Paulus Diaconus•HISTORIA LANGOBARDORUM
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1. Igitur cum circumquaque frequentes Langobardorum victoriae personarent, Narsis chartularius imperialis, qui tunc praeerat Italiae, bellum adversus Totilam Gothorum regem praeparans, cum iam pridem Langobardos foederatos haberet, legatos ad Alboin dirigit, quatenus ei pugnaturo cum Gothis auxilium ministraret. Tunc Alboin electam e suis manum direxit, qui Romanis adversus Getas suffragium ferrent. Qui per maris Adriatici sinum in. Italiam transvecti, sociati Romanis pugnam inierunt cum Gothis; quibus usque ad internicionem pariter cum Totila suo rege deletis, honorati multis muneribus victores ad propria remearunt.
1. Therefore, when on every side the frequent victories of the Langobards were resounding, Narses, the imperial chartulary, who at that time presided over Italy, preparing war against Totila, king of the Goths, since he already for a long time had the Langobards as foederates, dispatches envoys to Alboin, to the end that he might furnish aid to him about to fight with the Goths. Then Alboin sent a chosen band from his own men, to bring suffrage—support—to the Romans against the Getae. Carried across through the gulf of the Adriatic Sea into Italy, and joined with the Romans, they entered battle with the Goths; and when these, together with Totila their king, had been destroyed to the point of extermination, honored with many gifts the victors returned to their own homes.
2. His temporibus Narsis etiam Buccellino duci bellum intulit. Quem Theudepertus rex Francorum, cum in Italiam introisset, reversus ad Gallias, cum Amingo alio duce ad subiciendam Italiam dereliquerat. Qui Buccellinus cum paene totam Italiam direptionibus vastaret et Theudeperto suo regi de praeda Italiae munera copiosa conferret, cum in Campania hiemare disponeret, tandem in loco cui Tannetum nomen est gravi bello a Narsete superatus, extinctus est.
2. In these times Narsis also brought war upon the duke Buccellinus. Him Theudepertus, king of the Franks, when he had entered Italy, on returning to Gaul, had left behind with Amingus, another duke, to bring Italy into subjection. This Buccellinus, while he was laying waste almost all Italy with depredations and was bestowing upon his king Theudepertus copious gifts from the booty of Italy, when he was planning to winter in Campania, at length, in a place whose name is Tannetum, having been overcome in a grievous battle by Narsis, was slain.
3. Habuit nihilominus Narsis certamen adversus Sinduald Brentorum regem, qui adhuc de Herulorum stirpe remanserat, quos secum in Italiam veniens olim Odoacar adduxerat. Huic Narsis fideliter sibi primum adhaerenti multa beneficia contulit; sed novissime superbe rebellantem et regnare cupientem, bello superatum et captum celsa de trabe suspendit. Eo quoque tempore Narsis patricius per Dagisteum magistrum militum, virum bellicosum et fortem, universos Italiae fines obtinuit.
3. Nevertheless Narses had a contest against Sinduald, king of the Brentians, who had still remained of the stock of the Heruli, whom Odoacer, once upon a time coming into Italy, had brought with him. To this man, as he at first adhered faithfully to him, Narses bestowed many benefactions; but at last, arrogantly rebelling and desiring to reign, being overcome in war and captured, he suspended him from a lofty beam. At that same time the patrician Narses, through Dagisteus the master of soldiers, a warlike and brave man, obtained all the confines of Italy.
This Narsis was formerly indeed a chartularius, then, on account of the merits of his virtues, he earned the honor of the patriciate. He was, moreover, a most pious man, catholic in religion, munificent toward the poor, quite zealous in recovering basilicas, so devoted to vigils and prayers that he obtained victory more by supplications poured out to God than by warlike arms.
4. Huius temporibus in provincia praecipue Liguriae maxima pestilentia exorta est. Subito enim apparebant quaedam signacula per domos, ostia, vasa vel vestimenta, quae si quis voluisset abluere, magis magisque apparebant. Post annum vero expletum coeperunt nasci in inguinibus hominum vel in aliis delicatioribus locis glandulae in modum nucis seu dactuli, quas mox subsequebatur febrium intolerabilis aestus, ita ut in triduo homo extingueretur.
4. In his times, in the province, especially of Liguria, a very great pestilence arose. For suddenly certain little signs were appearing throughout the houses, on doors, vessels, or garments, which, if anyone wished to wash them away, appeared more and more. But after a year had been completed, glandules began to arise in the groins of men or in other more delicate places, in the manner of a nut or a date, which was soon followed by an intolerable heat of fevers, so that in three days a man would be extinguished.
The herds alone remained in the pastures, with no shepherd standing by. You could see, earlier, villas or encampments filled with throngs of men; but on the next day, as all fled, everything was in the deepest silence. Sons fled, leaving the unburied corpses of their parents; parents, forgetful of piety, abandoned their own flesh—their children—burning with fever.
If by chance ancient piety was striking anyone, so that he wished to bury his nearest, he himself remained unburied; and while he was showing obsequy, he was being slain; while he was offering obsequy to the funeral, his own funeral remained without obsequy. You would see the age reduced into ancient silence: no voice in the countryside, no whistle of the shepherds, no ambushes of beasts against the flocks, no losses among the domestic fowl. The sown fields, having passed the time of reaping, intact were awaiting the reaper; the vineyard, its leaves lost, with shining grapes, remained unharmed as winter was drawing near.
In nocturnal or diurnal hours the trumpet of the belligerents resounded; to many there was heard as it were the murmur of an army. There were no traces of passers-by, no assailant was seen, and yet the corpses of the dead surpassed what the eyes could behold. Pastoral places had been turned into the sepulture of men, and human habitations had been made the refuges of beasts.
And indeed these evils within Italy only, up to the borders of the nations of the Alamanni and the Baiovarii (Bavarians), befell the Romans alone. Meanwhile, with the emperor Justinian departing from life, Justin the Younger undertook the commonwealth to be governed at Constantinople. In these same times also, Narses the patrician, whose zeal kept watch over everything, condemned to exile Vitalis, bishop of the city of Altinum, who many years before had fled to the kingdom of the Franks, that is to the city of Agontia, when at last apprehended at Sicily.
5. Igitur deleta, ut dictum est, vel superata Narsis omni Gothorum gente, his quoque de quibus diximus pari modo devictis, dum multum auri sive argenti seu ceterarum specierum divitias adquisisset, magnam a Romanis, pro quibus multa contra eorum hostes laboraverat, invidiam pertulit. Qui contra eum Iustiniano Augusto et eius coniugi Sophiae in haec verba suggesserunt, dicentes quia expedierat Romanis Gothis potius servire quam Grecis, "ubi Narsis eunuchus imperat et nos servitio premit; et haec noster piissimus princeps ignorat. Aut libera nos de manu eius, aut certe et civitatem Romanam et nosmetipsos gentibus tradimus". Cumque hoc Narsis audisset, haec breviter retulit verba: "Si male feci Romanis, male inveniam". Tunc Augustus in tantum adversus Narsetem commotus est, ut statim in Italiam Longinum praefectum mitteret, qui Narsetis locum obtineret.
5. Therefore, with all the nation of the Goths destroyed, as has been said, or overcome by Narses, and those also of whom we have spoken likewise subdued, while he had acquired great riches of gold and silver and of other kinds of valuables, he bore great envy from the Romans, for whom he had labored much against their enemies. They suggested against him to Justinian Augustus and his consort Sophia in these words, saying that it had been more expedient for the Romans to serve the Goths rather than the Greeks, "where Narses the eunuch commands and presses us with servitude; and our most pious prince is unaware of these things. Either free us from his hand, or surely both the Roman city and ourselves we hand over to the nations." And when Narses heard this, he briefly returned these words: "If I have done ill to the Romans, may I find ill." Then the Augustus was moved so greatly against Narses that he immediately sent Longinus the prefect into Italy, to hold Narses’s place.
Narses, however, when these things were learned, was greatly afraid; and he was so much terrified especially by that same Augusta Sophia that he did not dare to return any farther to Constantinople. She, among other things, because he was a eunuch, is reported to have sent him this command: that she would have him divide the wool allotments for the girls in the women’s workroom. To these words Narses is said to have given this reply: that he would begin such a web for her as she would not be able to lay aside so long as she lived.
And so, harried by hatred and fear, withdrawing to Naples, a city of Campania, he at once sends envoys to the nation of the Langobards, mandating that they desert the poverty‑stricken fields of Pannonia and come to Italy, filled with every kind of wealth, to be possessed. At the same time he sends manifold kinds of fruits and other sorts of things of which Italy is fertile, in order that he might entice their spirits to come. The Langobards gladly receive the joyful messages and what they themselves most preferred, and they lift their spirits at the future advantages.
6. Alboin vero ad Italiam cum Langobardis profecturus ab amicis suis vetulis Saxonibus auxilium petit, quatenus spatiosam Italiam cum pluribus possessurus intraret. Ad quem Saxones plus quam viginti milia virorum cum uxoribus simul et parvulis, ut cum eo ad Italiam pergerent, iuxta eius voluntatem venerunt. Hoc audientes Chlotharius et Sigibertus, reges Francorum, Suavos aliasque gentes in locis de quibus idem Saxones exierant posuerunt.
6. But Alboin indeed, about to set out for Italy with the Langobards, asked aid from his old friends, the Saxons, so that he might enter to possess spacious Italy with more (forces). To him the Saxons, more than twenty thousand men together with their wives and little ones, came according to his will, that they might proceed with him to Italy. Hearing this, Chlothar and Sigibert, kings of the Franks, placed the Suevi and other peoples in the locales from which those same Saxons had departed.
7. Tunc Alboin sedes proprias, hoc est Pannoniam, amicis suis Hunnis contribuit, eo scilicet ordine, ut, si quo tempore Langobardis necesse esset reverti, sua rursus arva repeterent. Igitur Langobardi, relicta Pannonia, cum uxoribus et natis omnique supellectili Italiam properant possessuri. Habitaverunt autem in Pannonia annis quadraginta duobus.
7. Then Alboin granted his own seats, that is, Pannonia, to his friends the Huns, namely on this condition: that, if at any time it were necessary for the Langobards to return, they should seek again their own fields. Therefore the Langobards, Pannonia left behind, with their wives and offspring and all their household furnishings, hasten to Italy to possess it. They dwelt, moreover, in Pannonia for forty-two years.
8. Igitur cum rex Alboin cum omni suo exercitu vulgique promiscui multitudine ad extremos Italiae fines pervenisset, montem qui in eisdem locis prominet ascendit, indeque, prout conspicere potuit, partem Italiae contemplatus est. Qui mons propter hanc, ut fertur, causam ex eo tempore mons Regis appellatus est. Ferunt, in hoc monte bisontes feras enutriri.
8. Therefore, when King Alboin with all his army and with the mixed multitude of the common people had reached the farthest confines of Italy, he ascended the mountain which in those same places juts out, and from there, so far as he could behold, he surveyed a part of Italy. Which mountain, for this cause, as it is said, from that time was called the King’s Mountain. They say that on this mountain wild bison are bred.
Nor is it a wonder, since Pannonia, which is prolific in these living creatures, reaches even to this place. Finally, a certain most veracious old man related to me that he had seen such a hide of a bison slain on this mountain, on which, as he said, fifteen men, one next to another, could have lain down.
9. Indeque Alboin cum Venetiae fines, quae prima est Italiae provincia, hoc est civitatis vel potius castri Foroiulani terminos sine aliquo obstaculo introisset, perpendere coepit, cui potissimum primam provinciarum quam ceperat committere deberet. Siquidem omnis Italia, quae versus meridiem vel potius in eurum extenditur, Tyrreni sive Adriatici maris fluctibus ambitur, ab occiduo vero et aquilone iugis Alpium ita circumcluditur, ut nisi per angustos meatus et per summa iuga montium non possit habere introitum; ab orientali vero parte, qua Pannoniae coniungitur, et largius patentem et planissimum habet ingressum. Igitur, ut diximus, dum Alboin animum intenderet, quem in his locis ducem constituere deberet, Gisulfum, ut fertur, suum nepotem, virum per omnia idoneum, qui eidem strator erat, quem lingua propria "marpahis" appellant, Foroiulanae civitati et totae illius regioni praeficere statuit.
9. And then Alboin, when he had entered without any obstacle the borders of Venetia, which is the first province of Italy, that is, the bounds of the city, or rather the fortress, of Foroiulani, began to consider to whom in particular he ought to commit the first of the provinces which he had taken. For all Italy, which stretches toward the south, or rather into the southeast, is surrounded by the waves of the Tyrrhenian or Adriatic Sea; but on the west and the north it is so enclosed by the ridges of the Alps that it cannot have an entrance except through narrow passages and over the highest crests of the mountains; on the eastern side, however, where it is joined to Pannonia, it has an approach both more widely open and very level. Therefore, as we have said, while Alboin was directing his mind as to whom he ought to appoint as leader in these places, he resolved to set over the Foroiulan city and that whole region Gisulf, as it is said, his nephew, a man in all respects fit, who was his strator, whom in their own tongue they call “marpahis.”
This Gisulf declared that he would not undertake the governance of that same city and people unless he were granted the faras of the Langobards—that is, generations or lines—which he himself had wished to choose. And so it was done, and with the king assenting to him he received the chief lineages of the Langobards that he had desired, to dwell with him. And only then did he attain the honor of a duke.
10. His diebus, quibus Langobardi Italiam invaserunt, Francorum regnum, mortuo iam eorum rege Clothario, eius filii quadrifarie regebant divisum. Primusque ex his Aripertus sedem habebat apud Parisios. Secundus vero Gunthramnus civitati praesidebat Aurelianensi.
10. In those days, when the Langobards invaded Italy, the kingdom of the Franks, their king Chlothar now dead, was ruled, divided fourfold, by his sons. And the first of these, Charibert, had his seat at Paris. The second, indeed, Guntram, presided over the city of Orléans.
Blessed Paul the patriarch likewise presided over the Aquileian city and its peoples. He, fearing the barbarity of the Langobards, fled from Aquileia to the island of Grado and carried off with him all the treasure of his church. In this year, in the previous winter, so great a snow fell on the plain as is accustomed to fall on the loftiest Alps; but in the following summer so great a fertility appeared as no age is asserted to remember.
At that time also, the Huns, who are also the Avars, having learned of the death of King Chlothar, rush upon his son Sigibert. He, meeting them in Thuringia, most powerfully overcame them near the Elbe river, and, they themselves seeking it, granted them peace. To this Sigibert, Brunichild, arriving from Hispania, was joined in matrimony, from whom he received a son named Childebert.
11. Narsis vero de Campania Romam regressus, ibidem non post multum tempus ex hac luce subtractus est. Cuius corpus positum in locello plumbeo, cum omnibus eius divitiis Constantinopolim est perlatum.
11. Narses indeed, having returned to Rome from Campania, there not long after was withdrawn from this light. His body, placed in a small leaden coffin, together with all his riches, was carried to Constantinople.
12. Igitur Alboin cum ad fluvium Plabem venisset, ibi ei Felix episcopus Tarvisianae ecclesiae occurrit. Cui rex, ut erat largissimus, omnes suae ecclesiae facultates postulanti concessit et per suum pracmaticum postulata firmavit.
12. Therefore, when Alboin had come to the river Plave, there Felix, bishop of the church of Treviso, met him. To whom the king, as he was most bountiful, granted, at his request, all the possessions of his church, and by his pragmatic charter he confirmed the things requested.
13. Sane quia huius Felicis fecimus mentionem, libet quoque nos pauca de venerabili et sapientissimo viro Fortunato retexere, qui hunc Felicem suum adseverat socium fuisse. Denique hic de quo loquimur Fortunatus natus quidem in loco qui Duplabilis dicitur fuit; qui locus haud longe a Cenitense castro vel Tarvisiana distat civitate. Sed tamen Ravennae nutritus et doctus, in arte grammatica sive rethorica seu etiam metrica clarissimus extitit.
13. Indeed, since we have made mention of this Felix, it also pleases us to re-weave a few things about the venerable and most sapient man Fortunatus, who averrs that this Felix was his companion. Finally, this Fortunatus of whom we speak was born indeed in the place which is called Duplabilis; which place is not far from the Cenitan fortress or from the Tarvisian city. Yet at Ravenna he was nurtured and taught, and in the art of grammar and of rhetoric, and even of metrics, he stood forth most illustrious.
Here, when he was suffering a most vehement pain of the eyes, and nonetheless this Felix, his companion, was in like manner aching in the eyes, both proceeded to the basilica of the Blessed Paul and John, which is situated within the same city. In which also the altar constructed in honor of the blessed confessor Martin has a nearby window, in which a lamp is set to furnish light. From whose oil straightway these men, namely Fortunatus and Felix, touched their aching eyes.
Immediately, the pain put to flight, they obtained the health which they desired. For which cause Fortunatus so venerated blessed Martin that, his fatherland left behind, a little before the Lombards invaded Italy, he hastened to Toronos to the sepulcher of that same blessed man. He, as he himself relates in his own poems, describes that, hurrying thither, his route was through the streams of the Tiliamentus and the Reuna, and through Osupum and the Julian Alp, and through the fort Aguntum and the rivers Dravus and Byrrus, and Briones and the city Augusta, which the Virdo and the Lecha flow around.
Who, after he arrived at Tours according to his own vow, passing through Poitiers, dwelt there, and many of the deeds of saints in that place he consigned to writing, partly in prose, partly in metrical fashion; and at last in the same city he was ordained first presbyter, then bishop, and in that same place he rests, interred with worthy honor. He wove together the life of blessed Martin in four books in heroic verse, and many other works, especially hymns for individual feast-days, and above all little verses to individual friends—second to none of the poets—he composed with sweet and disert speech. To whose tomb, when I had come thither for the sake of prayer, I, at the request of Aper, abbot of the same place, wove together this epitaph to be written.
Ingenio clarus, sensu celer, ore suavis,
Cuius dulce melos pagina multa canit,
Fortunatus, apex vatum, venerabilis actu,
Ausonia genitus, hac tumulatur humo.
Cuius ab ore sacro sanctorum gesta priorum
Discimus: haec monstrant carpere lucis iter.
Felix, quae tantis decoraris, Gallia, gemmis,
Lumine de quarum nox tibi tetra fugit.
Illustrious in genius, swift in sense, sweet in speech,
whose sweet melody many a page sings,
Fortunatus, apex of poets, venerable in act,
Ausonian-born, is buried in this soil.
From whose sacred mouth the deeds of the former saints
we learn: these demonstrate how to take the path of light.
Blessed, O Gaul, you who are adorned with such great gems,
by whose light the grim night flees you.
14. Igitur Alboin Vicentiam Veronamque et reliquas Venetiae civitates, exceptis Patavio et Monte Silicis et Mantua, cepit. Venetia enim non solum in paucis insulis, quas nunc Venetias dicimus, constat, sed eius terminus a Pannoniae finibus usque ad Adduam fluvium protelatur. Probatur hoc annalibus libris, in quibus Bergamus civitas esse legitur Venetiarum.
14. Accordingly Alboin took Vicentia and Verona and the remaining cities of Venetia, except for Patavium and Mons Silicis and Mantua. For Venetia consists not only in the few islands which we now call the Venetiae, but its boundary is prolonged from the borders of Pannonia as far as the river Addua. This is proved by annalistic books, in which Bergamus is read to be a city of the Venetiae.
For also concerning Lake Benacus in the histories we read thus: "Benacus, a lake of the Venetians, from which the river Mincius issues forth." For Eneti—although among the Latins one letter is added—are called in Greek "laudable." Histria also is connected to Venetia, and both are held as one province. Moreover, Histria is cognominated from the river Hister.
15. Non ab re esse arbitror, si etiam ceteras Italiae provincias breviter adtingamus. Secunda provincia Liguria a legendis, id est colligendis leguminibus, quorum satis ferax est, nominatur. In qua Mediolanum est et Ticinum, quae alio nomine Papia appellatur.
15. I judge it not out of place, if we also briefly touch upon the other provinces of Italy. The second province, Liguria, is named from legere, that is, from collecting legumes, of which it is quite fertile. In it are Mediolanum and Ticinum, which by another name is called Papia.
16. Quinta vero provincia Alpes Cottiae dicuntur, quae sic a Cottio rege, qui Neronis tempore fuit, appellatae sunt. Haec a Liguria in eurum versus usque ad mare Tyr renum extenditur, ab occiduo vero Gallorum finibus copulatur. In hac Aquis, ubi aquae calidae sunt, Dertona et monasterium Bobium, Genua quoque et Saona civitates habentur.
16. The fifth province, indeed, is called the Cottian Alps, which were so named from King Cottius, who was in the time of Nero. This extends from Liguria toward the southeast as far as the Tyrrhenian sea, but on the west it is coupled with the borders of the Gauls. In this, at Aquis, where hot waters are, Dertona and the monastery of Bobbio, Genoa also and Savona are held as cities.
Sexta provincia is Tuscany, which, from incense, which that people was accustomed superstitiously to burn in the sacrifices of their gods, is so named. This has within itself on the northwest toward Aurelia, and on the side of the east, Umbria. In this province Rome, which once stood as the capital of the whole world, is situated.
17. Septima quoque provincia Campania ab urbe Roma usque ad Siler Lucaniae fluvium producitur. In qua opulentissimae urbes Capua, Neapolis et Salernus constitutae sunt. Quae ideo Campania appellata est propter uberrimam Capuae planitiem; ceterum ex maxima parte montuosa est.
17. The seventh province also, Campania, is extended from the city of Rome as far as the Siler river of Lucania. In it the most opulent cities Capua, Neapolis and Salernus are established. Which is therefore called Campania on account of the most fertile plain of Capua; however, for the most part, it is mountainous.
Moreover the eighth, Lucania, which received its name from a certain grove, begins from the Siler river, together with Britia, which is thus called from the name of its former queen, and along the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea, even as the two above, holding the right horn of Italy, it reaches as far as the Sicilian strait; in which the cities Pestus and Lainus, Cassianum and Consentia and Regium are situated.
18. Nona denique provincia in Appenninis Alpibus conputatur, quae inde originem capiunt, ubi Cottiarum Alpes finiuntur. Hae Appenninae Alpes per mediam Italiam pergentes, Tusciam ab Emilia Umbriamque a Flamminia dividunt. In qua sunt civitates Ferronianus et Montembellium, Bobium et Urbinum, necnon et oppidum quod Vetona appellatur.
18. The ninth province, finally, is reckoned in the Apennine Alps, which take their origin from there where the Cottian Alps come to an end. These Apennine Alps, proceeding through the middle of Italy, divide Tuscany from Emilia and Umbria from Flaminia. In which are the cities Ferronianus and Montembellium, Bobium and Urbinum, and also a town which is called Vetona.
Moreover, the Apennine Alps are said to be named from the Punics, that is, from Hannibal and his army, who, making for Rome through those same, had a passage. There are those who say that the Cottian Alps and the Apennines are one province; but Victor’s history refutes these, which calls the Cottian Alps a province by itself. The Tenth, moreover, Emilia, beginning from Liguria, proceeds between the Apennine Alps and the streams of the Po toward Ravenna.
This is adorned with opulent cities, namely Placentia and Parma, Regio and Bononia, and the Forum of Cornelius, whose castrum is called Imolas. There have also arisen those who would say that Emilia and Valeria and Nursia are one province. But the opinion of these cannot stand, because between Emilia and Valeria and Nursia, Tuscia and Umbria are constituted.
19. Dehinc undecima provinciarum est Flamminia, quae inter Appenninas Alpes et mare est Adriaticum posita. In qua nobilissima urbium Ravenna et quinque aliae civitates consistunt, quae greco vocabulo Pentapolis appellantur. Constat autem, Aureliam Emiliamque et Flamminiam a constratis viis, quae ab urbe Roma veniunt, et ab eorum vocabulis a quibus sunt constratae talibus nominibus appellari.
19. Then the eleventh of the provinces is Flaminia, which is situated between the Apennine Alps and the Adriatic Sea. In it the most noble of the cities, Ravenna, and five other cities consist, which by a Greek vocable are called the Pentapolis. It is established, moreover, that the Aurelia, the Aemilia, and the Flaminia are called by such names from the paved ways which come from the city of Rome, and from the vocables of those by whom they were laid.
After Flaminia, the twelfth, Picenum, presents itself, having on the south the Apennine mountains, and on the other side the Adriatic Sea. This extends as far as the river Pescara. In it are the cities Firmus, Asculus, and Pinnis, and Adria, now consumed by age, which gave its name to the Adriatic deep.
20. Porro tertia decima Valeria, cui est Nursia adnexa, inter Umbriam et Campaniam Picenumque consistit. Quae ab oriente Samnitum regionem adtingit Huius pars occidua, quae ab urbe Roma initium capit, olim ab Etruscorum populo Etruria dicta est. Haec habet urbes Tiburium, Carsiolim, Reate, Furconam et Amiternum regionemque Marsorum et eorum lacum qui Fucinus appellatur.
20. Moreover, the thirteenth, Valeria, to which Nursia is annexed, lies between Umbria and Campania and Picenum. Which from the east touches the region of the Samnites; its western part, which takes its beginning from the city of Rome, was once called Etruria by the Etruscan people. This has the cities Tiburium, Carsiolim, Reate, Furconam and Amiternum, and the region of the Marsi and their lake which is called Fucinus.
I reckon that the region of the Marsi is therefore to be counted within the province Valeria, because in the catalog of the provinces of Italy it was by no means described by the ancients. But if anyone shall have proved by true reasoning that this is a province by itself, his reasonable opinion will in every way have to be maintained. The 14th, Samnium, between Campania and the Adriatic Sea and Apulia, beginning from Piscaria, is considered.
In this are the cities Teate, Aufidena, Hisernia, and Samnium, consumed by antiquity, from which the whole province is named, and Beneventum itself, the richest, the head of these provinces. Moreover, the Samnites once received their name from spears, which they were accustomed to carry and which the Greeks call saynia.
21. Quinta decima provinciarum est Apulia, consociata sibi Calabria. Intra quam est regio Salentina. Haec ab occidente vel africo habet Samnium et Lucaniam, a solis vero ortu Adriatico pelago finitur.
21. The fifteenth of the provinces is Apulia, associated with Calabria. Within it is the Salentine region. This has Samnium and Lucania on the west or southwest, but on the rising of the sun it is bounded by the Adriatic sea.
This has quite opulent cities, Luceria, Sepontum, Canusium, Agerentia, Brundisium, and Tarentum, and in the left horn of Italy, which extends for 50 miles, Ydrontum, apt for merchandise. Apulia, however, is named from perdition; for there the verdant things of the land are more swiftly destroyed by the sun’s fervors.
22. Sexta decima provincia Sicilia insula conputatur. Quae Tyrreno mari seu Ionio alluitur de Siculique ducis proprii nomine nuncupatur. Septima decima Corsica; octava decima Sardinia ponitur.
22. The sixteenth province is computed as the island of Sicily. Which is washed by the Tyrrhenian Sea or the Ionian, and is named from the proper name of its own leader, Siculus. The seventeenth, Corsica; the eighteenth is set down as Sardinia.
23. Certum est tamen, Liguriam et partem Venetiae, Emiliam quoque Plamminiamque veteres historiographos Galliam Cisalpinam appellasse. Inde est, quod Donatus grammaticus in expositione Virgilii Mantuam in Gallia esse dixit; indeque est, quod in Romana historia legitur Ariminum in Gallia constitutum. Siquidem antiquissimo tempore Brennus rex Gallorum, qui apud Senonas urbem regnabat, cum trecentis milibus Gallorum Senonum ad Italiam venit eamque usque ad Senogalliam, quae a Gallis Senonibus vocitata est, occupavit.
23. It is certain, however, that Liguria and part of Venetia, as well as Emilia and Plamminia, the ancient historiographers called Cisalpine Gaul. Hence it is that Donatus the grammarian, in his exposition of Vergil, said that Mantua is in Gaul; and hence it is that in Roman history it is read that Ariminum was constituted in Gaul. Indeed, in the most ancient time, Brennus, king of the Gauls, who reigned at the city of the Senones, came to Italy with 300,000 Gauls of the Senones, and occupied it as far as Senogallia, which was commonly called so by the Gallic Senones.
The cause, moreover, why the Gauls came into Italy is thus described: for when they had tasted wine brought from Italy, enticed by an avidity for wine, they crossed over to Italy. Of these, a hundred thousand, hastening not far from the island of Delphos, were extinguished by the swords of the Greeks; but another hundred thousand, having entered into Galatia, were at first called the Gallo-Greeks, but afterwards the Galatae.
And these are they to whom Paul, the doctor of the nations, wrote an epistle. Also a hundred thousand of the Gauls, who remained in Italy, building Ticinum and Mediolanum, and Bergamum and Brixia, gave the name to the region of Cisalpine Gaul. And these are the Senone Gauls, who once invaded the Romulean city.
24. Italia quoque, quae has provincias continet, ab Italo Siculorum duce, qui eam antiquitus invasit, nomen accepit. Sive ob hoc Italia dicitur, quia magni in ea boves, hoc est itali, habentur. Ab eo namque quod est italus per diminutionem, licet una littera addita altera immutata vitulus, appellatur.
24. Italy also, which contains these provinces, received its name from Italus, leader of the Sicels, who in antiquity invaded it. Or on this account it is called Italy, because great oxen, that is, itali, are held in it. For from that which is italus, by diminution—although with one letter added and another changed—it is called vitulus (“calf”).
Italy is also called Ausonia from Auson, the son of Ulysses. At first, however, the Beneventan region was called by this name; afterwards indeed the whole thus began to be called Italy. Likewise Latium is also called Italy, for the reason that Saturn, fleeing Jupiter his son, found a hiding place within it.
25. Alboin igitur Liguriam introiens, indictione ingrediente tertia, tertio nonas septembris, sub temporibus Honorati archiepiscopi Mediolanum ingressus est. Dehinc universas Liguriae civitates, praeter has quae in litore maris sunt positae, cepit. Honoratus vero archiepiscopus Mediolanum deserens, ad Genuensem urbem confugit.
25. Therefore Alboin, entering Liguria, with the indiction entering the 3rd, on the 3rd day before the Nones of September (September 3), under the times of Honoratus the archbishop, entered Milan. Thence he took all the cities of Liguria, except those which are situated on the sea-shore. But Honoratus the archbishop, abandoning Milan, fled to the city of Genoa.
26. Ticinensis eo tempore civitas ultra tres annos obsidionem perferens, se fortiter continuit, Langobardorum exercitu non procul iuxta eam ab occidentali parte residente. Interim Alboin, eiectis militibus, invasit omnia usque ad Tusciam, praeter Romam et Ravennam vel aliqua castra quae erant in maris litore constituta. Nec erat tunc virtus Romanis, ut resistere possint, quia et pestilentia, quae sub Narsete facta est, plurimos in Liguria et Venetiis extinxerat, et post annum, quem diximus fuisse ubertatis, fames nimia ingruens universam Italiam devastabat.
26. The city of Ticinum at that time, enduring a siege for more than three years, held itself bravely, while the army of the Langobards was encamped not far off beside it on the western side. Meanwhile Alboin, the soldiery having been driven out, overran everything up to Tuscany, except Rome and Ravenna, as well as certain forts which were situated on the shore of the sea. Nor had the Romans then the strength to be able to resist, because both the pestilence which took place under Narses had wiped out very many in Liguria and Venetia, and after the year which we said was one of plenty, an excessive famine, swooping in, was devastating all Italy.
It is certain, moreover, that at that time Alboin brought with him to Italy many from diverse peoples, whom either other kings or he himself had taken. Whence even to this day we call the villages in which they dwell Gepid, Bulgar, Sarmatian, Pannonian, Suevic, Norican, or by other names of this sort.
27. At vero Ticinensis civitas post tres annos et aliquot menses obsidionem perferens, tandem se Alboin et Langobardis obsidentibus tradidit. In quam cum Alboin per portam quae dicitur Sancti Iohannis ab orientali urbis parte introiret, equus eius in portae medio concidens, quamvis calcaribus stimulatus, quamvis hinc inde hastarum verberibus caesus, non poterat elevari. Tunc unus ex eisdem Langobardis taliter regem adlocutus est dicens: "Memento, domine rex, quale votum vovisti.
27. But indeed the city of Ticinum, after bearing a siege for three years and several months, at length surrendered itself to Alboin and the Langobards who were besieging it. When Alboin entered into it by the gate which is called Saint John’s from the eastern part of the city, his horse, collapsing in the middle of the gate, although urged on by spurs, although on this side and that beaten by the blows of spears, could not be raised. Then one of those same Langobards addressed the king in such a manner, saying: "Remember, lord king, what sort of vow you vowed.
Break so hard a vow, and you will enter the city. Truly indeed the people in this city are Christian". Since Alboin had vowed that he would extinguish with the sword the entire people, because they had been unwilling to surrender themselves. He, after breaking such a vow and promising indulgence to the citizens, his horse soon rising, himself entered the city, inflicting injury on no one, and remained in his promise.
28. Qui rex postquam in Italia tres annos et sex menses regnavit, insidiis suae coniugis interemptus est. Causa autem interfectionis eius fuit. Cum in convivio ultra quam oportuerat apud Veronam laetus resideret, [cum] poculo quod de capite Cunimundi regis sui soceri fecerat reginae ad bibendum vinum dari praecepit atque eam ut cum patre suo laetanter biberet invitavit.
28. After the king had reigned in Italy for three years and six months, he was slain by the plots of his consort. But the cause of his killing was this. When at a banquet at Verona he sat merrier than was fitting, [with] the cup which he had made from the head of Cunimundus the king, his father-in-law, he ordered wine to be given to the queen and invited her to drink gladly with her father.
So that this may not seem impossible to anyone, I speak the truth in Christ; I saw this cup on a certain feast day, Prince Ratchis holding it in his hand, that he might show it off to his convives, his fellow-diners. Therefore, when Rosemunda noticed the matter, conceiving deep grief in her heart, not being able to restrain it, she soon blazed forth to avenge her father’s death with her husband’s slaying, and at once entered into a plan with Helmichis, who was the king’s scilpor, that is, armiger, and his foster-brother, to kill the king. He persuaded the queen that she herself should enlist Peredeo, who was a most valiant man, into this plan.
When Peredeo was unwilling to give assent to the queen as she urged so great a nefarious deed, she at night placed herself in the little bed of her wardrobe-keeper, with whom Peredeo had a custom of illicit intercourse; and when Peredeo, unaware of the matter, came, he lay with the queen. And when she, the crime now perpetrated, asked him whom he thought her to be, and he named the name of his sweetheart, whom he thought she was, the queen added: "By no means as you suppose, but I am Rosemunda," she said. "Surely now you have such a thing perpetrated, Peredeo, that either you will kill Alboin, or he himself will extinguish you with his sword." Then he understood the evil he had done, and he, who had been unwilling to pledge, in such a manner, compelled, assented to the king’s murder.
Then Rosemunda, while Alboin had given himself over to sleep at midday, ordering that a great silence be made in the palace and removing all the other weapons, firmly bound his sword at the head of the bed, so that it could neither be lifted nor unsheathed, and, according to Helmichis’s counsel, brought in Peredeo, the slayer, more cruel than any beast. Alboin, suddenly roused from slumber, understanding the evil that was impending, quickly stretched his hand to the sword; but, not being able to pull it away, as it had been bound down too tightly, nevertheless, seizing the footstool set beneath the feet, defended himself with it for some space. But alas!
alas! the most warlike man and of the highest audacity, availing nothing against the enemy, was slain as though one of the inert; and by the counsel of a single little woman he perished—he who through so many slaughters of foes had become most famous in war. His body, with the greatest weeping and lamentations of the Langobards, was buried beneath the ascent of a certain stair, which was contiguous to the palace.
He was, moreover, tall in stature and with his whole body coapted for the waging of wars. In our days, Giselpert, who had been duke of the Veronese, opening his tomb, carried off his sword and whatever had been found in his adornment. For this cause he, with his wonted vanity, used to boast among unlearned men that he had seen Alboin.
29. Igitur Helmichis, extincto Alboin, regnum eius invadere conatus est. Sed minime potuit, quia Langobardi, nimium de morte illius dolentes, eum moliebantur extinguere. Statimque Rosemunda Longino praefecto Ravennae mandavit, ut citius navem dirigeret, quae eos suscipere possit.
29. Therefore Helmichis, with Alboin extinguished, attempted to invade his kingdom. But he was by no means able, because the Langobards, grieving excessively at his death, were striving to extinguish him. And immediately Rosemunda commanded Longinus, prefect of Ravenna, to direct a ship more quickly, which might be able to receive them.
Longinus, made glad by such a message, hastily directed a ship, into which Helmichis with Rosemunda, now his spouse, fleeing by night, entered. And carrying off with them Albsuinda, the king’s daughter, and all the treasure of the Lombards, they arrived more swiftly at Ravenna. Then Longinus the prefect began to persuade Rosemunda to slay Helmichis and to couple herself to him in nuptials.
She, as she was facile to every nequity, while she desired to become the lady of the Ravennates, gave assent to perpetrating so great a crime; and while Helmichis was washing himself in the bath, as he was coming out of the laver she proffered to him a cup of poison, which she averred to be for health. When he sensed that he had drunk the cup of death, having unsheathed a sword over her, he forced Rosemunda to drink what remained. And thus, by the judgment of God omnipotent, the most iniquitous slayers perished in a single moment.
30. His ita peremptis, Longinus praefectus Albsuindam cum Langobardorum thesauris Constantinopolim ad imperatorem direxit. Adfirmant aliqui, etiam Peredeo pariter cum Helmichis et Rosemunda Ravennam venisse atque exinde cum Albsuinda Constantinopolim directum esse ibique in spectaculo populi coram imperatore leonem mirae magnitudinis occidisse. Cui, ut ferunt, ne quid [aliquid] malignum in regia urbe, quia vir fortis erat, moliretur, iussu imperatoris oculi evulsi sunt.
30. With these thus slain, Longinus the prefect sent Albsuinda with the treasures of the Langobards to Constantinople to the emperor. Some affirm that even Peredeo, together with Helmichis and Rosemunda, came to Ravenna and from there was sent with Albsuinda to Constantinople, and that there, in a spectacle of the people, before the emperor, he killed a lion of wondrous magnitude. To him, as they say, lest he should contrive anything [aliquid] malign in the royal city, because he was a brave man, by the emperor’s order his eyes were torn out.
Who, after some time, fitted for himself two little knives; having them hidden in both his sleeves, he sought the palace and promised that he would say certain things to the Augustus’s utility, if he were admitted to him. To whom the Augustus sent two of his familiars, patricians, to receive his words. When they had come to Peredeo, he approached them nearer, as if about to say something more secret to them, and with both hands he stoutly wounded them both with the blades which he had kept hidden, so that they immediately fell to the ground and expired.
31. Langobardi vero apud Italiam omnes communi consilio Cleph, nobilissimum de suis virum, in urbe Ticinensium sibi regem statuerunt. Hic multos Romanorum viros potentes, alios gladiis extinxit, alios ab Italia exturbavit. Iste cum annum unum et sex menses cum Masane sua coniuge regnum obtinuisset, a puero de suo obsequio gladio iugulatus est.
31. But the Lombards, all of them in Italy, by common counsel established for themselves Cleph, the most noble man of their own, as king in the city of the people of Ticinum. He extinguished many powerful men of the Romans by the sword; others he expelled from Italy. This man, when he had held the kingdom for one year and six months with Masane, his consort, was throat-cut with a sword by a boy from his own retinue.
32. Post cuius mortem Langobardi per annos decem regem non habentes sub ducibus fuerunt. Unusquisque enim ducum suam civitatem obtinebat: Zaban Ticinum, Wallari Bergamum, Alichis Brexiam, Eoin Tridentum, Gisulfus Forumiulii. Sed et alii extra hos in suis urbibus triginta duces fuerunt.
32. After whose death the Langobards for ten years, not having a king, were under dukes. For each of the dukes held his own city: Zaban Ticinum, Wallari Bergamum, Alichis Brexiam, Eoin Tridentum, Gisulfus Forumiulii. But also, besides these, in their own cities there were thirty dukes.
In these days many of the noble Romans were slain on account of cupidity. The rest, however, divided among hosts, were made tributary, so that they should pay to the Langobards a third part of their crops. Through these dukes of the Langobards, in the seventh year from the advent of Alboin and of the whole nation, the churches having been despoiled, the priests slain, the cities overthrown, and the peoples, who had sprung up in the manner of crops, extinguished—except for those regions which Alboin had taken—Italy for the greatest part was captured and subjugated by the Langobards.