he send ahead to those [cavalry] who had gone before the column and prevent them from battle, and that he grant to them the power of sending legates to the Ubii; if the chiefs and the senate of these should give them a pledge by oath, they showed that they would make use of the condition which would be brought by Caesar: for accomplishing these things he should give them a space of three days. Caesar judged that all these things tended to this same point, that, a delay of three days interposed, their horsemen who were absent might return; nevertheless he said that he would proceed that day no farther than 4 miles for the sake of watering: hither on the next day let as many as possible assemble, so that he might learn their demands.

Interim ad praefectos, qui cum omni equitatu antecesserant, mittit qui nuntiarent ne hostes proelio lacesserent, et si ipsi lacesserentur, sustinerent quoad ipse cum exercitu propius accessisset.

Meanwhile he sends to the prefects, who had gone ahead with all the cavalry, to announce that they should not provoke the enemies to battle; and if they themselves were provoked, they should withstand until he himself had drawn nearer with the army.

[12] At hostes, ubi primum nostros equites conspexerunt, quorum erat V milium numerus, cum ipsi non amplius DCCC equites haberent, quod ii qui frumentandi causa erant trans Mosam profecti nondum redierant, nihil timentibus nostris, quod legati eorum paulo ante a Caesare discesserant atque is dies indutiis erat ab his petitus, impetu facto celeriter nostros perturbaverunt; rursus his resistentibus consuetudine sua ad pedes desiluerunt subfossis equis compluribus nostris deiectis reliquos in fugam coniecerunt atque ita perterritos egerunt ut non prius fuga desisterent quam in conspectum agminis nostri venissent. In eo proelio ex equitibus nostris interficiuntur IIII et LXX, in his vir fortissimus Piso Aquitanus, amplissimo genere natus, cuius avus in civitate sua regnum obtinuerat amicus a senatu nostro appellatus. Hic cum fratri intercluso ab hostibus auxilium ferret, illum ex periculo eripuit, ipse equo vulnerato deiectus, quoad potuit, fortissime restitit; cum circumventus multis vulneribus acceptis cecidisset atque id frater, qui iam proelio excesserat, procul animadvertisset, incitato equo se hostibus obtulit atque interfectus est.

[12] But the enemies, as soon as they caught sight of our cavalry, whose number was 5 thousand, although they themselves had not more than 800 horsemen, because those who had set out across the Meuse for the sake of foraging had not yet returned, with our men fearing nothing—for their envoys had a little before departed from Caesar and that day had been asked by them as a truce—making an onrush they swiftly threw our men into disorder; again, when these resisted, according to their custom they leapt down to their feet, and, the horses having been hamstrung, with many of our men thrown down, they drove the rest into flight and so hustled them, terrified, that they did not cease fleeing before they had come into the sight of our column. In that battle there are slain of our cavalry 74, among them the bravest man, Piso the Aquitanian, born from a most ample lineage, whose grandfather had held kingship in his own state and had been styled “friend” by our Senate. He, when he was bringing help to his brother cut off by the enemies, snatched him from danger; he himself, his horse wounded, having been thrown, stood and resisted most bravely as long as he could; when, surrounded and having received many wounds, he had fallen, and his brother, who had now withdrawn from the battle, had noticed this from afar, with his horse spurred he offered himself to the enemies and was slain.

[13] Hoc facto proelio Caesar neque iam sibi legatos audiendos neque condiciones accipiendas arbitrabatur ab iis qui per dolum atque insidias petita pace ultro bellum intulissent; expectare vero dum hostium copiae augerentur equitatus reverteretur summae dementiae esse iudicabat, et cognita Gallorum infirmitate quantum iam apud eos hostes uno proelio auctoritatis essent consecuti sentiebat; quibus ad consilia capienda nihil spatii dandum existimabat. His constitutis rebus et consilio cum legatis et quaestore communicato, ne quem diem pugnae praetermitteret, oportunissima res accidit, quod postridie eius diei mane eadem et perfidia et simulatione usi Germani frequentes, omnibus principibus maioribusque natu adhibitis, ad eum in castra venerunt, simul, ut dicebatur, sui purgandi causa, quod contra atque esset dictum et ipsi petissent, proelium pridie commisissent, simul ut, si quid possent, de indutiis fallendo impetrarent. Quos sibi Caesar oblatos gavisus illos retineri iussit; ipse omnes copias castris D eduxit equitatumque, quod recenti proelio perterritum esse existimabat, agmen subsequi iussit.

[13] This battle having been done, Caesar now thought that neither should envoys be listened to nor conditions accepted from those who, by guile and ambush, with peace having been sought, had of their own accord brought war; to wait, in truth, until the forces of the enemy were increased and the cavalry returned he judged to be the height of dementia, and, the weakness of the Gauls having been known, he perceived how much authority the enemies had already won among them by one battle; to whom he thought no space ought to be given for taking counsels. These things having been settled, and counsel shared with the legates and the quaestor, lest he let pass any day for battle, a most opportune thing befell, because on the morning of the next day the Germans, using the same perfidy and simulation, in great numbers, with all their chiefs and elders having been called in, came to him into the camp, at once, as was said, for the sake of purging themselves because, contrary to what had been said and what they themselves had asked, they had joined battle the day before, and at once so that, if they could, by deceiving they might obtain a truce. Caesar, rejoicing that they had offered themselves to him, ordered them to be detained; he himself led all the forces out of the camp and ordered the cavalry, which he supposed had been terrified by the recent battle, to follow the marching column.

[14] Acie triplici instituta et celeriter VIII milium itinere confecto, prius ad hostium castra pervenit quam quid ageretur Germani sentire possent. Qui omnibus rebus subito perterriti et celeritate adventus nostri et discessu suorum, neque consilii habendi neque arma capiendi spatio dato perturbantur, copiasne adversus hostem ducere an castra defendere an fuga salutem petere praestaret. Quorum timor cum fremitu et concursu significaretur, milites nostri pristini diei perfidia incitati in castra inruperunt.

[14] With a triple battle line drawn up and, a march of 8 miles having been swiftly completed, he reached the enemy’s camp before the Germans could perceive what was going on. They, suddenly terrified by everything—both by the speed of our arrival and by the departure of their own men—were thrown into confusion, no interval having been given for taking counsel or for taking up arms, as to whether it were preferable to lead their forces against the enemy, to defend the camp, or to seek safety by flight. And as their fear was made manifest by a roar and a running to and fro, our soldiers, incited by the perfidy of the previous day, burst into the camp.

Quo loco qui celeriter arma capere potuerunt paulisper nostris restiterunt atque inter carros impedimentaque proelium commiserunt; at reliqua multitudo puerorum mulierumque (nam cum omnibus suis domo excesserant Rhenum transierant) passim fugere coepit, ad quos consectandos Caesar equitatum misit.

In that place those who were able to seize arms quickly for a little while stood against our men and commenced battle among the carts and the baggage; but the remaining multitude of boys and women (for they had departed from home with all their own and had crossed the Rhine) began to flee everywhere, and Caesar sent the cavalry to pursue them.

[15] Germani post tergum clamore audito, cum suos interfici viderent, armis abiectis signis militaribus relictis se ex castris eiecerunt, et cum ad confluentem Mosae et Rheni pervenissent, reliqua fuga desperata, magno numero interfecto, reliqui se in flumen praecipitaverunt atque ibi timore, lassitudine, vi fluminis oppressi perierunt. Nostri ad unum omnes incolumes, perpaucis vulneratis, ex tanti belli timore, cum hostium numerus capitum CCCCXXX milium fuisset, se in castra receperunt. Caesar iis quos in castris retinuerat discedendi potestatem fecit.

[15] The Germans, when a shout was heard behind their back and when they saw their own being slaughtered, their arms cast away, their military standards left behind, hurled themselves out of the camp; and when they had reached the confluence of the Meuse and the Rhine, further flight despaired of, with a great number slain, the rest hurled themselves into the river, and there, oppressed by fear, by lassitude, by the force of the stream, they perished. Our men, all to a man unharmed, with very few wounded, from the fear of so great a war—since the number of the enemy had been 430,000 heads—retired into the camp. Caesar gave to those whom he had kept back in the camp the permission of departing.

Illi supplicia cruciatusque Gallorum veriti, quorum agros vexaverant, remanere se apud eum velle dixerunt. His Caesar libertatem concessit.

They, fearing the punishments and cruciations of the Gauls, whose fields they had vexed, said that they wished to remain with him. To these Caesar granted liberty.

[16] Germanico bello confecto multis de causis Caesar statuit sibi Rhenum esse transeundum; quarum illa fuit iustissima quod, cum videret Germanos tam facile impelli ut in Galliam venirent, suis quoque rebus eos timere voluit, cum intellegerent et posse et audere populi Romani exercitum Rhenum transire. Accessit etiam quod illa pars equitatus Usipetum et Tencterorum, quam supra commemoravi praedandi frumentandi causa Mosam transisse neque proelio interfuisse, post fugam suorum se trans Rhenum in fines Sugambrorum receperat seque cum his coniunxerat. Ad quos cum Caesar nuntios misisset, qui postularent eos qui sibi Galliae bellum intulissent sibi dederent, responderunt: populi Romani imperium Rhenum finire; si se invito Germanos in Galliam transire non aequum existimaret, cur sui quicquam esse imperii aut potestatis trans Rhenum postularet?

[16] With the Germanic war finished, for many causes Caesar determined that the Rhine had to be crossed by himself; of which this was the most just: since he saw the Germans so easily impelled to come into Gaul, he wished them also to fear for their own affairs, when they should understand both that the army of the Roman people was able and dared to cross the Rhine. There was added also the fact that that part of the cavalry of the Usipetes and Tencteri, which I have mentioned above to have crossed the Meuse for the sake of plundering and getting grain and not to have taken part in the battle, after the flight of their men had withdrawn across the Rhine into the borders of the Sugambri and had joined themselves with them. To these, when Caesar had sent envoys to demand that they hand over to him those who had brought war upon himself and upon Gaul, they answered: that the imperium (dominion) of the Roman people was bounded by the Rhine; if he judged it not equitable that the Germans cross into Gaul against his will, why did he claim that anything of his imperium or power was beyond the Rhine?

Ubii autem, qui uni ex Transrhenanis ad Caesarem legatos miserant, amicitiam fecerant, obsides dederant, magnopere orabant ut sibi auxilium ferret, quod graviter ab Suebis premerentur; vel, si id facere occupationibus rei publicae prohiberetur, exercitum modo Rhenum transportaret: id sibi ad auxilium spemque reliqui temporis satis futurum. Tantum esse nomen atque opinionem eius exercitus Ariovisto pulso et hoc novissimo proelio facto etiam ad ultimas Germanorum nationes, uti opinione et amicitia populi Romani tuti esse possint. Navium magnam copiam ad transportandum exercitum pollicebantur.

But the Ubii, who alone of the Transrhenani had sent envoys to Caesar, had made friendship, and had given hostages, earnestly begged that he bring them aid, because they were grievously pressed by the Suebi; or, if doing this were prevented by the occupations of the Commonwealth, that he would only transport the army across the Rhine: that would be sufficient for them for aid and for hope of the remaining time. So great was the name and reputation of his army—Ariovistus having been driven back and this most recent battle having been fought—even to the farthest nations of the Germans, that by the reputation and friendship of the Roman People they might be safe. They promised a great abundance of ships for transporting the army.

[17] Caesar his de causis quas commemoravi Rhenum transire decrevat; sed navibus transire neque satis tutum esse arbitrabatur neque suae neque populi Romani dignitatis esse statuebat. Itaque, etsi summa difficultas faciendi pontis proponebatur propter latitudinem, rapiditatem altitudinemque fluminis, tamen id sibi contendendum aut aliter non traducendum exercitum existimabat. Rationem pontis hanc instituit.

[17] Caesar, for these reasons which I have recounted, decreed to cross the Rhine; but he judged that to cross by ships was not sufficiently safe, nor did he deem it to be of his own or of the Roman people’s dignity. And so, although the greatest difficulty of making a bridge was set before him on account of the breadth, rapidity, and depth of the river, nevertheless he thought that he must strive for this, or else that the army should not be led across otherwise. He instituted this plan of the bridge.

Tigna bina sesquipedalia paulum ab imo praeacuta dimensa ad altitudinem fluminis intervallo pedum duorum inter se iungebat. Haec cum machinationibus immissa in flumen defixerat fistucisque adegerat, non sublicae modo derecte ad perpendiculum, sed prone ac fastigate, ut secundum naturam fluminis procumberent, iis item contraria duo ad eundem modum iuncta intervallo pedum quadragenum ab inferiore parte contra vim atque impetu fluminis conversa statuebat. Haec utraque insuper bipedalibus trabibus immissis, quantum eorum tignorum iunctura distabat, binis utrimque fibulis ab extrema parte distinebantur; quibus disclusis atque in contrariam partem revinctis, tanta erat operis firmitudo atque ea rerum natura ut, quo maior vis aquae se incitavisset, hoc artius inligata tenerentur.

He was joining in pairs timbers a foot-and-a-half in measure, a little sharpened at the bottom, measured to the height of the river, with an interval of two feet between them. When he had let these into the river by machinations and had fixed them and driven them in with pile-drivers, the piles were not only set straight to the perpendicular, but also leaning forward and pitched, so that they might incline in accordance with the nature of the river; likewise he would set two opposite ones, joined in the same way, at a distance of forty feet on the lower side, turned against the force and impetus of the river. Both sets, with two‑foot beams laid in above, to the extent that the junction of those timbers was spaced, were kept apart by twin clamps on either side at the outer end; and when these were spread and bound back in the contrary direction, so great was the firmness of the work and such was the nature of the matter that, the greater the force of the water had incited itself, the more tightly, being ligatured, they were held.

Haec derecta materia iniecta contexebantur ac longuriis cratibusque consternebantur; ac nihilo setius sublicae et ad inferiorem partem fluminis oblique agebantur, quae pro ariete subiectae et cum omni opere coniunctae vim fluminis exciperent, et aliae item supra pontem mediocri spatio, ut, si arborum trunci sive naves deiciendi operis causa essent a barbaris missae, his defensoribus earum rerum vis minueretur neu ponti nocerent.

These straight timbers, having been thrown in, were interwoven and were covered with long-poles and hurdles; and nonetheless piles too were driven obliquely toward the lower part of the river, which, set beneath as a battering-ram and joined with the whole work, would receive the force of the river, and others likewise above the bridge at a moderate interval, so that, if trunks of trees or ships had been sent by the barbarians for the purpose of throwing down the work, by these defenders the force of those things might be diminished, and they might not harm the bridge.

[18] Diebus X, quibus materia coepta erat comportari, omni opere effecto exercitus traducitur. Caesar ad utramque partem pontis firmo praesidio relicto in fines Sugambrorum contendit. Interim a compluribus civitatibus ad eum legati veniunt; quibus pacem atque amicitiam petentibus liberaliter respondet obsidesque ad se adduci iubet.

[18] In 10 days, during which the timber had begun to be brought together, with the whole work completed, the army is led across. Caesar, a firm garrison having been left on each side of the bridge, hastens into the borders of the Sugambri. Meanwhile envoys come to him from several communities; to those seeking peace and amity he replies liberally and orders that hostages be brought to him.

At Sugambri, ex eo tempore quo pons institui coeptus est fuga comparata, hortantibus iis quos ex Tencteris atque Usipetibus apud se habebant, finibus suis excesserant suaque omnia exportaverant seque in solitudinem ac silvas abdiderant.

But the Sugambri, from the time when the bridge began to be instituted, with flight prepared, at the urgings of those whom they had with them from the Tencteri and the Usipetes, had departed from their own borders, had carried out all their possessions, and had hidden themselves in solitude and forests.

[19] Caesar paucos dies in eorum finibus moratus, omnibus vicis aedificiisque incensis frumentisque succisis, se in fines Ubiorum recepit atque his auxilium suum pollicitus, si a Suebis premerentur, haec ab iis cognovit: Suebos, postea quam per exploratores pontem fieri comperissent, more suo concilio habito nuntios in omnes partes dimisisse, uti de oppidis demigrarent, liberos, uxores suaque omnia in silvis deponerent atque omnes qui arma ferre possent unum in locum convenirent. Hunc esse delectum medium fere regionum earum quas Suebi obtinerent; hic Romanorum adventum expectare atque ibi decertare constituisse. Quod ubi Caesar comperit, omnibus iis rebus confectis, quarum rerum causa exercitum traducere constituerat, ut Germanis metum iniceret, ut Sugambros ulcisceretur, ut Ubios obsidione liberaret, diebus omnino XVIII trans Rhenum consumptis, satis et ad laudem et ad utilitatem profectum arbitratus se in Galliam recepit pontemque rescidit.

[19] Caesar, having stayed a few days in their borders, with all the villages and edifices burned and the grain cut down, withdrew himself into the borders of the Ubii and, having promised them his aid if they were pressed by the Suebi, learned this from them: that the Suebi, after they had found out through scouts that a bridge was being made, having held a council according to their custom, had sent messengers into all parts, that they should migrate from their towns, deposit their children, wives, and all their belongings in the forests, and that all who could bear arms should assemble into one place. That this chosen place was nearly the middle of the regions which the Suebi possessed; that here they were awaiting the arrival of the Romans and had determined to decide it by battle there. When Caesar learned this, with all those things completed for the sake of which he had decided to lead the army across—to inspire fear in the Germans, to avenge the Sugambri, to free the Ubii from siege—with in all 18 days spent across the Rhine, judging that he had advanced enough both for praise and for utility, he withdrew into Gaul and cut down the bridge.

[20] Exigua parte aestatis reliqua Caesar, etsi in his locis, quod omnis Gallia ad septentriones vergit, maturae sunt hiemes, tamen in Britanniam proficisci contendit, quod omnibus fere Gallicis bellis hostibus nostris inde subministrata auxilia intellegebat, et si tempus anni ad bellum gerendum deficeret, tamen magno sibi usui fore arbitrabatur, si modo insulam adiisset, genus hominum perspexisset, loca, portus, aditus cognovisset; quae omnia fere Gallis erant incognita. Neque enim temere praeter mercatores illo adit quisquam, neque his ipsis quicquam praeter oram maritimam atque eas regiones quae sunt contra Galliam notum est. Itaque vocatis ad se undique mercatoribus, neque quanta esset insulae magnitudo neque quae aut quantae nationes incolerent, neque quem usum belli haberent aut quibus institutis uterentur, neque qui essent ad maiorem navium multitudinem idonei portus reperire poterat.

[20] With only a scant part of the summer left, Caesar, although in these regions, because all Gaul inclines toward the north, winters are early, nevertheless strove to set out for Britain, because he understood that in almost all the Gallic wars auxiliaries had been supplied to our enemies from there; and even if the time of year should be lacking for waging war, yet he thought it would be of great use to himself, if only he had gone to the island, had thoroughly inspected the kind of men, and had learned the places, the ports, the approaches; all of which were almost unknown to the Gauls. For hardly anyone goes thither except merchants, nor is anything known even to these very men except the maritime coast and those regions which are opposite Gaul. And so, with merchants summoned to him from everywhere, he could discover neither how great the size of the island was, nor what nations or how many inhabited it, nor what use in war they had or with what institutions they used, nor which harbors were suitable for a larger multitude of ships.

[21] Ad haec cognoscenda, prius quam periculum faceret, idoneum esse arbitratus C. Volusenum cum navi longa praemittit. Huic mandat ut exploratis omnibus rebus ad se quam primum revertatur. Ipse cum omnibus copiis in Morinos proficiscitur, quod inde erat brevissimus in Britanniam traiectus.

[21] To learn these things, before he should make a trial, he judged it suitable and sends ahead Gaius Volusenus with a long ship. To him he charges that, all matters having been explored, he return to him as soon as possible. He himself with all his forces sets out into the Morini, because from there the crossing into Britain was shortest.

Huc naves undique ex finitimis regionibus et quam superiore aestate ad Veneticum bellum fecerat classem iubet convenire. Interim, consilio eius cognito et per mercatores perlato ad Britannos, a compluribus insulae civitatibus ad eum legati veniunt, qui polliceantur obsides dare atque imperio populi Romani obtemperare. Quibus auditis, liberaliter pollicitus hortatusque ut in ea sententia permanerent, eos domum remittit et cum iis una Commium, quem ipse Atrebatibus superatis regem ibi constituerat, cuius et virtutem et consilium probabat et quem sibi fidelem esse arbitrabatur cuiusque auctoritas in his regionibus magni habebatur, mittit.

To this place he orders ships from every side out of the neighboring regions, and the fleet which he had built in the previous summer for the war with the Veneti, to assemble. Meanwhile, his plan having become known and, through the merchants, conveyed to the Britons, envoys from several city-states of the island come to him, who promise to give hostages and to obey the imperium of the Roman people. On hearing these things, having promised generously and exhorted them to remain in that purpose, he sends them home, and along with them sends Commius, whom he himself, the Atrebates having been subdued, had established there as king—whose valor and counsel he approved, whom he judged to be faithful to himself, and whose authority in these regions was held in great esteem.

Huic imperat quas possit adeat civitates horteturque ut populi Romani fidem sequantur seque celeriter eo venturum nuntiet. Volusenus perspectis regionibus omnibus quantum ei facultatis dari potuit, qui navi egredi ac se barbaris committere non auderet, V. die ad Caesarem revertitur quaeque ibi perspexisset renuntiat.

He orders him to approach whatever states he can and to exhort them to follow the faith of the Roman people, and to announce that he himself would swiftly come there. Volusenus, after inspecting all the regions as far as opportunity could be given him—for he did not dare to disembark from the ship and to commit himself to the barbarians—on the 5th day returns to Caesar and reports what he had observed there.

[22] Dum in his locis Caesar navium parandarum causa moratur, ex magna parte Morinorum ad eum legati venerunt, qui se de superioris temporis consilio excusarent, quod homines barbari et nostrae consuetudinis imperiti bellum populo Romano fecissent, seque ea quae imperasset facturos pollicerentur. Hoc sibi Caesar satis oportune accidisse arbitratus, quod neque post tergum hostem relinquere volebat neque belli gerendi propter anni tempus facultatem habebat neque has tantularum rerum occupationes Britanniae anteponendas iudicabat, magnum iis numerum obsidum imperat. Quibus adductis eos in fidem recipit.

[22] While in these places Caesar was delaying for the sake of preparing ships, envoys from a great part of the Morini came to him to excuse themselves concerning the counsel of the earlier time, on the ground that men, barbarian and unskilled in our custom, had made war upon the Roman people, and they promised that they would do the things which he had commanded. Caesar, thinking that this had happened quite opportunely for himself—because he did not wish to leave an enemy behind his back, nor did he have the faculty of waging war on account of the season of the year, nor did he judge that these occupations of such very small matters ought to be put before Britain—orders from them a great number of hostages. When these were brought, he receives them into his good faith.

Navibus circiter LXXX onerariis coactis contractisque, quot satis esse ad duas transportandas legiones existimabat, quod praeterea navium longarum habebat quaestori, legatis praefectisque distribuit. Huc accedebant XVIII onerariae naves, quae ex eo loco a milibus passuum VIII vento tenebantur quo minus in eundem portum venire possent: has equitibus tribuit. Reliquum exercitum Q. Titurio Sabino et L. Aurunculeio Cottae legatis in Menapios atque in eos pagos Morinorum a quibus ad eum legati non venerant ducendum dedit.

With about 80 transport ships gathered and concentrated, as many as he judged sufficient for ferrying across two legions, the long ships which he had besides he distributed to the quaestor, the legates, and the prefects. To these there were added 18 transport ships, which were held back by the wind 8 miles from that place, so that they could not come into the same port: these he assigned to the cavalry. The remainder of the army he gave to Quintus Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta, legates, to be led against the Menapii and into those districts of the Morini from which envoys had not come to him.

P. Sulpicium Rufum legatum cum eo praesidio quod satis esse arbitrabatur portum tenere iussit.

He ordered the legate P. Sulpicius Rufus to hold the port with that garrison which he judged to be sufficient.

[23] His constitutis rebus, nactus idoneam ad navigandum tempestatem III. fere vigilia solvit equitesque in ulteriorem portum progredi et naves conscendere et se sequi iussit. A quibus cum paulo tardius esset administratum, ipse hora diei circiter IIII.

[23] With these matters settled, having obtained weather suitable for sailing, about the 3rd watch he cast off, and he ordered the horsemen to advance to the farther port and to embark on the ships and to follow him. And as it was administered somewhat more slowly by them, he himself at about the 4th hour of the day.

cum primis navibus Britanniam attigit atque ibi in omnibus collibus eitas hostium copias armatas conspexit. Cuius loci haec erat natura atque ita montibus angustis mare continebatur, uti ex locis superioribus in litus telum adigi posset. Hunc ad egrediendum nequaquam idoneum locum arbitratus, dum reliquae naves eo convenirent ad horam nonam in ancoris expectavit.

when he reached Britain with the first ships and there on all the hills caught sight of the enemy’s armed forces, he observed that the nature of the place was this: the sea was so confined by narrow mountains that from the higher positions a missile could be cast onto the shore. Judging this place by no means suitable for disembarking, while the remaining ships were assembling there he waited at anchor until the ninth hour.

Interim legatis tribunisque militum convocatis et quae ex Voluseno cognovisset et quae fieri vellet ostendit monuitque, ut rei militaris ratio, maximeque ut maritimae res postularent, ut, cum celerem atque instabilem motum haberent, ad nutum et ad tempus D omnes res ab iis administrarentur. His dimissis, et VII ab eo loco progressus aperto ac plano litore naves constituit.

Meanwhile, having called together the legates and the tribunes of the soldiers, he set forth both what he had learned from Volusenus and what he wished to be done, and he admonished that, as the method of warfare, and especially maritime affairs, require—since they have a swift and unstable motion—all things should be administered by them at a nod and at the proper time. These dismissed, and having advanced 7 from that place, he stationed the ships on an open and level shore.

[24] At barbari, consilio Romanorum cognito praemisso equitatu et essedariis, quo plerumque genere in proeliis uti consuerunt, reliquis copiis subsecuti nostros navibus egredi prohibebant. Erat ob has causas summa difficultas, quod naves propter magnitudinem nisi in alto constitui non poterant, militibus autem, ignotis locis, impeditis manibus, magno et gravi onere armorum oppressis simul et de navibus desiliendum et in auctibus consistendum et cum hostibus erat pugnandum, cum illi aut ex arido aut paulum in aquam progressi omnibus membris expeditis, notissimis locis, audacter tela coicerent et equos insuefactos incitarent. Quibus rebus nostri perterriti atque huius omnino generis pugnae imperiti, non eadem alacritate ac studio quo in pedestribus uti proeliis consuerant utebantur.

[24] But the barbarians, the counsel of the Romans having been learned, with the cavalry and the chariot-fighters sent ahead—the kind which for the most part they were accustomed to use in battles—having followed with the remaining forces, were preventing our men from disembarking from the ships. For these causes there was the highest difficulty: because the ships, on account of their magnitude, could not be stationed except in deep water; but for the soldiers, in unknown places, with their hands impeded, overwhelmed by the great and weighty burden of arms, at once they had to leap down from the ships, to take their stand in the surf, and to fight with the enemies, while those men, either from dry land or having advanced a little into the water, with all their limbs unencumbered, in very well-known places, were boldly hurling missiles and urging on their horses accustomed to it. Terrified by these things and altogether unskilled in fighting of this kind, our men were not employing the same alacrity and zeal which they were accustomed to use in battles on foot.

[25] Quod ubi Caesar animadvertit, naves longas, quarum et species erat barbaris inusitatior et motus ad usum expeditior, paulum removeri ab onerariis navibus et remis incitari et ad latus apertum hostium constitui atque inde fundis, sagittis, tormentis hostes propelli ac submoveri iussit; quae res magno usui nostris fuit. Nam et navium figura et remorum motu et inusitato genere tormentorum permoti barbari constiterunt ac paulum modo pedem rettulerunt. Atque nostris militibus cunctantibus, maxime propter altitudinem maris, qui X legionis aquilam gerebat, obtestatus deos, ut ea res legioni feliciter eveniret, ' desilite', inquit, ' milites, nisi vultis aquilam hostibus prodere; ego certe meum rei publicae atque imperatori officium praestitero.' Hoc cum voce magna dixisset, se ex navi proiecit atque in hostes aquilam ferre coepit.

[25] When Caesar noticed this, he ordered the long ships, whose appearance was more unusual to the barbarians and whose movement for use was more unencumbered, to be moved a little away from the transport ships, to be driven forward by oars, and to be stationed toward the enemy’s open flank, and from there the enemy to be driven back and dislodged with slings, arrows, and artillery; which thing was of great use to our men. For both by the form of the ships and the motion of the oars and the unfamiliar kind of engines, the barbarians were disturbed, halted, and only a little gave ground. And as our soldiers were hesitating, especially because of the depth of the sea, the man who was bearing the eagle of the 10th legion, adjuring the gods that this matter might turn out happily for the legion, said: ‘Leap down, soldiers, unless you wish to betray the eagle to the enemies; I for my part will surely render my duty to the Republic and the commander.’ When he had said this with a great voice, he hurled himself from the ship and began to bear the eagle against the enemy.

Tum nostri cohortati inter se, ne tantum dedecus admitteretur, universi ex navi desiluerunt. Hos item ex proximis primi navibus cum conspexissent, subsecuti hostibus adpropinquaverunt.

Then our men, having encouraged one another, lest so great a disgrace be allowed, all together leaped down from the ship. Likewise, when the foremost from the nearest ships had caught sight of these, having followed, they approached the enemy.

[26] Pugnatum est ab utrisque acriter. Nostri tamen, quod neque ordines servare neque firmiter insistere neque signa subsequi poterant atque alius alia ex navi quibuscumque signis occurrerat se adgregabat, magnopere perturbabantur; hostes vero, notis omnibus vadii, ubi ex litore aliquos singulares ex navi egredientes conspexerant, incitatis equis impeditos adoriebantur, plures paucos circumsistebant, alii ab latere aperto in universos tela coiciebant. Quod cum animadvertisset Caesar, scaphas longarum navium, item speculatoria navigia militibus compleri iussit, et quos laborantes conspexerat, his subsidia submittebat.

[26] It was fought fiercely by both sides. Our men, however, because they could neither keep their ranks nor stand firmly nor follow their standards, and each man from a different ship would attach himself to whatever standards he had met, were greatly perturbed; but the enemies, with all the shallows known to them, whenever from the shore they had caught sight of some individuals disembarking from a ship, with their horses incited they would attack men hampered, many would surround the few, others from the open flank would hurl missiles into the whole mass. When Caesar had noticed this, he ordered the skiffs of the long ships, likewise the scouting craft, to be filled with soldiers, and to those whom he had seen struggling he was sending reinforcements as a relief.

Nostri, simul in arido constiterunt, suis omnibus consecutis, in hostes impetum fecerunt atque eos in fugam dederunt; neque longius prosequi potuerunt, quod equites cursum tenere atque insulam capere non potuerant. Hoc unum ad pristinam fortunam Caesari defuit.

Our men, as soon as they stood on dry land, with all their own having come up, made an attack upon the enemies and put them to flight; nor could they pursue farther, because the cavalry had not been able to hold their course and take the island. This one thing was lacking to Caesar’s accustomed fortune.

[27] Hostes proelio superati, simul atque se ex fuga receperunt, statim ad Caesarem legatos de pace miserunt; obsides sese daturos quaeque imperasset facturos polliciti sunt. Una cum his legatis Commius Atrebas venit, quem supra demonstraveram a Caesare in Britanniam praemissum. Hunc illi e navi egressum, cum ad eos oratoris modo Caesaris mandata deferret, comprehenderant atque in vincula coniecerant; tum proelio facto remiserunt et in petenda pace eius rei culpam in multitudinem contulerunt et propter imprudentiam ut ignosceretur petiverunt.

[27] The enemies, overcome in the battle, as soon as they recovered themselves from flight, immediately sent legates to Caesar about peace; they promised that they would give hostages and would do whatever he had commanded. Together with these legates came Commius the Atrebatian, whom I had shown above had been sent ahead into Britain by Caesar. This man, after he had disembarked from the ship, when he was carrying Caesar’s mandates to them in the manner of an orator-envoy, they had seized and had cast into chains; then, after the battle had been fought, they sent him back and, in seeking peace, they transferred the blame for this matter onto the multitude and asked that pardon be granted on account of imprudence.

Caesar questus quod, cum ultro in continentem legatis missis pacem ab se petissent, bellum sine causa intulissent, ignoscere se imprudentiae dixit obsidesque imperavit; quorum illi partem statim dederunt, partem ex longinquioribus locis arcessitam paucis diebus sese daturos dixerunt. Interea suos in agros remigrare iusserunt, principesque undique convenire et se civitatesque suas Caesari commendare coeperunt.

Caesar, having complained that, although of their own accord they had sought peace from him by sending envoys to the continent, they had brought war without cause, said that he forgave their imprudence and demanded hostages; of whom they gave a part immediately, and a part, summoned from more remote places, they said they would deliver in a few days. Meanwhile they ordered their people to return to their fields, and the chiefs from all sides began to assemble and to commend themselves and their commonwealths to Caesar.

[28] His rebus pace confirmata, post diem quartum quam est in Britanniam ventum naves XVIII, de quibus supra demonstratum est, quae equites sustulerant, ex superiore portu leni vento solverunt. Quae cum adpropinquarent Britanniae et ex castris viderentur, tanta tempestas subito coorta est ut nulla earum cursum tenere posset, sed aliae eodem unde erant profectae referrentur, aliae ad inferiorem partem insulae, quae est propius solis occasum, magno suo cum periculo deicerentur; quae tamen ancoris iactis cum fluctibus complerentur, necessario adversa nocte in altum provectae continentem petierunt.

[28] With these things, peace having been confirmed, on the fourth day after it had been come into Britain, 18 ships—about which it has been shown above—which had taken up the cavalry, loosed from the upper port with a gentle wind. And when they were approaching Britain and were seen from the camp, so great a tempest suddenly arose that none of them could hold its course, but some were carried back to the same place whence they had set out, others were cast down to the lower part of the island, which is nearer to the setting of the sun, with great danger to themselves; which, however, when anchors had been cast and they were being filled by the waves, of necessity, with the night adverse, having put out into the deep, made for the continent.

[29] Eadem nocte accidit ut esset luna plena, qui dies a maritimos aestus maximos in Oceano efficere consuevit, nostrisque id erat incognitum. Ita uno tempore et longas naves, [quibus Caesar exercitum transportandum curaverat,] quas Caesar in aridum subduxerat, aestus complebat, et onerarias, quae ad ancoras erant deligatae, tempestas adflictabat, neque ulla nostris facultas aut administrandi aut auxiliandi dabatur. Compluribus navibus fractis, reliquae cum essent funibus, ancoris reliquisque armamentis amissis ad navigandum inutiles, magna, id quod necesse erat accidere, totius exercitus perturbatio facta est.

[29] On that same night it happened that the moon was full, a day which is accustomed to effect the greatest maritime tides in the Ocean, and this was unknown to our men. Thus at one and the same time the tide was flooding the long ships [by which Caesar had taken care for the army to be transported], which Caesar had drawn up onto dry land, and the cargo ships, which had been fastened at anchors, the tempest was battering; and no faculty was afforded to our men either of administering or of giving aid. With several ships broken, the rest, since their ropes, anchors, and the remaining tackle had been lost, were useless for sailing; a great disturbance of the whole army—what, of necessity, had to occur—was brought about.

Neque enim naves erant aliae quibus reportari possent, et omnia deerant quae ad reficiendas naves erant usui, et, quod omnibus constabat hiemari in Gallia oportere, frumentum in his locis in hiemem provisum non erat.

For there were no other ships by which they could be carried back, and everything was lacking which was of use for repairing the ships, and, since it was agreed by all that it was necessary to winter in Gaul, grain had not been provided in these places for the winter.

[30] Quibus rebus cognitis, principes Britanniae, qui post proelium ad Caesarem convenerant, inter se conlocuti, cum et equites et naves et frumentum Romanis deesse intellegerent et paucitatem militum ex castrorum exiguitate cognoscerent, quae hoc erant etiam angustior quod sine impedimentis Caesar legiones transportaverat, optimum factu esse duxerunt rebellione facta frumento commeatuque nostros prohibere et rem in hiemem producere, quod his superatis aut reditu interclusis neminem postea belli inferendi causa in Britanniam transiturum confidebant. Itaque rursus coniuratione facta paulatim ex castris discedere et suos clam ex agris deducere coeperunt.

[30] With these matters learned, the chiefs of Britain, who after the battle had come together to Caesar, having conferred among themselves—since they understood that cavalry and ships and grain were lacking to the Romans, and recognized the paucity of soldiers from the smallness of the camp, which was for this reason even narrower because Caesar had transported the legions without the impedimenta (baggage-train)—judged it best to do this: to renew revolt, to cut our men off from grain and from supply, and to prolong the matter into the winter, because, if these were overcome or their return cut off, they were confident that afterwards no one would cross into Britain for the purpose of bringing war. And so, a conspiracy having again been made, they began gradually to depart from the camp and to draw their own men off secretly from the fields.

[31] At Caesar, etsi nondum eorum consilia cognoverat, tamen et ex eventu navium suarum et ex eo quod obsides dare intermiserant fore id quod accidit suspicabatur. Itaque ad omnes casus subsidia comparabat. Nam et frumentum ex agris cotidie in castra conferebat et, quae gravissime adflictae erant naves, earum materia atque aere ad reliquas reficiendas utebatur et quae ad eas res erant usui ex continenti comportari iubebat.

[31] But Caesar, although he had not yet learned their counsels, nevertheless both from the event affecting his ships and from the fact that they had intermitted giving hostages, suspected that what in fact occurred would come to pass. And so he was preparing remedies for every contingency. For he both was conveying grain from the fields into the camp daily, and, as for the ships which had been most grievously afflicted, he used their timber and bronze for repairing the rest, and he ordered the things which were of use for those matters to be brought from the Continent.

Itaque, cum summo studio a militibus administraretur, XII navibus amissis, reliquis ut navigari satis commode posset effecit.

Therefore, since it was administered with the highest zeal by the soldiers, with 12 ships lost, he effected that with the rest navigation could be carried on sufficiently commodiously.

[32] Dum ea geruntur, legione ex consuetudine una frumentatum missa, quae appellabatur VII, neque ulla ad id tempus belli suspicione interposita, cum pars hominum in agris remaneret, pars etiam in castra ventitaret, ii qui pro portis castrorum in statione erant Caesari nuntiaverunt pulverem maiorem quam consuetudo ferret in ea parte videri quam in partem legio iter fecisset. Caesar id quod erat suspicatus aliquid novi a barbaris initum consilii, cohortes quae in statione erant secum in eam partem proficisci, ex reliquis duas in stationem succedere, reliquas armari et confestim sese subsequi iussit. Cum paulo longius a castris processisset, suos ab hostibus premi atque aegre sustinere et conferta legione ex omnibus partibus tela coici animadvertit.

[32] While these things are being done, a single legion, sent out according to custom to forage for grain, which was called the 7th, and with no suspicion of war interposed up to that time, while part of the men remained in the fields and part even kept coming to the camp, those who were on post before the gates of the camp reported to Caesar that a dust-cloud greater than custom would warrant was seen in that quarter into which the legion had made its march. Caesar, suspecting—as was the case—that something new of counsel had been undertaken by the barbarians, ordered the cohorts which were on station to set out with him into that direction, two of the rest to succeed to the post, the remainder to be armed and immediately to follow him. When he had advanced a little farther from the camp, he noticed his men being pressed by the enemy and scarcely holding out, and with the legion crowded together, missiles were being hurled from all sides.

Nam quod omni ex reliquis partibus demesso frumento pars una erat reliqua, suspicati hostes huc nostros esse venturos noctu in silvis delituerant; tum dispersos depositis armis in metendo occupatos subito adorti paucis interfectis reliquos incertis ordinibus perturbaverant, simul equitatu atque essedis circumdederant.

For since, with the grain having been reaped from all the remaining parts, one part was left, the enemy, suspecting that our men would come here, had hidden by night in the woods; then, when our men, scattered, with their arms laid down, were occupied in reaping, they suddenly assailed them, and, with a few slain, they had thrown the rest—being in uncertain ranks—into confusion, and at the same time had surrounded them with cavalry and chariots.

[33] Genus hoc est ex essedis pugnae. Primo per omnes partes perequitant et tela coiciunt atque ipso terrore equorum et strepitu rotarum ordines plerumque perturbant, et cum se inter equitum turmas insinuaverunt, ex essedis desiliunt et pedibus proeliantur. Aurigae interim paulatim ex proelio excedunt atque ita currus conlocant ut, si illi a multitudine hostium premantur, expeditum ad quos receptum habeant.

[33] This is the kind of fighting from war-chariots (essedae). At first they ride through all parts and hurl missiles, and by the very terror of the horses and the clatter of the wheels they very often disturb the ranks; and when they have insinuated themselves among the squadrons of cavalry, they leap down from the chariots and fight on foot. Meanwhile the charioteers little by little withdraw from the battle and so station the chariots that, if those men are pressed by a multitude of enemies, they may have an expeditious retreat to which to betake themselves.

Ita mobilitatem equitum, stabilitatem peditum in proeliis praestant, ac tantum usu cotidiano et exercitatione efficiunt uti in declivi ac praecipiti loco incitatos equos sustinere et brevi moderari ac flectere et per temonem percurrere et in iugo insistere et se inde in currus citissime recipere consuerint.

Thus they provide in battles the mobility of cavalry and the stability of infantry, and by daily use and exercise they effect so much that, on sloping and precipitous ground, they are accustomed to check horses that have been urged on and in a short space to moderate and to turn them, and to run along the pole, and to plant themselves upon the yoke, and from there to take themselves back into the chariots most swiftly.

[34] Quibus rebus perturbatis nostris [novitate pugnae] tempore oportunissimo Caesar auxilium tulit: namque eius adventu hostes constiterunt, nostri se ex timore receperunt. Quo facto, ad lacessendum hostem et committendum proelium alienum esse tempus arbitratus suo se loco continuit et brevi tempore intermisso in castra legiones reduxit. Dum haec geruntur, nostris omnibus occupatis qui erant in agris reliqui discesserunt.

[34] With our men thrown into confusion by these things [by the novelty of the battle], at a most opportune time Caesar brought aid: for at his advent the enemies halted, our men recovered themselves from fear. This having been done, judging the time to be unfavorable for provoking the enemy and for committing battle, he kept himself in his own place and, a brief time having been intermitted, led the legions back into camp. While these things were being carried on, as all our men were occupied, the rest who were in the fields departed.

Secutae sunt continuos complures dies tempestates, quae et nostros in castris continerent et hostem a pugna prohiberent. Interim barbari nuntios in omnes partes dimiserunt paucitatemque nostrorum militum suis praedicaverunt et quanta praedae faciendae atque in perpetuum sui liberandi facultas daretur, si Romanos castris expulissent, demonstraverunt. His rebus celeriter magna multitudine peditatus equitatusque coacta ad castra venerunt.

Storms followed for several continuous days, which both kept our men in the camp and prohibited the enemy from battle. Meanwhile the barbarians sent messengers into all parts and proclaimed to their own the paucity of our soldiers, and they demonstrated how great an opportunity for making plunder and for liberating themselves in perpetuity would be given, if they should expel the Romans from the camp. By these measures, with a great multitude of infantry and cavalry quickly assembled, they came to the camp.

[35] Caesar, etsi idem quod superioribus diebus acciderat fore videbat, ut, si essent hostes pulsi, celeritate periculum effugerent, tamen nactus equites circiter XXX, quos Commius Atrebas, de quo ante dictum est, secum transportaverat, legiones in acie pro castris constituit. Commisso proelio diutius nostrorum militum impetum hostes ferre non potuerunt ac terga verterunt. Quos tanto spatio secuti quantum cursu et viribus efficere potuerunt, complures ex iis occiderunt, deinde omnibus longe lateque aedificiis incensis se in castra receperunt.

[35] Caesar, although he saw that the same thing would happen as on previous days, namely that, if the enemies were routed, they would escape the danger by celerity, nevertheless, having gotten about 30 cavalry, whom Commius the Atrebatian, about whom mention was made before, had transported with him, drew up the legions in battle line before the camp. The battle having been joined, the enemies could not longer endure the impetus of our soldiers and turned their backs. Pursuing them for as great a distance as they could accomplish by running and by their strengths, they slew many of them; then, with all the buildings far and wide set on fire, they withdrew into the camp.

[36] Eodem die legati ab hostibus missi ad Caesarem de pace venerunt. His Caesar numerum obsidum quem ante imperaverat duplicavit eosque in continentem adduci iussit, quod propinqua die aequinoctii infirmis navibus hiemi navigationem subiciendam non existimabat. Ipse idoneam tempestatem nactus paulo post mediam noctem naves solvit, quae omnes incolumes ad continentem pervenerunt; sed ex iis onerariae duae eosdem portus quos reliquae capere non potuerunt et paulo infra delatae sunt.

[36] That same day envoys sent by the enemy came to Caesar about peace. To these Caesar doubled the number of hostages which he had previously required and ordered them to be brought to the mainland, because, with the day of the equinox near, he did not judge that navigation ought to be exposed to winter with frail ships. He himself, having chanced upon suitable weather, set sail a little after midnight, and all the ships reached the mainland safe; but of these two transport ships could not make the same harbors as the rest and were carried a little farther down.

[37] Quibus ex navibus cum essent eiti milites circiter CCC atque in castra contenderent, Morini, quos Caesar in Britanniam proficiscens pacatos reliquerat, spe praedae adducti primo non ita magno suorum numero circumsteterunt ac, si sese interfici nollent, arma ponere iusserunt. Cum illi orbe facto sese defenderent, celeriter ad clamorem hominum circiter milia VI convenerunt; qua re nuntiata, Caesar omnem ex castris equitatum suis auxilio misit. Interim nostri milites impetum hostium sustinuerunt atque amplius horis IIII fortissime pugnaverunt et paucis vulneribus acceptis complures ex iis occiderunt.

[37] When about 300 soldiers had been disembarked from those ships and were hastening to the camp, the Morini, whom Caesar, when proceeding to Britain, had left pacified, drawn by hope of prey, at first with not so great a number of their own surrounded them and ordered them to lay down their arms, if they did not wish themselves to be slain. When they, a circle having been formed, were defending themselves, quickly at the outcry there assembled about 6,000 men; this matter having been reported, Caesar sent all the cavalry from the camp to their aid. Meanwhile our soldiers sustained the attack of the enemy and for more than 4 hours fought most bravely, and, with few wounds received, killed many of them.

Postea vero quam equitatus noster in conspectum venit, hostes abiectis armis terga verterunt magnusque eorum numerus est occisus.

Afterwards, when our cavalry came into sight, the enemy, having thrown down their arms, turned their backs, and a great number of them were slain.

[38] Caesar postero die T. Labienum legatum cum iis legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos qui rebellionem fecerant misit. Qui cum propter siccitates paludum quo se reciperent non haberent, quo perfugio superiore anno erant usi, omnes fere in potestatem Labieni venerunt. At Q. Titurius et L. Cotta legati, qui in Menapiorum fines legiones duxerant, omnibus eorum agris vastatis, frumentis succisis, aedificiis incensis, quod Menapii se omnes in densissimas silvas abdiderant, se ad Caesarem receperunt.

[38] Caesar on the next day sent the legate Titus Labienus with those legions which he had brought back from Britain against the Morini who had made rebellion. Since, on account of the drought of the marshes, they did not have the place to which to retire—the refuge which in the previous year they had used—almost all came into the power of Labienus. But the legates Quintus Titurius and Lucius Cotta, who had led legions into the borders of the Menapii, with all their fields devastated, the grain cut down, and the buildings set ablaze, because the Menapii had all concealed themselves in the most dense forests, withdrew to Caesar.

Caesar in Belgis omnium legionum hiberna constituit. Eo duae omnino civitates ex Britannia obsides miserunt, reliquae neglexerunt. His rebus gestis ex litteris Caesaris dierum XX supplicatio a senatu decreta est.

Caesar among the Belgae established the winter quarters of all the legions. Thither only two states from Britain sent hostages; the rest neglected it. With these things accomplished, on the basis of Caesar’s letters, a supplication of 20 days was decreed by the senate.