Gellius: NOCTES ATTICAE

I Sermo quidam Favorini philosophi cum grammatico iactantiore factus in Socraticum modum; atque ibi in sermone dictum, quibus verbis "penus" a Q. Scaevola definita sit; quodque eadem definitio culpata reprehensaque est.

1 A certain discourse of the philosopher Favorinus with a more boastful grammarian, conducted in the Socratic mode; and there in the discourse it was said with what words "penus" was defined by Q. Scaevola; and that the same definition was blamed and reprehended.

1 In vestibulo aedium Palatinarum omnium fere ordinum multitudo opperientes salutationem Caesaris constiterant; atque ibi in circulo doctorum hominum Favorino philosopho praesente ostentabat quispiam grammaticae rei ditior scholica quaedam nugalia de generibus et casibus vocabulorum disserens cum arduis superciliis vocisque et vultus gravitate composita tamquam interpres et arbiter Sibyllae oraculorum.

1 In the vestibule of the Palatine dwellings a multitude of almost all orders had taken their stand, awaiting the salutation of Caesar; and there in a circle of learned men, with Favorinus the philosopher present, someone, richer in the matter of grammar, was showing off certain scholastic trifles about the genders and cases of vocables, discoursing with lofty eyebrows and with a composed gravity of voice and countenance, as though the interpreter and arbiter of the Sibyl's oracles.

2 Tum aspiciens ad Favorinum, quamquam ei nondum etiam satis notus esset: ""penus" quoque" inquit "variis generibus dictum et varie declinatum est. Nam et "hoc penus" et "haec penus" et "huius peni" et "penoris" veteres dictaverunt;

2 Then, looking at Favorinus, although he was not yet even sufficiently known to him: ""penus" also," he said, "has been said with various genders and has been declined in various ways. For both "hoc penus" and "haec penus" and "huius peni" and "penoris" the ancients dictated;"

3 "mundum" quoque muliebrem Lucilius in satirarum XVI non virili genere, ut ceteri, sed neutro appellavit his verbis:
legavit quidam uxori mundum omne penumque.
Atqui quid mundum, quid non? quis dividet istuc?"

3 "mundum" too, the women’s finery, Lucilius in Satires 16 called not by the masculine gender, as the others, but by the neuter, with these words:
someone bequeathed to his wife all the finery and the provisions.
And yet what is finery, what is not? who will divide that?"

4 Atque horum omnium et testimoniis et exemplis constrepebat; cumque nimis odiose blatiret, intercessit placide Favorinus et "amabo," inquit "magister, quicquid est nomen tibi, abunde multa docuisti, quae quidem ignorabamus et scire haud sane postulabamus.

4 And he was making a din with both testimonies and examples of all these; and as he was blathering altogether too odiously, Favorinus interceded placidly and said, "please," "master, whatever your name is, you have taught many things in abundance, which indeed we did not know and certainly did not ask to know.

5 Quid enim refert mea eiusque, quicum loquor, quo genere "penum" dicam aut in quas extremas litteras declinem, si nemo id non nimis barbare fecerimus?

5 For what, indeed, does it concern me and the one with whom I speak, in what gender I say "penum" or into what ultimate letters I decline it, provided that we do not do so too barbarously?

6 sed hoc plane indigeo discere, quid sit "penus" et qua fini id vocabulum dicatur, ne rem cotidiani usus, tamquam qui in venalibus Latine loqui coeptant, alia quam oportet voce appellem."

6 but this plainly I need to learn: what “penus” is and within what limit that vocable is employed, lest, in the case of a matter of quotidian use, like those who in the market-stalls are beginning to speak Latin, I call it by a word other than is proper."

7 "Quaeris" inquit "rem minime obscuram. Quis adeo ignorat "penum" esse vinum et triticum et oleum et lentim et fabam atque huiuscemodi cetera?"

7 "You ask," he says, "a matter by no means obscure. Who is so ignorant as not to know that 'penum' is wine and wheat and oil and lentil and fava-bean, and the rest of such things?"

8 "Etiamne" inquit Favorinus "milium et panicum et glans et hordeum "penus" est? sunt enim propemodum haec quoque eiusdemmodi";

8 "Even then," said Favorinus, "are millet and panic (panic-grass) and acorn and barley "penus"? for these too are almost of the same kind";

9 cumque ille reticens haereret, "nolo" inquit "hoc iam labores, an ista, quae dixi, "penus" appelletur. Sed potesne mihi non speciem aliquam de penu dicere, sed definire genere proposito et differentiis adpositis, quid sit "penus"?" "Quod" inquit "genus et quas differentias dicas, non hercle intellego."

9 and when he, being reticent, was hesitating, “I do not want you,” he said, “now to labor over whether those things which I have said are to be called ‘penus.’ But can you for me not to say some species about penus, but to define, with the genus set forth and the differences apposed, what ‘penus’ is?” “What,” he said, “genus and what differences you mean, by Hercules, I do not understand.”

10 "Rem" inquit Favorinus "plane dictam postulas, quod difficillimum est, dici planius; nam hoc quidem pervolgatum est definitionem omnem ex genere et differentia consistere.

10 "The matter," says Favorinus, "you demand, plainly stated, to be said more plainly—which is most difficult; for this indeed is quite commonplace: that every definition consists of genus and differentia.

11 Sed si me tibi praemandere, quod aiunt, postulas, faciam sane id quoque honoris tui habendi gratia."

11 But if you demand that I pre-masticate it for you, as they say, I will surely do that too for the sake of honoring you."

12 Ac deinde ita exorsus est: "Si" inquit "ego te nunc rogem, ut mihi dicas et quasi circumscribas verbis, cuiusmodi "homo" sit, non, opinor, respondeas hominem esse te atque me. Hoc enim, quis homo sit, ostendere est, non, quid homo sit, dicere. Sed si, inquam, peterem, ut ipsum illud, quod homo est, definires, tum profecto mihi diceres hominem esse animal mortale rationis et scientiae capiens vel quo alio modo diceres, ut eum a ceteris omnibus separares. Proinde igitur nunc te rogo, ut, quid sit "penus", dicas, non ut aliquid ex penu nomines."

12 And then he began thus: "If," he says, "I were now to ask you to tell me and, as it were, to circumscribe in words what sort 'man' is, you would not, I suppose, answer that you and I are a man. For this is to show who a man is, not to say what a man is. But if, I say, I were to ask that you define that very thing, what man is, then surely you would tell me that man is an animal mortal, capable of reason and knowledge, or in whatever other way you would say it, so that you might separate him from all the rest. Accordingly, therefore, I now ask you to say what 'penus' is, not to name something from the penus."

13 Tum ille ostentator voce iam molli atque demissa: "philosophias" inquit "ego non didici neque discere adpetivi et, si ignoro, an hordeum ex "penu" sit aut quibus verbis "penus" definiatur, non ea re litteras quoque alias nescio."

13 Then that ostentator, now with a soft and lowered voice, said: "I have not learned 'philosophies' nor sought to learn, and, if I do not know whether barley is from 'penus' or by what words 'penus' is defined, for that reason I am not ignorant of other letters as well."

14 "Scire," inquit ridens iam Favorinus "quid "penus" sit, non ex nostra magis est philosophia quam ex grammatica tua.

14 "To know," said Favorinus now laughing, "what "penus" is, is not more of our philosophy than of your grammar."

15 Meministi enim, credo, quaeri solitum, quid Vergilius dixerit, "penum struere" vel "longam" vel "longo ordine"; utrumque enim profecto scis legi solitum.

15 For you remember, I suppose, that it used to be asked what Vergil said, "penum struere" or "longam" or "longo ordine"; for you surely know that both are read.

16 Sed ut faciam te aequiore animo ut sis, ne illi quidem veteres iuris magistri, qui "sapientes" appellati sunt, definisse satis recte existimantur, quid sit "penus".

16 But, to make you of a more equable mind, not even those ancient masters of law, who were called "sages," are considered to have defined quite correctly what "penus" is.

17 Nam Quintum Scaevolam ad demonstrandam penum his verbis usum audio: ""Penus" est", inquit "quod esculentum aut posculentum est, quod ipsius patrisfamilias aut matris familias aut liberum patrisfamilias aut familiae eius, quae circum eos aut liberos eius est et opus non facit, causa paratum est. ..., ut Mucius ait, "penus" videri debet. Nam quae ad edendum bibendumque in dies singulos prandii aut cenae causa parantur, "penus" non sunt; sed ea potius, quae huiusce generis longae usionis gratia contrahuntur et reconduntur, ex eo, quod non in promptu est, sed intus et penitus habeatur, "penus" dicta est."

17 For I hear that Quintus Scaevola used these words to demonstrate the penus: “The ‘penus’ is,” he says, “that which is esculent or potulent, which has been prepared for the sake of the paterfamilias himself or the materfamilias, or the children of the paterfamilias, or for that part of his household which is around them or their children and does not do work. ..., as Mucius says, it ought to be considered ‘penus’. For the things which are prepared for eating and drinking on single days for the sake of a lunch or a dinner are not ‘penus’; but rather those which are of this kind and are procured for the favor of long use and stored away— from the fact that it is not in promptu, but is held within and inwardly— are called ‘penus.’”

18 Haec ego," inquit "cum philosophiae me dedissem, non insuper tamen habui discere; quoniam civibus Romanis Latine loquentibus rem non suo vocabulo demonstrare non minus turpe est, quam hominem non suo nomine appellare."

18 "These things I," he says, "when I had devoted myself to philosophy, nevertheless did not consider it superfluous to learn; since for Roman citizens speaking Latin to demonstrate a matter not by its own vocable is no less shameful than to call a man not by his own name."

19 Sic Favorinus sermones id genus communes a rebus parvis et frigidis abducebat ad ea, quae magis utile esset audire ac discere, non allata extrinsecus, non per ostentationem, sed indidem nata acceptaque.

19 Thus Favorinus would draw conversations of that common sort away from small and frigid matters to those which it would be more useful to hear and to learn, not brought extrinsically, not for ostentation, but born there itself and received.

20 Praeterea de penu adscribendum hoc etiam putavi Servium Sulpicium in reprehensis Scaevolae capitibus scripsisse Cato Aelio placuisse, non quae esui et potui forent, sed thus quoque et cereos in penu esse, quod esset eius ferme rei causa comparatum.

20 Moreover, about the penus I also thought this should be added: that Servius Sulpicius wrote, in the criticized chapters of Scaevola, that it pleased Cato and Aelius that not only things for eating and drinking be in the penus, but incense too and candles, because they were procured almost for that very purpose.

21 Masurius autem Sabinus in iuris civilis secundo etiam, quod iumentorum causa apparatum esset, quibus dominus uteretur, penori attributum dicit.

21 Masurius Sabinus, however, in the second (book) of Civil Law, also says that what had been furnished for the sake of the beasts of burden, which the master used, is attributed to the penus (household store).

22 Ligna quoque et virgas et carbones, quibus conficeretur penus, quibusdam ait videri esse in penu.

22 He says that wood too, and twigs and coals, by which the pantry is made ready, seem to some to be in the pantry.

23 Ex his autem, quae promercalia et usaria isdem in locis essent, esse ea sola penoris putat, quae satis sint usu annuo.

23 Moreover, of these which in the same places are promercalia and usaria, he thinks those alone to belong to the penus which are sufficient for annual use.

II Morbus et vitium quid differat; et quam vim habeant vocabula ista in edicto aedilium; et an eunuchus et steriles mulieres redhiberi possint; diversaeque super ea re sententiae.

2 Disease and defect, how they differ; and what force those words have in the edict of the Aediles; and whether a eunuch and sterile women can be redhibited; and the diverse opinions on that matter.

1 In edicto aedilium curulium, qua parte de mancipiis vendundis cautum est, scriptum sic fuit: "Titulus servorum singulorum scriptus sit curato ita, ut intellegi recte possit, quid morbi vitiive cuique sit, quis fugitivus errove sit noxave solutus non sit."

1 In the edict of the curule aediles, in that part where provision was made about slaves to be sold, it was written thus: "See to it that the title of each of the slaves be written in such a way that it can be rightly understood what disease or defect each one has, who is a fugitive or a wanderer, and who is or is not released from noxa (noxal liability)."

2 Propterea quaesierunt iureconsulti veteres, quod "mancipium morbosum" quodve "vitiosum" recte diceretur quantumque "morbus" a "vitio" differret.

2 Therefore the ancient jurisconsults inquired what should rightly be called a "mancipium morbosum" or a "vitiosum," and how much "morbus" differed from "vitium."

3 Caelius Sabinus in libro, quem de edicto aedilium curulium composuit, Labeonem refert, quid esset "morbus", hisce verbis definisse: "Morbus est habitus cuiusque corporis contra naturam, qui usum eius facit deteriorem."

3 Caelius Sabinus, in the book which he composed on the edict of the curule aediles, reports that Labeo defined what "disease" was in these words: "Disease is a condition of each body contrary to nature, which makes its use worse."

4 Sed "morbum" alias in toto corpore accidere dicit, alias in parte corporis. Totius corporis "morbum" esse, veluti sit pthisis aut febris, partis autem, veluti sit caecitas aut pedis debilitas.

4 But he says that a "morbus" sometimes happens in the whole body, sometimes in a part of the body. A "morbus" of the whole body exists, as, for instance, if there be phthisis or fever; of a part, however, as, for instance, if there be blindness or weakness of the foot.

5 "Balbus autem" inquit "et atypus vitiosi magis quam morbosi sunt, et equus mordax aut calcitro vitiosus, non morbosus est. Sed cui morbus est, idem etiam vitiosus est. Neque id tamen contra fit; potest enim qui vitiosus est non morbosus esse.

5 "‘Balbus’ however," he says, "and atypus are defective rather than diseased, and a biting horse or one that kicks with the heel is defective, not diseased. But he for whom there is a disease, the same is also defective. Nor yet does the converse hold; for one who is defective can be not diseased.

Quamobrem, cum de homine morboso agetur, aeque" inquit "ita dicetur: "quanto ob id vitium minoris erit"."

Wherefore, when the matter is about a sick man, likewise" he says "thus it will be said: "by how much less will he be worth on account of that defect"."

6 De eunucho quidem quaesitum est, an contra edictum aedilium videretur venundatus, si ignorasset emptor eum eunuchum esse.

6 Concerning a eunuch, indeed, it was inquired whether he would seem to have been sold contrary to the edict of the aediles, if the buyer had been ignorant that he was a eunuch.

7 Labeonem respondisse aiunt redhiberi posse quasi morbosum;

7 They say that Labeo responded that he could be redhibited as though diseased;

8 sues etiam feminae si sterilae essent et venum issent, ex edicto aedilium posse agi Labeonem scripsisse.

8 Labeo wrote that even sows, if they were barren and had gone for sale, one could proceed under the edict of the aediles.

9 De sterila autem muliere, si nativa sterilitate sit, Trebatium contra Labeonem respondisse dicunt.

9 But concerning a sterile woman, if she be of congenital sterility, they say that Trebatius responded against Labeo.

10 Nam cum redhiberi eam Labeo quasi minus sanam putasset, negasse aiunt Trebatium ex edicto agi posse, si ea mulier a principio genitali sterilitate esset. At si valitudo eius offendisset exque ea vitium factum esset, ut concipere fetus non posset, tum sanam non videri et esse in causa redhibitionis.

10 For when Labeo had supposed that she could be redhibited as though less than sound, they say that Trebatius denied that an action could be brought under the edict, if that woman were from the beginning in a genital sterility. But if her health had been impaired and from that a defect had been produced, so that she was not able to conceive offspring, then she is not seen as sound and there is cause for redhibition.

11 De myope quoque, qui "luscitiosus" Latine appellatur, dissensum est; alii enim redhiberi omnimodo debere, alii contra, nisi id vitium morbo contractum esset.

11 About the myope, too, who in Latin is called "luscitiosus," there was disagreement; for some held that he ought absolutely to be redhibited, others, on the contrary, that he should not be, unless that defect had been contracted by disease.

12 Eum vero, cui dens deesset, Servius redhiberi posse respondit, Labeo in causa esse redhibendi negavit: "nam et magna" inquit "pars dente aliquo carent, neque eo magis plerique homines morbosi sunt, et absurdum admodum est dicere non sanos nasci homines, quoniam cum infantibus non simul dentes gignuntur."

12 As for one to whom a tooth was lacking, Servius replied that he could be redhibited; Labeo denied that there was ground for redhibition: "for a great part also lack some tooth, nor on that account are most men diseased, and it is quite absurd to say that men are not born sound, since teeth are not generated at the same time as infants."

13 Non praetereundum est id quoque in libris veterum iurisperitorum scriptum esse "morbum" et "vitium" distare, quod "vitium" perpetuum, "morbus" cum accessu decessuque sit.

13 It is not to be passed over that in the books of the ancient jurisconsults it is also written that "disease" and "defect" differ, since a "defect" is perpetual, whereas a "disease" is with accession and recession.

14 Sed hoc si ita est, neque caecus neque eunuchus morbosus est contra Labeonis, quam supra dixi, sententiam.

14 But if this is so, neither a blind man nor a eunuch is diseased, contrary to the opinion of Labeo, which I said above.

15 Verba Masuri Sabini apposui ex libro iuris civilis secundo: "Furiosus mutusve cuive quod membrum lacerum laesumve est aut obest, quo ipse minus aptus sit, morbosi sunt. Qui natura longe minus videt tam sanus est quam qui tardius currit."

15 I have appended the words of Masurius Sabinus from the second book of civil law: "The insane or the mute, or whoever has some limb torn or injured or that is a hindrance, whereby he himself is the less apt, are diseased. He who by nature sees far less is just as sound as he who runs more slowly."

III Quod nullae fuerunt rei uxoriae actiones in urbe Roma ante Carvilianum divortium; atque inibi, quid sit proprie "paelex", quaeque eius vocabuli ratio sit.

3 That there were no uxorial actions in the city of Rome before the Carvilian divorce; and therein, what "paelex" properly is, and what the etymology of that vocable is.

1 Memoriae traditum est quingentis fere annis post Romam conditam nullas rei uxoriae neque actiones neque cautiones in urbe Roma aut in Latio fuisse, quoniam profecto nihil desiderabantur nullis etiamtunc matrimoniis divertentibus.

1 It has been handed down to memory that for almost five hundred years after Rome was founded there were no matrimonial actions or cautions in the City of Rome or in Latium, since indeed nothing was being desired, as no marriages were as yet divorcing.

2 Servius quoque Sulpicius in libro quem composuit de dotibus tum primum cautiones rei uxoriae necessarias esse visas scripsit, cum Spurius Carvilius, cui Ruga cognomentum fuit, vir nobilis, divortium cum uxore fecit, quia liberi ex ea corporis vitio non gignerentur, anno urbis conditae quingentesimo vicesimo tertio M. Atilio P. Valerio consulibus. Atque is Carvilius traditur uxorem, quam dimisit, egregie dilexisse carissimamque morum eius gratia habuisse, set iurisiurandi religionem animo atque amori praevertisse, quod iurare a censoribus coactus erat uxorem se liberum quaerundum gratia habiturum.

2 Servius Sulpicius also wrote in the book which he composed on dowries that then for the first time safeguards for wife-matters (rei uxoriae) seemed necessary, when Spurius Carvilius, whose cognomen was Ruga, a noble man, made a divorce with his wife, because children were not being begotten from her by reason of a defect of the body, in the 523rd year from the founding of the City, Marcus Atilius and Publius Valerius being consuls. And this Carvilius is reported to have loved exceedingly the wife whom he dismissed, and to have held her dearest for the sake of her character, but to have preferred the scruple of his oath to his feeling and love, because he had been forced by the censors to swear that he would keep a wife for the sake of seeking children.

3 "Paelicem" autem appellatam probrosamque habitam, quae iuncta consuetaque esset cum eo, in cuius manu mancipioque alia matrimonii causa foret, hac antiquissima lege ostenditur, quam Numae regis fuisse accepimus: "Paelex aedem Iunonis ne tangito; si tangit, Iunoni crinibus demissis agnum feminam caedito."
"Paelex" autem quasi pallax, id est quasi pallakis. Vt pleraque alia, ita hoc quoque vocabulum de Graeco flexum est.

3 "Paelex," moreover, is shown to have been so called and held disgraceful, who was joined and accustomed with him, in whose manus and mancipium another would be for the cause of marriage, by this most ancient law, which we have received to have been King Numa’s: "Let a paelex not touch the temple of Juno; if she touches, with hair let down let her slaughter a female lamb to Juno."
"Paelex," moreover, as if pallax, that is as if pallakis. As very many other things, so this word too has been bent from the Greek.

IV Quid Servius Sulpicius in libro, qui est de dotibus, scripserit de iure atque more veterum sponsaliorum.

4 What Servius Sulpicius wrote in the book which is on dowries, about the law and the custom of ancient sponsals.

1 Sponsalia in ea parte Italiae, quae Latium appellatur, hoc more atque iure solita fieri scripsit Servius Sulpicius in libro, quem scripsit de dotibus:

1 Servius Sulpicius wrote in the book which he wrote On Dowries that sponsals in that part of Italy which is called Latium were accustomed to be conducted by this custom and law:

2 "Qui uxorem" inquit "ducturus erat, ab eo, unde ducenda erat, stipulabatur eam in matrimonium datum ... iri; qui ducturus erat, itidem spondebat. Is contractus stipulationum sponsionumque dicebatur "sponsalia". Tunc, quae promissa erat, "sponsa" appellabatur, qui spoponderat ducturum, "sponsus". Sed si post eas stipulationis uxor non dabatur aut non ducebatur, qui stipulabatur, ex sponsu agebat. Iudices cognoscebant.

2 "He who was going to take a wife," he says, "stipulated from the party from whom she had to be taken, that she would be given into marriage ... to be; he who was going to take her, likewise made a sponsio. That contract of stipulations and sponsions was called "sponsalia". Then she who had been promised was called "sponsa", he who had pledged to take her, "sponsus". But if after those stipulations a wife was not given or not taken, the one who had stipulated brought suit ex sponsu. The judges took cognizance.

Iudex quamobrem data acceptave non esset uxor quaerebat. Si nihil iustae causae videbatur, litem pecunia aestimabat, quantique interfuerat eam uxorem accipi aut dari, eum, qui spoponderat, ei qui stipulatus erat, condemnabat."

The judge inquired for what reason a wife had not been given or accepted. If no just cause appeared, he assessed the suit in money, and, in whatever amount it had been in interest that that wife be received or given, he condemned the promisor to the stipulator."

3 Hoc ius sponsaliorum observatum dicit Servius ad id tempus, quo civitas universo Latio lege Iulia data est.

3 Servius says that this law of betrothals was observed up to the time when citizenship was given to all Latium by the Julian Law.

4 Haec eadem Neratius scripsit in libro quem de nuptiis composuit.

4 Neratius wrote these same things in the book which he composed on nuptials.

V Historia narrata de perfidia aruspicum Etruscorum; quodque ob eam rem versus hic a pueris Romae urbe tota cantatus est: "Malum consilium consultori pessimum est".

5 A history narrated about the perfidy of the Etruscan haruspices; and that for this reason this verse was sung by boys throughout the whole city of Rome: "Bad counsel is worst for the counselor".

1 Statua Romae in comitio posita Horatii Coclitis, fortissimi viri, de caelo tacta est.

1 The statue at Rome, in the comitium, of Horatius Cocles, a most brave man, was struck by lightning.

2 Ob id fulgur piaculis luendum aruspices ex Etruria acciti inimico atque hostili in populum Romanum animo instituerant eam rem contrariis religionibus procurare atque illam statuam suaserunt in inferiorem locum perperam transponi,

2 On account of that lightning, the haruspices summoned from Etruria, with an inimical and hostile spirit toward the Roman people, had determined that the lightning-strike was to be expiated with piacular offerings, to manage that matter by contrary religious observances, and they advised that that statue be improperly transposed into a lower place,

3 quem sol oppositu circum undique altarum aedium numquam illustraret.

3 which the sun, by the opposition of high buildings all around on every side, would never illuminate.

4 Quod cum ita fieri persuasissent, delati ad populum proditique sunt et, cum de perfidia confessi essent, necati sunt, constititque eam statuam, proinde ut verae rationes post compertae monebant, in locum editum subducendam atque ita in area Volcani sublimiore loco statuendam; ex quo res bene et prospere populo Romano cessit.

4 When they had persuaded that it be done thus, they were denounced to the people and exposed and, when they had confessed their perfidy, they were put to death, and it was decided that that statue, in accordance with what the true reasons, after being discovered, were advising, should be drawn up into an elevated place and thus set up in the Area of Vulcan in a loftier spot; whence the matter turned out well and prosperously for the Roman people.

5 Tum igitur, quod in Etruscos aruspices male consulentis animadversum vindicatumque fuerat, versus hic scite factus cantatusque esse a pueris urbe tota fertur:
malum consilium consultori pessimum est.

5 Then therefore, since against the Etruscan haruspices, giving ill counsel, it had been animadverted and vindicated, this verse, neatly made and sung, is reported to have been chanted by boys throughout the whole city:
bad counsel is worst for the counselor.

6 Ea historia de aruspicibus ac de versu isto senario scripta est in annalibus maximis, libro undecimo, et in Verri Flacci libro primo rerum memoria dignarum.

6 That history about the haruspices and about that senarius line is written in the Great Annals, book 11, and in Verrius Flaccus’s first book of Things Worthy of Remembrance.

7 Videtur autem versus hic de Graeco illo Hesiodi versu expressus: he de kake boule toi bouleusanti kakiste.

7 However, this verse seems to have been expressed from that Greek verse of Hesiod: “and an evil counsel is worst for the counselor.”

VI Verba veteris senatusconsulti posita, quo decretum est hostiis maioribus expiandum, quod in sacrario hastae Martiae movissent; atque ibi enarratum, quid sint "hostiae succidaneae", quid item "porca praecidanea"; et quod Capito Ateius ferias quasdam "praecidaneas" appellavit.

6 The words of an old senatus-consult set down, by which it was decreed that expiation should be made with greater victims, because in the sacrarium the spears of Mars had moved; and there it is explained what “hostiae succidaneae” are, and likewise what a “porca praecidanea” is; and that Capito Ateius called certain holidays “praecidaneae.”

1 Vt terram movisse nuntiari solet eaque res procuratur, ita in veteribus memoriis scriptum legimus nuntiatum esse senatui in sacrario in regia hastas Martias movisse.

1 As it is wont to be announced that the earth has moved, and that matter is expiated, so in ancient memorials we read it written that it was reported to the senate that in the shrine in the Regia the spears of Mars had moved.

2 Eius rei causa senatusconsultum factum est M. Antonio A. Postumio consulibus, eiusque exemplum hoc est: "Quod C. Iulius L. filius pontifex nuntiavit in sacrario in regia hastas Martias movisse, de ea re ita censuerunt, uti M. Antonius consul hostiis maioribus Iovi et Marti procuraret et ceteris dis, quibus videretur, lactantibus. Ibus uti procurasset, satis habendum censuerunt. Si quid succidaneis opus esset, robiis succideret."

2 For this matter a senatorial decree was passed in the consulship of M. Antonius and A. Postumius, and its exemplar is this: "Since Gaius Iulius, son of Lucius, pontiff, reported that in the shrine in the Regia the Martial spears had moved, concerning that matter they thus decreed: that the consul M. Antonius should make expiation with greater victims to Jupiter and Mars, and to the other gods, as should seem proper, with suckling victims. When he had thus made expiation with these, they judged it should be held sufficient. If there were any need of succedaneous victims, he should add them, robiis, by way of substitution."

3 Quod "succidaneas" hostias senatus appellavit, quaeri solet, quid verbum id significet. In Plauti quoque comoedia, quae Epidicus inscripta est, super eodem ipso verbo requiri audio in his versibus:

3 Because the senate called the victims "succidaneae," it is wont to be asked what that word signifies. In Plautus’s comedy too, which is entitled Epidicus, I hear inquiry being made about this very same word in these verses:

4 men piacularem oportet fieri ob stultitiam tuam,
ut meum tergum tuae stultitiae subdas succidaneum?

4 Must I be made piacular on account of your stupidity,
so that you put my back as a succedaneum for your stupidity?

5 "Succidaneae" autem "hostiae" dicuntur "ae" littera per morem compositi vocabuli in "i" litteram mutata quasi "succaedaneae", appellatae, quoniam, si primis hostiis litatum non erat, aliae post easdem ductae hostiae caedebantur;

5 "Succidaneae" however "victims" are said, with the letter "ae" by the custom of the compound word changed into the letter "i," as if "succaedaneae," so named, because, if with the first victims litation had not been achieved, other victims, led in after those same, were slaughtered;

6 quae quia prioribus iam caesis luendi piaculi gratia subdebantur et succidebantur, "succidaneae" nominatae "i" littera scilicet tractim pronuntiata; audio enim quosdam eam litteram in hac voce barbare corripere.

6 which, because, with the former already slain, they were substituted for the sake of atoning the piacular guilt and were cut down thereafter, were named “succidaneae,” the letter “i,” namely, pronounced long; for I hear that some barbarously shorten that letter in this word.

7 Eadem autem ratione verbi "praecidaneae" quoque hostiae dicuntur, quae ante sacrificia sollemnia pridie caeduntur.

7 By the same rationale, victims too are called "praecidaneae," which are slain the day before, ahead of the solemn sacrifices.

8 "Porca" etiam "praecidanea" appellata, quam piaculi gratia ante fruges novas captas immolare Cereri mos fuit, si qui familiam funestam aut non purgaverant aut aliter eam rem, quam oportuerat, procuraverant.

8 "Porca," also "praecidanea," was the name of the sow which, for the sake of expiation, it was the custom to immolate to Ceres before the new fruits were gathered, if anyone had either not purified a death-polluted household or had managed that matter otherwise than was proper.

9 Sed porcam et hostias quasdam "praecidaneas", sicuti dixi, appellari volgo notum est, ferias "praecidaneas" dici id, opinor, a volgo remotum est.

9 But that a sow and certain victims are called "praecidaneae," just as I have said, is known to the vulgar, that holidays are called "praecidaneae"—that, I suppose, is remote from the vulgar.

10 Propterea verba Atei Capitonis ex quinto librorum, quos de pontificio iure composuit, scripsi: "Tib. Coruncanio pontifici maximo feriae praecidaneae in atrum diem inauguratae sunt. Collegium decrevit non habendum religioni, quin eo die feriae praecidaneae essent."

10 Therefore I wrote the words of Ateius Capito from the fifth of the books which he composed on pontifical law: "For Tiberius Coruncanius, the pontifex maximus, feriae praecidaneae were inaugurated for another day. The College decreed that it should not be held a matter of religion, but that on that day there should be feriae praecidaneae."

VII De epistula Valerii Probi grammatici ad Marcellum scripta super accentu nominum quorundam Poenicorum.

7 On the epistle of Valerius Probus the grammarian, written to Marcellus, concerning the accent of certain Punic names.

1 Valerius Probus grammaticus inter suam aetatem praestanti scientia fuit.

1 Valerius Probus the grammarian was preeminent in knowledge in his own age.

2 Is "Hannibalem" et "Hasdrubalem" et "Hamilcarem" ita pronuntiabat, ut paenultimam circumflecteret, et est epistula eius scripta ad Marcellum, in qua Plautum et Ennium multosque alios veteres eo modo pronuntiasse affirmat,

2 He pronounced "Hannibalem" and "Hasdrubalem" and "Hamilcarem" in such a way as to circumflect the penultimate, and there is an epistle of his written to Marcellus, in which he affirms that Plautus and Ennius and many other ancients pronounced in that manner,

3 solius tamen Ennii versum unum ponit ex libro, qui Scipio inscribitur.

3 however, of Ennius alone he sets down a single verse from the book which is inscribed "Scipio".

4 Eum versum quadrato numero factum subiecimus, in quo, nisi tertia syllaba de Hannibalis nomine circumflexe promatur, numerus clausurus est. Versus Ennii, quem dixit, ita est:

4 We have subjoined that verse made in a quadrate rhythm, in which, unless the third syllable from Hannibal’s name be pronounced with a circumflex, the rhythm will be closing. The verse of Ennius, which he said, is thus:

5 quaque propter Hannibalis copias considerat.

5 and for which reason he considers Hannibal’s forces.

VIII Quid C. Fabricius de Cornelio Rufino homine avaro dixerit, quem cum odisset inimicusque esset, designandum tamen consulem curavit.

8 What Gaius Fabricius said about Cornelius Rufinus, an avaricious man, whom, although he hated and was an enemy, he nevertheless took care to have designated as consul.

1 Fabricius Luscinus magna gloria vir magnisque rebus gestis fuit.

1 Fabricius Luscinus was a man of great glory, and with great deeds achieved.

2 P. Cornelius Rufinus manu quidem strenuus et bellator bonus militarisque disciplinae peritus admodum fuit, sed furax homo et avaritia acri erat.

2 P. Cornelius Rufinus was indeed strenuous in hand and a good warrior and very expert in military discipline, but he was a thievish man and was of keen avarice.

3 Hunc Fabricius non probabat neque amico utebatur osusque eum morum causa fuit.

3 Fabricius did not approve of this man, nor did he use him as a friend, and he hated him on account of his morals.

4 Sed cum in temporibus rei difficillimis consules creandi forent et is Rufinus peteret consulatum competitoresque eius essent inbelles quidam et futtiles, summa ope adnixus est Fabricius, uti Rufino consulatus deferretur.

4 But when, in the most difficult times of the commonwealth, consuls had to be created, and this Rufinus was seeking the consulship and his competitors were certain unwarlike and futile men, Fabricius strove with utmost effort that the consulship be conferred upon Rufinus.

5 Eam rem plerisque admirantibus, quod hominem avarum, cui esset inimicissimus,

5 As most were marveling at this matter, because it concerned an avaricious man, to whom he was most inimical,

6 creari consulem vellet, "malo," inquit "civis me compilet, quam hostis vendat".

6 he should want him to be created consul, "I prefer," he said, "that a citizen plunder me, rather than that an enemy sell me".

7 Hunc Rufinum postea bis consulatu et dictatura functum censor Fabricius senatu movit ob luxuriae notam, quod decem pondo libras argenti facti haberet.

7 This Rufinus, later, after he had held the consulship twice and the dictatorship, the censor Fabricius removed from the senate on account of a mark of luxury, because he had ten pounds’ weight of wrought silver.

8 Id autem, quod supra scripsi Fabricium de Cornelio Rufino ita, uti in pleraque historia scriptum est, dixisse, M. Cicero non aliis a Fabricio, sed ipsi Rufino gratias agenti, quod ope eius designatus esset, dictum esse refert in libro secundo de oratore.

8 But that which I wrote above—that Fabricius said about Cornelius Rufinus thus, as it is written in most histories—M. Cicero reports in the second book On the Orator to have been said not to others by Fabricius, but to Rufinus himself as he was giving thanks, because by his help he had been designated.

IX Quid significet proprie "religiosus"; et in quae diverticula significatio istius vocabuli flexa sit; et verba Nigidii Figuli ex commentariis eius super ea re sumpta.

9 What "religiosus" properly signifies; and into what bypaths the signification of that vocable has been bent; and the words of Nigidius Figulus taken from his commentaries on that matter.

1 Nigidius Figulus, homo, ut ego arbitror, iuxta M. Varronem doctissimus, in undecimo commentariorum grammaticorum versum ex antiquo carmine refert memoria hercle dignum:
religentem esse oportet, religiosus ne fuas,
cuius autem id carmen sit, non scribit.

1 Nigidius Figulus, a man, as I judge, most learned next to M. Varro, in the eleventh of the grammatical commentaries reports a verse from an ancient song, by Hercules worthy of remembrance:
one ought to be “religent” (carefully scrupulous), lest you be “religious” (superstitious),
but he does not write whose song that is.

2 Atque in eodem loco Nigidius: "Hoc" inquit "inclinamentum semper huiuscemodi verborum, ut "vinosus", "mulierosus", "religiosus", significat copiam quandam inmodicam rei, super qua dicitur. Quocirca "religiosus" is appellabatur, qui nimia et superstitiosa religione sese alligaverat, eaque res vitio assignabatur."

2 And in the same place Nigidius: "This," he says, "inclination of words of this kind, such as "vinosus", "mulierosus", "religiosus", signifies a certain immoderate abundance of the thing with respect to which it is said. Wherefore "religiosus" was called the one who had bound himself with excessive and superstitious religion, and that matter was assigned as a vice."

3 Sed praeter ista, quae Nigidius dicit, alio quodam diverticulo significationis "religiosus" pro casto atque observanti cohibentique sese certis legibus finibusque dici coeptus.

3 But besides those things which Nigidius says, by a certain other side-path of signification "religiosus" began to be said for chaste and observant, and for one restraining himself within certain laws and bounds.

4 Simili autem modo illa quoque vocabula ab eadem profecta origine diversum significare videntur: "religiosi dies" et "religiosa delubra".

4 But in a similar manner those words also, sprung from the same origin, seem to signify different things: "religiosi dies" and "religiosa delubra".

5 "Religiosi" enim "dies" dicuntur tristi omine infames inpeditique, in quibus et res divinas facere et rem quampiam novam exordiri temperandum est, quos multitudo imperitorum prave et perperam "nefastos" appellat.

5 For “religious” “days” are said to be infamous and impeded by a sad omen, on which one must refrain both from performing divine rites and from undertaking any new matter; these the multitude of the unskilled wrongly and improperly call “nefasti”.

6 Itaque M. Cicero in libro epistularum nono ad Atticum "maiores" inquit "nostri funestiorem diem esse voluerunt Alliensis pugnae quam urbis captae, quod hoc malum ex illo. Itaque alter religiosus etiamnunc dies, alter in volgus ignotus".

6 And so M. Cicero, in the ninth book of the Letters to Atticus, says: "Our ancestors wished the day of the Battle of the Allia to be more funereal than that of the city's capture, because this evil arose from that. And so the one is even now a religious day, the other unknown in the common crowd."

7 Idem tamen M. Tullius in oratione de accusatore constituendo "religiosa delubra" dicit non ominosa nec tristia, sed maiestatis venerationisque plena.

7 The same M. Tullius, however, in the oration on constituting an accuser, says “religious shrines,” not ominous nor sad, but full of majesty and veneration.

8 Masurius autem Sabinus in commentariis, quos de indigenis composuit: ""religiosum"" inquit "est, quod propter sanctitatem aliquam remotum ac sepositum a nobis est; verbum a "relinquendo" dictum, tamquam "caerimoniae" a "carendo"."

8 Masurius Sabinus, however, in the commentaries which he composed on native matters: ""religiosum"" he says "is that which, on account of some sanctity, is removed and set apart from us; a word said from "relinquendo," just as "caerimoniae" from "carendo.""

9 Secundum hanc Sabini interpretationem templa quidem ac delubra, quae non volgo ac temere, sed cum castitate caerimoniaque adeundum, et reverenda et reformidanda sunt magis quam involganda:

9 According to this interpretation of Sabinus, temples and shrines, which are not to be approached vulgarly and rashly, but with chastity and ceremony, are to be revered and even dreaded rather than vulgarized:

10 sed dies "religiosi" dicti,
[XI.] quos ex contraria causa propter ominis diritatem relinquimus.

10 but days have been called “religious,”
[11.] which, from the contrary cause, we leave aside on account of the direness of the omen.

12 Quod si, ut ait Nigidius, omnia istiusmodi inclinamenta nimium ac praeter modum significant et idcirco in culpas cadunt, ut "vinosus", "mulierosus", "morosus", "verbosus", "famosus", cur "ingeniosus" et "formosus" et "officiosus", quae pariter ab ingenio et forma et officio inclinata sunt, cur etiam "disciplinosus", "consiliosus", "victoriosus", quae M. Cato ita figuravit, cur item "facundiosa", quod Sempronius Asellio XIII rerum gestarum ita scripsit: "facta sua spectare oportere, non dicta, si minus facundiosa essent", cur, inquam, ista omnia numquam in culpam, sed in laudem dicuntur, quamquam haec item incrementum sui nimium demonstrent? an propterea quia illis quidem, quae supra posui, adhibendus est modus quidam necessarius?

12 But if, as Nigidius says, all inclinations of that sort signify too much and beyond measure and therefore fall into faults—such as “vinosus,” “mulierosus,” “morosus,” “verbosus,” “famosus”—why are “ingeniosus” and “formosus” and “officiosus,” which likewise are inclined from ingenium and forma and officium, and why also “disciplinosus,” “consiliosus,” “victoriosus,” which M. Cato so fashioned, and likewise “facundiosa,” which Sempronius Asellio in 13 Books of Deeds wrote thus: “that one ought to look to deeds, not words, if the words were less facundiosa,”—why, I say, are all those never said in blame but in praise, although these likewise show an excessive increase of their base? Or is it for this reason, because to those indeed which I set above a certain necessary moderation must be applied?

13 Nam et gratia, si nimia atque inmodica, et mores, si multi atque varii, et verba, si perpetua atque infinita et obtundentia, et fama, si magna et inquieta et invidiosast, neque laudabilia neque utilia sunt;

13 For both grace, if excessive and immoderate, and mores, if many and various, and words, if perpetual and infinite and obtunding, and fame, if great and restless and invidious, are neither praiseworthy nor useful;

14 ingenium autem et officium et forma et disciplina et consilium et victoria et facundia sicut ipsae virtutum amplitudines nullis finibus cohibentur, sed quanto maiora auctioraque sunt, multo etiam tanto laudatiora sunt.

14 but ingenuity and duty and form and discipline and counsel and victory and facundity, just as the very amplitudes of virtues themselves, are confined by no bounds are confined, but the greater and more augmented they are, by so much even the more praiseworthy they are.

X Quid observatum de ordine rogandarum in senatu sententiarum; iurgiumque in senatu C. Caesaris consulis et M. Catonis diem dicendo eximentis.

10 What was observed about the order of asking for opinions in the senate; and the quarrel in the senate of C. Caesar the consul and M. Cato, taking away the day by speaking.

1 Ante legem, quae nunc de senatu habendo observatur, ordo rogandi sententias varius fuit.

1 Before the law which is now observed concerning the senate’s being held, the order of asking opinions was various.

2 Alias primus rogabatur, qui princeps a censoribus in senatum lectus fuerat, alias, qui designati consules erant;

2 At other times the first to be asked was the one who had been chosen into the senate as princeps by the censors, at other times, those who were consuls-designate;

3 quidam e consulibus studio aut necessitudine aliqua adducti, quem is visum erat, honoris gratia extra ordinem sententiam primum rogabant.

3 Certain of the consuls, induced by zeal or by some necessitude, would, for the sake of honor, first ask out of order for the opinion of whomever had seemed good to them.

4 Observatum tamen est, cum extra ordinem fieret, ne quis quemquam ex alio quam ex consulari loco sententiam primum rogaret.

4 It was, nevertheless, observed that, when it was done out of order, no one should first ask anyone for an opinion from any place other than the consular rank.

5 C. Caesar in consulatu, quem cum M. Bibulo gessit, quattuor solos extra ordinem rogasse sententiam dicitur. Ex his quattuor principem rogabat M. Crassum; sed postquam filiam Cn. Pompeio desponderat, primum coeperat Pompeium rogare.

5 Gaius Caesar, in the consulship which he held with Marcus Bibulus, is said to have asked only four men for their opinion out of order. Of these four he used to ask Marcus Crassus as chief; but after he had betrothed his daughter to Gnaeus Pompeius, he began to ask Pompeius first.

6 Eius rei rationem reddidisse eum senatui Tiro Tullius, M. Ciceronis libertus, refert itaque se ex patrono suo audisse scribit.

6 That he rendered an account of that matter to the senate is reported by Tiro Tullius, the freedman of M. Cicero; and thus he writes that he heard it from his patron.

7 Id ipsum Capito Ateius in libro, quem de officio senatorio composuit, scriptum reliquit.

7 That very thing Capito Ateius left written in the book which he composed on the senatorial office.

8 In eodem libro Capitonis id quoque scriptum est: "C." inquit "Caesar consul M. Catonem sententiam rogavit. Cato rem, quae consulebatur, quoniam non e republica videbatur, perfici nolebat. Eius rei ducendae gratia longa oratione utebatur eximebatque dicendo diem.

8 In the same book of Capito this too is written: "Gaius," he says, "Caesar, consul, asked Marcus Cato for his opinion. Cato, since the matter that was being consulted did not seem to be in the interest of the republic, did not wish it to be carried through. For the sake of drawing out that business he was using a long oration and by speaking was taking away the day.

Erat enim ius senatori, ut sententiam rogatus diceret ante quicquid vellet aliae rei et quoad vellet. Caesar consul viatorem vocavit eumque, cum finem non faceret, prendi loquentem et in carcerem duci iussit. Senatus consurrexit et prosequebatur Catonem in carcerem.

For a senator had the right, that when asked for his opinion he might speak before any other matter whatever and for as long as he wished. Caesar, the consul, called a viator and, since he would not make an end, ordered him to be seized while speaking and to be led into prison. The Senate rose and was escorting Cato to prison.

Hac" inquit "invidia facta Caesar destitit et mitti Catonem iussit."

"With this ill will having been made," he said, "Caesar desisted and ordered that Cato be released."

XI Quae qualiaque sint, quae Aristoxenus quasi magis comperta de Pythagora memoriae mandavit; et quae item Plutarchus in eundem modum de eodem Pythagora scripserit.

11 What things, and of what sort, Aristoxenus, as though more ascertained, committed to memory about Pythagoras; and likewise what Plutarch in the same mode wrote about that same Pythagoras.

1 Opinio vetus falsa occupavit et convaluit Pythagoram philosophum non esitavisse ex animalibus item abstinuisse fabulo, quem Graeci kyamon appellant.

1 A false old opinion took hold and grew strong that Pythagoras the philosopher did not eat of animals and likewise abstained from the bean, which the Greeks call kyamos.

2 Ex hac opinione Callimachus poeta scripsit:
kai kyamon apo cheiras echein aniontos edestou
kago, Pythagoras hos ekeleve, lego.

2 From this opinion the poet Callimachus wrote:
and to keep the bean away from the hands when the food is being brought up;
and I too, as Pythagoras commanded, say.

3 Ex eadem item opinione M. Cicero in libro de divinatione primo haec verba posuit: "Iubet igitur Plato sic ad somnum proficisci corporibus affectis, ut nihil sit, quod errorem animis perturbationemque afferat. Ex quo etiam Pythagoreis interdictum putatur, ne faba vescerentur, quae res habet inflationem magnam tranquillitatem mentis quaerentibus contrariam."

3 From the same opinion likewise, M. Cicero in the first book of On Divination set down these words: "Plato therefore orders that one should set out to sleep, with bodies disposed, in such a manner that there be nothing which brings error and perturbation to the minds. From which it is also thought to have been interdicted to the Pythagoreans that they should not feed on the bean, a thing which has great inflation, contrary to those seeking tranquility of mind."

4 Haec quidem M. Cicero. Sed Aristoxenus musicus, vir litterarum veterum diligentissimus, Aristoteli philosophi auditor, in libro, quem de Pythagora reliquit, nullo saepius legumento Pythagoram dicit usum quam fabis, quoniam is cibus et subduceret sensim alvum et levigaret.

4 So much, indeed, from M. Cicero. But Aristoxenus the musician, a man most diligent in ancient letters, an auditor of the philosopher Aristotle, in the book which he left about Pythagoras, says that Pythagoras used no legume more often than beans, since that food both would gradually relieve the bowel and would smooth it.

5 Verba ipsa Aristoxeni subscripsi: Pythagoras de ton osprion malista ton kyamon edokimasen; leiantikon te gar einai kai diachoretikon; dio kai malista kechretai autoi.

5 I have subjoined the very words of Aristoxenus: Pythagoras, among the pulses, most approved the bean; for it is lenitive and evacuative; therefore he made most frequent use of it.

6 Porculis quoque minusculis et haedis tenerioribus victitasse idem Aristoxenus refert.

6 The same Aristoxenus reports that he subsisted also on minuscule piglets and more tender kids.

7 Quem rem videtur cognovisse e Xenophilo Pythagorico, familiari suo, et ex quibusdam aliis natu maioribus, qui ab aetate Pythagorae ...

7 He seems to have come to know this matter from Xenophilus the Pythagorean, his familiar friend, and from certain other elders by birth, who were from the age of Pythagoras ...

8 Ac de animalibus Alexis etiam poeta in comoedia, quae Pythagorizousa inscribitur, docet.

8 And concerning animals Alexis also, the poet, in the comedy which is entitled Pythagorizousa, teaches.

9 Videtur autem de kyamoi non esitato causam erroris fuisse, quia in Empedocli carmine, qui disciplinas Pythagorae secutus est, versus hic invenitur:
deiloi, pandeiloi, kyamon apo cheiras echesthai.

9 It seems, however, that the cause of the error about the not-eating of kyamoi was that in the poem of Empedocles, who followed the disciplines of Pythagoras, this verse is found:
wretches, all-wretches, keep your hands from beans.

10 Opinati enim sunt plerique kyamous legumentum dici, ut a vulgo dicitur. Sed qui diligentius scitiusque carmina Empedocli arbitrati sunt, kyamous hoc in loco testiculos significare dicunt, eosque more Pythagorae operte atque symbolice kyamous appellatos, quod sint aitioi tou kyein et geniturae humanae vim praebeant; idcircoque Empedoclen versu isto non a fabulo edendo, sed a rei veneriae proluvio voluisse homines deducere.

10 For many have supposed that kyamous is said to be a legume, as it is said by the common folk. But those who have judged the poems of Empedocles more carefully and more knowledgeably say that kyamous in this place signifies the testicles, and that these, in the Pythagorean manner, covertly and symbolically were called kyamous, because they are aitioi tou kyein and supply a force to human geniture; and for that reason Empedocles by that verse wished to lead men away not from eating the bean, but from the excess of venery.

11 Plutarchus quoque, homo in disciplinis gravi auctoritate, in primo librorum, quos de Homero composuit, Aristotelem philosophum scripsit eadem ipsa de Pythagoricis scripsisse, quod non abstinuerint edundis animalibus, nisi pauca carne quadam.

11 Plutarch also, a man of weighty authority in the disciplines, in the first of the books which he composed about Homer, wrote that Aristotle the philosopher had written these very same things about the Pythagoreans: that they did not abstain from eating animals, except from a little of a certain flesh.

12 Verba ipsa Plutarchi, quoniam res inopinata est, subscripsi:
Aristoteles de metras kai kardias kai akalephes kai toiouton tinon allon apechesthai phesin tous Pythagorikous, chresthai de tois allois.

12 The very words of Plutarch, since the matter is unexpected, I have subjoined:
Aristotle says that the Pythagoreans abstain from wombs and hearts and sea‑nettles and certain other such things, but make use of the others.

13 Akalephe autem est animal marinum, quod "urtica" appellatur. Sed et piscibus mullis abstinere Pythagoricos Plutarchus in Symposiacis dicit.

13 Akalephe, moreover, is a marine animal which is called “nettle.” But Plutarch in the Symposiacs says that the Pythagorics also abstain from mullet fish.

14 Pythagoram vero ipsum sicuti celebre est Euphorbum primo fuisse dictasse, ita haec remotiora sunt his, quae Clearchus et Dicaearchus memoriae tradiderunt, fuisse eum postea Pyrrum, deinde Aethaliden, deinde feminam pulcra facie meretricem, cui nomen fuerat Alco.

14 Pythagoras himself, indeed, just as it is famous that he declared that he had been Euphorbus first, so these things are more remote than those which Clearchus and Dicaearchus have consigned to memory: that he was afterwards Pyrrhus, then Aethalides, then a woman of fair face, a meretrix, whose name had been Alco.

XII Notae et animadversiones censoriae in veteribus monumentis repertae memoria dignae.

12 Censorial notes and animadversions found in ancient monuments, worthy of memory.

1 Si quis agrum suum passus fuerat sordescere eumque indiligenter curabat ac neque araverat neque purgaverat, sive quis arborem suam vineamque habuerat derelictui, non id sine poena fuit, sed erat opus censorium, censoresque aerarium faciebant.

1 If anyone had suffered his field to grow sordid and tended it carelessly and had neither plowed nor purified it, or if anyone had held his tree and vineyard in dereliction, this was not without penalty; rather it was a censorial measure, and the censors would make him an aerarius.

2 Item, quis eques Romanus equum habere gracilentum aut parum nitidum visus erat, "inpolitiae" notabatur; id verbum significat, quasi tu dicas "incuriae".

2 Likewise, if any Roman knight was seen to have a horse scrawny or not very well-kept, he was marked "for inpolitiae"; that word signifies, as if you should say, "of incuria (neglect)."

3 Cuius rei utriusque auctoritates sunt, et M. Cato id saepenumero adtestatus est.

3 For both of these matters there are authorities, and M. Cato has very often attested this.

XIII Quod incentiones quaedam tibiarum certo modo factae ischiacis mederi possunt.

13 That certain tunes of the pipes, fashioned in a certain way, can heal those with sciatica.

1 Creditum hoc a plerisque esse et memoriae mandatum, ischia cum maxime doleant, tum, si modulis lenibus tibicen incinat,

1 This has been believed by many and committed to memory, that when the ischia hurt most, then, if a piper should intone with gentle measures,

2 minui dolores, ego nuperrime in libro Theophrasti scriptum inveni.

2 that the pains are lessened, I most recently found written in a book of Theophrastus.

3 Viperarum morsibus tibicinium scite modulateque adhibitum mederi refert etiam Democriti liber, qui inscribitur ..., in quo docet plurimis hominum morbidis medicinae fuisse incentiones tibiarum.

3 The book of Democritus also reports that, for bites of vipers, the piping, skillfully and modulatedly adhibited, heals; it is entitled ..., in which he teaches that for very many diseases of men the strains of the pipes have been medicines.

4 Tanta prosus adfinitas est corporibus hominum mentibusque et propterea vitiis quoque aut medellis animorum et corporum.

4 So great altogether is the affinity of the bodies and minds of men, and therefore also of the vices and of the remedies of souls and bodies.

XIV Narratur historia de Hostilio Mancino aedilium et Manilia meretrice; verbaque decreti tribunorum, ad quos a Manilia provocatum est.

14 A story is narrated about Hostilius Mancinus, one of the aediles, and the meretrix Manilia; and the words of the decree of the tribunes, to whom an appeal was made by Manilia.

1 Cum librum IX Atei Capitonis coniectaneorum legeremus, qui inscriptus est de iudiciis publicis, decretum tribunorum visum est gravitatis antiquae plenum.

1 When we were reading book 9 of Ateius Capito’s Conjectanea, which is entitled On Public Trials, a decree of the tribunes seemed full of ancient gravity.

2 Propterea id meminimus, idque ob hanc causam et in hanc sententiam scriptum est : Aulus Hostilius Mancinus aedilis curulis fuit.

2 For that reason we have remembered it, and it has been written for this cause and to this effect : Aulus Hostilius Mancinus was a curule aedile.

3 Is Maniliae meretrici diem ad populum dixit, quod e tabulato eius noctu lapide ictus esset, vulnusque ex eo lapide ostendebat.

3 He declared a day before the people against Manilia, a meretrix, because by night he had been struck by a stone from her upper story, and he was showing the wound from that stone.

4 Manilia ad tribunos plebi provocavit.

4 Manilia appealed to the tribunes of the plebs.

5 Apud eos dixit comessatorem Mancinum ad aedes suas venisse; eum sibi recipere non fuisse e re sua, sed cum vi inrumperet, lapidibus depulsum.

5 Before them he said that the carouser Mancinus had come to his house; that to receive him had not been to his advantage, but when he tried to break in by force, he was repulsed with stones.

6 Tribuni decreverunt aedilem ex eo loco iure deiectum, quo eum venire cum corollario non decuisset; propterea, ne cum populo aedilis ageret, intercesserunt.

6 The tribunes decreed that the aedile had been lawfully ejected from that place, to which it had not been fitting that he come with a garland; therefore, lest the aedile should conduct business with the people, they interceded.

XV Defensa a culpa sententia ex historia Sallustii, quam iniqui eius cum insectatione maligni reprehenderint.

15 A sentence from the History of Sallust defended from blame, which his iniquitous maligners have reprehended with insectation.

1 Elegantia orationis Sallustii verborumque fingendi et novandi studium cum multa prorsus invidia fuit, multique non mediocri ingenio viri conati sunt reprehendere pleraque et obtrectare. In quibus plura inscite aut maligne vellicant. Nonnulla tamen videri possunt non indigna reprehensione; quale illud in Catilinae historia repertum est, quod habeat eam speciem quasi parum adtente dictum. Verba Sallustii haec sunt:

1 The elegance of Sallust’s oration and his zeal for shaping and renewing words met with very great envy, and many men of no mediocre talent tried to reprehend a great many things and to detract. Among these they pick at many things unskilfully or malignly. Nonetheless, some things can seem not unworthy of reprehension; such as that which is found in the history of Catiline, which has the look as if said with too little attention. The words of Sallust are these:

2 "Ac mihi quidem, tametsi haudquaquam par gloria sequitur scriptorem et auctorem rerum, tamen inprimis arduum videtur res gestas scribere: primum, quod facta dictis exaequanda sunt; dein, quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis, malivolentia et invidia dicta putant. Vbi de magna virtute atque gloria bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, aequo animo accipit; supra, veluti ficta, pro falsis ducit."

2 "And to me indeed, although by no means an equal glory follows the writer and the author of deeds, nevertheless it seems above all arduous to write of deeds done: first, because deeds must be equated with words; then, because most people think that the things which you have reproved as delicts were spoken out of malevolence and envy. When one is mindful of the great virtue and the glory of good men, each person accepts with an even spirit those things which he thinks easy to do for himself; beyond that, as if fictitious, he counts them as false."

3 "Proposuit" inquiunt "dicturum causas, quamobrem videatur esse arduum res gestas scribere; atque ibi cum primam causam dixerit, dein non alteram causam, sed querellas dicit.

3 "He proposed," they say, "that he would state the causes, for which reason it seems arduous to write up deeds; and there, when he has stated the first cause, then not a second cause, but he states complaints.

4 Non enim causa videri debet, cur historiae opus arduum sit, quod hi, qui legunt, aut inique interpretantur quae scripta sunt, aut vera esse non credunt."

4 "For it ought not to seem a reason why the work of history is arduous, that those who read either interpret unfairly the things that have been written, or do not believe them to be true."

5 Obnoxiam quippe et obiectam falsis existimationibus eam rem dicendam aiunt quam "arduam"; quia, quod est arduum, sui operis difficultate est arduum, non opinionis alienae erroribus.

5 For indeed they say that the thing which they call "arduous" ought to be called "obnoxious and exposed to false estimations"; because what is arduous is arduous by the difficulty of its own work, not by the errors of another’s opinion.

6 Haec illi malivoli reprehensores dicunt. Sed "arduum" Sallustius non pro difficili tantum, sed pro eo quoque ponit, quod Graeci chalepon appellant, quod est cum difficile, tum molestum quoque et incommodum et intractabile. Quorum verborum significatio a sententia Sallustii supra scripta non abhorret.

6 These things those malevolent reprehenders say. But Sallust employs "arduum" not only for "difficult," but also for that which the Greeks call chalepon, which is at once difficult and also troublesome and inconvenient and intractable. The signification of these words is not at variance with the sense of Sallust above written.

XVI De vocabulis quibusdam a Varrone et Nigidio contra cotidiani sermonis consuetudinem declinatis; atque inibi id genus quaedam cum exemplis veterum relata.

16 On certain vocables declined by Varro and Nigidius against the usage of everyday speech; and therein certain things of that kind related with examples of the ancients.

1M. Varronem et P. Nigidium, viros Romani generis doctissimos, comperimus non aliter elocutos esse et scripsisse, quam "senatuis" et "domuis" et "fluctuis", qui est patrius casus ab eo, quod est "senatus", "domus", "fluctus"; huic "senatui", "domui", "fluctui" ceteraque is consimilia pariter dixisse.

1 We have found that M. Varro and P. Nigidius, men most learned of the Roman stock, expressed and wrote no otherwise than "senatuis" and "domuis" and "fluctuis", which is the patrial (genitive) case from that which is "senatus", "domus", "fluctus"; for this (the dative) they likewise said "senatui", "domui", "fluctui" and other things similar thereto.

2 Terentii quoque comici versus in libris veteribus itidem scriptus est: eius anuis causa, opinor, quae est emortua.

2 A verse of the comic Terence too is written in the old books in like manner: for the sake of his old woman, I suppose, who has died.

3 Hanc eorum auctoritatem quidam e veteribus grammaticis ratione etiam firmare voluerunt, quod omnis dativus singularis "i" littera finitus, si non similis est genetivi singularis, "s" littera addita genetivum singularem facit, ut "patri patris", "duci ducis", "caedi caedis".

3 Certain of the ancient grammarians also wished to strengthen their authority by reason, because every dative singular finished with the letter "i", if it is not similar to the genitive singular, makes the genitive singular with the letter "s" added, as "patri patris", "duci ducis", "caedi caedis".

4 "Cum igitur" inquiunt "in casu dandi "huic senatui" dicamus, genetivus ex eo singularis "senatuis" est, non "senatus"."

4 "Since therefore," they say, "in the case of giving we say "huic senatui", the genitive singular from that is "senatuis", not "senatus"."

5 Set non omnes concedunt in casu dativo "senatui" magis dicendum quam "senatu".

5 But not all concede that, in the dative case, "senatui" is to be said rather than "senatu".

6 Sicuti Lucilius in eodem casu "victu" et "anu" dicit, non "victui" nec "anui", in hisce versibus:
quod sumptum atque epulas victu praeponis honesto
et alio in loco:
"anu noceo" inquit.

6 Just as Lucilius in the same case says "victu" and "anu," not "victui" nor "anui," in these verses:
that you set expense and banquets before honest sustenance
and in another place:
"I do harm to the old woman," he says.

7 Vergilius quoque in casu dandi "aspectu" dicit, non "aspectui": teque aspectu ne subtrahe nostro et in georgicis: quod nec concubitu indulgent.

7 Vergil too, in the case of giving (the dative), says "aspectu," not "aspectui": "and do not withdraw yourself from our aspect (sight)"; and in the Georgics: "because they do not indulge in intercourse."

8 C. etiam Caesar, gravis auctor linguae Latinae, in Anticatone: "unius" inquit "arrogantiae, superbiae dominatuque." Item in Dolabellam actionis I. lib. I.: "Isti, quorum in aedibus fanisque posita et honori erant et ornatu."

8 C. also Caesar, a weighty authority of the Latin language, in the Anti-Cato: "of one person’s arrogance, pride, and domination." Likewise in Against Dolabella, of action 1, book 1: "Those men, in whose houses and fanes the things set up were both for honor and for ornament."

9 In libris quoque analogicis omnia istiusmodi sine "i" littera dicenda censet.

9 Also in the analogical books he judges that all things of this sort are to be said without the letter "i".

XVII De natura quarundam particularum, quae praepositae verbis intendi atque produci barbare et inscite videntur, exemplis rationibusque plusculis disceptatum.

17 On the nature of certain particles, which, when prefixed to words, seem to be intensified and prolonged in a barbarous and unskilled manner, the matter having been debated with several examples and arguments.

1 Lucilii ex XI. versus sunt:
Scipiadae magno improbus obiciebat Asellus
lustrum illo censore malum infelixque fuisse.
"Obiciebat" "o" littera producta multos legere audio, idque eo facere dicunt, ut ratio numeri salva sit.

1 From Lucilius, there are lines from Book 11:
The wicked Asellus was objecting to the great Scipiad
that the lustrum, under that censor, had been bad and ill-fated.
I hear many read "obiciebat" with the letter "o" lengthened, and they say they do this so that the rationale of the meter may be preserved.

2 Idem infra:
conicere in versus dictum praeconis volebam Grani.
In hac quoque primi verbi praepositione "o" ob eandem causam producunt.

2 The same lower down:
I wanted to cast into verses the saying of Granius’s crier.
In this too, in the preposition of the first word, they lengthen the "o" for the same cause.

3 Item XV:
subicit huic humilem et suffercitus posteriorem,
"subicit" "u" littera longa legunt, quia primam syllabam brevem esse in versu heroico non convenit.

3 Likewise 15:
he subjoins to this a low one and, stuffed, the latter,
they read the letter "u" long in "subicit," because it does not suit for the first syllable to be short in a heroic verse.

4 Item apud Plautum in Epidico "con" syllabam productam pronuntiant:
age nunciam orna te, Epidice, et palliolum in collum conice.

4 Likewise with Plautus in Epidicus they pronounce the syllable "con" lengthened:
come now, dress yourself, Epidicus, and toss the little pallium onto your neck.

5 Apud Vergilium quoque "subicit" verbum produci a plerisque audio:
etiam Parnasia laurus
parva sub ingenti matris se subicit umbra.

5 Among Vergil too I hear that the verb "subicit" is lengthened by many:
even the Parnassian laurel
small places itself beneath the huge shadow of its mother.

6 Sed neque "ob" neque "sub" praepositio producendi habet naturam, neque item "con", nisi cum eae litterae secuntur, quae in verbis "constituit" et "confecit" secundum eam primae sunt, vel cum eliditur ex ea "n" littera, sicut Sallustius: "faenoribus" inquit "copertus."

6 But neither the preposition "ob" nor "sub" has the nature of being lengthened, nor likewise "con," unless those letters follow which in the words "constituit" and "confecit" are first after it, or when from it the letter "n" is elided, as Sallust says: "faenoribus," he says, "copertus."

7 In his autem, quae supra posui, et metrum esse integrum potest et praepositiones istae possunt non barbare protendi; secunda enim littera in his verbis per duo "i", non per unum scribenda est.

7 In these, however, which I set above, both the meter can be entire and those prepositions can be prolonged not barbarously; for the second letter in these words must be written with two "i", not with one.

8 Nam verbum ipsum, cui supradictae particulae praepositae sunt, non est "icio", sed "iacio", et praeteritum non "icit" facit, sed "iecit". Id ubi compositum est, "a" littera in "i" mutatur, sicuti fit in verbis "insilio" et "incipio", atque ita vim consonantis capit, et idcirco ea syllaba productius latiusque paulo pronuntiata priorem syllabam brevem esse non patitur, sed reddit eam positu longam, proptereaque et numerus in versu et ratio in pronuntiatu manet.

8 For the verb itself, to which the aforesaid particles are prefixed, is not "icio" but "iacio", and its preterite does not make "icit" but "iecit". This, when it is compounded, the letter "a" is changed into "i", just as happens in the verbs "insilio" and "incipio", and so it takes on the force of a consonant; and therefore that syllable, when pronounced a little more lengthened and broader, does not allow the prior syllable to be short, but renders it long by position, and on that account both the meter in the verse and the rule in pronunciation remains.

9 Haec, quae diximus, eo etiam conducunt, ut, quod apud Vergilium in sexto positum invenimus:
eripe me his, invicte, malis aut tu mihi terram inice,
sic esse "iniice", ut supra dixi, et scribendum et legendum sciamus, nisi quis tam indocilis est, ut in hoc quoque verbo "in" praepositionem metri gratia protendat.

9 These things which we have said also conduce to this, that, as regards what we find set down in Virgil in Book 6:
snatch me from these evils, unconquered one, or you yourself cast earth upon me,
we may know that thus it is “iniice,” as I said above, both to be written and to be read, unless someone is so unteachable as to lengthen in this word too the preposition “in” for the sake of meter.

10 Quaerimus igitur, in "obicibus" "o" littera qua ratione intendatur, cum id vocabulum factum sit a verbo "obiicio" et nequaquam simile sit, quod a verbo "moveo" "motus" "o" littera longa dicitur.

10 We therefore inquire by what rationale the letter "o" is made long in "obicibus," since that vocable has been formed from the verb "obiicio" and is by no means similar to the case where, from the verb "moveo," "motus" is said with the letter "o" long.

11 Equidem memini Sulpicium Apollinarem, virum praestanti litterarum scientia, "obices" et "obicibus" "o" littera correpta dicere, in Vergilio quoque sic eum legere:
qua vi maria alta tumescant
obicibus ruptis;

11 Indeed I remember Sulpicius Apollinaris, a man outstanding in the science of letters, to say "obices" and "obicibus" with the letter "o" shortened, and to read thus also in Vergil:
by what force the deep seas may swell
with the barriers broken;

12 sed ita, ut diximus, "i" litteram, quae in hoc vocabulo quoque gemina esse debet, paulo uberius largiusque pronuntiabat.

12 but thus, as we have said, he pronounced the letter "i", which in this word too ought to be geminate, a little more richly and more liberally.

13 Congruens igitur est, ut "subices" etiam, quod proinde ut "obices" compositum est, "u" littera brevi dici oporteat.

13 Therefore it is congruent that "subices" also, which, just as "obices", is composed, ought to be pronounced with the letter "u" short.

14 Ennius in tragoedia, quae Achilles inscribitur, "subices" pro aere alto ponit, qui caelo subiectus est, in his versibus:
per ego deum sublimas subices
humidas, unde oritur imber sonitu saevo et spiritu;
plerosque omnes tamen legere audias "u" littera producta.

14 Ennius in the tragedy, which is entitled Achilles, puts "subices" for the high air, which is subject beneath the sky, in these verses:
by the gods, the lofty moist subices
whence rain arises with savage sound and breath;
yet you may hear almost everyone read it with the letter "u" lengthened.

15 Id ipsum autem verbum M. Cato sub alia praepositione dicit in oratione, quam de consulatu suo habuit: "ita nos" inquit "fert ventus ad primorem Pyrenaeum, quo proicit in altum." Et Pacuvius item in Chryse:
Idae promunturium, cuius lingua in altum proicit.

15 But that same word M. Cato uses under another preposition in the oration which he delivered about his consulship: “thus,” he says, “the wind bears us to the foremost Pyrenaeum, where it projects into the deep.” And Pacuvius likewise in Chryse:
the promontory of Ida, whose tongue projects into the deep.

XVIII. De P. Africano superiore sumpta quaedam ex annalibus memoratu dignissima.

18. On P. Africanus the Elder, certain things taken from the annals most worthy of remembrance.

1 Scipio Africanus antiquior quanta virtutum gloria praestiterit et quam fuerit altus animi atque magnificus et qua sui conscientia subnixus, plurimis rebus, quae dixit quaeque fecit, declaratum est.

1 How greatly Scipio Africanus the Elder excelled in the glory of virtues, how high-souled and magnificent he was, and upon what consciousness of himself he rested, has been made manifest by very many things which he said and which he did.

2 Ex quibus sunt haec duo exempla eius fiduciae atque exsuperantiae ingentis:

2 Among which are these two examples of his confidence and immense preeminence:

3 Cum M. Naevius tribunus plebis accusaret eum ad populum diceretque accepisse a rege Antiocho pecuniam, ut condicionibus gratiosis et mollibus pax cum eo populi Romani nomine fieret et quaedam item alia crimini daret indigna tali viro, tum Scipio pauca praefatus, quae dignitas vitae suae atque gloria postulabat: "memoria," inquit "Quirites, repeto diem esse hodiernum, quo Hannibalem Poenum imperio vestro inimicissimum magno proelio vici in terra Africa pacemque et victoriam vobis peperi inspectabilem. Non igitur simus adversum deos ingrati et, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem hunc, eamus hinc protinus Iovi optimo maximo gratulatum."

3 When M. Naevius, tribune of the plebs, was accusing him before the people and was saying that he had received money from King Antiochus, so that on gracious and soft conditions peace with him might be made in the name of the Roman people, and likewise was imputing certain other things as a charge unworthy of such a man, then Scipio, after a brief preface such as the dignity of his life and his glory demanded: “I recall to memory, Quirites, that today is the day on which I conquered Hannibal the Punic, most hostile to your imperium, in a great battle in the land of Africa, and procured for you a peace and a victory conspicuous to behold. Therefore let us not be ungrateful toward the gods, and, I propose, let us leave this rascal and go from here straightway to Jupiter Optimus Maximus to offer thanks.”

4 Id cum dixisset, avertit et ire in Capitolium coepit.

4 When he had said that, he turned away and began to go into the Capitol.

5 Tum contio universa, quae ad sententiam de Scipione ferendam convenerat, relicto tribuno Scipionem in Capitolium comitata atque inde ad aedes eius cum laetitia et gratulatione sollemni prosecuta est.

5 Then the entire assembly, which had come together to render a judgment about Scipio, leaving the tribune behind, accompanied Scipio to the Capitol, and from there to his house with joy and solemn gratulation escorted him.

6 Fertur etiam oratio, quae videtur habita eo die a Scipione, et qui dicunt eam non veram, non eunt infitias, quin haec quidem verba fuerint, quae dixi, Scipionis.

6 An oration is also reported, which seems to have been delivered that day by Scipio; and those who say it is not authentic do not go into denial that at least these words, which I have stated, were Scipio’s.

7 Item aliud est factum eius praeclarum. Petilii quidam tribuni plebis a M., ut aiunt, Catone, inimico Scipionis, comparati in eum atque inmissi desiderabant in senatu instantissime, ut pecuniae Antiochinae praedaeque in eo bello captae rationem redderet;

7 Likewise another of his deeds is praeclarus. Certain Petilii, tribunes of the plebs, arranged against him and let loose by M., as they say, Cato, an enemy of Scipio, were demanding in the senate most insistently, that he render an account of the Antiochene monies and of the booty captured in that war;

8 fuerat enim L. Scipioni Asiatico, fratri suo, imperatori in ea provincia legatus.

8 for he had been legate to L. Scipio Asiaticus, his brother, the commander in that province.

9 Ibi Scipio exsurgit et prolato e sinu togae libro rationes in eo scriptas esse dixit omnis pecuniae omnisque praedae;

9 There Scipio rises, and with a book brought forth from the fold of his toga, said that in it were written the accounts of all the money and all the booty;

10 illatum, ut palam recitaretur et ad aerarium deferretur.

10 brought in, to be read publicly and to be delivered to the treasury.

11 "Sed enim id iam non faciam" inquit "nec me ipse afficiam contumelia eumque librum statim coram discidit suis manibus et concerpsit aegre passus,

11 "But indeed I will not do that now," he says, "nor will I myself be visited with contumely"; and he immediately, in their presence, tore that book apart with his own hands and shredded it, scarcely enduring it,

12 quod, cui salus imperii ac reipublicae accepta ferri deberet, rationem pecuniae praedaticiae posceretur.

12 because he, to whom the safety of the empire and of the Republic ought to be credited, was being required to render an account of plunder-money.

XIX Quid M. Varro in logistorico scripserit de moderando victu puerorum inpubium.

19 What M. Varro wrote in the Logistoricus about moderating the diet of prepubescent boys.

1 Pueros inpubes conpertum est, si plurimo cibo nimioque somno uterentur, hebetiores fieri ad veterni usque aut eluci tarditatem, corporaque eorum inprocera fieri minusque adolescere.

1 It has been ascertained that prepubescent boys, if they made use of very plentiful food and excessive sleep, become duller, even to lethargy or to a slowness in waking, and their bodies become not tall and grow up less.

2 Idem plerique alii medicorum philosophorumque et M. Varro in logistorico scripsit, qui inscriptus est Catus aut de liberis educandis.

2 The same thing many others among the physicians and philosophers have written, and M. Varro in a logistoricus, which is entitled Catus, or On the Educating of Children.

XX Notati a censoribus, qui audientibus iis dixerant ioca quaedam intempestiviter; ac de eius quoque nota deliberatum, qui steterat forte apud eos oscitabundus.

20 Men were noted by the censors who had said certain jokes inopportunely in their hearing; and it was even deliberated about a censure for the one who had chanced to stand before them yawning.

1 Inter censorum severitates tria haec exempla in litteris sunt castigatissimae disciplinae.

1 Among the censors’ severities, these three examples are in the literature as of the most castigating discipline.

2 Vnum est huiuscemodi: Censor agebat de uxoribus sollemne iusiurandum;

2 One is of this kind: the Censor was conducting a solemn oath concerning wives;

3 verba erant ita concepta: "Vt tu ex animi tui sententia uxorem habes?" Qui iurabat, cavillator quidam et canicula et nimis ridicularius fuit.

3 the words were thus conceived: "That you have a wife to your mind's satisfaction?" The one who was swearing was a certain caviller, a little cur, and excessively jokey.

4 Is locum esse sibi ioci dicundi ratus, cum ita, uti mos erat, censor dixisset "ut tu ex animi tui sententia uxorem habes?",

4 He, thinking there was for himself an opportunity for uttering a joke, when the censor had thus said, as was the custom, "that you have a wife in accordance with your mind’s sentiment?",

5 "habeo equidem" inquit "uxorem, sed non hercle ex animi mei sententia."

5 "I do indeed have," he said, "a wife, but, by Hercules, not according to my mind’s sentiment."

6 Tum censor eum, quod intempestive lascivisset, in aerarios rettulit causamque hanc ioci scurrilis apud se dicti subscripsit.

6 Then the censor, because he had jested untimely, entered him among the aerarii and subscribed this cause: a scurrile joke spoken in his presence.

7 Altera severitas eiusdem sectae disciplinaeque est.

7 Another severity is of the same sect and discipline.

8 Deliberatum est de nota eius, qui ad censores ab amico advocatus est et in iure stans clare nimis et sonore oscitavit atque inibi ut plecteretur fuit, tamquam illud indicium esset vagi animi et alucinantis et fluxae atque apertae securitatis.

8 It was deliberated about the censure of the man who, having been called before the censors by a friend as an advocate, while standing in court yawned overly loudly and sonorously, and thereupon there was that he should be punished, as though that were an indication of a wandering and hallucinating mind and of a lax and overt carelessness.

9 Sed cum ille deiurasset invitissimum sese ac repugnantem oscitatione victum tenerique eo vitio, quod "oscedo" appellatur, tum notae iam destinatae exemptus est.

9 But when he had sworn on oath that, most unwilling and resisting, he had been overcome by oscitation and was held by that defect which is called "oscedo," then he was exempted from the mark of censure already destined.

10 Publius Scipio Africanus, Pauli filius, utramque historiam posuit in oratione, quam dixit in censura, cum ad maiorum mores populum hortaretur.

10 Publius Scipio Africanus, son of Paulus, set forth both histories in the oration which he delivered in his censorship, when he was exhorting the people to the mores of the ancestors.

11 Item aliud refert Sabinus Masurius in septimo memoriali severe factum: "Censores" inquit "Publius Scipio Nasica et Marcus Popilius cum equitum censum agerent, equum nimis strigosum et male habitum, sed equitem eius uberrimum et habitissimum viderunt et "cur" inquiunt "ita est, ut tu sis quam equus curatior?" "Quoniam" inquit "ego me curo, equum Statius nihili servos." Visum est parum esse reverens responsum, relatusque in aerarios, ut mos est."

11 Likewise Sabinus Masurius reports another thing in the seventh Memorial, an act done with severity: "The Censors," he says, "Publius Scipio Nasica and Marcus Popilius, when they were conducting the census of the equites, saw a horse too lean and ill-kept, but its horseman very plump and very well-kept, and 'why,' they say, 'is it thus, that you are more carefully tended than the horse?'" "'Because,' he says, 'I take care of myself; Statius, a slave worth nothing, takes care of the horse.'" The response seemed insufficiently reverent, and he was enrolled among the aerarii, as is the custom."

12 "Statius" autem servile nomen fuit. Plerique apud veteres servi eo nomine fuerunt.

12 "Statius," however, was a servile name. Many slaves among the ancients were called by that name.

13 Caecilius quoque ille comoediarum poeta inclutus servus fuit et propterea nomen habuit "Statius". Sed postea versum est quasi in cognomentum, appellatusque est "Caecilius Statius".

13 That Caecilius too, the renowned poet of comedies, was a slave, and on that account he had the name "Statius". But afterwards it was turned, as it were, into a cognomen, and he was called "Caecilius Statius".