Malaterra: DE REBUS GESTIS ROGERII CALABRIAE ET SICILIAE COMITIS ET ROBERTI GUISCARDI DUCIS FRATRIS EIUS

Reverendissimo memoriae nostrae Angerio, Cathanensium episcopo, frater Gaufredus, ab antecessoribus Malaterra agnomen trahens, infelici cursu mundano cum Martha habito, ad felicitatem quietis Mariae cum Lazaro fratr[e] resuscita[v]i. Quandoquidem, sanctissime pater, quadam peculiari familiaritate a caeteris episcopis, qui quantum ad habitum alterius institutionis esse praefigurantur, habitu religionis, quo concingimur, quamvis indignus, vobis me uniri cognosco, peculiari etiam spe a caeteris de vobis praesumens fruor et vos mihi in omnibus negotiis tutorem exposco. Per vos itaque, aut saltem cum vestra praesentia, librum hunc reputari expostulo, ut vestrae auctoritatis favore principi gratiosior fiat, vel ab aemulis, si forte aliqui insurgant, ob reverentiam vestri minus remorderi praesumatur. Sciendum tamen vobis est, sive alteri, quicumque libri huius recitator vel certe interpres accesserit, si seriatim minus ordinate, secundum tempora, quibus facta sunt quae adnotantur, vel certe aliqua oblivione praetergressa repereritis, non haec tam mihi, quam relatoribus culpando adscribantur, praesertim cum de ipsis temporibus, quibus fiebant, praesentialiter non interfuissem, sed a transmontanis partibus venientem, noviter Apulum factum, vel certe Siculum ad plenum cognoscatis.

To our most reverend in our memory Angerius, bishop of the Catanians, brother Gaufredus, drawing the agnomen Malaterra from my predecessors, having lived with Martha in an unlucky worldly course, I have been raised to the felicity of Mary’s quiet with brother Lazarus revived. Since, most holy father, by a certain peculiar familiarity beyond the other bishops—who, as far as habit, are prefigured as of another institution—I recognize that I am united to you in the habit of religion with which we are girded, although unworthy, I also enjoy, beyond others, a peculiar hope concerning you, and I ask you to be my guardian in all affairs. Through you, therefore, or at least with your presence, I demand that this book be reviewed, so that by the favor of your authority it may become more gracious to the prince, or, by rivals, if perchance any should arise, out of reverence for you it may be presumed to be less bitten back. Yet it must be known to you, or to anyone else who may approach as reciter of this book or certainly as interpreter, that if you find things set forth less orderly in series according to the times in which the deeds annotated were done, or certain matters passed over by some oblivion, these are to be ascribed in blame not so much to me as to the relators—especially since I was not present in person in those very times when they were happening, but you may learn that, coming from transmontane parts, I was newly made Apulian, or at any rate Sicilian.

Si autem de incultiori poetria quaestio fuerit, sciendum est, quoniam etiam si esset und[a] limpidius aut certe pomposius eructare potuissem, ipsa principis iussio ad hoc hortata est, ut plano sermone et facili ad intelligendum, quo, ut omnibus facilius quidquid diceretur, patesceret, exararem. Ego igitur, sive istud, sive illud opponatur, sub umbraculo vestri tutaminis refugium expeto, ut, tanto auxilio innixus, inimico dente remordere attentantes minus pertimescam, et principi nostro sustentamine gratiosior fiam.

But if there should be a question about a more uncultivated poetria, let it be known that, even if I could have belched forth more limpidly as a wave, or at any rate more pompously, the prince’s very command encouraged this: that I should write in plain speech and easy for understanding, so that whatever might be said would be laid open more readily to all. I therefore, whether this or that be objected, seek refuge under the little shade of your protection, so that, leaning on so great a help, I may fear less those who attempt to gnaw back with an inimical tooth, and I may become more gracious to our prince by your sustaining support.

Omnibus, quibus per universam Siciliam episcopale vel clericale nomen assignatur, frater Gaufredus Malaterra cum assignatione nominis et significatum. Antiquorum philosophorum traditione, futurae propaginis humanae mos inolevit, fortium facta virorum, apicibus adnotata, ad posteros transmittere, ne facta memoranda cum ipsis, a quibus fiunt, silentio depereant, sed potius ita litteris commendata et a futuris lecta, vel cognita, ipsos, a quibus facta sunt, quadam vitae memoria, quodammodo quasi vivere facia[n]t. Quod commendat Sallustius, ille inter historiographos laudabilis rhetor, qui in principio sui libri scripsit, dicens: Omnes homines, qui sese student praestare animalibus, summa ope niti decet, ne vitam silentio transeant quomodo pecora, quae, natura prona, ventrique obedientia finxit.

To all to whom throughout all Sicily the episcopal or clerical name is assigned, Brother Gaufredus Malaterra, together with the assignment of the name and its signification. By the tradition of the ancient philosophers, a custom has taken root for the future propagation of the human lineage, to transmit to posterity the deeds of brave men, annotated by the pen-points, lest memorable deeds perish in silence along with those by whom they are done, but rather, thus commended to letters and read, or known, by those to come, they cause the very men by whom they were done, by a certain memory of life, in a certain manner as it were to live. This Sallust commends, that praiseworthy rhetor among historiographers, who wrote at the beginning of his book, saying: All men who strive to excel the animals ought to exert themselves with utmost effort, lest they pass their life in silence like cattle, which nature has fashioned prone and obedient to the belly.

Pluribus edoctus auctoribus, sibi veterum historias recitantibus, famosissimus princeps Rogerius laboriosos et non sine magno discrimine triumphos suos, qualiter videlicet primo Calabriam, deinde vero Siciliam armata manu subiugaverit, posteris, consilio suorum mandare decernens, mihi, ut ad huius operis laborem dictandum accingar, iniunxit. Sed quia, praecedente in me beneficio suo, quidquid iniunxit negare nequeo, minus erudito stilo et enervi poetria, quasi lacum profundissimum natandi nescius, timidus ingredior; vosque, vestramque adversum me indignationem plurimum pertimescens, praesertim cum vos limpidissimo fonte grammaticae artis debriatos, non autem me, talis scientiae pane ieiunum, ad tale opus accingi oportuit.

Having been taught by several authors, as they recited to him the histories of the ancients, the most famous prince Roger, determining—by the counsel of his men—to commit to posterity his laborious triumphs, not without great peril, namely how first Calabria, and then indeed Sicily, he subdued with armed hand, enjoined upon me that I gird myself to dictate the labor of this work. But because, his favor previously bestowed on me going before, I am not able to deny whatever he has enjoined, with a less erudite style and with enervate poetry, like one ignorant of swimming entering a most deep lake, I enter timidly; and greatly fearing you and your indignation against me, especially since you, made drunk from the most limpid fountain of the grammatical art, and not I, fasting from the bread of such knowledge, ought to have been equipped for such a work.

Sed praedictus princeps vos, maioribus utilitatibus occupatos, interdum videlicet ecclesiarum curis cum Martha, interdum vero beatae contemplationi cum Maria insudantes, cognoscens, vobis, ne a meliori proposito vos revocet, parcit; me vero, quasi vacantem et nulli exercitio deditum, quadam manu pulsationis vigilantiorem reddere satagit. Rogo itaque vos ut, memores Scripturae dicentis: Invicem onera vestra portate, et sic adimplebitis legem Christi, et quod alibi dicitur: Frater fratrem adiuvans, ambo consolantur, ad debile carmen meum sustentandum pedem vestri favoris porrigatis, ut, clypeo vestrae auctoritatis munitus, incursus detrahentium et inimico dente aliorum dicta vel facta rodere tentantium minus pertimescam. Sunt enim quidam, qui, cum alicuius scientiae gradus utcumque attigerint et exinde humanae laudis favorem adepti fuerint, tumenti supercilio tanta invidia superfluunt, ut neminem sibi litteris aequipollentem ex proximo habere velint.

But the aforesaid prince, knowing you to be occupied with greater concerns—at times, namely, sweating in the cares of the churches with Martha, at other times indeed laboring in blessed contemplation with Mary—spares you, lest he call you back from the better purpose; but me, as though at leisure and devoted to no exercise, he strives to render more vigilant by a certain knocking of the hand. I ask you therefore that, mindful of Scripture saying: “Carry one another’s burdens, and thus you will fulfill the law of Christ,” and of what is said elsewhere: “A brother aiding a brother, both are consoled,” you extend the foot of your favor to sustain my feeble song, so that, fortified by the shield of your authority, I may less fear the incursions of detractors and the inimical tooth of those who try to gnaw at the words or deeds of others. For there are certain men who, when they have in some fashion attained a degree of some knowledge and from thence have obtained the favor of human praise, with swelling brow overflow with such envy that they are unwilling to have anyone near them equal to themselves in letters.

Sin autem eos habere contigerit, opus alienum, detrahendo mordaci dente, appetere non desistunt, alterius laude suam minui timentes. His competenter assignari potest illud Scripturae, qua dicitur: Scientia inflat, sed non subsequitur in eis: caritas aedificat. Adsunt alii e contra, quorum scientia et mores ipsos in tantum nobilitant, ut, quantum plus philosophico fonte debriantur, tanto minori extollentia rapiantur: gressum mentis semper in humilitate figentes, aliorum dicta vel facta non remordentes, sed quod minus ornate dictum ab eis audierunt, cum mansuetudine intra seipsos, non autem in publico, ne forte scandalizentur, corrigunt.

If, however, it happens that they have such men, they do not cease to assail another’s work, tearing at it with a mordacious tooth, fearing that by another’s praise their own may be diminished. To these there can aptly be assigned that saying of Scripture: Knowledge puffs up, but in them there does not follow: charity builds up. There are others, on the contrary, whose knowledge and morals so ennoble them that, the more they are inebriated from the philosophical fountain, by so much the less are they swept away into self-exaltation: fixing the step of their mind always in humility, not re-biting the words or deeds of others, but what they have heard said by them less ornately, with meekness they correct within themselves, not, however, in public, lest perhaps they be scandalized.

Et ut eos apud potentes huius saeculi gratiosos verbis faciat, extollere nituntur, eorum laudem, vel lucrum quasi suum aestimantes.

And, in order by words to make them in favor with the potent of this age, they strive to extol them, estimating their praise or lucre as if it were their own.

Horum affectuosam benevolentiam adversum me invitari exposco. Ego vero quaecumque dictavero vobis corrigenda et rosis vestrae scientiae exornanda reputabo: ut vinea, a vobis exarata, cultu vestrae scientiae potata, uberiores fructus reddens, in maiorem laudem et gratiam perveniat principis.

I earnestly request that the affectionate benevolence of these men toward me be invited. I indeed will reckon whatever I shall have dictated to you as to be corrected and to be adorned with the roses of your science: so that the vineyard, furrowed by you, watered by the cultivation of your science, yielding more abundant fruits, may come into the greater praise and favor of the prince.

Summarium capitum quae primo libro continetur.

Summary of the chapters which is contained in the first book.

Libri huius sunt diversa distincta capitula,
quae passim subtitulare nostra debet pagina,
Ut quae voles perscrutando citius invenias.

Of this book there are diverse, distinct chapters,
which our page ought to subtitle throughout,
so that, by scrutinizing, you may more quickly find what you wish.

CAPUT PRIMUM. Primum sonat quae pars est Franciae Normannia
Rodlo duce, dat piratas per mare Norveia.

CHAPTER ONE. First it proclaims which part of France is Normandy
with Rollo as duke, Norway supplies pirates across the sea.

CAPUT SECUNDUM. Hanc pervadunt: rex accurrit ut abinde arceat.
Bellum differt, foedus init, fit eorum dominus.

CHAPTER 2. They overrun it: the king hastens up to ward them off from there.
He defers war, enters a treaty, becomes their lord.

Patria, quibus claudatur, adnotatur finibus.
Rhitmus cesset, prosa dicat, si quid est ulterius.

The fatherland is noted as to the boundaries by which it is enclosed.
Let rhythm cease; let prose speak, if there is anything further.

CAPUT TERTIUM. De more Normannicae gentis ab Altavilla.

CHAPTER 3. Concerning the custom of the Norman race from Hauteville.

CAPUT QUARTUM. De Tancredo, et prima vel secunda uxore sua, et liberis.

CHAPTER FOUR. Concerning Tancred, and his first or second wife, and children.

CAPUT QUINTUM. Qualiter primi filii Tancredi, Willelmus, Drogo et Humfredus, a Normannia digredientes, apud Apuliam venerunt.

CHAPTER 5. How the first sons of Tancred, William, Drogo, and Humphrey, departing from Normandy, came to Apulia.

CAPUT SEXTUM. Qualiter primum principi Capuano servientes, ab ipso ad Salernitanum transierunt.

CHAPTER 6. How, at first serving the Prince of Capua, they passed over from him to the Salernitan prince.

CAPUT SEPTIMUM. Qualiter cum Maniaco graeco ad Siciliam debellandam primo transierunt.

CHAPTER SEVEN. How they first crossed over with Maniaces the Greek to subdue Sicily.

CAPUT OCTAVUM. Qualiter Harduinus a Maniaco coesus sit.

CHAPTER OCTAVUM. How Harduinus was cut down by Maniacus.

CAPUT NONUM. Qualiter Melfa a Normannis aedificata sit, et de legato a Graecis misso, et de primo congressu, quem cum Graecis habuerunt.

CHAPTER 9. How Melfa was built by the Normans, and about the legate sent by the Greeks, and about the first engagement which they had with the Greeks.

CAPUT DECIMUM. De secundo proelio sub Montepiloso.

CHAPTER 10. On the second battle beneath Montepeloso.

CAPUT UNDECIMUM. De iunioribus filiis Tancredi, qui praecedentes fratres in Apuliam subsecuti sunt.

CHAPTER 11. On the younger sons of Tancred, who followed their preceding brothers into Apulia.

CAPUT DECIMUM SECUNDUM. De morte Willelmi comitis.

CHAPTER 12. On the death of Count William.

CAPUT DECIMUM TERTIUM. De morte comitis Drogonis.

CHAPTER 13. On the death of Count Drogo.

DECIMUM QUARTUM. De Leone apostolico, qualiter a Normannis captus sit.

THE FOURTEENTH. On the apostolic Leo, how he was captured by the Normans.

DECIMUM QUINTUM. Qualiter Leo papa a Normannis cum honore dimissus sit.

THE FIFTEENTH. How Pope Leo was released by the Normans with honor.

CAPUT DECIMUM SEXTUM. De Roberto Guiscardo, qualiter castrum Sancti Marci firmavit, et qualiter cum Sclavis peditibus praedatum ivit.

CHAPTER 16. Concerning Robert Guiscard, how he fortified the castle of Saint Mark, and how he went to plunder with Slav infantry.

CAPUT DECIMUM SEPTIMUM. De Roberto Guiscardo et Petro de Tira.

CHAPTER 17. On Robert Guiscard and Peter of Tira.

CAPUT DECIMUM OCTAVUM. Qualiter Robertus Guiscardus comes Apuliae factus sit.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. How Robert Guiscard became count of Apulia.

CAPUT DECIMUM NONUM. De Rogerio, iuniore filio Tancredi.

CHAPTER 19. On Roger, the younger son of Tancred.

CAPUT VICESIMUM. De Rogerio qui, a Roberto Guiscardo invitatus a Calabria in Apuliam vadit.

CHAPTER 20. Concerning Roger who, invited by Robert Guiscard, goes from Calabria into Apulia.

CAPUT VICESIMUM PRIMUM. Robertus Guiscardus et Rogerius cum exercitu Regium vadunt.

CHAPTER V21. Robert Guiscard and Roger go with the army to Rhegium.

CAPUT VICESIMUM SECUNDUM. Rogerius cum maxima praeda Regium venit.

CHAPTER 22. Roger comes to Rhegium with the greatest booty.

CAPUT VICESIMUM TERTIUM. Rogerius, irato animo, a Guiscardo recedit.

CHAPTER 23. Roger, with an irate mind, withdraws from Guiscard.

CAPUT VICESIMUM QUARTUM. Rogerius a Willelmo fratre benigne suscipitur et Scalea conceditur.

CHAPTER 24. Roger is kindly received by his brother William, and Scalea is conceded to him.

CAPUT VICESIMUM QUINTUM. Rogerius comes equos furatur.

CHAPTER 25. Rogerius the count steals horses.

CAPUT VICESIMUM SEXTUM. A Rogerio Malfitani capiuntur.

CHAPTER 26. The Amalfitans are captured by Roger.

CAPUT VICESIMUM SEPTIMUM. Fames in Calabria fit.

CHAPTER V27. Famine occurs in Calabria.

CAPUT VICESIMUM OCTAVUM. Calabri rebellantes castrum Neocastrense in dolo capiunt, pluribus ibi interfectis.

CHAPTER 28. The Calabrians, rebelling, take the Neocastrensian castle by deceit, with many there slain.

CAPUT VICESIMUM NONUM. De pace facta inter Robertum Guiscardum et Rogerium fratrem suum.

CHAPTER 29. On the peace made between Robert Guiscard and Roger his brother.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM. Robertus Guiscardus, uxorem Alberadam repudians, Sigelgaitam ducit.

CHAPTER 30. Robert Guiscard, repudiating his wife Alberada, takes Sigelgaita in marriage.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM PRIMUM. Robertus Guiscardus super Willelmum fratrem, antequam nuptias celebret, vadit.

CHAPTER 31. Robert Guiscard goes against William his brother, before he celebrates the nuptials.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM SECUNDUM. Bellum apud Sanctum Martinum cum Graecis a Rogerio fit.

CHAPTER 32. A battle at Saint Martin with the Greeks is waged by Roger.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM TERTIUM. In adiutorium Gaufredi fratris Guiscardus et Rogerius vadunt.

CHAPTER 33. To the aid of Geoffrey their brother Guiscard and Roger go.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM QUARTUM. Guillimaco debellato, utrique fratres in Calabriam vadunt.

CHAPTER 34. With Guillimacus subdued, both brothers go into Calabria.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM QUINTUM. Guiscardus dux efficitur.

CHAPTER 35. Guiscard is made duke.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM SEXTUM. Guiscardo apud Regium remanente, Rogerius castra Calabriae expugnat.

CHAPTER 36. With Guiscard remaining at Rhegium, Roger storms the camps of Calabria.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM SEPTIMUM. Qualiter Sckillacium captum fuit.

CHAPTER 37. How Sckillacium was captured.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM OCTAVUM. Qualiter Serlo, Tancredi filius, a Normannia in Britanniam pulsus sit.

CHAPTER 38. How Serlo, son of Tancred, was driven from Normandy into Britain.

CAPUT TRIGESIMUM NONUM. De militia Serlonis eiusdem.

CHAPTER 39. On the military service of the same Serlo.

CAPUT QUADRAGESIMUM. De Tancredo et apro.

CHAPTER 40. On Tancred and the boar.

Incipit liber primus.

The first book begins.

I. Normannia patria quaedam est in partibus Galliae, quae quidem non semper Normannia dicta fuit sed regalis quondam regum Francorum fiscus cum toto suo tenimento, cuius pars erat, generali nomine Francia et sic vocabatur, usque dum Rodlo, dux fortissimus, parta audacia, ex Norveia, coadunata sibi plurima fortium militum manu, navali exercitu sese pelago credentium, Frisiam et quaeque maritima loca usque occidentem devastans, tandem in portu, ubi Secana fluvius in mare defluens intrat, appulsus est: cuius per alveum maxima classe profundiores partes Franciae penetrans, amoenitate locorum inspecta, prae caeteris quas pertransierat regiones, hanc amore amplecti et sibi adoptare fecit. Est enim piscosis fluminibus et feralibus silvis abundantissima, accipitrum exercitio aptissima, frumenti caeterarumque segetum fertilis, pascuis uberrima, pecorum nutrix. Quamobrem ex utraque ripa prosilientes, incolas illius regionis suo imperio subiugare coeperunt.

1. Normandy is a certain homeland in the parts of Gaul, which indeed was not always called Normandy but was formerly the royal fisc of the kings of the Franks, with all its tenement, of which it was a part, under the general name France, and thus it was called, until Rollo, a most valiant duke, by the daring he had gained, from Norway, having assembled to himself a very numerous band of brave soldiers, a naval host of men committing themselves to the deep, devastating Frisia and whatever maritime places as far as the west, at length made landfall at a port where the river Seine, flowing down, enters the sea; and, advancing with a very great fleet through its channel into the deeper parts of France, when he had inspected the amenity of the places, beyond the other regions he had traversed, he was led to embrace this land with love and to adopt it for himself. For it is most abundant in fish-rich rivers and in savage forests, most apt for the exercise of hawks, fertile in grain and the other crops, most rich in pastures, a nurse of herds. Wherefore, leaping forth from either bank, they began to subjugate the inhabitants of that region to their dominion.

II. Rex autem, qui tunc temporis Franciae praeerat, Ludovicus — ut credimus — secundus, comperiens hostes fines imperii sui invasisse, primo quidem indignatus, commoto exercitu, hostibus occurrendum et ducem et eos a finibus suis arcere instituit. Sed cum hoc non sine magno detrimento suorum se agere posse cognosceret, varios eventus belli pertimescens et suorum sanguini parcens, seniorum usus consilio, foedera pacis et servitium, quod ab ipsis sibi offerebatur, suscepit, eisque maximam partem terrae, quam pervaserant, in beneficium concessit.

2. However, the king, who at that time presided over France, Louis — as we believe — the second, learning that enemies had invaded the borders of his imperium, at first indeed indignant, with the army set in motion, resolved that the enemies must be met and that both the duke and they be warded from his borders. But when he perceived that he could not do this without great detriment to his own men, fearing the various events of war and sparing the blood of his own, making use of the counsel of the elders, he accepted foedera of peace and the service that was being offered to him by them, and granted to them, in benefice, the greatest part of the land which they had overrun.

Porrigitur itaque terra illis concessa a pago Pontiniensi, quem ab orientali parte sui habet secus mare Anglicum — quod ab aquilonari parte adiacet usque in Britanniam, quae fines eius occidentales claudit-, ab occidentali vero et meridiano cornu pago Cenomanico terminatur usque in Carnotensem, a Carnotensi vero clauditur Velcasino et Belvacensi usque Pontinum. Hanc terram sibi determinatam a rege Francorum Rodlo dux haereditali feudo suscipiens, inter suos, prout quemque cognoscebat, distribuit, pretiosiora quaeque pro suis usibus ipse reservans.

Accordingly the land granted to them is extended from the pagus of Pontiniensis (Ponthieu), which it has on its eastern side along the English Sea — which lies along its northern side as far as Brittany, which closes its western borders-, but on the western and southern quarter it is bounded by the Cenomannic pagus (Maine) as far as the Carnotensis (Chartres), and from the Carnotensis it is enclosed by the Vexin (Velcasinus) and the Beauvaisis (Belvacensis) up to Pontinum (Ponthieu). This land, defined for himself by the king of the Franks, Duke Rodlo (Rollo) receiving in hereditary fief, he distributed among his own men, as he recognized each one, reserving the more precious things for his own uses.

Quia vero procinctus terrae paucis perstrinximus, de more quoque gentis aliqua dicere utile videtur.

Since indeed we have in a few words just touched upon the disposition of the land, it seems useful to say some things also about the custom of the nation.

III. Est quippe gens astutissima, iniuriarum ultrix, spe alias plus lucrandi patrios agros vilipendens, quaestus et dominationis avida, cuiuslibet rei simulatrix ac dissimulatrix, inter largitatem et avaritiam quoddam medium habens. Principes vero delectatione bonae famae largissimi [sunt]. Gens adulari sciens, eloquentiae studiis inserviens in tantum, ut etiam et ipsos pueros quasi rhetores attendas: quae quidem, nisi iugo iustitiae prematur, effrenatissima est.

3. It is indeed a most astute nation, an avenger of injuries, despising ancestral fields in the hope of gaining more lucre elsewhere, greedy for gain and domination, a simulator and dissimulator of anything, holding a certain mean between largess and avarice. The princes, moreover, are most lavish out of the delight of good repute [are]. A people skilled to adulate, serving the studies of eloquence to such an extent that you would observe even the boys themselves as if rhetors: which indeed, unless it be pressed by the yoke of justice, is most unbridled.

Laboris, inediae et algoris, ubi fortuna expetit, patiens; venationi et accipitrum exercitio inserviens; equorum caeterorumque militiae instrumentorum et vestium luxuria delectatur. Ex nomine itaque suo terrae nomen tradiderunt: north quippe anglica lingua aquilonaris plaga dicitur. Et quia ipsi ab aquilone venerant, Normanni dicti, terram etiam Normanniam appellaverunt.

Patient of labor, fasting, and chill, when fortune demands; attending to venery and the exercise of hawks; they take delight in the luxury of horses and of the other instruments of soldiery and of garments. From their own name, therefore, they transmitted a name to the land: for “north” in the English tongue is said for the Aquilonian quarter. And because they themselves had come from the north, they were called Normans, and they also named the land Normandy.

In qua quidem provincia civitas est, quae Constantinum dicitur, in cuius territorio villa est, quae Altavilla nuncupatur, non quidem tantum pro excellentia alicuius montis, in quo sita sit, quantum, ut credimus, aliquo auspicio ad considerationem praenotantis eventus et prosperos successus eiusdem villae futurorum haeredum, Dei adiutorio et sua strenuitate, gradatim altioris honoris culmen scandentium. Nam nescimus utrum in praecedentibus partibus vel certe in postea futuris haeredibus aut etiam in utrisque divina providentia, quod sibi placeret, in ens haeredes ipsos in tantum provexit, ut, sicut Abrahae repromissum est, in gentem magnam crescentes et suum imperium armis dilatantes, multarum gentium sibi colla subdiderint, quod paulatim perstringendo stilo prosequemur.

In which province, indeed, there is a city which is called Constantine, in whose territory there is a villa which is named Altavilla, not indeed so much on account of the excellence of some mountain on which it is situated as, we believe, by some auspice toward the consideration pre-noting the event and the prosperous successes of the future heirs of the same villa, who, with God’s aid and by their own strenuousness, step by step climb to the summit of higher honor. For we do not know whether in the preceding parts or certainly in those heirs to come afterwards, or even in both, divine providence, as it pleased itself, has advanced the heirs themselves to such an extent that, just as it was promised to Abraham, growing into a great nation and enlarging their dominion by arms, they have subjected to themselves the necks of many nations, which we shall pursue by lightly skimming with the stylus little by little.

IV. Erat miles quidem praeclari admodum generis, qui, ab antecessoribus suis haereditario iure sibi hanc villam relictam possidens, Tancredus nomine, duxit uxorem, moribus et genere splendidam mulierem, nomine [Moriellam], ex qua legali successione annorum quinque filios, postea futuros comites, suscepit: Willelmum videlicet cognomine Ferrea-brachia, Drogonem, Humfredum, Gaufredum et Serlonem.

4. There was indeed a soldier of very illustrious lineage who, possessing this villa left to him by his predecessors by hereditary right, named Tancred, took a wife, a woman splendid in morals and in lineage, named [Moriella], from whom, in the legal succession of years, he received five sons, afterwards to be counts: namely William by the cognomen Iron-Arm, Drogo, Humphrey, Geoffrey, and Serlo.

Horum matre defuncta, cum ipsa aetas adhuc viridis patri continentiam denegaret, vir honestus inhonestos coitus abhorrens, secundas nuptias celebravit, malens una et legitima esse contentus, quam se foedo concubinarum amplexu maculari, memor illius apostolici dicti: Unusquisque accipiat uxorem propter fornicationem devitandam, et quod sequitur: Fornicatores et adulteros iudicabit Deus.

Their mother having deceased, since his age itself, still green, denied continence to the father, an honorable man abhorring dishonorable coitions, he celebrated second nuptials, preferring to be content with one and legitimate (wife), rather than be stained by the foul embrace of concubines, mindful of that apostolic dictum: Let each one take a wife for the avoiding of fornication, and what follows: God will judge fornicators and adulterers.

Ducta vero Frensendis vocabatur, generositate et moribus priore non inferior, quae legitimis terminis marito septem peperit filios, non minoris pretii vel dignitatis a praedictis fratribus, quorum nomina subtitulamus hic: primus Robertus, dictus a nativitate Guiscardus, postea totius Apuliae princeps et Calabriae dux, vir magni consilii, ingenii, largitatis et audaciae; secundus Malgerius, tertius Willelmus, quartus Alveredus, quintus Hubertus, sextus Tancredus, septimus Rogerius minor, postea Siciliae debellator et comes. Mater vero accuratissime et materno affectu filios suos nutriens, tanto amore ipsos, qui non sui sed mariti sui ex praecedenti uxore erant, amplectabatur, ut vix discernere posses, nisi ex aliqua causa didicisses, quis filius vel quis non filius eius esset: unde et a marito plus amabatur et a circummanentibus plurimum appretiabatur. Infantes vero, ut aetas illis administrabat, pueriles annos transcendentes, cum iam adolescentiam, unus post alium, attigissent, coeperunt militaribus disciplinis adhaerere, equorum et armorum studia frequentare, discentes seipsos tueri et hostem impugnare.

The woman taken to wife was indeed called Frensendis, in generosity and morals not inferior to the former, who within legitimate bounds bore to her husband seven sons, of no less price or dignity than the aforesaid brothers, whose names we subjoin here: first Robert, called from birth Guiscard, afterwards prince of all Apulia and duke of Calabria, a man of great counsel, ingenuity, largess, and audacity; second Malgerius, third William, fourth Alvred, fifth Hubert, sixth Tancred, seventh Roger the Younger, afterwards the subduer of Sicily and count. The mother, indeed, most carefully and with maternal affection nourishing her sons, embraced with such love those who were not hers but of her husband from his preceding wife, that you could scarcely discern, unless from some cause you had learned, who was her son or who not her son: whence both she was more loved by her husband and was very greatly appreciated by those dwelling around. The children, indeed, as their age afforded, passing beyond their boyish years, when now, one after another, they had reached adolescence, began to adhere to military disciplines, to frequent the pursuits of horses and arms, learning to protect themselves and to assail the enemy.

V. Sed cum viderent, vicinis senibus deficientibus, haeredes eorum pro haereditate inter se altercari et sortem, quae primo uni cesserat, inter plures divisam singulis minus sufficere, ne simile quid sibi in posterum eveniret, consilium inter se habere coeperunt. Sicque communi consilio, [quia] prima aetas prae caeteris adhuc iunioribus primos magis roborabat, primo patria digressi, per diversa loca militariter lucrum quaerentes, tandem apud Apuliam, Italiae provinciam, Deo se ducente, pervenerunt.

5. But when they saw, with the neighboring old men failing, their heirs quarrelling among themselves over the inheritance, and the lot which had at first fallen to one, being divided among many, to suffice less for each, lest something similar should happen to themselves in the future, they began to take counsel among themselves. And so, by common counsel, [because] the prime of age, beyond the rest still junior, was strengthening the first ones more, first, leaving their fatherland, seeking lucre in soldierly fashion through diverse places, at length, at Apulia, a province of Italy, God leading them, they arrived.

VI. Audientes itaque inter duos famosissimos principes, Capuanum videlicet et Salernitanum, quibusdam controversiis insurgentibus, inimicitias efferbuisse, causa militariter aliquid lucrandi, quia Capuanum viciniorem, via qua venerant, invenierunt, Capuano sese obtulerunt. Ubi aliquantisper commorati, cum multa strenue, remuneratione accepta, peregissent, tenacitate Capuani cognita, illo spreto, ad gagiam Salernitani principis transierunt. A quo decenter suscepti propter militarem laudem, quae iam ipsos per universam Apuliam famosissimos effecerat, et maxime quia ab inimicante sibi principe ad se transierant, multis donariis ad fidelitatem eius inflammati, diversis et crebris incursionibus Capuanos lacessentes, totam provinciam — ac si pestilens calamitas detonaret — terruerunt circumquaque; et Salernitani passim iniurias principis ulciscentes, indefessi idem facere addiderunt, in tantumque rebellantes antea principi compescuerunt, ut omnia circumquaque pacata silerent.

6. Hearing therefore that between two most famous princes, namely the Capuan and the Salernitan, with certain controversies arising, enmities had boiled over, for the cause of militarily gaining something, because they found the Capuan nearer on the road by which they had come, they offered themselves to the Capuan. Where, having tarried for a little while, when they had vigorously accomplished many things with remuneration received, the stinginess of the Capuan being known, with him spurned, they passed over to the wages of the prince of Salerno. By whom they were decently received on account of the military praise which had already made them most famous through all Apulia, and especially because from a prince hostile to himself they had crossed over to him, inflamed to his fidelity by many gifts, harassing the Capuans with diverse and frequent incursions, they terrified the whole province all around — as if a pestilential calamity were detonating —; and everywhere avenging the injuries of the Salernitan prince, indefatigable they added to do the same, and they so restrained those who had previously been rebelling against the prince, that all things round about, pacified, fell silent.

Longobardorum vero gens invidissima, et semper quemcumque probum suspectum habens, ipsos apud eundem principem, inimico dente rodente, occulto detrahebant, suggerentes quatenus eos a se repelleret, ne faceret facile futurum scelus, ut gens tantae astutiae tantaeque strenuitatis, addentes etiam ex sui cordis malitia tantae perfidiae, ut, principe exhaeredato, ipsi, sua calliditate, haereditate principis potirentur. Unde et cor principis, eisdem artibus imbutum, facile in deterius proclive pervertunt. Sed princeps, quamvis, pravis consiliis suorum assentiens, quod hortabantur facere moliretur, tamen strenuitatem eorum timens, quod animo occulte agebat, minus in propatulo aperire praesumebat.

But the people of the Lombards, most envious and always holding any upright man suspect, were secretly detracting against them in the presence of that same prince, with an inimical tooth gnawing, suggesting that he should repel them from himself, lest he make a future crime easy—seeing that a people of such astuteness and such strenuity, adding also from the malice of their own heart so great a perfidy, might, the prince being disinherited, by their own callidity gain possession of the prince’s inheritance. Whence also they pervert the heart of the prince, imbued with the same arts, easily prone to the worse. But the prince, although, assenting to the depraved counsels of his men, he set about to do what they urged, nevertheless, fearing their strenuity, did not presume to lay openly in the open what he was secretly doing in mind.

VII. Maniacus autem quidam, natione graecus, a Constantinopolitano imperatore his, quae apud Calabriam vel certe Apuliam erant sui iuris, praefectus, Siciliam ad utilitatem debellandi applicare disponens, undecumque sibi auxilia conducit. Unde et ex parte Imperatoris Salernitano principi, ut amico imperii, mandat, quatenus ipsos, per quos inimicos suos eum debellavisse fama erat, in auxilium sancti Imperii mittat, promittens etiam multis praemiis eos remunerandos.

7. But a certain Maniacus, a Greek by nation, appointed by the Constantinopolitan emperor as prefect over those things which were of his own jurisdiction in Calabria or at least Apulia, intending to apply himself to Sicily for the advantageous purpose of subduing it, hires auxiliaries from wherever he can. Wherefore also, on the Emperor’s part, he sends word to the Salernitan prince, as a friend of the empire, that he send those very men by whom it was the report that he had vanquished his enemies, to the aid of the holy Empire, promising also that they would be remunerated with many rewards.

Princeps autem, nactus occasionem qua honeste eos a se dimittat, iactat assensum ad quod rogatus erat; hortatur, praemia, quae pollicebatur, ut eos ad id facilius impellat, verbis enumerans, etiam de suis pollicetur. Porro illi, non tantum imperio principis quantum spe eorum quae pollicebantur illecti, apparatis quae necessaria erant, ad Maniacum usque pervenerunt. De quorum adventu Maniacus non minimum gavisus, plurimum eorum auxilio fidens, navigio aptato, Siciliam numeroso exercitu invadit, primoque Messanam, quia ripae, qua applicuit, contigua erat, oppugnans, deditione foedus secum inire coËgit.

The prince, having found an occasion by which he might honorably dismiss them from himself, tosses out assent to that which he had been asked; he urges them, enumerating in words the rewards which he was promising, that he might more easily impel them to it, and he even promises some from his own [resources]. Furthermore they, enticed not so much by the prince’s command as by the hope of the things that were being promised, with what was necessary prepared, came as far as Maniacus. At whose arrival Maniacus rejoiced not a little, placing very great trust in their aid, and, with the shipping fitted out, he invades Sicily with a numerous army; and first, assaulting Messana, because it was adjacent to the shore where he made landfall, he compelled it, by surrender, to enter into a treaty with him.

Nam, quamvis apud Messanam strenuissimi suae gentis milites essent, qui, ab urbe progredientes, in congressu Graecos plurimum collidebant, tamen, Graecis cedentibus, nostris congrediendi locus patuit: Messanenses, nostrorum strenuitate nondum experta, primo quidem acriter instare coeperunt. At, ubi vident se plus solito vexari, quasi novae gentis militiam abhorrentes, terga praebuerunt nostris, usque ad proximum urbis, extremis quoque cedentibus. Maniacus, nostrorum causa urbem nactus, in pretio eos habere coepit, donisque et promissionibus arrigere ad militiam.

For, although at Messana there were the most strenuous soldiers of their race, who, proceeding from the city, in the congress were colliding with the Greeks to great effect, nevertheless, with the Greeks yielding, a place for our men to join battle lay open: the Messanans, not yet experienced in the strenuousness of our men, at first indeed began to press sharply. But, when they see themselves harassed more than usual, as though shrinking from the soldiery of a new nation, they offered their backs to our men, even the hindmost giving way, up to the very outskirts of the city. Maniacus, having gotten the city thanks to our men, began to hold them at a premium, and to rouse them to warfare with gifts and promises.

Inde ergo, profundiores partes Siciliae attentando et omnia subiugando progredientes, Syracusam usque pervenerunt: cuius cives, ab urbe progressi, cum Maniacensibus congrediuntur. Archadius quidam, qui urbi principabatur, nostris infestissimus insistens, multas strages dabat: quo Willelmus, Tancredi filius, qui Ferrea-brachia nuncupabatur, plurimum indignatus, impetu facto, super eum irruit fortiterque congrediens, hostili robore deiectum interfecit: unde et maxima laudis admiratione deinceps apud Graecos et apud Siculos fuit. Siculi itaque usque ad sexagesima millia congregati, Maniaco et suis in partibus Traynae urbis bellum offere tentant.

Thence therefore, probing the deeper parts of Sicily and proceeding while subjugating all things, they came as far as Syracuse: whose citizens, having gone out from the city, join battle with the men of Maniacus. A certain Archadius, who was presiding over the city, pressing most hostilely upon our men, was dealing many slaughters; whereat William, son of Tancred, who was called Iron-Arm, being greatly indignant, having made a charge, rushed upon him and, engaging bravely, slew him, having cast him down by hostile might; whence thereafter he was held in the greatest admiration of praise among both the Greeks and the Sicilians. Thus the Sicilians, congregated to as many as sixty thousand, attempt to offer war to Maniacus and his men in the parts of the city of Traynae.

Porro Willelmus, filius Tancredi, laude militiae ferox, in armis strenuus, Graecos ad certamen praeveniens, certamine inito, cum suae gentis tantum militibus cum hoste congreditur, antequam Graeci ad locum certaminis perveniant: fortiter agendo, plures sternit, reliquos fugat, victor efficitur. Graeci ad locum, in quo certatum erat, pervenientes, nostris hostes insequentibus, spolia diripiunt, inter se dividunt, nulla portione nostris, qui ab hoste excusserant, reservata.

Moreover William, son of Tancred, fierce with the praise of soldiery and strenuous in arms, forestalling the Greeks for the contest, once the contest was begun, engages the enemy with only the soldiers of his own nation, before the Greeks reach the place of battle: by acting bravely, he lays many low, puts the rest to flight, and is made victor. The Greeks, arriving at the place where the fighting had occurred, while our men were pursuing the foes, seize the spoils, divide them among themselves, with no portion reserved for our men, who had wrenched them from the enemy.

VIII. Quod cum nostri, a persequendo hostes redeuntes, cognovissent, iniuriam rati, per Harduinum quendam Italum, qui ex nostris erat, quia graeci sermonis peritiam habebat, Maniacum, utrum improvise an ex deliberatiorne industriae spolia diviserit, ad rationem ponunt. Porro ille indignatus, quasi potestati suae contradicere praesumpserint, cum liceat sibi de eisdem spoliis pro libito suo agere, per spatia castrorum fustibus caedendo ad ignominiam gentis nostrae contumeliis affici praecepit.

8. When our men, returning from pursuing the enemy, learned this, judging it an injury, through a certain Harduinus, an Italian who was of our number, because he had expertise in the Greek language, they call Maniakes to account, whether he divided the spoils unadvisedly or by a more deliberate design. Moreover he, indignant, as if they had presumed to contradict his authority, since it is permitted to him to deal with those same spoils at his pleasure, ordered that our men, by cudgelling with clubs through the stretches of the camp, be afflicted with contumelies to the ignominy of our nation.

Harduinus rediens cum talia nuntiat, nostri grave ferentes, in Graecos insurgere deliberant. Sed Harduinus, vix eos compescens, utilius consilium dedit: scilicet ut, ira dissimulata, ipse vilioribus vestibus in praesentiam Maniaci procedat, donec, illis minus suspicantibus, ipse a notario Maniaci, cuius amicitia fruebatur, chyrographum, quo liberius transeant Farum, quovis astu accipiat. Quod cum sic machinatur, Maniacus, his quae agebantur ignarus, benevolentiam militis laudare, munera promittere, subsannando tamen cum suis ridere incepit.

When Harduinus, returning, reports such things, our men, taking it grievously, resolve to rise up against the Greeks. But Harduinus, scarcely restraining them, gave a more useful counsel: namely, that, anger dissembled, he himself should proceed in more lowly garments into the presence of Maniacus, until, they being less suspicious, he himself might receive from Maniacus’s notary, whose friendship he enjoyed, a chirograph, by whatever stratagem, by which they might more freely cross the Faro. And when he thus contrives, Maniacus, unaware of what was being done, began to praise the goodwill of the soldier, to promise gifts, yet, sneering, began to laugh with his own.

Cum autem cartulam a notario, quasi aliquod negotium versus Calabriam habens, Harduinus accepisset, nostri clam de nocte Messanam usque progressi, Farum impune transeunt. Sicque versus Apuliam tendentes, Calabriam et quaecumque Graecorum iuris esse sciebant, vastantes, percurrunt: sicque faciendo usque in Apuliam pervenerunt. Sed dolositatem Gaimarii principis cognoscentes, ad ipsum minime transierunt; totam provinciam infestando, sibi eam subiugandi consilium capiunt.

When, moreover, Harduinus had received the document from the notary, as if having some business toward Calabria, our men, secretly by night, having advanced as far as Messina, cross the Faro with impunity. And thus, tending toward Apulia, they, devastating Calabria and whatever they knew to be under the jurisdiction of the Greeks, run through it; and by doing thus they arrived as far as Apulia. But, recognizing the dolosity (deceitfulness) of Prince Gaimar, they did not at all pass over to him; by infesting the whole province, they take counsel to subjugate it to themselves.

IX. Sed cum sine castro, quo se tuerentur a parte illius, incolis essent, castrum quod Melfa dicitur, construxerunt, ubi, cum quingenti tantummodo milites essent, Graeci, qui terrae illi principabantur, maxima multitudine ex Calabria et Apulia sibi coadunata, usque ad sexaginta millia armatorum, ut eos a finibus suis propellerent, versus illos ire coeperunt; legatoque praemisso, mandant, ut quod mallent eligant: aut certamen in crastino secum habere, aut, pace sibi indulta, incolumes a praedictis finibus recedere. Legatus vero qui ad hoc missus fuerat, cum pulcherrimo equo insideret, quidam normannus, Ugo, cognomento Tudebusem, equum manu attrectare coepit: et, ut mirabile aliquid de se sociisque suis, unde terrerentur, Graecis nunciaretur, nudo pugno equum in cervice percutiens, uno ictu quasi mortuum deiecit. Reliqui vero Normanni prosilientes graecum, qui cum equo deiectus fuerat et, solo timore laesus, quasi exanimis humi iacebat, erigunt; equum autem, usque ad quoddam praecipitium pertrahentes, deiciunt.

9. But since they were without a camp by which they might be protected on that side, by the inhabitants, they built the fortress which is called Melfa; where, although there were only five hundred soldiers, the Greeks, who were ruling that land, with a very great multitude gathered to themselves from Calabria and Apulia, up to 60,000 armed men, in order to drive them from their borders, began to go toward them; and, a legate sent ahead, they command that they choose what they prefer: either to have combat with them on the morrow, or, with peace granted to them, to withdraw unharmed from the aforesaid borders. But the legate who had been sent for this, as he was seated upon a very beautiful horse, a certain norman, Hugh, by surname Tudebusem, began to lay hands on the horse; and, so that something marvelous about himself and his companions, whence they might be terrified, might be announced to the Greeks, striking the horse on the neck with his bare fist, with a single blow he cast it down as if dead. The rest of the Normans, leaping forth, raise up the Greek, who had been thrown down with the horse and, harmed by fear alone, was lying on the ground as if lifeless; but the horse, dragging it up to a certain precipice, they cast down.

Porro graecus, cum vix consolatione Normannorum ad mentem rediisset, meliori equo ab eis accepto, certamen paratum sociis refert. Sed cum quod acciderat principibus populi sui tantum retulisset, illi admiratione et metu percussi, verbum inter se comprimebant, ne forte, si in propatulo diceretur, exercitus territus refugeret. Mane itaque facto, summo diluculo a Normannis occurritur fortiterque congredientes, acerrime utrinque pugnatur.

Then the Greek, when he had scarcely returned to his senses by the consolation of the Normans, having received from them a better horse, reports to his comrades that the battle is set. But when he had related what had happened only to the chiefs of his people, they, struck with admiration and fear, suppressed the word among themselves, lest perhaps, if it were said in the open, the army, terrified, would take flight. Therefore, morning having come, at the very dawn they are encountered by the Normans, and, engaging bravely, the fighting is most fierce on both sides.

Intererant huic certamini de filiis Tancredi, Willelmus Ferreabrachia et comes Drogo: nam necdum quisquam fratrum eos subsecutus fuerat. Isti vero, ut fortissimi milites socios animantes, sed et ipsimet fortiter agentes, multis ex hostibus prostratis, tandem in fugam reliquos dederunt, quos insequentes et posteriores quosque caedentes, victoriam obtinuerunt, multis ex hostibus in flumine quod Olivetum dicitur, dum transnatare cupiunt, submersis.

Present at this combat, from among the sons of Tancred, were William Iron-Arm and Count Drogo; for not yet had any of the brothers followed after them. These men, as most valiant soldiers, animating their comrades and themselves acting bravely, with many of the enemies laid prostrate, at length put the rest to flight; and, pursuing them and cutting down all the hindmost, they gained the victory, many of the enemy being submerged in the river which is called the Olivetum, as they were attempting to swim across.

X. Victi, necdum autem defatigati, sed seipsos invicem animantes, multo ampliori exercitu congregato, uno cum Duceano, qui ad hoc ab imperatore Constantinopolitano missus fuerat, iterum bellum parant. Quibus Normanni bello haud segnes sub Montepiloso occurrentes, fortiter congressi sunt, ostendentes se bellum nolle refugere, sed potius quasi ex delectatione appetere. In isto congressu, Graecis contra usum fortiter agentibus, cum iam Normanni fatigari prae nimia caede coepissent, Willelmus quartanae febris typo laborabat et prae nimia infirmitate, qua premebatur, certamini interesse non poterat: sed procul iacens, exitum rei expectabat.

10. Conquered, yet not as yet wearied, but encouraging one another mutually, with a much ampler army having been assembled, together with Duceanus, who had been sent for this by the Constantinopolitan emperor, they again prepare for war. The Normans, by no means sluggish for war, meeting them under Montepiloso, engaged stoutly, showing that they were unwilling to flee from war, but rather to seek it, as if out of delectation. In this encounter, the Greeks acting bravely contrary to their wont, when now the Normans had begun to grow tired by reason of excessive slaughter, William was laboring under a bout of quartan fever and, by reason of the excessive infirmity by which he was oppressed, could not take part in the contest: but lying at a distance, he awaited the outcome of the affair.

Cum videret iam suos minus fortiter agere et pene deficere, indignatione et ira infirmitatis, qua premebatur, oblitus, arma corripiens, sese, quasi leo furibundus, hostium medium dedit, suosque, verbis exhortatoriis recreans, fortiter agendo, hostes in fugam vertit, duce Duceano, duce exercitus, qui caudatus erat, quasi bove interfecto. Viribus itaque suis diffidentes et fortunae minus credentes, castra sua munientes, ultra decertare cum Normannis, nisi muris interpositis, non praesumebant, sed neque ipsi muri contra Normannos eos tueri poterant. Nam crebris incursionibus eos lacessentes, vineta et oliveta eorum extirpabant, armenta et pecora et caetera, quae ad usum necessaria sunt, nihil extra castra relinquentes, diripiebant.

When he saw that his men were now acting less bravely and were almost failing, forgetting, through indignation and wrath, the infirmity by which he was oppressed, seizing his arms he threw himself, like a furious lion, into the midst of the enemy; and by reviving his own with words of exhortation, and by acting bravely, he turned the foes to flight, with Duceanus, the leader of the host, with his tail between his legs, as if an ox had been slaughtered. Therefore, distrusting their own strengths and putting less trust in fortune, fortifying their camp, they did not presume to contend further with the Normans, unless with walls set in between; but not even the walls themselves could protect them against the Normans. For, assailing them with frequent incursions, they were uprooting their vineyards and olive-groves, and they were plundering the herds and flocks and the other things which are necessary for use, leaving nothing outside the camp.

Sed et ipsa castra, ipsis intra reclusis, exercitu vallantes oppugnabant, machinamentisque, quibus doctissimi artifices erant, ad id officii agendum necessariis aptatis, muros et turres crebris ictibus impingendo, funditus diruebant: ruptisque muris, aditis patentibus, irrumpentes, omnia sibi diripiebant. Unde et reliqua circumquaque castra idem sibi imminere cernentes, ultro sese eorum ditioni subdebant.

But even the camp itself, with them shut inside, they were assaulting, hemming it in with the army; and with the machines, which the most learned artificers had fitted with the things necessary for carrying out that office, by striking the walls and towers with frequent blows, they were razing them to the foundations: and, the walls broken and the approaches lying open, breaking in, they were plundering everything for themselves. Whence also the remaining camps round about, perceiving the same to be imminent for themselves, of their own accord were submitting themselves to their dominion.

XI. Iuniores vero fratres, quos aetas adhuc domi immorari cogebat, praecedentes et seniores fratres apud Apuliam, fortiter agendo, altioris culmen honoris et dominationis ascendisse, fama referente, cognoscentes, quam cito aetas permisit, ipsi quoque subsecuti sunt, duobus tantum in patria relictis, ne haereditas illis competens a stirpe alienaretur. Abeuntes vero remanentibus ut remanerent vix persuaserunt, sed in hoc potius praevaluerunt, quod haeredibus eorum, si se subsequerentur, de his quae acquisituri erant, sese benefacturos polliciti sunt. Sed quia perlongum est huic operi per singula perstringendo inserere qualiter in Apulia egerint, haec tantum summatim non solum nos, sed etiam res ipsa testatur, quod omnem patriam, armis domantes, sibi subiugaverunt.

11. The younger brothers indeed, whom age still compelled to remain at home, learning, report relating it, that their preceding and elder brothers in Apulia, by acting bravely, had ascended the summit of higher honor and domination, as soon as age permitted, they too followed after, with only two left in the fatherland, lest the inheritance fitting to them be alienated from the stock. As they went away, they scarcely persuaded those remaining to remain; but they prevailed rather in this, that they promised to their heirs, if they should follow after them, to do benefactions for them from those things which they were going to acquire. But because it is overlong for this work to insert, touching on things one by one, how they acted in Apulia, this only in summary not only we, but the matter itself, testifies: that, taming the whole country by arms, they subjected it to themselves.

Subsequente enim se suorum et parentum et compatriotarum, sed et reliquarum circumadiacentium regionum, spe quaestus, maxima multitudine, ipsi impigri largitores, quasi fratres suscipientes, equis, armis et vestibus ac diversis muneribus ditabant. Quibusdam etiam terras largissime impertiebantur, omnibus divitiis huius mundi auxilia fortium militum praeponentes: quamobrem nihil incoepti incassum illis praeteribat. Unde et illud evangelicum illis provenit, ubi dicitur: Date, et dabitur vobis: quanto enim ampliora largiebantur, tanto maiora lucrabantur.

For, as there followed them their own people and parents and compatriots, but also those of the remaining regions lying around, in the hope of gain, in a very great multitude, they themselves, energetic liberal givers, receiving them as brothers, enriched them with horses, arms, and garments and with diverse gifts. To some also they very lavishly imparted lands, preferring the aids of brave soldiers to all the riches of this world: wherefore nothing of what was undertaken passed them by in vain. Whence also that evangelical saying befell them, where it is said: Give, and it will be given to you: for the more abundantly they were largessing, the greater they were profiting.

XII. Igitur seniore fratre, Willelmo videlicet comite, infirmitate superveniente, defuncto, magnus dolor omnes Normannos invasit: quippe quia tanti consilii virum, tam armis strenuum, tam sibi munificum, affabilem et morigeratum, ulterius se habere diffidebant. Sed exequiis ex more accuratissime et cum maximo planctu non immerito celebratis, secundus frater Drogo totius Apuliae dominatum suscepit: vir quidem, ut succincte dicamus, per cuncta laudabilis.

12. Therefore, when the elder brother—William, namely the count—an infirmity supervening, had died, great grief invaded all the Normans: indeed because they distrusted that they would any longer have a man of such counsel, so strenuous in arms, so munificent to them, affable and compliant. But the obsequies, according to custom, having been most carefully and, not undeservedly, with the greatest lamentation celebrated, the second brother, Drogo, assumed the dominion of all Apulia: a man indeed, to speak succinctly, praiseworthy in all things.

Hic fratrem suum Umfredum Abagelardum comitem, apud castrum quod Lavel dicitur, virum prudentissimum, consilio Apuliensium et Normannorum ordinavit, Robertum vero Guiscardum in Calabria posuit, firmans ei castrum in valle Cratensi, in loco qui Scribla dicitur, ad debellandos Cusentinos et eos qui adhuc in Calabria rebelles erant.

Here he appointed his brother, Count Humphrey Abagelard, at the castle which is called Lavel—a most prudent man—by the counsel of the Apulians and the Normans; but Robert Guiscard he set in Calabria, establishing for him a castle in the Crati valley, in the place which is called Scribla, to subdue the Cusentines and those who were still rebellious in Calabria.

XIII. Longobardi igitur Apulienses, genus semper perfidissimum, traditionem per universam Apuliam silenter ordinant, ut omnes Normanni una die occiderentur. Determinato die, cum comes Drogo apud castrum Montis Olei, quod corrupte ab incolis Montolium dicitur, moraretur, summo diluculo ad ecclesiam, ut sibi mos erat, properans, cum iam ecclesiam intraret, quidam, Risus nomine, eiusdem comitis compater et sacramento confoederatus, post ianuam latens, foedere rupto, ferro eum suscepit: sicque cum pluribus suorum, paucis aufugientibus, occisus est.

13. Therefore the Apulian Lombards, a race ever most perfidious, silently arrange a treachery throughout all Apulia, that all the Normans might be killed in one day. On the appointed day, when Count Drogo was staying near the castle of Montis Olei, which, corruptly, is called Montolium by the inhabitants, at the very break of day he hastened to the church, as was his custom; and when he was already entering the church, a certain man, by the name Risus, the count’s compater (godfather) and bound to him by oath, lurking behind the door, with the pact broken, met him with the steel; and thus, with many of his men, a few fleeing, he was slain.

Sed per diversa Apuliae loca plures hac traditione occubuerunt.

But in diverse places of Apulia many fell by this treachery.

Porro Umfredus Abagelardus, nece fratris turbatus, honorem sibi vindicans, castra, quae frater possederat, insiluit; Normannosque, qui periculum traditionis evaserant, sibi alligans, in vindictam fraternae necis insurgit, multoque tempore castrum, in quo frater suus occisus fuerat, oppugnans, tandem devicit; fratrisque interemptorem, cum sibi assentientibus, diversis cruciatibus afficiens, eorum sanguine iram et dolorem cordis sui aliquantulum extinxit.

Furthermore Umfredus Abagelardus, troubled by the slaying of his brother, claiming the honor for himself, seized the strongholds which his brother had possessed; and binding to himself the Normans who had escaped the danger of the treachery, he rose up in vengeance for his brother’s murder, and for a long time assailing the fortress in which his brother had been killed, at length he vanquished it; and, afflicting the slayer of his brother, together with those assenting to him, with diverse torments, he somewhat quenched the anger and grief of his heart with their blood.

XIV. Apulienses vero, necdum traditionibus exhausti, per occultos legatos nonum Leonem apostolicum, ut in Apuliam cum exercitu veniat, invitant, dicentes Apuliam sibi iure competere et, praedecessorum suorum temporibus, iuris Ecclesiae Romanae fuisse, se illi auxilium laturos; Normannos imbelles, viribus enerves, numero paucos. Ille, ut assolet, quamvis prudentissimus esset, ambitione captus, Alamannorum exercitu ab Imperatore sibi in adiutorio accepto, confidens in auxilio Longobardorum, Apuliam intrat.

14. The Apulians indeed, not yet exhausted by betrayals, by secret legates invite the apostolic Leo the Ninth to come into Apulia with an army, saying that Apulia pertains to them by right and, in the times of their predecessors, had been of the right of the Roman Church; that they would bring aid to him; the Normans unwarlike, nerveless in strength, few in number. He, as is his wont, although he was most prudent, seized by ambition, with an army of the Alamanni received from the Emperor for his aid, trusting in the help of the Longobards, enters Apulia.

Comes vero Humfredus, sibi honestius ducens potius cum honore vitam finire quam cum dedecore privari, commoto exercitu, audacter hostibus occurrit, ordinataque acie suorum, certamen iniens, cum primo congressu fortiter, ut solitus erat, agere coepisset, Longobardi, territi, fuga seipsos tueri nituntur, Alamannis in proelio relictis. Qui, cum fortiter dimicarent, nullum refugium nisi in armis habentes, Normannis vincentibus, pene omnes occubuerunt. Apostolicus, fuga vitae asylum expetens, intra urbem provinciae Capitanatae, quae Civitata dicitur, sese profugus recepit.

But Count Humfred, deeming it more honorable for himself to end his life with honor rather than be deprived with disgrace, with the army stirred, boldly met the enemies; and, his men’s battle-line drawn up, entering the contest, when at the first clash he had begun to act bravely, as he was wont, the Longobards, terrified, strive to protect themselves by flight, leaving the Alamans in the battle. They, while they fought bravely, having no refuge except in arms, with the Normans prevailing, almost all fell. The Apostolic, seeking in flight an asylum for his life, withdrew as a fugitive within the city of the province of Capitanata, which is called Civitate.

Quem hostes insequentes, armato milite obsident: aggeres portant, machinamenta ad urbem capiendam parant, incolas minis terrent, ut apostolicum reddant. Illi vero, ut semper perfidissimi, nulla pactione ad utilitatem apostolici, nisi ut se ipsos tuerentur, exquisita, eum per portas eiciunt. Quem hostes suscipientes, ob reverentiam Sanctae Romanae Sedis, cum magna devotione eius provolvuntur pedibus, veniam et benedictionem eius postulantes.

Whom the enemies, pursuing, besiege with armed soldiery: they carry embankments, prepare engines for taking the city, and frighten the inhabitants with threats, that they hand over the Apostolic. They, however, as ever most perfidious, with no agreement sought to the advantage of the Apostolic, except that they might protect themselves, cast him out through the gates. Whom the enemies, receiving, out of reverence for the Holy Roman See, with great devotion prostrate themselves at his feet, asking his pardon and his blessing.

Sed et usque ad loca, quibus exercitus castra et tentoria fixerat, cum omni humilitate illi servire executi sunt. Quorum legitimam benevolentiam vir apostolicus, gratanter suscipiens, de offensis indulgentiam et benedictionem contulit, et omnem terram, quam pervaserant et quam ulterius versus Calabriam et Siciliam lucrari possent, de sancti Petri haereditali feudo sibi et haeredibus suis possidendam concessit circa annos MLII[I].

But even up to the places where the army had fixed its camp and tents, they proceeded to serve him with all humility. The apostolic man, gratefully receiving their legitimate benevolence, conferred pardon for offenses and a blessing, and all the land which they had overrun and which further they might be able to gain toward Calabria and Sicily he granted, from the hereditary fief of Saint Peter, to be possessed by themselves and their heirs, around the years 1052[3].

XV. Apostolicum itaque Romam regredientem comes Humfredus, quousque sibi placuit, cum honore conduxit. Ubi vero licentiam redeundi concessit, in Apuliam reversus, omnem terram placidam et sibi oboedientem invenit, quam longo tempore tanta in pace rexit, ut vix in aliquo tempore suae dominationis latro, vel praedo, vel qui suis imperiis contradicere auderet, posset inveniri. Duos itaque fratres suos comites fecit, Malgerium Capitanatae, Willelmum vero in Principatu.

15. Therefore the Count Humphrey escorted the Apostolic, returning to Rome, with honor, as far as it pleased him. But when he granted him leave to return, having gone back to Apulia, he found all the land tranquil and obedient to himself, which for a long time he ruled in such peace that scarcely at any time of his dominion could a bandit, or brigand, or anyone who would dare to contradict his commands be found. Accordingly he made his two brothers counts, Malgerius of Capitanata, and William in the Principality.

Sed Malgerius, moriens, cum omnem comitatum suum Willelmo fratri reliquisset, Willelmus, Gaufridum fratrem suum diligens, ei concessit.

But Malgerius, dying, since he had bequeathed all his county to his brother William, William, loving his brother Geoffrey, granted it to him.

XVI. Robertus vero Guiscardus, cum apud Scriblam moraretur, Calabros fortiter impugnans, cum videret suos propter infirmitatem loci et aËris diversitatem languescere, saniorem locum expetens, non quidem ut timidus hostes devitando retrorsum vadens, longius recepit. Sed potius, quasi in hostem iens, in viciniorem se conferens, castrum, quod Sancti Marci dicitur, flrmavit.

16. Robert Guiscard, however, while he was staying at Scribla, vigorously impugning the Calabrians, when he saw his men languishing because of the infirmity of the place and the diversity of the air, seeking a healthier location, did not, indeed, as a timid man going backward by shunning the enemies, withdraw farther. But rather, as if going against the enemy, transferring himself to a nearer position, he fortified the castrum which is called Saint Mark’s.

Sed cum, firmato castro, quid victus introduceret non inveniret — abstraxerant enim circummanentes ad proxima castra quaeque habebant, ne ab ipsis diriperentur — quodam vespere dapifer, qui omni domui suae praeerat, requisivit ab ipso quid in crastinum comesturi erant ipse et milites sui: dicens se neque victum, sed neque victi pretium ad emendum habere; et si pretium haberet, nusquam, ubi cum pace adiri posset, invenire posse. Guiscardus usque ad sexaginta, quos Sclavos appellant, totius Calabriae gnaros, secum habens, quos quasi fratres fidelissimos sibi benefactis et maioribus promissis effecerat, sciscitatus est ab eis utrum locum adibilem scirent, quo praedam posset capi. Quibus respondentibus se ultra altissimos montes, via praeruptissima, in profundis vallibus praedam permaximam scire, sed sine magno discrimine extrahi non posse, Robertus tale fertur dedisse responsum: "Eia, tutissimi vitae meae fautores, ita ne patiemini Guiscardum et vos ipsos a fame affici.

But when, the castle being fortified, he did not find what victuals he might bring in — for the surrounding dwellers had withdrawn to the nearest forts whatever they had, lest they be plundered by them — one evening the dapifer, who presided over his whole household, asked him what on the morrow he and his soldiers were going to eat: saying that he had neither victuals, nor even the price of victuals to buy them; and that, even if he had the price, he could find nowhere that could be approached in peace. Guiscard, having with him up to sixty men, whom they call Slavs, well-versed in all Calabria, whom by benefits and greater promises he had made to himself as most faithful, almost-as-brothers, inquired of them whether they knew an accessible place where prey/booty could be seized. When they answered that beyond the very lofty mountains, by a most precipitous way, in deep valleys they knew booty very great, but that it could not be brought out without great hazard, Robert is said to have given such an answer: “Come now, safest supporters of my life, will you really suffer Guiscard and your very selves to be afflicted by hunger?”

Causa victus adquirendi dubia fortuna usque in periculo vitae temptanda est. Nam et temptantes saepe triumphaliter evasisse audivimus, neminem vero, qui fame interierit, laudari. Ite — nquit — nocturni praedones!

The cause of acquiring victuals must be ventured with doubtful fortune, even into the danger of life. For we have heard that those attempting have often escaped triumphally, but that no one who has perished of hunger is praised. Go — he says — nocturnal brigands!

Ebrietas Calabros minus vigiles esse permittit: nam et hunc diem celebrem habentes, ex more conviviis et potationibus studuerunt. Praecedite! Subsequar militibus armatis ". Sicque, lecto parato, cum iam collocatus esset, de nocte, nullo sciente, consurgens, vili veste et scarpis, quibus pro calceariis utuntur, ad similitudinem abeuntium sese aptans, illis medius iungitur.

Ebriety permits the Calabrians to be less vigilant: for, holding this day as celebrated, they devoted themselves, according to custom, to banquets and potations. Go on ahead! I will follow with armed soldiers ". And thus, the bed having been prepared, when he had now been laid down, by night, with no one knowing, rising up, in a cheap garment and sandals, which they use in place of shoes, adapting himself to the similitude of those departing, he joins them in their midst.

Sicque per totam noctem ignotus comes illis factus, nulli eorum verbum fecit. Nam neque excitare volebat, ne forte ita quis esset deprehenderetur; quia enim eiusdem gentis erant, non ex toto sese credebat illis. Porro, ubi ad locum praedae ventum est, quidquid ibi invenerunt ante se colligentes, ipse crebris saltibus et vibrante hastili, ut reditum accelerarent, socios hortabatur.

Thus, through the whole night, having become an unknown companion to them, he spoke not a word to any of them. For neither did he wish to rouse anyone, lest perhaps in that way someone be apprehended; for since they were of the same tribe, he did not wholly entrust himself to them. Furthermore, when the place of the prey was reached, while they were gathering up in front of themselves whatever they found there, he, with frequent leaps and his spear vibrating, exhorted his associates to accelerate the return.

Sed, antequam illucesceret, ii, quibus damnum illatum fuerat, sua ablata perpendentes, cum ducentis militibus, ut praedam excutiant, prosecuntur. At Guiscardus, insequentes approperare videns, et socios, ne praeda privari patiantur, sese ad invicem audacter cohortari audiens, ut audaciores redderet, iam quis esset aperuit. Guiscardus inquit: " Adsum particeps laboris vestri!

But, before it grew light, those upon whom damage had been inflicted, reckoning their goods carried off, with two hundred soldiers, in order to shake out the booty, pursue. But Guiscardus, seeing the pursuers hasten, and hearing his comrades boldly exhort one another, that they should not allow themselves to be deprived of the booty, in order to render them more audacious, now disclosed who he was. Guiscardus said: " I am here, a participant in your labor!"

Sine me nil periculi patiemini. Forti animo estote, et insurgamus hostibus! Nam Deo, fortuna prosperante, facile praevalebimus!" Hoc dixit; et hostibus cum maximo furore occurrens, dum certat, multos perimit, plures capit, reliquos fugat, victor efficitur.

"Allow me; you will endure no peril. Be of brave spirit, and let us rise up against the enemies! For with God, fortune prospering, we shall easily prevail!" He said this; and, meeting the enemies with the greatest fury, while he contends, he slays many, captures more, puts the rest to flight, and becomes victor.

Sicque, triumphalibus spoliis captis, de peditibus suis equites fecit; denique iam securus, captivos secum ducens, praecedit, paucis, qui praedam post se ducant, relictis. Milites vero sui, cum iam lux esset et eos ita armatos usque castrum adventare cognoscerent, hostes suspicati, dominum suum, ubi esset nescientes, per totum castrum clamore requirunt. Non invenientes, turbantur; audacter tamen castro prosilientes, illis, quo hostes suspicabantur, occurrere accelerant.

Thus, with triumphal spoils captured, he made cavalry out of his own infantry; finally, now secure, leading the captives with him, he goes on ahead, leaving a few who might lead the booty after him. But his soldiers, when now it was light and they perceived them thus armed to be approaching up to the camp, suspecting enemies, not knowing where their lord was, search through the whole camp with a clamor. Not finding him, they are disturbed; yet, boldly leaping forth from the camp, they hasten to run to meet those where they suspected enemies.

Porro Guiscardus equum, in quo sedebat, calcaribus urgens, alta voce Guiscardum ingeminando accurrit. Sicque, agnitus ab illis, de praesentia sua et de felicitate fortunae omnes hilares reddit. Redarguitur tamen plurimum ab ipsis, quod talia praesumpserit, et ne ulterius praesumat, admonetur, ne forte fortuna, quae nunc arrisit, postmodum, si temptetur, in peius cedat.

Moreover, Guiscard, pressing with spurs the horse on which he sat, ran up, reiterating “Guiscard!” in a loud voice. And thus, recognized by them, he makes all cheerful at his presence and at the felicity of fortune. Yet he is greatly reproved by them for having presumed such things, and he is admonished not to presume further, lest perchance Fortune, which has now smiled, afterwards, if it be tempted, should turn to the worse.

Sic castrum praeda et redemptione captivorum ditans, Calabros crebris incursionibus plurimum lacessivit.

Thus, enriching the camp with booty and with the redemption of captives, he greatly harassed the Calabrians with frequent incursions.

XVII. Qualiter vero Petrum de Tira, qui apud Bisinianum morabatur, acceperit, silentio praetereundum non est. Erat quippe idem Petrus ditissimus civis bisinianensis, sed et, consilio et virtute caeteris perpollens, omnibus principabatur.

17. How indeed he received Peter of Tira, who was dwelling at Bisinianum, must not be passed over in silence. For that same Peter was a most wealthy citizen of Bisinianum, and also, excelling the others in counsel and in virtue, he held the principate over all.

Soliti autem erant multotiens convenire hic et Robertus Guiscardus, quasi ad placitum, de pluribus controversiis, quae inter suos eveniebant. Porro Guiscardus, cum sciret eum maxima pecunia abundare et prae caeteris castro dominari, coepit animo tractare, qualiter posset castrum obtinere et pecuniam, quam possidebat, abstrahere. Quod secum diu revolvens, tandem, consilio cum suis habito, quadam die, nullo foedere interposito, extra castrum Bisinianense, in campo, in quo colloqui consueverant, cum convenissent, Guiscardus, videns maximam multitudinem cum Petro venisse, nuntio praemisso, mandat, se illi multitudini intermisceri nolle, ne forte inter ipsos tumultus ex aliqua re fieret: sed, longius promotis utriusque partis sociis, ipsi duo in medium collocuturi convenerunt.

However, they were accustomed many times to convene here, both he and Robert Guiscard, as if by a set appointment, about several controversies which arose among their own men. Furthermore Guiscard, since he knew that he abounded in very great money and, before the others, lorded it over the castle, began to handle in his mind how he might obtain the castle and draw off the money which he possessed. Turning this over with himself for a long time, at length, counsel having been held with his men, on a certain day, with no compact interposed, outside the Bisignano castle, in the field in which they were accustomed to confer, when they had come together, Guiscard, seeing that a very great multitude had come with Peter, a messenger having been sent ahead, sends word that he is unwilling to intermingle with that multitude, lest perhaps among them a tumult might arise from some matter; but, with the associates of each party moved farther back, the two themselves met in the middle, about to confer.

Praedixerat tamen suis quid facere disponebat, ut, cum necesse foret, sibi citius auxilium praeberent. Assentiente itaque Petro his quae a Guiscardo mandata sunt, sibi minus prospiciens, sociis a longe dimissis, ipse medio loco Guiscardo obvianti accelerat. Considerantes igitur et diu sibi ad invicem colloquentes, cum iam discessuri assurgerent, Guiscardus, enormitate et mole corporis illius inspecta, viribus suis minus diffidens — erat enim in omnibus praesumptuosissimus et magnarum rerum audacissimus attemptator — Petrum per medium corripiens, collo suppositum versus suos asportare coepit.

He had, however, foretold to his own what he was purposing to do, so that, when it should be necessary, they might more quickly proffer aid to him. Therefore, Peter assenting to the things that had been mandated by Guiscard, having less regard for himself, with his companions dismissed at a distance, he himself hastens to meet Guiscard in the middle place. Therefore, after considering and for a long time speaking with each other, when now, about to depart, they were getting to their feet, Guiscard—observing the enormity and bulk of that man’s body, being less diffident of his own strength (for he was in all things most presumptuous and the most audacious attemptor of great undertakings)—seizing Peter about the middle, with his neck placed underneath, began to carry him off toward his own men.

Accurrentibus itaque utriusque sociis, Bisinianensibus, ut Petrum eruerent, Normannis vero, ut dominum suum iuvarent, Guiscardus Petrum, enerviter reluctantem, interdum portando, interdum volutando, interdum trahendo, usque ad suos perduxit Calabrenses vero, de Petro iam desperantes et pro ipso cum Normannis minime certare praenitentes, fugiendo sese in castrum Bisinianense recipiunt. Normanni vero, gaudentes quasi de triumpho, usque ad castrum Sancti Marci Petrum secum adducunt, ubi, aliquandiu in captione detentus, pecuniam mirabilem persolvens, seipsum a captione liberavit; sed, civibus non assentientibus, castrum minime reddere potuit. Tali calliditate et huic similibus Calabrenses de Guiscardo compertis, genus formidolosissimum, omnes ante eum tremebant: quippe cui neminem assimilari posse armis et ingenio, sed neque viribus, dicebant.

With the comrades of both sides running up—the Bisignanese, to wrench Peter out, but the Normans, to aid their lord—Guiscard, Peter feebly resisting, sometimes by carrying him, sometimes by rolling him, sometimes by dragging him, brought him as far as his own men; but the Calabrians, now despairing of Peter and by no means eager to contend with the Normans on his behalf, by fleeing take themselves back into the Bisignanese castle. The Normans, rejoicing as if over a triumph, lead Peter with them as far as the castle of Saint Mark, where, detained in captivity for some time, by paying a marvelous sum of money he freed himself from captivity; but, the citizens not assenting, he could by no means surrender the castle. By such cunning, and others like it of Guiscard learned by the Calabrians—a most timorous race—all trembled before him; for they said that no one could be likened to him in arms and in ingenuity, nor yet in strength.

Tanta itaque pecunia Guiscardus accepta, suos, abundanter remunerando, in sui fidelitate roborat. Calabrensesque infestiores reddit, cotidiano impetu lacessens Bisinianenses et Cusentinos et Marturanenses et his adiacentem provinciam secum foedus inire coËgit, tali videlicet pacto, ut, castra sua retinentes, servitium tantummodo et tributa persolverent: et hoc sacramentis et obsidibus spoponderunt.

Therefore, with so great a sum of money received, Guiscard, by abundantly remunerating his own men, strengthens them in loyalty to himself. And he renders the Calabrians more hostile, harassing with a quotidian onrush the Bisinianenses and the Cusentines and the Marturanenses, and he compelled the province adjacent to these to enter into a treaty with him, by such a pact, namely, that, while retaining their own forts, they should discharge service only and tributes: and this they pledged by oaths and hostages.

XVIII. Humfredus igitur comes, Apuliam gloriosissime et laudabili pace gubernans, infirmitate praeventus — quod dolor est dicere! — mortuus est.

18. Therefore Humphrey, the count, governing Apulia most gloriously and with laudable peace, being overtaken by infirmity — which it is a pain to say! — died.

Quod Guiscardus, qui tunc temporis apud Sanctum Marcum morabatur, audiens, versus Apuliam magno cum dolore animi approperare accelerat; susceptusque a patriae primatibus, omnium dominus et comes, in loco fratris, efficitur. Ordinatisque rebus suis et tota Apulia sibi in pace conciliata, quod primum in animo conceperat, minime oblivisci potuit. Sed, iam ampliori imperio dilatatus, et maioribus viribus, militum videlicet copia, auctus, ad quod coeperat peragendum, iterum intendit.

Hearing this, Guiscard—who at that time was staying at Saint Mark—hastens with great grief of mind to make speed toward Apulia; and, received by the primates of the fatherland, he is made lord of all and count, in his brother’s place. And with his affairs set in order, and all Apulia reconciled to him in peace, he could by no means forget what he had first conceived in mind. But now, expanded by a more ample imperium and increased with greater forces, namely a copious supply of soldiers, he again directs himself to accomplish what he had begun.

Exercitu itaque commoto et his quae ad expeditionem necessaria erant [paratis], versus partes Calabriae aciem dirigit: pertransiensque Cusentinos fines et Marturanenses, iuxta calidas aquas super flumine, quod Lamita dicitur, biduo permansit, ut exercitum, itineris asperitate fatigatum, recrearet et terram citius exploraret. Indeque pertransiens usque ad castrum, quod Sckillacium dicitur, iuxta litus maris iter intendens, Regium usque pervenit, ubi, triduo situ loci inspecto, cum videret se cives urbis nec minis nec blandimentis inflectere posse, quibusdam negotiis versus Apuliam revocantibus, reditum parat. Redeunti Neocastrum et Maia et Canalea, pacem facientes, sese dederunt.

Therefore, the army having been set in motion and the things necessary for the expedition [prepared], he directs his battle-line toward the parts of Calabria; and passing through the Cusentine borders and those of the Marturanenses, near the hot waters above the river which is called Lamita, he remained for two days, in order to refresh the army, wearied by the asperity of the journey, and to explore the land more quickly. And thence, passing on as far as the stronghold which is called Sckillacium, aiming his march along the sea-shore, he came as far as Rhegium, where, the site of the place having been inspected for three days, when he saw that he could bend the citizens of the city neither by threats nor by blandishments, certain affairs calling him back toward Apulia, he prepares a return. As he was returning, Neocastrum and Maia and Canalea, making peace, surrendered themselves.

XIX. Rogerius vero minor frater, quem adhuc domi iuvenilis aetas et amor parentum detinuerat, subsecutus, in Apuliam venit. De cuius adventu Guiscardus non minimum gavisus, honore, quo decebat, eum suscepit.

19. But Roger, the younger brother, whom his youthful age and the love of his parents had until now kept at home, following after, came into Apulia. At his advent Guiscard was not a little rejoiced, and he received him with the honor which befitted.

Erat enim iuvenis pulcherrimus, procerae staturae, eleganti corpore, lingua facundissimus, consilio callidus, in ordinatione agendarum rerum providus, omnibus iocundus et affabilis, viribus fortis, militia ferox: quibus artibus brevi tempore omnem gratiam meruit. Quia vero factiosus erat et laudis, ut in tali aetate assolet, appetens, factiosos quosque sibi alligans, quaeque habere poterat, libenter et largissime illis impertiebatur.

He was indeed a most handsome youth, of tall stature, with an elegant body, most eloquent of tongue, shrewd in counsel, provident in the ordination of things to be done, jocund and affable to all, strong in might, fierce in warfare: by which arts he in a short time earned every favor. For he was in truth factious and, as is wont at such an age, desirous of praise, binding to himself all who were factious, and whatever he was able to have, he gladly and most lavishly imparted to them.

Porro Guiscardus, fratris constantiam et militarem audaciam certius experiri volens, cum sexaginta tantum militibus plurima millia hostium debellaturum in Calabriam dirigit; qui, audacter pergens, in altiori cacumine montium Vibonentium castrametatus, tentoria fixit, ut, longe lateque visus, incolas circumquaque facilius deterreret. Quod cum compertum fuisset per omnes civitates et castra illius provinciae et totius vallis Salinarum, territi omnes, legatos, qui pacem postulent, mittunt: munera plurima dantes, fortissima castra enerviter reddunt in servitutem, iuramentis et obsidibus foederantur.

Furthermore Guiscard, wishing to test more surely his brother’s constancy and military audacity, dispatches him into Calabria with only sixty soldiers to debellate very many thousands of enemies; who, advancing boldly, encamped on the higher summit of the Vibonentian mountains, pitched his tents, so that, seen far and wide, he might more easily deter the inhabitants on every side. When this had been found out through all the cities and camps of that province and of the whole Valley of the Salines, all, terrified, send envoys to petition for peace: giving very many gifts, they feebly surrender the strongest forts into servitude, and are bound by treaty with oaths and hostages.

XX. Sic, terra ad suam et fratris fidelitatem pro libito ordinata, plurimum pecuniae, quam acceperat, in Apuliam fratri per legatos misit, eventus suos, qualiter egerit, mandans. Ipse vero castrum, quod Nicefola dicitur, studiosissime turribus et propugnaculis firmans, armatis militibus munivit, omnibus, quae ad victum necessaria erant, sufficienter introductis.

20. Thus, the land having been arranged, at his and his brother’s pleasure, to their fealty, he sent a very great sum of money, which he had received, into Apulia to his brother through legates, sending word of his outcomes, how he had fared. He himself, moreover, most studiously strengthening the castle which is called Nicefola with towers and bulwarks, garrisoned it with armed soldiers, with all things necessary for victuals having been sufficiently brought in.

Guiscardus vero, pecunia, quae sibi a fratre directa est, accepta, et strenuitate eius agnita, plurimum gavisus est, eiusque colloquium desiderans, ut ad se venire acceleret, mandat. Ille, sex tantummodo militibus acceptis et reliquis ad tuendum castrum, quod fecerat, et provinciam premendam, ne fraudem praesumeret, relictis, in Apuliam ad fratrem venit. A quo, cum decenter fuisset susceptus, eventus suos alternatim conferentes, mutua collocutione laetati sunt.

Guiscard, indeed, the money which had been directed to him by his brother having been received, and his strenuousness recognized, rejoiced very greatly, and, desiring his colloquy, he orders that he hasten to come to him. He, having taken only six soldiers and leaving the rest to guard the castle which he had made and to press the province, lest anyone presume fraud, came into Apulia to his brother. By whom, when he had been suitably received, exchanging their outcomes by turns, they rejoiced in mutual colloquy.

XXI. Sicque cum fratre moratus est, donec communi consilio, paratis his, quae ad expeditionem necessaria erant, maxima manu equitum et peditum iuga montium Calabriae transcendentes, versus Regium incedunt. At cum in vallem Salinarum ventum est, Guiscardus, audiens Reginenses omnia circumquaque, quae ad victum necessaria erant, secum infra urbem clausisse et nihil relictum, quod exercitui congruum foret, providens ne obsidenda urbe famis angustia exercitum propelleret, Rogerium fratrem cum trecentis militibus versus castrum, quod Geracium dicitur, in praedam dirigit, summopere admonens ut, quidquid ad victus necessaria rapere posset, apud Regium exercitui deferret.

21. Thus he remained with his brother, until by common counsel, the things which were necessary for the expedition having been prepared, with a very great hand of cavalry and infantry, crossing the yokes of the mountains of Calabria, they advance toward Regium. But when they had come into the Valley of the Salines, Guiscard, hearing that the Regians had shut up with themselves within the city on every side everything which was necessary for sustenance, and that nothing was left which would be congruent for the army, foreseeing lest, the city being to be besieged, the straitness of hunger should drive the army away, dispatches Roger his brother with three hundred soldiers toward the castle which is called Geracium, for booty, most earnestly admonishing that whatever he could snatch of things necessary for sustenance he should carry to the army at Regium.

Ipse, recto itinere gradiens, urbem obsidere accelerat.

He himself, proceeding by the straight route, hastens to besiege the city.

XXII. Rogerius vero, studens ad gratiam fratris et totius exercitus, quod sibi iniunctum erat, peragere, altissimos colles cum profundissimis vallibus perlustrans, ut fidelis et studiosa apes, onustissimus ad exercitum cum maxima praeda rediit: iamque pene deficientes omnes abundantia recreavit. Guiscardus vero, videns se versus civitatem minus proficere et exercitum hiemis asperitate tardari, obsessionem solvens, discensionibusque omnibus datis, ipse apud Maiam, hiemandi gratia, cum paucis secessit.

22. Roger, indeed, striving for the favor of his brother and of the whole army to carry through what had been enjoined upon him, scouring the very lofty hills together with the very deep valleys, like a faithful and studious bee, returned to the army most laden with the greatest booty: and now he refreshed with abundance all who were almost failing. Guiscard, however, seeing that he was making less progress toward the city and that the army was being retarded by the asperity of winter, lifting the siege, and with dismissals given to all, he himself withdrew to Maia, for the sake of wintering, with a few.

XXIII. Rogerius itaque, cum quod militibus suis largiretur minus abundaret, et ipsi sibi in exigendo importuniores essent, a fratre expetit. Ille vero, pravorum consilio usus versus eum, cum caeteris largus esset, illi strictior quam oportebat esse coepit.

23. Rogerius therefore, since he was less abounding in what he might bestow upon his soldiers, and they themselves were more importunate upon him in demanding, asked of his brother. He, however, using the counsel of the depraved against him, although he was lavish toward the rest, began to be stricter toward him than was fitting.

Videbat denique, propter strenuitatem quam habebat, militiam iuvenum totius Apuliae ei, potius quam sibi, adhaerere: unde, et ne contra se insolesceret metuebat, et, ut paucis contentus secum moraretur, penuria cogere volebat. Porro ille, ut magni animi erat, sciens se sic a fratre tractari, ut degenerem vel indignum, qui, gradatim ad alta, ut ille fecerat, et iam ipse, fortuna sibi favente, scanderet, irato animo a fratre recedens, in Apuliam se contulit.

He saw at last that, on account of the strenuousness which he had, the militia of the youths of all Apulia adhered to him rather than to himself; whence he both feared lest he should grow insolent against him, and wished to compel him by penury to remain with him, content with a few. But he, as he was of great spirit, knowing himself thus to be treated by his brother as a degenerate or unworthy man to ascend step by step to high things, as that one had done, and as he too now, fortune favoring him, was ascending, withdrawing in anger from his brother, betook himself into Apulia.

XXIV. Quod audiens frater suus Guillelmus, comes videlicet totius Principatus, legatos mittens, ut ad se veniat, invitat: quae habet simul accipiat, nihil se, exceptis uxore et liberis, ab illo proprium habere velle repromittens. Veniens itaque, honore, quo decebat, susceptus est.

24. Hearing this, his brother William, namely count of the whole Principality, sending envoys, invites him to come to him: that he may together receive whatever he has, promising that, except for his wife and children, he wishes to hold nothing as his own apart from him. Coming therefore, he was received with the honor that was fitting.

Aliquandiu cum ipso commoratus, tandem castrum, quod Scalea dicitur, ab ipso accepit; propter quod multas incursiones versus Guiscardum faciens, circumquaque lacessivit. Quod cum Guiscardo relatum fuisset, exercitu commoto, idem castrum obsessum vadit, et oliveta et vineas, quae urbi contigua erant, vastat. Guillelmus autem, milites eius crebris congressibus et hastili robore militariter deiciens, numero minuebat.

Having stayed with him for some time, at length he received from him the castle that is called Scalea; on account of which, making many incursions against Guiscard, he provoked him on every side. When this had been reported to Guiscard, with the army set in motion, he goes to besiege that same castle, and he lays waste the olive-groves and the vineyards which were adjacent to the city. William, however, by frequent engagements and with the spear’s might, in soldierly fashion casting down his soldiers, was lessening their number.

Ille vero, cernens se versus urbem minus proficere et numerum suorum cotidie magis deficere, ne maiori damno gravaretur, consilio habito, a loco recessit.

He, however, perceiving that he was making less progress toward the city and that his numbers were dwindling more each day, lest he be burdened with greater loss, counsel having been taken, withdrew from the place.

XXV. Non multo post, per internuntios pace ad tempus inter ipsos facta, invitatus a fratre, Rogerius cum sexaginta militibus fidis sibi servitum vadit, ubi quidem plurimum penuriarum passus est, sed latrocinio armigerorum suorum in multis sustentabatur. Quo quidem ad eius ignominiam non dicimus, sed, ipso itaque praecipiente, adhuc viliora et reprehensibiliora de ipso scripturi sumus, ut pluribus patescat quam laboriose et cum quanta angustia a profunda paupertate ad summum culmen divitiarum vel honoris attigerit.

25. Not long after, with peace for a time made between them through intermediaries, invited by his brother, Roger goes with sixty soldiers faithful to him to serve him, where indeed he suffered very much penury, but he was in many ways sustained by the latrociny of his armigers. Which we do not say to his ignominy, but, at his own precept, therefore, we are going to write things still viler and more reprehensible about him, so that it may be laid open to many how laboriously and with how great straitness he reached from deep poverty to the highest summit of riches or of honor.

Habebat siquidem armigerum quendam, Blettinam nomine, coram quo nil tuebatur, ad quod furandum intendebat. Hic ipse penuriosus adhuc iuvenis, postmodum ditissimus futurus comes, cum esset cupiens quosdam equos, quos apud Melfam in cuiusdam domo viderat, ad hoc persuasit, ut, secum vadens, nocturno furto exstractos, abduceret.

He did indeed have a certain armiger, by name Blettina, in whose presence he hid nothing of what he intended to steal. This same man—still a penurious youth, afterwards to be a most wealthy count—when he was desiring certain horses which he had seen at Melfi in a certain man’s house, persuaded him to this: that, going with him, he should carry them off, extracted by nocturnal theft.

XXVI. Curriculo itaque mensium duorum fratris servitium studiose peragens, cum ab ipso nil inter se et omnes suos, causa remunerationis, excepto uno tantum equo, accepisset, quamvis non legerat, tamen quasi naturaliter sciens illud Sallustianum proverbium: Frustra niti et ad extremum nihil, nisi odium fatigando quaerere, cum demum ad extrema dementia est, quod bene servienti fortuna necessaria est, sibi vero eam minus bene favere, cum fratre pluribus verbis altercatus, foedere, quod inter se ad tempus habebant, reddito, Scaleam reversus est, statimque in eodem vespere apud castrum, quod Narencium dicitur, milites suos castra Guiscardi praedatum mittens, provinciam spoliavit. At dum illos, quos praedaturi miserat, apud Scaleam praestolatur, Bervenis quidam, a Melfa veniens, nuntiat melfetanos mercatores, onustos pretiosis opibus, a Melfa versus Melfam haud procul a castro transire.

26. Therefore, in the course of two months diligently fulfilling his brother’s service, when from him he had received nothing for himself and all his own by way of remuneration, except only a single horse, although he had not read, yet as if naturally knowing that Sallustian proverb: To strive in vain and in the end to seek nothing except hatred by wearisome toil, when at last it is sheer madness if the fortune necessary to one who serves well is lacking—while for himself it favored less well—after bandying many words with his brother, and the pact which they had between them for a time being returned, he went back to Scalea; and straightway that same evening, at the castle which is called Narencium, sending his soldiers to Guiscard’s camp to plunder, he despoiled the province. But while he awaits at Scalea those whom he had sent to plunder, a certain man of Berven, coming from Melfa, announces that the Melfan merchants, laden with precious wealth, are passing from Melfa toward Melfa not far from the castle.

Quo audito, non minimum gavisus, equum insiliens, inter Gisualdum et Carbonariam, cum tredecim tantum militibus, mercatoribus occurrit; captosque Scaleam deduxit; omniaque, quae secum habebant, diripiens, ipsos etiam redimere fecit. Hac pecunia roboratus — largus distributor-centum sibi milites allegavit, quibus, totam Apuliam crebris et diversis incursionibus dilacerans, Guiscardum in tantum sollicitum reddebat, ut, adcquirendae Calabriae oblitus, iam quod acquisierat pene amitteret.

On hearing this, rejoicing not a little, leaping upon his horse, between Gisuald and Carbonaria, with only thirteen soldiers, he met the merchants; and, having captured them, he led them to Scalea; and, plundering everything which they had with them, he even made them ransom themselves. Strengthened by this money — a lavish distributor—one hundred soldiers he attached to himself, with whom, rending all Apulia with frequent and diverse incursions, he made Guiscard so anxious that, forgetful of acquiring Calabria, he now almost lost what he had acquired.

XXVII. Anno MLVIII clades permaxima et flagellum irae Dei, ut credimus, peccatis exigentibus, divinitus immissum, totam Calabriae provinciam, curriculo trium mensium, martii videlicet, aprilis et maii, in tantum attrivit, ut, trino morbo mortem sibi imminere cernentes, cum unum ad vitae periculum sufficere posset, vix aliquid quodvis horum, nedum tria simul furiosissime detonantia pericula, se evadere posse existimarent. Nam una ex parte gladius a Normannis, vix alicui parcens, desaeviebat; ex alia vero fames, viribus exhaustis, perlanguida aestuabat; tertia vero pugna mortalitatis, horribiliter defluens, vix aliquem intactum permittens evadere, ut in arenti arundineto laxis habenis furens incendium, percurrebat.

27. In the year 1058 a very great calamity and a scourge of the wrath of God—divinely sent, as we believe, sins requiring it—within the course of three months, namely March, April, and May, so wore down the whole province of Calabria that, perceiving death to be impending over them from a triple disease, although one alone might suffice for peril to life, they reckoned they could scarcely escape any one of these dangers, much less three at once furiously detonating. For on one side the sword at the hands of the Normans raged, scarcely sparing anyone; on another, famine, their strength exhausted, was seething in extreme languor; and the third, the battle of mortality, pouring down horrifically and scarcely allowing anyone to get away untouched, ran through like a fire raging with loosened reins in a parched reed-bed.

Pecunias habentes, quid emerent non habentes, atque ipsos liberos, ex ingenuitate plorantes, vili pretio in servitium venundantes, dum, ubi illud ad victus utilitatem expenderetur, non inveniebant, ad augmentum doloris sui propter amissionem, incassa venditione liberorum, quasi quarta calamitate cruciabantur. Recentis carnis absque pane comestio, dyssenteriam faciens, multos deiciebat, quosdam autem spleniticos faciebat. Quadragesimae sanctam observantiam, a sanctis et religiosis patribus catholice contractam, angustia dissolvit, in tantum ut, non solum lactis vel casei verum etiam carnis comestione, reliquis temporibus concessa, etiam ab ipsis, qui alicuius honestatis antea videbantur, violaretur.

Having monies, not having what they might buy, and even their own freeborn children—bewailing their free-born status—selling into servitude at a cheap price, while they did not find where that could be expended to the utility of victuals, to the increase of their grief because of the loss, with the sale of the children proving vain, they were tormented as if by a fourth calamity. The eating of fresh meat without bread, producing dysentery, was casting down many, and was making some splenetic. Distress dissolved the holy observance of Quadragesima, catholicly set forth by holy and religious fathers, to such an extent that, by the eating not only of milk or cheese but even of meat—things permitted in the remaining times—it was violated even by those who previously seemed of some respectability.

Sic herbarum virentia olera, quibus pulmentaria fieri solent, terrae sterilitas substraxerat; ubi vero inveniebantur, quadam pruina vitiati aËris decocta, plus obesse quam prodesse, degustata, videbantur. Fluvialibus carectis et quarundam arborum corticibus cum castaneis et quercinis sive ilicinis nucibus, quas glandes dicimus, porcis substractis, et mola post exsiccationem tritis, panes facere, modico milii admixto, tentabant. Crudae radices, cum solo sale degustatae, ventris tumorem cum pallore vultus excitantes, vitalia intercludebant.

Thus the green herb-vegetables, by which pottages are wont to be made, the sterility of the earth had withdrawn; but when they were in fact found, having been, as it were, cooked by a certain hoarfrost of vitiated air, once tasted they seemed to harm more than to help. Taking river sedges and the barks of certain trees, together with chestnuts and oak or holm-oak nuts, which we call acorns—snatched away from the pigs—and, after drying, ground on the mill, they tried to make breads, with a small admixture of millet. Raw roots, tasted with only salt, stirring up a swelling of the belly along with a pallor of face, were shutting off the vitals.

Matres pietatis affectu ab ipso liberorum ore cibum rapere, potius quam administrare, impudenti violentia satagebant. Sic trino flagello usque ad novas fruges attriti sunt. Sed, novis frugibus supervenientibus, fames quidem propulsa est, gladius vero mortalitatis acutior factus est.

Mothers, by an affection of pity, strove with impudent violence to snatch food from the very mouth of their children rather than to administer it. Thus they were worn down by a triple scourge until the new crops. But, with the new crops supervening, hunger indeed was driven off, yet the sword of mortality was made sharper.

Nam corpora, famis penuria vacuata et cibo insueta, quanto abundantiori cibo contra usum intemperanter reficiebantur, tanto citius periclitabantur.

For bodies, emptied by the penury of famine and unaccustomed to food, the more intemperately they were refreshed with more abundant food, contrary to usage, the more quickly they were imperiled.

XXVIII. Calabrenses denique, genus semper perfidissimum, cum viderent, fratribus inter se dissidentibus, sese a nemine visitari, coeperunt iugum Normannorum a se excutere et servitium, quod iuraverant, vel tributum minime persolvere. Unde et simulatione fidelitatis traditione composita, castrum Neocastrense accipientes, sexaginta Normannos, qui ad tuendum ibi castrum relicti erant, una die peremerunt.

28. The Calabrians, finally—an ever most perfidious race—when they saw, the brothers dissident among themselves, that they were visited by no one, began to shake off from themselves the yoke of the Normans and to pay neither the service which they had sworn nor the tribute. Whence also, a handing-over arranged under a simulation of fidelity, upon receiving the Neocastran castle, they slew in one day sixty Normans who had been left there to guard the castle.

XXIX. Quod cum Guiscardo renuntiatum esset, videns se Calabriam perdere et Apuliam totam turbari, fratrem per legatos accersiens, pacem cum ipso fecit, concedens ei medietatem totius Calabriae a iugo montis Nichifoli et montis Sckillacii, quod acquisitum erat, vel quousque Regium essent acquisituri.

29. When this had been reported to Guiscard, seeing himself losing Calabria and all Apulia thrown into turmoil, summoning his brother by legates, he made peace with him, granting to him a moiety of all Calabria from the yoke of Mount Nichifoli and Mount Sckillacium, which had been acquired, or as far as Reggio, which they were to acquire.

XXX. Post haec Robertus Guiscardus, uxorem habens suae gentis honeatam et praeclari generis natam, Alberadam nomine, ex qua habebat filium nomine Marcum, quem alio nomine dicebant Boamundum, consanguinitate adnumerata, canonicis sanctionibus contrarius esse nolens, coniugium solvit; filiamque Gaimari, Salernitani principis, Sigelgaytam nomine, sibi in matrimonium copulavit.

30. After these things Robert Guiscard, having a wife of his own people, honored and born of illustrious lineage, named Alberada, from whom he had a son named Mark, whom by another name they called Bohemond, with consanguinity reckoned, not wishing to be contrary to the canonical sanctions, dissolved the marriage; and he joined to himself in matrimony the daughter of Gaimar, prince of Salerno, named Sichelgaita.

XXXI.Anno ab incarnatione Domini MLVIII, hanc apud Salernum desponsatam, antequam convenirent, Rogerio fratri procurandam committens, ipse, ut Gisulfi, fratris puellae, votum ageret, duo castra, quae Guillelmus, frater suus, comes Principatus, in haereditate illius firmaverat, quibus ipse tamen plurimum infestus erat, dirutum vadit. Inde Melfam regressus, solemnes nuptias celebravit.

31.In the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1058, this woman betrothed at Salerno, before they should come together, entrusting her to be provided for by his brother Roger, he himself, in order that he might perform the vow of Gisulf, the girl’s brother, goes to demolish two forts which William, his brother, count of the Principate, had strengthened on that man’s inheritance, toward which he himself, however, was exceedingly hostile. Thence, having returned to Melfi, he celebrated the solemn nuptials.

XXXII. Quibus expletis, Rogerius, Guillelmo fratri cum gratiarum actione Scaleam rediens, rogatus a Guiscardo, in Calabriam venit. Castrumque Melitense, a fratre sibi haereditaliter deliberatum, habens, rebelles Calabros circumquaque impugnare coepit.

32. With these things completed, Roger, returning to Scalea to his brother William with a giving of thanks, at Guiscard’s request came into Calabria. And having the castle of Melito, adjudged to him by his brother hereditarily, he began to assail the rebellious Calabrians on every side.

Quadam vero die, cum Oppidum castrum oppugnaret, episcopus Cassanensis et Giracii praesopus, quem nos praepositum dicimus, maximo exercitu concitato, castrum, quod Sancti Martini dicitur, in valle Salinarum positum, oppugnatum vadunt, anno Dominicae incarnationis MLVIIII. Quod cum Rogerio nuntiatum fuisset, ab obsesso recedens, citato cursu, ubi eos esse audivit, advolat. Impetu facto, certamen iniit, omnesque quasi circumagens, vix unum evadere permisit: de quorum spoliis et equis et armis omnes suos abundantes fecit.

But on a certain day, when he was assaulting the Oppidum castle, the bishop of Cassano and the praepositus of Gerace, whom we call a provost, having roused a very great army, go to attack the castle which is called Saint Martin, situated in the Valley of the Saltpans, in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1059. When this had been reported to Roger, withdrawing from the siege, at a swift pace he flies to where he heard they were. A charge having been made, he entered battle, and, as if enclosing them all, he scarcely allowed even one to escape; and from their spoils and horses and arms he made all his men abound.

Quamobrem Calabria, etsi non ex toto oboediens, tamen a vicinitate eius tremula, minus eum prior irritare praesumebat.

Wherefore Calabria, although not altogether obedient, yet, trembling from his vicinity, presumed less to irritate him first.

XXXIII. Robertus igitur Guiscardus, rogatus a fratre suo, Capitanatae comite, Gaufredo, ut contra sibi reluctantes auxilium laturus in terram, quae Tetium dicitur, quam, ut suos fines dilataret, debellare coeperat, veniret, in fratris sui Rogerii strenuitate plurimum fidens, ut ad se, secum illuc iturus, quam citissime veniat, invitat. Ille autem, invitatione suscepta et necessitate fratris sui Gaufredi cognita, quamvis suis utilitatibus disponendis occupatus esset, tamen, quia semper sibi mos fuit amicorum utilitatibus, ut suis, subvenire, accuratissime versus fratrem auxilium accelerat.

33. Therefore Robert Guiscard, having been asked by his brother Geoffrey, count of Capitanata, to come to the land which is called Tetium, to bring help against those resisting him—land which he had begun to subdue so that he might dilate his borders—placing very great trust in the strenuousness of his brother Roger, invites him to come to him as swiftly as possible, going there with him. But he, the invitation accepted and the necessity of his brother Geoffrey recognized, although he was occupied in disposing his own advantages, yet, because it was always his custom to succor the advantages of friends as his own, most carefully accelerates aid toward his brother.

Sicque, exercitu commoto, utrique, in auxilium fratris aciem dirigentes, Guillimacum castrum oppugnantes capiunt. Galterium, qui castro principabatur, captivum ducentes in Apuliam, oculos effodiunt, ne si, oculos habens in posterum, a captione quando liberaretur, fratri iterum molestus fieret. Hic sororem quandam habebat, quae cum ipso in captione abducta est.

And so, with the army set in motion, both of them, directing their battle line to their brother’s aid, take the castle of Guillimacum by assault. Galterius, who was ruling the castle, they lead captive into Apulia, and gouge out his eyes, lest, if having eyes thereafter, when he should be freed from capture, he might again become troublesome to their brother. He had a certain sister, who was abducted with him in the capture.

Quae etiam tantae pulchritudinis fuisse testatur, ut, si aliquando ad mare balneatum venisset, vel causa experientiae in aliquo piscoso flumine crura deponeret, pisces, albedine eius delectati, adnatabant, ut etiam manu capi possent.

She, too, is attested to have been of such great beauty that, if ever she came to the sea to bathe, or, for the sake of experiment, lowered her legs in some fish‑filled river, the fish, delighted by her whiteness, would swim up, so that they could even be caught by hand.

XXXIV. Tunc comes Gaufredus, Guillimacum castrum adiutorio fratris adeptus, totam Teatinam provinciam fortiter debellare coepit. Robertus vero Guiscardus cum Rogerio fratre in Calabriam secessit; ubi ad utilitatem suam et fratris plurima disponens, et usque Regium praedatum vadens, Rogerio in Calabria remanente, ipse in Apuliam hiematurus regressus est.

34. Then Count Geoffrey, having acquired the castle of Guillimacum with the aid of his brother, began vigorously to subdue the whole Teatine province. Robert Guiscard, however, withdrew with his brother Roger into Calabria; where, arranging very many things for the utility of himself and his brother, and going as far as Reggio to plunder, with Roger remaining in Calabria, he himself returned into Apulia to winter.

Hieme vero transita, magno desiderio Regium adipiscendi ardens, commeatu et reliquis, quae necessaria erant, magno studio praeparatis, plurimumque exercitum anno Dominicae incarnationis MLIX congregans, Calabriam venit; fratremque secum accipiens, tempore quo messes colligi incipiebant, Regium praeoccupans obsedit. Porro, illis quasi pro vita tuenda sese fortiter defendentibus, utrique fratres, certatim suos cohortantes, ad oppugnationem castri excitant: unde, cum hostes interdum prosiliunt, multa militariter ab ipsis perpetrata sunt. Nam Rogerius, ne, alios ad militiam arrigens, ipse refugere diceretur, in omni congressu sese sociis praeponens, quendam fortissimum et enormi corpore virum, exercitui Normannorum multis contumeliis exprobrantem, quem omnes quasi gigantem exhorrebant, impetu factu, hastili robore deiciens, interfecit.

But with winter passed, burning with a great desire to gain Reggio, with the convoy and the rest of the things that were necessary prepared with great zeal, and gathering a very great army in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1059, he came to Calabria; and taking his brother with him, at the time when the harvests began to be gathered, seizing Reggio in advance he besieged it. Moreover, as they, as if for safeguarding life, defended themselves bravely, both brothers, vying with one another as they exhorted their men, roused them to the assault of the stronghold: whence, when the enemies sometimes sallied forth, many things were militarily achieved by them. For Roger, lest, while rousing others to soldiery, he himself should be said to shrink, putting himself before his comrades in every encounter, with a rush made, struck down and killed a certain very brave man of enormous body, who was upbraiding the army of the Normans with many contumelies—a man whom all dreaded as a giant—casting him down by the strength of his spear-shaft.

Hoc itaque taliter interfecto, reliqui, qui intra castrum erant, territi, cum viderent machinamenta ad urbem capiendam parata, eamque usque perduci, viribus suis diffidentes, pactione facta, ut duobus, qui caeteris principari videbantur, cum omnibus suis abire liceret, caeteri omnes, urbe reddita, ditioni Normannorum se subdiderunt. Abeuntes vero sese in castro, quod Sckillacium dicitur, receperunt.

With this man thus slain, the rest who were within the fortress, terrified, when they saw the engines prepared for taking the city and being brought up to it, distrusting their own forces, with a pact made that it should be permitted to the two who seemed to be chiefs over the others to depart with all their own, all the others, the city having been surrendered, subjected themselves to the dominion of the Normans. But those departing withdrew into the castle which is called Sckillacium.

XXXV. Igitur Robertus Guiscardus, accepta urbe, diuturni desiderii sui compos effectus, cum triumphali gloria dux efficitur. Magnasque gratias cum meritorum recompensatione fratri et reliquo exercitui, quorum auxilio tanti culmen honoris attigerat, referens, fratrem cum exercitu per urbes et castra totius provinciae, ut suo imperio subdantur, dirigit, ipse interim a labore se apud Regium recreans.

35. Therefore Robert Guiscard, the city having been received, having attained the fulfillment of his long desire, with triumphal glory is made duke. And returning great thanks with recompense of merits to his brother and to the rest of the army, by whose help he had reached the summit of so great an honor, he dispatches his brother with the army through the cities and castles of the whole province, that they may be subjected to his command, he himself meanwhile refreshing himself from toil at Reggio.

XXXVI. Rogerius vero, huius artis non ignarus, sapienter exercitum ducens, brevi spatio temporis, nunc minis terrendo, nunc blandimentis mulcendo, undecim famosissima castra lucratus est, in tantum ut iam in tota Calabria nec unum castrum reluctari praesumeret, escepto solo Sckillacio, quod illi tenebant, qui a Regio exierant.

36. Roger, indeed, not ignorant of this art, wisely leading the army, in a short span of time, now frightening with threats, now softening with blandishments, secured eleven most renowned forts, to such an extent that now in all Calabria not a single stronghold presumed to resist, except Sckillacio alone, which was held by those who had gone out from Regium.

XXXVII. Quod Rogerius obsidens, cum videret celeriter non posse capi, exercitum vero suum laboris taedio affici, castellum quoddam ante portam firmavit militibus, qui Sckillacium sollicitarent, et his, quae militibus necessaria erant, muniens, exercitum ab expeditione solvit. Porro illi, qui a Regio Sckillacium ingressi fuerant, cum viderent se ab illis nimium infestari, quos Rogerius in novo castello ad hoc posuerat, nec diu ferre posse, de nocte navem ingressi, Costantinopolim aufugiunt.

37. Which Roger, while besieging, when he saw that it could not be taken quickly, and that his army was afflicted by the weariness of toil, fortified a certain fort before the gate with soldiers, to harry Sckillacium, and, supplying them with those things which were necessary for soldiers, dismissed the army from the expedition. Moreover, those who had entered Sckillacium from Regium, when they saw that they were being excessively harassed by those whom Roger had stationed in the new fort for this purpose, and that they could not endure long, having boarded a ship by night, fled to Constantinople.

Sckillacenses vero, Rogerio arcessito, pacem anno Domini MLIX facientes, castrum reddunt. Sicque tota Calabria, in cospectu Guiscardi ducis et Rogerii fratris sui sedata, siluit.

The Sckillacians, however, Roger having been summoned, making peace in the year of the Lord 1059, hand back the castle. And thus all Calabria, pacified in the sight of Duke Guiscard and of Roger his brother, fell silent.

XXXVIII. Sed, ne aliquis existimet illos, qui in Apuliam cum aliis fratribus non venerunt, minoris valentiae a reliquis fratribus fuisse, et ideo in Normannia remansisse, de Serlone pauca dicenda sunt. Hic denique, cum in Normannia inter militia laudabiliores appretiaretur, a quodam potente iniuriam passus, dum vindicare studet, illum interficit.

38. But, lest anyone think that those who did not come into Apulia with the other brothers were of lesser valiance than the remaining brothers, and for that reason remained in Normandy, a few things must be said about Serlo. This man, then, while in Normandy he was esteemed among the more laudable in military service, having suffered an injury from a certain potent man, while he strives to vindicate it, he kills that man.

Unde iram Roberti comitis, filii Riccardi secundi, patris vero famosissimi regis Anglorum Willelmi, ferre non valens, in Britanniam declinavit. Ubi aliquandiu commoratus, omnium gratiam strenuitate sua obtinuit; perque legatos pacem a comite Roberto expetens, nec obtinens, multis incursionibus Normanniam lacessivit.

Whence, being unable to bear the wrath of Count Robert, son of Richard the Second, and in truth father of the most famous king of the English, William, he turned aside into Britain. There, having remained for some time, he obtained the favor of all by his strenuity; and, seeking through envoys peace from Count Robert, and not obtaining it, he provoked Normandy with many incursions.

XXXIX. Et cum quodam tempore idem comes Robertus in confini Franciae et Normanniae castrum, quod Teulerias dicitur, obsedisset, miles quidam francigena, a castro de die in diem exiens et singulare certamen ab exercitu Normannorum expetens, multos prosternebat. Comes vero, damnum suorum timens, omnibus interdixerat ne aliquis illi obviaret; sic suis excusationem tribuens, ut, cum quod periculosum erat, refugerent, non hoc iam timori sed principis interdictioni ascriberent.

39. And when at a certain time that same Count Robert had besieged, on the frontier of France and Normandy, a fortress which is called Teulerias, a certain Frankish-born knight, going out from the castle day by day and seeking single combat from the army of the Normans, was laying many low. But the count, fearing the loss of his men, had issued an interdiction to all that no one should go to meet him; thus granting his men an excuse, so that, when they shunned what was dangerous, they might ascribe this now not to fear but to the prince’s interdiction.

Quod cum Serloni in Britannia, ubi tunc temporis morabatur, relatum fuisset, ignominiam populi sui non ferens, duobus tantum armigeris comitatus, Teulerias venit: summo diluculo ante portam singulare certamen offerens, de equo hasta innixus expectat. Porro ille, qui alios deicere solitus erat, indignatus, cum maximo furore splendidus in armis, frementi equo advolat: quis sit, requirit, ut a loco recedat, vitam tuendo hortatur. Illo nomen revelante, sed a loco recedere nolente, dum fortiter congreditur, aliorum prostrator forti hastili prosternitur.

When this had been reported to Serlo in Britain, where at that time he was sojourning, not bearing the ignominy of his people, accompanied by only two armor-bearers, he came to Teulerias: at first light, offering single combat before the gate, from horseback, leaning upon his lance, he waits. But the man who was accustomed to cast down others, indignant, with the greatest fury, splendid in arms, flies up on a snorting horse: he asks who he is, urges him to withdraw from the place, to safeguard his life. When he reveals his name, but is unwilling to withdraw, while he engages bravely, the overthrower of others is cast down by a stout spear.

Serlo, pluribus utriusque partis aspicientibus, non tamen quis esset scientibus, victor ad gloriam Normannorum efficitur. Sicque caput abscissum, lanceae superponens, per medium castrorum, suae gentis nulli verbum faciens, in Britanniam redire accelerat. Comes ergo legatum mittens, quisnam sit perscrutari iubet, et ut ad se veniat praecipit.

Serlo, with many of both parties looking on, yet none knowing who he was, becomes victor to the glory of the Normans. And so, placing the severed head upon his lance, through the midst of the camp, uttering a word to none of his own nation, he hastens to return into Brittany. The count therefore, sending an envoy, orders that it be scrutinized who he is, and commands that he come to him.

Sed, cum renuntiatum fuisset hunc Serlonem, filium Tancredi, esse et a Britannia, causa imperium a populo suo propellendi, venisse, se autem iram principis, quia offensus erat, declinare, et patria, quamvis penuriosum, libenter donec principis ira sedetur, dum ipse iusserit, exulare, comes, pietate motus, et tanto viro ulterius carere nolens, ad se iubet accersiri. Venienti occurrit, gratiam suam indulget, osculo secure reddit; quae habita amiserat restituit; uxori, cui plures possessiones competebant, auget; inter sibi familiariores retinet.

But, when it had been reported that this Serlo, son of Tancred, was and had come from Brittany for the purpose of repelling dominion from his people, and that he himself was declining the prince’s anger, because he had been offended, and that he would gladly be in exile from his fatherland, though scant of means, until the prince’s anger should be settled, so long as he himself should order, the count, moved by piety and not wishing further to be without so great a man, orders that he be summoned to him. He goes to meet him as he comes, grants him his favor, with a kiss renders him secure; he restores the things which, once held, he had lost; he augments for his wife, to whom several possessions were due; he keeps him among his more familiar intimates.

XL. De Tancredo vero, tantorum filiorum patre, aliquid memoria dignum dicere haud absurdum est. Tempore quippe iuventutis suae, militaribus exercitiis deditus, diversarum regionum et principum curias perlustrans, multa strenue, laudis avidus, agendo, cum ipsa laude etiam plurima lucratus est. Cum autem esset in familia comitis Normannorum, Riccardi secundi,- quartus a Rodlo duce fuit — quadam die idem princeps, venatum pergens, — tali enim exercitio, ut mos est divitibus, non minimum delectabatur — aprum mirae enormitatis, quem singlare dicunt, movit.

40. As for Tancred, indeed, the father of such great sons, to say something worthy of memory is by no means absurd. For in the time of his youth, devoted to military exercises, traversing the courts of diverse regions and princes, doing many things strenuously, avid for praise, together with the praise itself he also gained very many advantages. But when he was in the household of the Count of the Normans, Richard the Second,- fourth from Duke Rollo — one day the same prince, proceeding to the hunt, — for by such an exercise, as is the custom with the wealthy, he took no small delight — roused a boar of wondrous enormity, which they call a “sanglier.”

Erat autem sibi mos, sicut et pluribus aliis potentibus est, ut venationem, quam ipse, moveret, nullus, praeter ipsum, occidere praesumeret. Porro, canibus aprum velocius insequentibus, cum comes prae opaca densitate spinosi saltus tardius insequeretur, canibus infestioribus, aper timens a cauda lacerari, rupe quadam inventa, ipsa pro muro a cauda utitur et dentosum caput ad se tuendum canibus offert. Sicque, canibus venatoris auxilio destitutis, cum iam aper de ipsis spumante dente multas strages faceret, casu Tancredus supervenit, visaque strage molossorum, quamvis morem principis non ignoraret, tamen succurrendum canibus accelerat.

It was, moreover, his custom, as it is also for many other potent men, that the venation which he himself started no one, except himself, should presume to kill. Further, with the hounds pursuing the boar more swiftly, while the count, on account of the opaque density of a thorny woodland, was following more slowly, as the dogs grew more menacing, the boar, fearing to be torn at the tail, finding a certain rock, uses it itself as a wall for his tail and offers his toothy (tusked) head to the dogs for the defense of himself. And thus, the dogs being destitute of the hunter’s aid, when now the boar, with foaming tusk, was making many slaughters of them, by chance Tancred came up; and, the slaughter of the Molossian hounds having been seen, although he was not ignorant of the prince’s custom, nevertheless he hastens to succor the dogs.

Aper vero, ipso viso, canibus spretis, firmo impetu super eum irruit. Sed Tancredus, cum esset fortis viribus, audaci ense illum suscipiens, non quidem ictu feriendo, sed acuto mucrone per durissimam frontem usque ad praecordia impingendo, capulum fronti adiunxit, nihilo ex longissimo ense praeter capulum extra corpus apri remanente. Sicque deiecto, ensem in fronte relinquens, ipse, ne a comite hoc fecisse deprehenderetur, longius avulsus est.

But the boar, seeing him, spurning the dogs, with a firm impulse rushed upon him. But Tancred, since he was strong in strength, meeting him with a bold sword, not indeed by striking with a blow, but by driving the sharp point through the very hard forehead all the way to the vitals, joined the hilt to the forehead, with nothing of the very long sword remaining outside the boar’s body except the hilt. And so, the beast being cast down, leaving the sword in the forehead, he himself, lest he be discovered by the count to have done this, withdrew to a greater distance.

Comes vero, inveniens aprum mortuum, miratus, utrum vulnus aliquod habeat socios lustrare iubet; deprehensoque ense adhuc in fronte fixo, impulsum miratur; cuius ensis sit, requirit; ne se huius facti actor celet, ita condonatur. At, cum a Tancredo factum depraehensum fuisset, a comite et caeteris omnibus plurima laude extollitur: et, cum antea in pretio fuerit, maiori deinceps habitus est. Denum in curia comitis, decem milites sub se habens, servivit.

The count, indeed, finding the boar dead, amazed, orders his companions to survey whether it has any wound; and, with a sword detected still fixed in the forehead, he marvels at the thrust; he inquires whose sword it is; and, so that the author of this deed not conceal himself, pardon is thus granted. But, when it had been discovered to have been done by Tancred, he is extolled with very great praise by the count and all the others: and, whereas previously he had been in esteem, thereafter he was held in greater esteem. Then in the count’s court, having ten soldiers under himself, he served.

Nunc vero, qui non quidem omnia, quae memoranda forent, sed pauca i quae fama didicimus, ab ipsis fratribus in Apulia, vel circa Calabriam facta, quamvis rustico stilo exaravimus, ad ea quae apud incredulam Siciliam gesta sunt, qualiterve diu rebellis subiugata sit, intentionem vertamus, ita tamen ut, cum opportunitas experierit, illa quae postea in Apulia, vel Roma, sive Graecia facta sunt, suo loco oblivione non praetereantur.

Now indeed, we—who have set down, not indeed all the things which ought to be remembered, but the few which we learned by fame, done by the brothers themselves in Apulia, or around Calabria, although with a rustic style—let us turn our intention to those things which were done among incredulous Sicily, and how the long‑rebellious was subjugated; yet in such a way that, when opportunity shall have presented itself, those things which afterwards were done in Apulia, or Rome, or Greece, be not passed over in oblivion in their proper place.

Primi Libri Finis

End of the First Book