Otto of Freising: GESTA FRIDERICI IMPERATORIS

Viris prudentissimis, pace et militia exercitatis, [domino] Ulrico et [domino] Heinrico, sacri palatii uni cancellario, alteri notario, Rahewinus sanctae Frisingensis aecclesiae professione canonicus, ordine diaconus, licet indignus, simul cum intellectu spiritu pietatis habundare. Interrogans generationem pristinam et diligenter investigans patrum memoriam multis experimentis invenio humanarum rerum nichil firmum, nichil perpetuum, sed dies hominis velocius transire, quam a texente tela succiditur, et vitam eius velocius umbra aut vento declinare. Quod cum multis et magnis clarum sit experimentis, etiam presentis operis pagina suum nobis exinde prebet documentum, quae ab auctore suo felicis memoriae venusti sermonis inchoata principio, ipso proh dolor!

To the most prudent men, trained in peace and in soldiery, [lord] Ulrich and [lord] Henry, of the sacred palace the one chancellor, the other notary, Rahewin, by profession a canon of the holy Freising church, by order a deacon, though unworthy, wishes you to abound together with understanding in a spirit of piety. Inquiring of the former generation and diligently investigating the memory of the fathers I find by many experiences that in human affairs there is nothing firm, nothing perpetual, but that a man’s day passes more swiftly than the web is cut by the weaver, and his life declines more swiftly than shadow or wind. And whereas this is clear by many and great experiences, even the page of the present work offers us its own proof thereof, which, begun by its author—a man of happy memory and of charming speech—at the outset, he himself—ah, alas!

infausta morte prevento, nostrae parvitati, velut abortiva et quasi de domini sui funere rapta, eius iussu pariterque serenissimi et divi imperatoris Friderici nutu fovenda et promovenda committitur. Parendum ergo tam magnis preceptoribus deliberavi, malens potius de rudis informitate sermonis subire iudicium, quam de perfida desidia seu deside perfidia notari, si tam clari ac magni viri mihique karissimi domini tam preclarae materiae coeptum opus et memoriale pariter cum illo in interitum atque oblivionem passus fuissem venire. Et vestrae quidem prudentiae potissimum labor iste debebatur, aput quos exacta fides hystoriae reperitur; sed preiudicantibus vobis in hac parte diversarum occupationum curis, non tam vacat ad scribendum distractos animos applicare, quam scriptis aliorum accusationem vel debitam laudationem accommodare.

overtaken by an ill-omened death, it is committed to our smallness—like an abortive thing and as if snatched from its master’s funeral—to be fostered and promoted at his command and equally at the nod of the most serene and divine Emperor Frederick. I have therefore resolved that such great preceptors must be obeyed, preferring rather to undergo judgment for the rough unformedness of my discourse than to be marked for perfidious sloth or slothful perfidy, if I had allowed the begun work and memorial of so bright and great a man, and my dearest lord, of so preclarious a subject, to come, together with him, into destruction and oblivion. And indeed this labor was owed most of all to your prudence, among whom the exact fidelity of history is found; but you, being in this matter precluded by the cares of diverse occupations, are not so free to apply minds, distracted, to writing, as to accommodate to the writings of others either accusation or the due laudation.

Quidam enim, ut ait Iosephus, non quod rebus interfuerint, sed incertos et incongruos narrantium sermones auribus colligentes oratorum more perscribere solent; qui vero praesto fuerunt, aut vincentis principis obsequio aut odio eorum qui victi sunt contra fidem rerum falsa confirmant. A quorum parte utrimque me beatum estimo, qui in his quae audivi non passim quorumlibet relatorum rumusculis sum me perpessus abrumpi nec in his quae per me cognovi gratia principis seu favore meae gentis falsum quippiam addidi. Si quis autem superioris operis facundiam habita collatione cum arido nostri ingenii eloquio contulerit, veniam placatus tribuat.

For certain men, as Josephus says, not because they were involved in the events, but collecting with their ears the uncertain and incongruous speeches of narrators, are wont to write them out in the manner of orators; whereas those who were actually present, either by the obsequy to the conquering prince or by hatred of those who were vanquished, affirm false things against the faith of the facts. From the party of both of whom I count myself happy to be free: for in the matters I have heard, I did not allow myself to be swept away here and there by the little rumors of any relators whatsoever, nor in the things which I have learned by my own means did I add anything false for the favor of the prince or the favor of my own gens. But if anyone, having made a comparison, should set the eloquence of the former work alongside the arid eloquence of our wit, let him, appeased, grant pardon.

Fateor equidem, quod tenuis mihi spiritus est ad excitandam vel minutam tybiam, nedum ad implendam superioris auctoris [et] venerabilis presulis tam magnificam et copiosam scribendi et dicendi tubam. Sed ubi eloquentiae et stili me superat pondus, sensus et integra veritas rerum gestarum Deo propitiante exequabit. Vos itaque ambos in hoc opere preceptores, testes et iudices eligo, rogans, ut exactum a me laborem sine contumelia suscipiatis, et qui rebus ipsis tamquam familiares et conscii secretorum interfuistis, si quid corrigendum est, ad regulam veritatis emendare, si quid parum aut superflue dictum est, vel radere vel superaddere, quantum satis est, non pigritemini.

I confess indeed that my breath is too slight to rouse even a minute pipe, much less to fill the so magnificent and copious trumpet of writing and speaking of the superior author [and] the venerable prelate. But where the weight of eloquence and of style surpasses me, sense and the integral truth of the things done, God being propitious, will carry it through. You two, therefore, in this work I choose as preceptors, witnesses, and judges, begging that you receive without contumely the work finished by me, and that you who in the very affairs, as familiars and privy to the secrets, were present, if anything is to be corrected, amend it to the rule of truth; if anything has been said too little or superfluously, either shave it or superadd, as much as is sufficient—do not be slow.

Ego etenim revera, nisi vestra fretus ope ac studio, sub hoc fasce succumberem, frustra per me conatus tanti imperatoris gesta adtingere, cuius si quis magnitudinem animi et imperii cum annis conferat, aetatem ultra putet. Ita enim late et magnifice per orbem terrarum arma circumtulit, tantum operum pace belloque gessit, ut qui res eius legerit, non unius, sed multorum facta regum seu imperatorum arbitretur.

I for my part, in truth, unless relying on your aid and zeal, would succumb under this burden, having in vain by myself attempted to touch upon the deeds of so great an emperor; of whom, if anyone should compare the greatness of his spirit and of his imperium with his years, he would think his age surpassed. For so widely and magnificently did he carry his arms around the orb of the lands, so many works did he accomplish in peace and in war, that whoever should read his affairs would judge them to be not the deeds of one, but of many kings or emperors.

Explicit prologus

The prologue ends

Incipiunt capitula in librum tercium

Here begin the chapters in the third book

I.	De procinctu contra Polanos et de situ terrae et more illius gentis.
II.	Quae causa fuerit illius expeditionis.
III.	Quomodo imperator Poluniam intraverit et quid ibi fecerit.

1.   On the battle-array against the Poles and on the situation of the land and the custom of that nation.
2.   What the cause of that expedition was.
3.   How the emperor entered Poland and what he did there.

IV. Quomodo dux eorum ad deditionem venerit. V. De conditionibus pacis et reditu imperatoris. VI. De indignatione principis adversus Grecorum legatos.

4. How their duke came to surrender. 5. On the conditions of peace and the return of the emperor. 6. On the indignation of the prince against the legates of the Greeks.

VII. De legatis regis Angliae eiusque muneribus. Exemplar litterarum eiusdem. VIII. De nunciis diversarum nationum.

7. On the envoys of the king of England and his gifts. A copy of his letters. 8. On the messengers of diverse nations.

De curia aput Bisuncium celebrata et nunciis Adriani papae. IX. Exemplar litterarum eiusdem. X. Quod imperator talem legationem graviter tulerit.

On the court held at Besançon and the messengers of Pope Adrian. 9. A copy of his letters. 10. That the emperor bore such a legation grievously.

XI. Litterae per ambitum imperii super hoc directae. XII. De aliis in Burgundia bene gestis. XIII. Quod Polani fidem et sacramenta mentiti sunt, et de nunciis regis Ungariae, et de fratre eius.

11. Letters sent throughout the compass of the empire concerning this. 12. On other matters in Burgundy well accomplished. 13. That the Poles have betrayed their faith and oaths, and concerning the envoys of the king of Hungary, and concerning his brother.

XIV. Quomodo aput Ratisponam Bolizlaus rex ex duce creatur. XV. Quod Fridericus partes circa Rhenum adiit, et qualiter religiosorum consiliis ad expeditionem contra Mediolanenses se preparavit. XVI. Recapitulatio de legatis Romani pontificis et exemplar litterarum Adriani papae.

14. How at Ratisbon Boleslaus is made king from a duke. 15. That Frederick visited the parts around the Rhine, and how by the counsels of religious men he prepared himself for an expedition against the Milanese. 16. A recapitulation concerning the legates of the Roman pontiff and an exemplar of the letters of Pope Adrian.

XVII. Quid episcopi Alemanniae rescripserint. XVIII. Quod procinctum movens aput Augustam nuncios Romani pontificis audivit. XIX. De legatis principis, quos misit in Italiam.

17. What the bishops of Germany wrote back. 18. That, moving the battle-line, at Augsburg he heard the nuncios of the Roman pontiff. 19. On the legates of the prince, whom he sent into Italy.

XX. Quomodo ab Italis recepti et quid patraverint. XXI. Qualiter se erga nuncios Romani pontificis habuerint, et quid eisdem Romanis in via acciderit. XXII. Quae verba apportaverint.

20. How they were received by the Italians and what they accomplished. 21. In what manner they conducted themselves toward the nuncios of the Roman pontiff, and what befell those same Romans on the way. 22. What words they brought.

XXIII. Excusatoriae litterae Adriani papae. XXIV. Quod imperator tunc Romanis reconciliatus est. XXV. De nunciis regis Datiae.

23. The excusatory letters of Pope Adrian. 24. That the emperor was then reconciled to the Romans. 25. On the envoys of the king of Dacia.

XXVI. Quot et quibus viis exercitus montana transivit. XXVII. Quomodo Brissienses primo impetu attriti sint. XXVIII. Quomodo pacem in exercitu princeps iurari fecerit, et de legibus pacis.

26. How many and by which ways the army crossed the mountains. 27. How the Brissians were crushed at the first onset. 28. How the prince caused peace to be sworn in the army, and on the laws of peace.

XXIX. Adhortatio principis post adunatum exercitum. XXX. De nunciis Mediolanensium et immutatione atque commotione, quae in civitate [fit]. XXXI. Quomodo Fridericus ad obsidionem Mediolani properans Adduam transivit. XXXII. Quomodo castrum Trecium ab imperatore expugnatum sit.

29. Exhortation of the prince after the army had been assembled. 30. On the messengers of the Milanese and the change and commotion which takes place in the city. 31. How Frederick, hastening to the siege of Milan, crossed the Adda. 32. How the castle Trecium was stormed by the emperor.

XXXIII. De morte comitis Ekkeberti et aliorum. XXXIV. Quod imperator ob hoc iratus et quomodo placatus [sit]. XXXV. Quo ordine et quot legionibus contra civitatem properat. XXXVI. De adventu principis Mediolanum.

33. On the death of Count Ekkebert and others. 34. That the emperor, on account of this, was angered, and how he was placated. 35. In what order and with how many legions he hastens against the city. 36. On the advent of the prince to Milan.

XXXVII. De situ civitatis et moribus civium. XXXVIII. De excursu Mediolanensium, et quomodo et a quibus excepti seu repulsi [sint]. XXXIX. De assultu nostrorum in portam. XL. Item de eruptione Mediolanensium contra ducem Austriae et clade eorum.

37. On the situation of the city and the customs of the citizens. 38. On the excursion of the Milanese, and how and by whom they were received or repulsed [were]. 39. On the assault of our men against the gate. 40. Likewise on the eruption of the Milanese against the Duke of Austria and their defeat.

XLI. De temeritate cuiusdam Mediolanensis et probitate comitis Alberti. XLII. Quomodo imperator civitatem giraverit. XLIII. De turre quae vocabatur arcus Romanus.

41. On the temerity of a certain Milanese and the probity of Count Albert. 42. How the emperor encircled the city. 43. On the tower which was called the Roman Arch.

XLIV. De crudelitate Cremonensium et Papiensium contra Mediolanenses. XLV. Quod Mediolanenses variis modis attriti suadente Gwidone comite tractant de pace. XLVI. Oratio eiusdem exhortatoria.

44. On the cruelty of the Cremonese and the Pavians against the Milanese. 45. That the Milanese, worn down in various ways, with Count Guido urging, treat concerning peace. 46. An exhortatory oration of the same.

XLVII. Quomodo Mediolanenses in gratiam sint recepti, et de condicionibus pacis. XLVIII. Ubi Mediolanenses ad conspectum principis admissi sint et qualiter recepti [sint]. XLIX. De reconciliatione eorum quanta utrimque laeticia. L. Quod post actum triumphum plures ex principibus Fridericus redire permisit.

47. How the Milanese were received into favor, and about the conditions of peace. 48. Where the Milanese were admitted to the presence of the prince and how they [were] received. 49. About their reconciliation, how great the joy on both sides. 50. That after the triumph had been performed Frederick allowed many of the princes to return.

LI. Qua de causa Fridericus quosdam Veronensium hostes iudicaverit, et de dampno eis illato. LII. De Ferraria et eius obsidibus. LIII. De edificatione novae Laudae et curia aput Roncalias celebranda.

51. For what cause Frederick judged certain of the Veronese to be enemies, and on the damage brought upon them. 52. On Ferrara and its hostages. 53. On the edification of New Lodi and the curia to be celebrated at Roncaglia.

LIV. De Constantinopolitano imperatore, quomodo insidias suorum evaserit.

54. Concerning the emperor of Constantinople, how he escaped the plots of his own men.

Expliciunt capitula

Here end the chapters

Incipit liber tercius

Here begins the third book

Capitulum I.

Chapter 1.

Ordinato in Alemanniae partibus summa prudentia imperio, tota terra illa iam inusitatam et diu incognitam tranquillitatem agebat. Ea denique pax in Germania erat, ut mutati homines, terra alia, caelum ipsum mitius molliusque videretur. Imperator autem tanta quiete non ad ocium, non ad voluptatum illecebras abutebatur.

With the imperium arranged in the parts of Alemannia with highest prudence, that whole land now was enjoying an unwonted and long-unknown tranquility. Such, in fine, was the peace in Germany, that men seemed changed, the land another, the sky itself gentler and softer. The emperor, however, did not abuse so great quietude for leisure, nor for the allurements of pleasures.

Indignum siquidem ratus est, si exercitatum bellicis negotiis animum sine utilitatibus imperii per desidiam dissolvi pateretur.

Indeed, he judged it unworthy to allow a mind exercised in bellicose affairs to be dissolved through idleness, without utility to the empire.

Anno itaque ab incarnatione Domini MCLVII¡, mense Augusto contra Polanos procinctum movet. Est autem Polunia, quam modo Sclavi inhabitant, sicut placet his, qui situs terrarum descriptionibus notant, in finibus superioris Germaniae, habens ab occidente Odderam fluvium, ab oriente Vistulam, a septentrione Ruthenos et mare Sciticum, a meridie silvas Boemorum. Terra utique naturalibus firmamentis munitissima, natio tam propria feritate quam vicinarum contiguitate gentium pene barbara et ad pugnandum promptissima.

Therefore, in the year from the Lord’s Incarnation 1157, in the month of August, he moves the line of battle against the Poles. Now Poland, which the Slavs now inhabit, as it pleases those who mark the sites of lands in their descriptions, lies on the borders of Upper Germany, having on the west the river Oder, on the east the Vistula, on the north the Ruthenians and the Scythian Sea, on the south the forests of the Bohemians. A land, to be sure, most fortified by natural bulwarks; a nation almost barbarous both by its own proper ferocity and by the contiguity of neighboring peoples, and most prompt for fighting.

Aiunt enim eius maris, quod illius terrae litus alluit, tales esse provinciarum habitatores, qui famis tempore semet devorent, et cum perpetuis rigeant algoribus ideoque nullam possint agriculturam in quibusdam locis exercere, venationibus et mortibus dediti sunt. Omnes autem pyraticam exercent et insulas occeani, Hyberniam et Brittanniam, Datiam quoque inquietant, licet in alio littore reperiantur. Talium, ut assolet, nationum vicinia nonnichil atrocitatis tamquam de rubiginoso ferro cariem sibi Polani affricuere.

For they say that the inhabitants of the provinces of that sea which washes the shore of that land are such as to devour themselves in time of famine; and, since they are rigid with perpetual colds and therefore can exercise no agriculture in certain places, they are devoted to hunting and to slaughters. All, moreover, practice piracy and harry the islands of the Ocean—Ireland and Britain—and Denmark as well, although they are found on another shore. The proximity of nations of such a kind, as is wont, has rubbed upon the Poles not a little atrocity, as if a corrosion from rusty iron.

Unde nec principibus suis fidem nec natura propinquis debitam inveniuntur gratiam conservare.

Whence they are found to preserve neither faith to their own princes nor the grace owed by nature to their kinsmen.

Capitulum II.

Chapter 2.

At huius expeditionis haec ratio fuit. Bolizlaus, Gazimerus et tercius, qui Gerdrudem, neptem imperatoris, filiam Leopaldi marchionis Austriae, sortitus fuerat uxorem, totam terram funicolo hereditatis tenere debebant, maiori natu, quem ultimo posuimus loco, nomen et honorem ducis habente. Quo a fratribus per vim cum regalis sanguinis uxore proiecto et ad Conradum Romani imperii tunc principem per fugam profecto et clementer recepto, missa ad prenominatos tyrannos crebra legatione, ut in pristinum statum fratrem reciperent, rex spretus est, ducisque exilium usque ad obitum regis duravit.

But the plan of this expedition was this. Bolizlaus, Gazimerus, and a third, who had obtained as wife Gerdrude, the emperor’s granddaughter, daughter of Leopold, margrave of Austria, ought to hold the whole land by the line of inheritance, the elder by birth—whom we placed last—having the name and honor of duke. When he had been cast out by his brothers by force together with his wife of royal blood, and had set forth in flight to Conrad, then Prince of the Roman Empire, and was clemently received, with frequent legations sent to the afore-named tyrants that they should receive their brother back into his pristine status, the king was spurned, and the duke’s exile lasted until the death of the king.

Divo autem principe Friderico rerum summam gubernante, pari modo mandatum eius floccipendere sibi impune arbitrabantur. Cessit vero his secus ac rati sunt. Nam et altioris spiritus et acrioris ingenii principem multiplicatae iniuriae ulterius dissimulare facinus non sinebant.

But with the august Prince Frederick governing the sum of affairs, they supposed in like manner that they could make light of his mandate with impunity. It turned out for them otherwise than they had reckoned. For multiplied injuries did not allow a prince of higher spirit and keener genius to dissimulate the crime any further.

Accessit siquidem ad haec, quod vel debitum fidelitatis sacramentum offerre vel solitum singulis annis tributum quingentarum marcarum publico erario inferre iam desueverant talibusque inditiis aperte se ab imperio descivisse et non clanculam, sed evidentem se rebellionem moliri protestabantur.

Moreover, added to these things was that they had now ceased either to offer the owed sacrament of fealty or to pay into the public treasury the customary tribute of 500 marks each year; and by such indications they openly declared that they had defected from the empire, and that they were not secretly, but manifestly, contriving rebellion.

Capitulum III.

Chapter 3.

Imperator ergo cum magnis copiis Poluniam, quamvis arte et natura admodum munita sit, ut priores reges seu imperatores vix magna difficultate ad fluvium Odderam pervenissent, fretus ope divina, quae visibiliter exercitum precessit, clausuras illorum, quas in angustis locis precisa densitate silvarum fecerant et magna mole ingeniose obstruxerant, penetravit, et XI. Kal. Septembris prenominatum amnem, qui ex illa parte totam Poluniam quasi murus ambit et profunditate sui gurgitis omnes excludit aditus, preter opinionem incolarum cum omni exercitu transvadavit. Tantum enim omnes tenebat transeundi desiderium, ut alii natando, alii, quodlibet instrumentum fors obtulisset, eo pro navicula utendo transirent.

Therefore the emperor, with great forces, although Poland is by art and by nature very well fortified—so that former kings or emperors had scarcely, and with great difficulty, reached the river Oder—relying on divine help, which visibly preceded the army, penetrated their closures, which they had made in narrow places by a cut-back density of forests and had ingeniously blocked with a great mass; and on the 11th day before the Kalends of September he forded the aforesaid river, which on that side encircles all Poland like a wall and by the depth of its whirlpool excludes all approaches, contrary to the expectation of the inhabitants, with the whole army. For so great a desire of crossing held them all that some by swimming, others, whatever instrument chance had offered, using it as a little boat, made the passage.

Quo viso, Polani de tam inproviso malo perculsi et vehementer exterriti, cum iam nichil preter exicium sui et destructionem terrae superesse viderent, quamvis auxilio vicinarum gentium, Ruthenorum videlicet, Parthorum, Pruscorum et Pomeranorum, maximum collegissent exercitum, in sola fuga spem vitae constituunt; adeo desperatione correpti, ut proprium solum, propriam patriam suis manibus incendendo vastarent, insuper et arces ac munitiones destruerent. Inter quas munitissima castra, Glogowa videlicet et Bitum, quae prius ab hoste capta non fuerant, ne a nostris ibidem presidia ponerentur, cremaverunt. Imperator fugientes insecutus et territorium episcopii, quod vocatur Frodezlau, transcurrens in episcopatum Poznan pervenit, totamque terram etiam ipse igne et gladio depopulatus est, indignum estimans eis parcere, qui in se ipsos tam crudeles hostes inventi fuissent.

At this sight, the Polans, stricken by so unforeseen an evil and vehemently terrified, when they now saw that nothing remained except their own ruin and the destruction of the land, although they had assembled a very great army with the aid of neighboring peoples—namely the Ruthenians, Parthians, Prussians, and Pomeranians—placed their hope of life in flight alone; so seized with desperation that they laid waste their own soil, their own fatherland, by burning it with their own hands, and moreover destroyed citadels and fortifications. Among these they burned the most fortified strongholds, namely Glogowa and Bitum, which previously had not been taken by an enemy, lest our men place garrisons there. The emperor, having pursued the fugitives and, running through the territory of the bishopric which is called Frodezlau, arrived in the bishopric of Poznan, and he too laid waste the whole land with fire and sword, deeming it unworthy to spare those who had been found so cruel enemies to themselves.

Capitulum IIII.

Chapter 4.

Bolizlaus dux rebus suis ultimum fatum cernens imminere, cum totam terram populumque suum periclitari et prope esse ad interitum cerneret, barones et principes nostros tum per nuncios tum in propria persona conveniens, multis precibus, multis lacrimis, multis quoque promissionibus, ut sub iugum Romanae ditionis et in gratiam principis recipi mereretur, postulavit, salutare secutus consilium, ante intollerabilem calamitatem rebellionis mutare sententiam; debere autem dedignari dominos humiliores, non eum, cuius in potestate sit Romanum imperium. Imperator iam dudum edoctus hanc nobilitatem, Parcere prostratis et debellare superbos, prematuram, subitam et a Deo datam nolens cruentare victoriam, ducem ad deditionem recipiendum decrevit.

Bolizlaus the duke, seeing the ultimate fate impending for his affairs, when he perceived that all the land and his people were in peril and near to destruction, meeting our barons and princes now through nuncios, now in his own person, with many entreaties, many tears, and many promises as well, begged that he might deserve to be taken back under the yoke of Roman dominion and into the favor of the prince, having followed wholesome counsel, to change his mind before the intolerable calamity of rebellion; that humbler lords ought to be disdained, not him in whose power the Roman Empire lies. The emperor, long since instructed that this nobility, To spare the prostrate and to war down the proud, should be shown, not wishing to blood-stain a premature, sudden, and God-given victory, decreed that the duke be received to surrender.

Capitulum V.

Chapter 5.

Itaque in predicto territorio episcopatus Poznan, circa partes Crisgowe, prefatus dux pedibus imperatoris provolutus interventu principum hoc tenore in gratiam receptus est. Primo iuravit pro se et pro omnibus Polanis, quod frater suus exul ad ignominiam Romani imperii non fuerit expulsus. Deinde pollicitus est dare duo milia marcarum imperatori et principibus mille, imperatrici XX marcas auri, curiae CC marcas argenti ob eam negligentiam, quod ad curiam non venerat nec de terra debitam fecerat fidelitatem.

Accordingly, in the aforesaid territory of the bishopric of Poznań, around the parts of Crisgowe, the aforesaid duke, prostrate at the emperor’s feet, by the intervention of the princes was received into favor on this tenor. First he swore for himself and for all the Poles that his brother, an exile, had not been expelled to the ignominy of the Roman Empire. Then he promised to give two thousand marks to the emperor and one thousand to the princes, to the empress 20 marks of gold, to the curia 200 marks of silver, on account of that negligence, that he had not come to the court nor made the due fealty for the land.

Iuravit quoque Italicam expeditionem. Deinde iuravit, ut in proxima nativitate Domini ad curiam Magdeburg celebrandam venire deberet, iuxta iudicium et sententiam Polanorum et Boemorum super querimonia fratris sui expulsi plenarie responsurus. Sicque, iurata principi fidelitate, sicut mos est, et de supradictis omnibus fideliter adimplendis acceptis obsidibus, Gazimero videlicet, fratre ducis, et aliis nobilibus, gloriosam adeptus victoriam Deo duce feliciter augustus revertitur.

He also swore the Italian expedition. Then he swore that at the next Nativity of the Lord he ought to come to the court at Magdeburg to be celebrated, to respond fully, according to the judgment and sentence of the Poles and the Bohemians, concerning the complaint of his expelled brother. And thus, fealty to the prince having been sworn, as is the custom, and hostages having been received for the faithful fulfillment of all the aforesaid—namely Gazimero, the duke’s brother, and other nobles—having obtained a glorious victory, with God as leader, the Augustus happily returns.

Ipse tamen dux dolis plenus et acerbam dominationis cupidinem mente gerens iamiam suis promissionibus, ut postmodum patuit, moliebatur insidias. Nam nec ad curiam venit nec sufficientes pro se procuratores misit, Italicam quoque expeditionem violato sacramento mentitus est.

He himself, however, the duke, full of deceits and bearing in mind a bitter cupidity of domination, already by his own promises—as afterwards became patent—was machinating snares. For he neither came to the court nor sent sufficient procurators on his behalf, and he also, with his sacrament (oath) violated, lied about the Italian expedition.

Capitulum VI.

Chapter 6.

Non multo post aput Herbipolim civitatem [Alexii] Constantinopolitani imperatoris legati coram principe cum muneribus suam peragunt legationem. Quia tamen verba eorum in quibusdam fastum regalem et Grecum in subornato sermone videbantur sapere tumorem, imperator eos despexit, et nisi in melius commutata sententia commodius sibi prospexissent, si fieri poterat salvo nunciorum privilegio, dissimulationem agente principe, prope fuit, ut a quibusdam ignominiosum et erumpnosum accepissent responsum. Placatus tamen multis eorum precibus et lacrimis imperator veniam super his donavit, accepta sponsione, quod deinceps spernentes ampullosa, nonnisi eam quam deceret Romanum principem et orbis ac Urbis dominatorem, reverentiam suis salutationibus apportarent.

Not long after, at the city of Herbipolis, the legates of the Constantinopolitan emperor [Alexius], in the presence of the prince, with gifts, perform their legation. Yet because their words in certain points seemed to savor of royal and Greek fastus, and of swelling in a tricked‑out discourse, the emperor looked down on them; and unless, their mind having been changed for the better, they had provided for themselves more conveniently, if it could be done with the privilege of envoys safe, the prince dissembling, it was near that they would have received from certain persons an ignominious and eruptive answer. Appeased, however, by their many prayers and tears, the emperor granted pardon in these matters, having received a pledge that henceforth, spurning bombast, they would bring in their salutations nothing other than that reverence which it would befit the Roman prince and the lord of the world and of the City to receive.

Indulgentiam et gratiam consecuti Fridericum ducem Sueviae, filium Conradi regis, adhuc adolescentulum, in presentia sua gladio accingi et militem profiteri postulant et impetrant. Amita siquidem sua imperatrix Constantinopolitana et antea et nunc multis et magnificis eundem puerum visitaverat largitionum muneribus idque legatis in mandatis dedisse traditur, ne quando nisi completo hoc negotio in Greciam reverterentur, astipulante sibi cum magno favore proprio marito ob gratiam et antiquam amiciciam cum patre pueri rege Conrado habitam.

Having obtained indulgence and grace, they ask and obtain that Frederick, duke of Swabia, the son of King Conrad, still an adolescent, be girded with the sword in his presence and profess knighthood. For his aunt, the Empress of Constantinople, both before and now had visited that same boy with many and magnificent gifts of largess, and it is reported that she had given this charge to the legates in their mandates, that they should never return to Greece unless, this business having been completed, they did so; her own husband likewise giving his support to her with great favor, on account of the favor and ancient amity maintained with the boy’s father, King Conrad.

Capitulum VII.

Chapter 7.

Ibidem tunc affuere etiam Heinrici regis Angliae missi, varia et preciosa donaria multo lepore verborum adornata presentantes. Inter quae papilionem unum, quantitate maximum, qualitate bonissimum, perspeximus. Cuius si quantitatem requiris, nonnisi machinis et instrumentorum genere et amminiculo levari poterat; si qualitatem, nec materia nec opere ipsum putem aliquando ab aliquo huiuscemodi apparatu superatum iri.

There at that time there were also present envoys of Henry, king of England, presenting various and precious donatives adorned with much charm of words. Among which we closely inspected one pavilion, greatest in size, best in quality. If you inquire its size, it could be erected only by machines and with the aid of instruments and apparatus; as for its quality, I do not think that either in material or in workmanship it will ever be surpassed by any apparatus of this kind.

Litteras quoque mellito sermone plenas pariter direxerat; quarum hic tenor fuit:
Precordiali amico suo Friderico, Dei gratia Romanorum imperatori invictissimo, Heinricus rex Angliae, dux Normanniae et Aquitaniae et comes Andegavensis, salutem et verae [pacis et] dilectionis concordiam. Excellentiae vestrae quantas possumus referimus grates, dominantium optime, quod nos nunciis vestris visitare, salutare litteris, muneribus prevenire et, quod his carius amplectimur, pacis et amoris invicem dignatus estis federa inchoare. Exultavimus et quodammodo animum nobis crescere et in maius sensimus evehi, dum vestra promissio, in qua nobis spem dedistis in disponendis regni nostri negotiis, alacriores nos reddidit et promptiores.

He likewise had sent letters full of honeyed speech; of which the tenor was as follows:
To his heart-deep friend Frederick, by the grace of God the most invincible Emperor of the Romans, Henry, king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine and count of Anjou, greeting and the concord of true [peace and] love. To your Excellency we render as great thanks as we can, best of rulers, for that you deigned to visit us by your envoys, to salute us by letters, to anticipate us with gifts, and—what we embrace as dearer than these—you deigned mutually to begin the treaties of peace and love. We exulted and in a certain manner felt our spirit grow and be borne up into something greater, while your promise, in which you gave us hope in the arranging of the affairs of our kingdom, has made us more eager and readier.

Exultavimus, inquam, et tota mente magnificentiae vestrae assurreximus, id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes, quod, quidquid ad honorem vestrum spectare noverimus, pro posse nostro effectui mancipare parati sumus. Regnum nostrum et quidquid ubique nostrae subicitur dicioni vobis exponimus et vestrae committimus potestati, ut ad vestrum nutum omnia disponantur et in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperii. Sit igitur inter nos et populos nostros dilectionis et pacis unitas indivisa, commertia tuta, ita tamen, ut vobis, qui dignitate preminetis, imperandi cedat auctoritas, nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi.

We exulted, I say, and with our whole mind we rose up to your magnificence, answering to you in the sincere affection of the heart this: that whatever we know to pertain to your honor, we are prepared, to the extent of our power, to hand over to execution. Our kingdom, and whatever everywhere is subjected to our dominion, we lay open to you and commit to your power, so that at your nod all things may be arranged and in all things the will of your empire may be done. Let there be therefore between us and our peoples an undivided unity of love and peace, commerce safe, yet in such a way that to you, who are preeminent in dignity, there be yielded the authority of commanding, nor will there be lacking to us the will of obeying.

Et sicut vestrae serenitatis memoriam vestrorum excitat in nobis munerum largitio, sic vos nostri quoque reminisci preoptamus, mittentes quae pulchriora penes nos erant et vobis magis placitura. Attendite itaque dantis affectum, non data, et eo animo quo dantur excipite. De manu beati Iacobi, super qua nobis scripsistis, in ore magistri Heriberti et Wilhelmi clerici nostri verbum posuimus.

And just as the largesse of your gifts arouses in us the memory of your Serenity, so we also most-prefer that you remember us in turn, sending the fairer things which were in our possession and more likely to be pleasing to you. Attend, therefore, to the giver’s affection, not the things given, and receive them with the spirit with which they are given. Concerning the hand of blessed James, about which you wrote to us, we have put the word into the mouth of Master Heribert and of William, our cleric.

Teste Thoma cancellario aput Northamt.

Witnessed by Thomas the chancellor at Northamt.

Capitulum VIII.

Chapter 8.

Aderant preterea diversarum nationum, utpote de Datia, [de] Pannonia, Italia seu de Burgundia, diversae legationes, quarum portitores se mutuo videntes atque certatim munera et supplicationes afferentes singuli singulis stuporem pariter et admirationem addidere.

There were present, moreover, of diverse nations—namely from Dacia, [from] Pannonia, Italy, or from Burgundy—diverse legations, whose bearers, seeing one another and, in rivalry, bringing gifts and supplications, each to each alike added astonishment and admiration.

Mense Octobre mediante imperator apud Bisuncium curiam celebraturus in Burgundiam iter aggreditur. Est autem Bisuncium una metropoleos eius terciae partis, in quas imperator gloriosus Karolus Magnus suum inter tres filios suos, omnes regio nomine gaudentes, divisit imperium, sita super amnem Tuba. In qua civitate pene omnibus proceribus terrae illius adunatis, multis quoque exterarum gentium hominibus, utpote Romanis, Apulis, Tuscis, Venetis, Italis, Francis, Anglis et Hyspanis, per legatos suos imperatoris adventum prestolantibus, festivissimo apparatu et sollempni favore excipitur.

In mid-October the emperor set out on a journey into Burgundy, intending to hold court at Besançon. Now Besançon is one metropolis of that third part into which the glorious emperor Charles the Great divided his empire among his three sons, all enjoying the royal name, situated upon the river Tuba. In that city, with almost all the nobles of that land assembled, and many also of foreign nations—namely Romans, Apulians, Tuscans, Venetians, Italians, Franks, English, and Spaniards—awaiting through their legates the emperor’s arrival, he is received with the most festive apparatus and solemn favor.

Tota siquidem terra eundem fortissimum cognoscens et clementissimum, amore pariter et timore permixto, novis illum fascibus honorare, novis laudibus attollere satagebat. At priusquam ad eius provinciae negotia seu ordinationem stilus se porrigat, de legatis Romani pontificis Adriani, ad quid venerint et quomodo recesserint, quia et auctoritas eius partis maior et causa gravior, dicendum nobis erit. Prolixitatem huius narrationis non causabitur, qui materiae pondus ac temporis, quo haec tempestas protracta est et protrahitur, diuturnitatem diligenter consideraverit.

Indeed the whole land, recognizing the same man as most brave and most clement, with love and fear commingled, strove to honor him with new fasces and to exalt him with new praises. But before the pen extends itself to the business or the ordering of that province, it will be necessary for us to speak about the legates of the Roman pontiff Adrian—why they came and how they departed—since both the authority of that side is greater and the cause graver. He will not fault the prolixity of this narration who has carefully considered the weight of the matter and the long duration of the time during which this tempest has been prolonged and is prolonged.

Personae nunciorum erant Rolandus tituli Sancti Marci presbiter cardinalis et cancellarius sanctae Romanae aecclesiae et Bernhardus tituli Sancti Clementis presbiter cardinalis, ambo divitiis, maturitate et gravitate insignes et pene omnibus aliis in Romana aecclesia auctoritate maiores. Causa vero adventus eorum speciem sinceritatis videbatur habere; sed fermentum et occasionem malorum intus latuisse postmodum evidenter deprehensum est. Principe ergo die quodam a strepitu et populi tumultu declinante, in cuiusdam oratorii privatiore recessu predicti nuncii in conspectum eius deducti ab eoque, ut oportebat, sicut qui boni se nuncii baiolos assererent, benigne et honeste recepti sunt.

The persons of the envoys were Roland, presbyter cardinal of the Title of Saint Mark and Chancellor of the Holy Roman Church, and Bernard, presbyter cardinal of the Title of Saint Clement—both distinguished for wealth, maturity, and gravity, and in authority greater than almost all others in the Roman Church. The cause of their coming seemed to have a semblance of sincerity; but that leaven and an occasion of evils had lain hidden within was afterwards clearly discovered. The prince, therefore, one day withdrawing from the din and tumult of the people, in the more private recess of a certain oratory the aforesaid envoys were brought into his presence, and by him, as was fitting—since they asserted themselves to be bearers of a good message—they were kindly and honorably received.

Exordium autem sermonis illorum in fronte ipsa notabile comparuit, quod tale fuisse dicitur: ÔSalutat vos beatissimus pater noster papa Adrianus et universitas cardinalium sanctae Romanae aecclesiae, ille ut pater, illi ut fratres'. Paucisque interpositis, litteras quas ferebant protulere. Quas et aliarum quae in hac turbulentia hinc inde discurrebant rescripta litterarum idcirco huic operi interserere curavi, ut quivis lector, qui in partem declinare voluerit, non meis verbis vel assertionibus, sed ipsarum partium propriis scriptis tractus et vocatus, libere eligat, utri parti suum velit accommodare favorem. Tenor denique litterarum talis erat:

The exordium of their discourse appeared notable on the very face, which is said to have been as follows: Ô‘Our most blessed father Pope Adrian and the whole college of the cardinals of the holy Roman church greet you, he as father, they as brothers’. And after a few preliminaries interposed, they produced the letters which they were bearing. The rescripts of those, and of other letters which in this turbulence were running about hither and thither, I have therefore taken care to intersperse in this work, so that any reader who may wish to incline to a party, drawn and called not by my words or assertions but by the proper writings of the parties themselves, may freely choose to which party he may wish to accommodate his favor. The tenor, finally, of the letters was such:

Capitulum VIIII.

Chapter 9.

Adrianus episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio Friderico, illustri Romanorum imperatori, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Imperatoriae maiestati paucis retroactis diebus recolimus nos scripsisse, illud horrendum et execrabile facinus et piaculare flagitium tempore nostro commissum, in Teutonicis partibus, sicut credimus, aliquando intemptatum, excellentiae tuae ad memoriam revocantes, nec sine grandi ammiratione ferentes, quod absque digna severitate vindictae usque nunc transire passus sis tam perniciosi sceleris feritatem. Qualiter enim venerabilis frater noster E. Lundenensis archiepiscopus, dum a sede apostolica remearet, a quibusdam impiis et scelestis, quod sine grandi animi merore non dicimus, in partibus illis captus fuerit et adhuc in custodia teneatur, qualiter etiam in ipsa captione predicta viri impietatis, semen nequam, filii scelerati, in eum et in suos evaginatis gladiis violenter exarserint et eos, ablatis omnibus, quam turpiter atque inhoneste tractaverint, et tua serenissima celsitudo cognoscit, atque ad longinquas et remotissimas regiones fama tanti sceleris iam pervenit.

Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the beloved son Frederick, illustrious Emperor of the Romans, greeting and apostolic blessing. We recall that a few days ago we wrote to the imperial majesty, recalling to your Excellency’s memory that horrendous and execrable deed and piacular outrage committed in our time in the Teutonic parts—such as, as we believe, had ever before been unattempted—nor do we bear without great astonishment that you have allowed the ferocity of so pernicious a crime to pass until now without a worthy severity of vengeance. For how our venerable brother E., archbishop of Lund, while he was returning from the apostolic see, was seized in those parts by certain impious and wicked men—which we do not say without great sorrow of spirit—and is still held in custody; how also, in that very seizure aforesaid, the men of impiety, a worthless seed, sons of wickedness, with swords drawn, blazed forth violently against him and his own, and, after taking away everything, how shamefully and dishonorably they treated them—both your most serene highness knows, and the report of so great a crime has already reached far and most remote regions.

Ad cuius utique vehementissimi facinoris ultionem, sicut his cui bona placere, mala vero displicere credimus, constantius exurgere debuisti, et gladium, qui tibi ad vindictam malefactorum, laudem vero bonorum est ex divina provisione concessus, in cervicem desevire oportuit impiorum et gravissime conterere presumptores. Tu vero id ipsum ita dissimulasse diceris, seviciam neglexisse, quod eosdem non est quare peniteat commisisse reatum, quia [se] inpunitatem sacrilegii quod gesserunt iamiam sentiunt invenisse. Cuius quidem dissimulationis et negligentiae causam penitus ignoramus, quoniam nos in aliquo serenitatis tuae gloriam offendisse conscientiae scrupulus nostrum animum non accusat, sed personam tuam sicut karissimi et specialis filii nostri et principis christianissimi, quem in apostolicae confessionis petra non ambigimus per Dei gratiam solidatum, sincera semper dileximus karitate et debitae tractavimus benignitatis affectu.

For the vengeance of that most vehement crime, as we believe of those to whom good things are pleasing but evil things displeasing, you ought to have risen up more steadfastly, and the sword—which by divine provision has been granted to you for the vengeance of malefactors and indeed for the praise of the good—ought to have raged down upon the neck of the impious and to have crushed most grievously the presumptuous. But you are said to have dissimulated this very matter thus, to have neglected severity, so that those same men have no reason to repent of having committed the offense, because they now already perceive that they have found impunity for the sacrilege which they have perpetrated. The cause, indeed, of this dissimulation and negligence we utterly do not know, since no scruple of conscience accuses our mind that we have in any way offended the glory of your Serenity; but your person, as our dearest and special son and a most Christian prince, whom we do not doubt is made firm by the grace of God upon the rock of the apostolic confession, we have always loved with sincere charity and have treated with the affection of due benignity.

Debes enim, gloriosissime fili, ante oculos mentis reducere, quam gratanter et quam iocunde alio anno mater tua sacrosancta Romana aecclesia te susceperit, quanta cordis affectione tractaverit, quantam tibi dignitatis plenitudinem contulerit et honoris, et qualiter imperialis insigne coronae libentissime conferens benignissimo gremio suo tuae sublimitatis apicem studuerit confovere, nichil prorsus efficiens, quod regiae voluntati vel in minimo cognosceret obviare. Neque tamen penitet nos tuae desideria voluntatis in omnibus implevisse, sed, si maiora beneficia excellentia tua de manu nostra suscepisset, si fieri posset, considerantes, quanta aecclesiae Dei et nobis per te incrementa possint et commoda provenire, non inmerito gauderemus. Nunc autem, quia tam inmensum facinus, quod in contumeliam universalis 1157.

For you ought, most glorious son, to bring back before the eyes of your mind how gratefully and how joyfully, the other year, your mother the most holy Roman Church received you, with what affection of heart she treated you, what fullness of dignity and of honor she conferred upon you, and how, most willingly bestowing the imperial insignia of the crown, she strove to cherish the apex of your sublimity in her most kindly bosom, doing absolutely nothing which she recognized would, even in the least, run counter to the royal will. Nor yet does it repent us to have fulfilled the desires of your will in all things; but, if your Excellency had received greater benefits from our hand, if it could be done, considering how great increments to the Church of God and advantages could through you accrue also to us, we would not without merit rejoice. Now, however, because so immense a crime, which in contumely of the universal 1157.

ac dissimulare videris, suspicamur utique ac veremur, ne forte in hanc dissimulationem et negligentiam propter hoc tuus animus sit inductus, quod suggestione perversi hominis zizania seminantis adversus clementissimam matrem tuam sacrosanctam Romanam aecclesiam et nos ipsos indignationem, quod absit, aliquam conceperis vel rancorem. Ob hoc igitur et ob alia omnia negotia, quae cognoscimus imminere, duos de melioribus et carioribus quos circa nos habemus, dilectos scilicet filios nostros, Bernhardum Sancti Clementis presbiterum cardinalem et Rolandum [tituli] Sancti Marci presbiterum cardinalem et cancellarium nostrum, viros utique religione et prudentia et honestate conspicuos, serenitati tuae de latere nostro ad presens duximus destinandos, excellentiam tuam rogantes attentius, quatinus eos tam honorifice quam benigne recipias, honeste tractes et ea, quae ipsi super hoc et super aliis ad honorem Dei et sacrosanctae Romanae aecclesiae, ad decus etiam et exaltationem imperii pertinentia ex parte nostra imperatoriae proposuerint dignitati, sicut ab ore nostro procedant, absque ulla hesitatione suscipias et ipsorum verbis, tamquam si ea contingeret nos proferre, fidem non dubites adhibere.

and you seem to dissimulate, we indeed suspect and fear lest perhaps into this dissimulation and negligence your spirit has been induced for this reason: that, by the suggestion of a perverse man sowing tares against your most clement mother, the sacrosanct Roman Church, and against ourselves, you have conceived—God forbid—some indignation or rancor. For this, therefore, and for all the other affairs which we know are impending, we have judged it right at the present to dispatch from our side to your Serenity two of the best and dearest whom we have about us, namely our beloved sons, Bernard, presbyter cardinal of Saint Clement, and Roland, presbyter cardinal of [the title] of Saint Mark and our chancellor—men, to be sure, conspicuous for religion, prudence, and honesty—most earnestly entreating your Excellency that you receive them as honorably as kindly, treat them becomingly, and that the things which they, concerning this and concerning others pertaining to the honor of God and of the sacrosanct Roman Church, and also to the adornment and exaltation of the empire, shall propose on our part to your imperial dignity, you receive without any hesitation as though they proceeded from our mouth, and that you do not doubt to lend credence to their words, as if it should befall that we ourselves were uttering them.

Capitulum X.

Chapter 10.

Talibus litteris lectis et per Reinaldum cancellarium fida satis interpretatione diligenter expositis, magna principes qui aderant indignatione commoti sunt, quia tota litterarum continentia non parum acredinis habere et occasionem futuri mali iamiam fronte sua preferre videbatur. Precipue tamen universos accenderat, quod in premissis litteris inter caetera dictum fuisse acceperant dignitatis et honoris plenitudinem sibi a Romano pontifice collatam et insigne imperialis coronae de manu eius imperatorem suscepisse, nec ipsum penitere, si maiora beneficia de manu eius suscepisset, habita consideratione, quanta aecclesiae Romanae per ipsum possent incrementa et commoda provenire. Atque ad horum verborum strictam expositionem ac prefatae interpretationis fidem auditores induxerat, quod a nonnullis Romanorum temere affirmari noverant imperium Urbis et regnum Italicum donatione pontificum reges nostros hactenus possedisse, idque non solum dictis, sed et scriptis atque picturis representare et ad posteros transmittere. Unde de imperatore Lothario in palatio Lateranensi super eiusmodi picturam scriptum est:

With such letters read, and having been diligently set forth by Rainald the chancellor with a sufficiently faithful interpretation, the princes who were present were moved with great indignation, because the whole contents of the letters seemed to have no small acridity and already to present, in its very front, the occasion of future evil. Chiefly, however, it had inflamed them all that, in the aforesaid letters, among other things, they had received that the fullness of dignity and honor had been conferred upon himself by the Roman pontiff, and that, as emperor, he had received from his hand the insignia of the imperial crown, nor would he repent, if he had received greater benefices from his hand, regard being had to how great increases and advantages might accrue to the Roman Church through him. And it led the hearers to a strict exposition of these words and to belief in the aforesaid interpretation, that they knew it to be rashly affirmed by some Romans that our kings had hitherto possessed the Empire of the City and the Italian kingdom by the donation of the pontiffs, and that they represent this not only by words, but also by writings and pictures, and transmit it to posterity. Whence concerning Emperor Lothar in the Lateran palace, above a picture of this kind, it is written:

Rex venit ante fores, iurans prius Urbis honores,
Post homo fit papae, sumit quo dante coronam.

The king comes before the doors, first swearing the honors of the City;
Afterward he becomes the pope’s man, and takes the crown from him who gives it.

Talis pictura talisque superscriptio principi, quando alio anno circa Urbem fuerat, per fideles imperii delata cum vehementer displicuisset, amica prius invectione precedente, laudamentum a papa Adriano accepisse memoratur, ut et scriptura pariter atque pictura talis de medio tolleretur, ne tam vana res summis in orbe viris litigandi et discordandi prebere posset materiam. His omnibus in unum collatis, cum strepitus et turba inter optimates regni de tam insolita legatione magis ac magis invalesceret, quasi gladium igni adderet, dixisse ferunt unum de legatis: ÔA quo ergo habet, si a domno papa non habet imperium?' Ob hoc dictum eo processit iracundia, ut unus eorum, videlicet Otto palatinus comes de Baioaria, ut dicebatur, exerto gladio cervici illius mortem intentaret. At Fridericus auctoritate presentiae suae interposita tumultum quidem compescuit, ipsos autem legatos securitate donatos ad habitacula deduci ac primo mane via sua proficisci precepit, addens in mandatis, ne hac vel illac in territoriis episcoporum seu abbatum vagarentur, sed recta via, nec ad dexteram nec ad sinistram declinantes, reverterentur ad Urbem.

Such a picture and such a superscription, when on another year he had been around the City, having been conveyed to the prince by faithful men of the empire and having proved vehemently displeasing, it is remembered that, a friendly invective-remonstrance having first preceded, he received a laudation from Pope Adrian, to the effect that both the writing and likewise such a picture should be removed from the midst, lest so vain a thing could provide matter for litigating and discord to the highest men in the world. With all these things brought together into one, when the noise and tumult among the optimates of the realm over so unusual a legation grew more and more strong, as if he were adding a sword to the fire, they report that one of the legates said: "From whom then does he have the empire, if he does not have it from the lord pope?" Because of this utterance anger advanced to such a point that one of them, namely Otto the count palatine of Bavaria, as it was said, with sword drawn threatened death to his neck. But Frederick, the authority of his presence interposed, indeed quelled the tumult, and ordered the legates, granted security, to be led to their lodgings and at first light to set out on their way, adding in his mandates that they should not wander here or there in the territories of bishops or abbots, but by the straight road, turning neither to the right nor to the left, they should return to the City.

Ipsis itaque sine efficatia revertentibus, id quod factum fuerat ab imperatore per universum regni ambitum provide litteris declaratur; quarum hic tenor fuit:

Accordingly, with them themselves returning without efficacy, that which had been done by the emperor was providently declared by letters through the whole ambit of the kingdom; the tenor of which was as follows:

Capitulum XI.

Chapter 11.

Cum divina potentia, a qua omnis potestas in caelo et in terra, nobis, christo eius, regnum et imperium regendum commiserit et pacem aecclesiarum imperialibus armis conservandam ordinaverit, non sine maximo dolore cordis conqueri cogimur dilectioni vestrae, quod a capite sanctae aecclesiae, cui Christus pacis ac dilectionis suae caracterem impressit, causae dissensionum, seminarium malorum, pestiferi morbi venenum manare videntur; de quibus, nisi Deus avertat, totum corpus aecclesiae commaculari, unitatem scindi, inter regnum et sacerdotium scisma fieri pertimescimus. Cum enim nuper in curia Bisuncii essemus et de honore imperii et salute aecclesiarum debita sollicitudine tractaremus, venerunt legati apostolici, asserentes se talem legationem nostrae afferre maiestati, unde honor imperii non parvum accipere deberet incrementum. Quos cum prima die adventus sui honorifice suscepissemus et secunda, ut mos est, ad audiendam legationem eorum cum principibus nostris consedissemus, ipsi, quasi de mammona iniquitatis inflati, de altitudine superbiae, de fastu arrogantiae, de execrabili tumidi cordis elatione, legationem apostolicis litteris conscriptam nobis presentaverunt, quarum tenor talis erat, quod pre oculis mentis semper deberemus habere, qualiter domnus papa insigne imperialis coronae nobis contulerit neque tamen penitentia moveretur, si maiora excellentia nostra ab eo beneficia suscepisset.

When the divine power, from which every power is in heaven and on earth, has committed to us, his anointed (christ), the kingdom and the empire to be governed, and has ordained that the peace of the churches be preserved by imperial arms, we are compelled, not without the greatest grief of heart, to complain to your love that from the head of the holy Church, upon which Christ has impressed the character of his peace and love, the causes of dissensions, the seedbed of evils, the venom of a pestiferous disease seem to flow; from which, unless God avert it, we greatly fear that the whole body of the Church will be stained, unity rent, and a schism made between kingdom and priesthood. For when lately we were at the court of Besançon and with due solicitude were treating of the honor of the empire and the welfare of the churches, apostolic legates came, asserting that they were bringing to our majesty such a legation, whence the honor of the empire ought to receive no small increase. Whom, when on the first day of their arrival we had received with honor, and on the second, as is the custom, we had sat down with our princes to hear their legation, they themselves, as if inflated by the mammon of iniquity, from the height of pride, from the pomp of arrogance, from the execrable elation of a swollen heart, presented to us a legation written in apostolic letters, the tenor of which was such: that we ought always to have before the eyes of the mind how the lord pope conferred upon us the insignia of the imperial crown, nor yet would he be moved to penitence if our Excellency had received greater benefits from him.

Haec erat illa paternae dulcedinis legatio, quae unitatem aecclesiae et imperii confovere debuit, quae vinculo pacis utrumque colligare studuit, quae ad utriusque concordiam et obedientiam animos audientium allexit. Certe ad vocem illam nefandam et omni veritate vacuam non solum imperialis maiestas debitam indignationem concepit, verum omnes principes qui aderant tanto furore et ira sunt repleti, quod sine dubio illos duos iniquos presbiteros mortis sententia dampnassent, nisi hoc nostra intercepisset presentia. Porro quia multa paria litterarum apud eos reperta sunt et scedulae sigillatae ad arbitrium eorum adhuc scribendae, quibus, sicut hactenus consuetudinis eorum fuit, per singulas aecclesias Teutonici regni conceptum iniquitatis suae virus respergere, altaria denudare, vasa domus Dei asportare, cruces excoriare nitebantur, ne ultra procedendi facultas eis daretur, eadem qua venerant via ad Urbem eos redire fecimus.

This was that legation of paternal sweetness, which ought to foster the unity of the Church and the Empire, which strove to bind both with the bond of peace, which lured the minds of the hearers to the concord and obedience of both. Surely, at that unspeakable utterance, empty of all truth, not only did the imperial majesty conceive due indignation, but all the princes who were present were so filled with fury and wrath that without doubt they would have condemned those two wicked presbyters to the sentence of death, had not our presence intercepted this. Moreover, because many sets of letters were found upon them, and sealed schedules still to be filled out at their discretion—by which, as has hitherto been their custom, they strove, through the several churches of the Teutonic kingdom, to sprinkle abroad the virus of their conceived iniquity, to strip altars, to carry off the vessels of the house of God, to flay crosses—lest any further faculty of proceeding be given to them, we caused them to return to the City by the same road by which they had come.

Cumque per electionem principum a solo Deo regnum et imperium nostrum sit, qui in passione Christi filii sui duobus gladiis necessariis regendum orbem subiecit, cumque Petrus apostolus hac doctrina mundum informaverit: ÔDeum timete, regem honorificate', quicumque nos imperialem coronam pro beneficio a domno papa suscepisse dixerit, divinae institutioni et doctrinae Petri contrarius est et mendacii reus erit. Quia vero hactenus honorem ac libertatem aecclesiarum, quae iam diu indebitae servitutis iugo depressa est, a manu Egyptiorum studuimus eripere et omnia eis dignitatum suarum iura conservare intendimus, universitatem vestram super tanta ignominia nobis et imperio condolere rogamus, sperantes, ne honorem imperii, qui a constitutione Urbis et Christianae religionis institutione ad vestra usque tempora gloriosus et imminutus extitit, fidei vestrae indivisa sinceritas tam inaudita novitate, tam presumptuosa elatione imminui paciatur, sciens, omni ambiguitate remota, quod mortis periculum ante vellemus incurrere, quam nostris temporibus tantae confusionis obprobrium sustinere.

And since through the election of the princes our kingdom and empire are from God alone, who, in the Passion of Christ his Son, subjected the orb to be governed by two necessary swords, and since the apostle Peter has informed the world with this doctrine: "Fear God, honor the king," whoever shall say that we received the imperial crown as a benefice from the lord pope is contrary to the divine institution and to the doctrine of Peter and will be guilty of a lie. But since until now we have striven to snatch the honor and liberty of the churches, which for a long time has been pressed down by the yoke of undue servitude, from the hand of the Egyptians, and we intend to preserve for them all the rights of their dignities, we ask your whole body to grieve over so great an ignominy to us and to the empire, hoping that the honor of the empire, which from the constitution of the City and the institution of the Christian religion has down to your times existed glorious and undiminished, the undivided sincerity of your faith will not allow to be diminished by so unheard-of a novelty, so presumptuous an elation, knowing, all ambiguity removed, that we would rather wish to incur the danger of death than to endure in our times the reproach of so great a confusion.

Capitulum XII.

Chapter 12.

His ita gestis, Fridericus ad ordinanda imperii negotia in regno Burgundiae animum intendit. Cumque Burgundia aliquando per se fortes reges habuisset et per eos suis gentibus precepta dare solita fuisset, ex appetitu libertatis, quae, ut dicitur, res inestimabilis est, iam dudum insolentiam et desuetudinem induerat obsequendi. Ea itaque terra, quae nonnisi multo labore ac bellico sudore subigenda putabatur, ita, Deo ordinante, paruit, quod nisi alia in regno disponenda inevitabiliter imperatorem retraxissent, familiariter et cum paucis usque Arelatum, sedem regni Burgundiae, procedere potuisset.

With these things thus done, Frederick directed his mind to ordering the affairs of the empire in the kingdom of Burgundy. And since Burgundy had once, by itself, had strong kings and had been accustomed through them to give precepts to its peoples, from an appetite for liberty, which, as it is said, is a thing beyond price, it had long since assumed an insolence and a disuse of obeying. That land therefore, which was thought to be subdued only with much labor and warlike sweat, so, with God ordaining, obeyed that, unless other things to be arranged in the kingdom had inevitably drawn the emperor back, he could have proceeded familiarly and with a few as far as Arles, the seat of the kingdom of Burgundy.

Denique, quod modo viventium excedit memoriam hominum aliquando contigisse, Stephanus Viennensis archiepiscopus et archicancellarius de Burgundia et Eraclius archiepiscopus et primas Lugdunensis et Odo Valentinus episcopus et Gaufredus Avinionensis et Silvio magnus princeps et prepotens de Claria, tunc ad curiam venientes Friderico fidelitatem fecerunt atque hominium et beneficia sua de manu illius reverenter susceperunt. Arelatensis autem archiepiscopus et alii omnes archiepiscopi, episcopi, primates et nobiles venissent idemque fecissent, nisi mora principem adeundi compendio suae brevitatis prestitisset inpedimentum.

Finally, a thing which surpasses the memory of men now living that it ever happened: Stephen, the Vienne archbishop and archchancellor of Burgundy, and Heraclius, archbishop and primate of Lyon, and Odo, bishop of Valence, and Geoffrey of Avignon, and Silvius, a great and very powerful prince of Claria—then, coming to the court—rendered fealty and homage to Frederick and reverently received their benefices from his hand. But the archbishop of Arles, and all the other archbishops, bishops, primates, and nobles would have come and done the same, had not the delay of approaching the prince, by reason of the shortness of his stay, supplied an impediment.

Missis tamen per honestos valde et industrios nuncios litteris omnimodam subiectionem et debitam fidelitatem imperio Romano compromiserunt. Lodewicus quoque rex Francorum usque Diunum occurrerat ad colloquium imperatoris, sed eo versus Alemaniam iter agente ceptum non processit. Directis autem uterque principum nunciis, imperator quidem cancellario suo prenominato Reinaldo et comite Udalrico de Lenzeburch, rex vero etiam suo cancellario magistro Alderico, sese per illos mutuo salutarunt.

Nevertheless, by letters sent through very honorable and industrious messengers, they pledged complete subjection and the owed fidelity to the Roman Empire. Louis also, king of the Franks, had come as far as Dijon to a colloquy with the emperor, but as he was making a journey toward Germany, what had been begun did not proceed. Moreover, when each of the princes had dispatched messengers—the emperor indeed his chancellor, the aforesaid Rainald, and Count Ulrich of Lenzburg; the king also his chancellor, Master Alderic—they exchanged greetings with one another through them.

Reliquum legationis, ut videbatur quidem utilitati, re autem vera regali potius fastui studere utrimque videbatur. Nam sicut egomet referente venerabili viro Heinrico Trecense episcopo cognovi, Lodewicus, audito quam strennue partibus illis Fridericus prevaluisset, pertimuit, nec iam ad colloquium, quod suspectum habebat, sed ad bellum se ratus proficisci, clanculo non parvas copias collegerat, adeo quod novem episcopos cum sua milicia una nocte in Trecensi civitate tunc hospitasse memoratus presul memoraret. Cumque tota terra illa non minimo metu nutaret, ipsa trepidatio nobis pro victoria putabatur.

The remainder of the legation, as it seemed indeed to utility, in the thing truly seemed rather to be striving for royal haughtiness on both sides. For, as I myself learned, with the venerable man Henry, bishop of Troyes, reporting, Louis, upon hearing how strenuously Frederick had prevailed in those parts, grew afraid, and now not to a colloquy—which he held suspect—but thinking he should set out to war, had clandestinely gathered no small forces, to such a degree that the aforesaid prelate recalled that nine bishops with their militia had then lodged for one night in the city of Troyes. And as that whole land was wavering with no small fear, that very trepidation was reckoned by us as victory.

Capitulum XIII.

Chapter 13.

Reversus de Burgundia imperator, rebus feliciter gestis prediisque coniugis suae imperatricis, de qua supra dictum est, ad arbitrium suum dispositis, in Saxoniam iterflectit, diesque natalis Domini in civitate Magdeburg celebravit, experimentum accipiens de Polanis, qui, ut prefati sumus, suis negotiis tunc finem facere debuerant, quod ipsi, avaricia pariter et ambitione cecati, de promissis fidem et sacramenta vile quid iudicarent. Deinde in Baioariam tendens, Ratisponae curiam magna cum frequentia principum in octava epiphaniae agit. Ibi inter caeteros, qui tunc crebri aderant, etiam regis Ungariae N. legati affuere.

Returned from Burgundy, the emperor, with affairs happily managed and the estates of his consort the empress—of whom it was said above—arranged at his discretion, bent his route into Saxony, and he celebrated the day of the Lord’s Nativity in the city of Magdeburg, taking an experiment regarding the Polans—who, as we have said before, ought then to have put an end to their business—that they, blinded alike by avarice and ambition, judged promises, good faith, and oaths as something cheap. Then, making for Bavaria, at Regensburg he held a court with a great frequency of princes on the Octave of Epiphany. There, among the others who were then present in numbers, there were also present envoys of the king of Hungary, N.

Siquidem frater eius nomine N. quorumdam criminationibus regi delatus fuerat, quasi ad regnum aspiraret, atque in ea re avunculum amborum, [ducem] Belum, virum valde prudentem ac ad innovandas res ydoneum, suasorem habere putabatur, pro eo quod honorificentius habito adolescenti per studia colendi ferociae visus est nutrimenta suggerere. Rex autem suspectum habens tantum fratris honorem et peiora re ipsa de illo veritus, non tam ipsum quam amicos et familiares eius iam aperte insimulans, omnia facta seu dicta eorum in crimina vertebat. Multisque adversus fratrem vulgatis, pluribus ad contestandum subornatis, per insidias necem fratris dicebatur adoptare.

Indeed his brother, by name N., had been denounced to the king by the criminations of certain men, as though he aspired to the kingdom, and in this matter he was thought to have as adviser the uncle of them both, [duke] Belum, a man very prudent and suitable for innovating affairs, for the reason that, the adolescent being held more honorifically, by pursuits of cultivating he seemed to supply nourishment to his ferocity. The king, however, holding in suspicion so great an honor for his brother and in very deed fearing worse things about him, now openly accusing not so much him as his friends and familiars, was turning all their deeds or words into crimes. And with many things published against the brother, and more suborned to give testimony, he was said to be resolving upon the brother’s death by treachery.

Is antehac compertum habens, quod Romanum imperium totius orbis esset asylum, fugiens ad imperatorem evasit erumpnasque suas ac erga se germani crudelem acerbitatem lacrimabili conquestione deploravit; criminationumque suarum invidiam diluendo, ficta quae adversum se dicebantur asserere, et purgationis suae fidem omnibus constare; numquam calumpniatores defore, dum extet cui persuadeatur; iniquissimum esse, quod fratri non sufficeret paterno eum regno expulisse, nisi de capite quoque suo et vita innocentissima supplicium sumeretur. Tali deprecatione permotus Fridericus, missis in Ungariam legatis, de restitutione iuvenis cogitabat, imperialem precibus adiungens dignitatem et auctoritatem. Rex itaque adversus fratrem duos de optimatibus regni sui dirigit ad curiam, episcopum Gervasium de Castro-ferreo et comitem Heidenricum, viros opulentos et copia dicendi satis instructos, per quos et obiecta diluere et de fratris eiectione invidiam in eum qui passus erat retorquere satagere, prosequens iniurias et peccata plurima in se admissa: regni consortio secum illum participasse, solo nomine se illo priorem tantum fuisse, quamdiu germanitatis iura inter se inviolata mansissent; deinde pravorum consilia secutum, quae ad pessima studia lubricam in adolescente aetatem impellebant; ita factum, quemadmodum in corpore, ubi semper dum aliqua pars tumescit suaque corruptione totum corpus debilitat et inficit, ex quo curari desperatur, recidi oportere.

He, having previously ascertained that the Roman Empire was the asylum of the whole world, fled and made it through to the emperor, and with a tearful complaint bewailed his hardships and his brother’s cruel harshness toward him; and, dissolving the odium of the criminationes against him, he asserted that the things said against him were fictitious, and that the credit of his purgation was evident to all; that calumniators would never be lacking, so long as there exists someone to be persuaded; that it was most iniquitous that it did not suffice for his brother to have expelled him from their father’s kingdom, unless punishment were also exacted from his own head and his most innocent life. Moved by such deprecation, Frederick, having sent legates into Hungary, was thinking about the restitution of the youth, adding imperial dignity and authority to his entreaties. The king therefore, against his brother, dispatches to the court two of the optimates of his realm, Bishop Gervasius of Castro-Ferreo and Count Heidenrich, men opulent and sufficiently equipped with an abundance of speaking, through whom he strove both to wash away the charges and to retort the odium of the brother’s ejection upon him who had suffered it, prosecuting the injuries and the very many sins committed against himself: that he had shared with him the consortship of the kingdom, that he himself had been prior to him only in name, so long as the rights of brotherhood remained inviolate between them; then that he had followed the counsels of the depraved, which drove the slippery age in an adolescent to the worst pursuits; thus it was done, just as in a body, where whenever some part swells and by its own corruption weakens and infects the whole body, from which it is despaired that it can be cured, it ought to be cut away.

Bellum ultro inferentem, postquam superatus sit, queri, quod iniuriam facere nequivisset, fugam ipsum simulasse, in regno manere licuisse, donec odia omnium et inimicicias adeo contra se firmaverit, ut velut crudelem hostem et regni insidiatorem pellendum arbitrarentur, antequam facinoribus suis illud cruentari et principatus eius monarchiam scindi ac dilacerari contigisset. Imperator, partibus auditis, cum videret rem eo venturam, quod aut in communi dividendo aut in uniuscuiusvis condempnatione litem opus esset terminari, conferens quoque in corde suo plurium negotiorum occupationes, ad oportuniora tempora decisionem huius litis placuit protelandam. Itaque rogatus ab adolescente, per Venetias illum transmittit in Greciam; legatos quoque regis, acceptis ab eis muneribus ferme ad mille talenta, simulque eos sua liberalitate honoratos ad principem suum cum pacis legatione remeare concessit.

That, having brought war of his own accord, after he had been overcome, he complains that he had not been able to commit an injury; that he himself had feigned flight; that it had been permitted to remain in the kingdom, until he had so strengthened the hatreds and enmities of all against himself that they judged he must be expelled as a cruel enemy and an insidiator of the kingdom, before by his crimes it should be bloodied and the monarchy of his princedom be split and torn to pieces. The emperor, the parties heard, when he saw the matter would come to this, that the litigation must be terminated either by dividing the common (estate) or by the condemnation of either party, and, weighing also in his heart the occupations of many affairs, decided to defer the decision of this suit to more opportune times. Therefore, at the young man’s request, he sends him through Venice into Greece; and he permitted the king’s envoys—after receiving from them gifts amounting to nearly 1,000 talents, and at the same time having honored them by his liberality—to return to their prince with an embassy of peace.

Capitulum XIIII.

Chapter 14.

In eadem curia dux Boemorum N., vir ingenio validus, viribus prepollens, consilio, manu audatiaque magnus, cuius antehac industriae, obsequii multa precesserant experimenta, maximeque nuper in expeditione Polunica maxima virtus claruerat, adeo ut ob merita sua omnibus carus esset, ab imperatore ac imperii primis ex duce rex creatur, anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLVIII. Suscepto itaque privilegio de usu diadematis aliisque regni insignibus, laetus revertitur et ad Italicam expeditionem rex pariter cum imperatore fastu regali profecturus accingitur.

In the same curia the duke of the Bohemians, N., a man strong in ingenium, surpassing in forces, great in counsel, in hand and audacity, of whose industry and obsequy many proofs had previously preceded, and most especially lately in the Polish expedition his greatest virtus had shone forth—so much that on account of his merits he was dear to all—is by the emperor and the foremost of the empire created king from duke, in the year from the incarnation of the Lord 1158. Having therefore received the privilege concerning the use of the diadem and the other insignia of the kingdom, joyful he returns, and for the Italian expedition the king girds himself to set out together with the emperor with royal pomp.

Ibidem etiam patruos suos, Ottonem Frisingensem episcopum et Heinricum ducem Austriae, dissidentes, eo quod prefatus antistes germano fratri, predia aecclesiae illicite sibi usurpare volenti, omnino contradiceret, in pristinam pacem et fraternam concordiam revocavit.

There likewise he recalled his paternal uncles, Otto of Freising, bishop, and Henry, duke of Austria—who were at odds, because the aforesaid prelate was altogether opposing his own brother, who wished illicitly to usurp the church’s estates—into their former peace and fraternal concord.

Capitulum XV.

Chapter 15.

His in Baioaria peractis, Fridericus Ribuariorum fines ingreditur inferioresque Rheni partes peragrans nullos sibi dies otiosos transire passus est, eos se ratus perdidisse, in quibus non aliquid de utilitatibus imperii, de iure et iusticia inter omnes gentes conservanda disposuisset. Inde fuit, quod tam valido cis Alpes imperio ita provide consuluisset, ferocitatem tantarum gentium tanto consilio ac sine armis delinisset, ut, quod dictu mirum est, iam non regni rector, sed unius domus, unius rei publicae paterfamilias [et gubernator] haberetur.

With these things completed in Bavaria, Frederick enters the borders of the Ripuarians, and, traversing the lower parts of the Rhine, allowed no days to pass idle for himself, judging that he had lost those in which he had not arranged something concerning the utilities of the empire, concerning right and justice to be conserved among all peoples. Hence it was that he had so providently taken thought for so powerful an imperial dominion on this side of the Alps, and had so soothed the ferocity of so many nations by such counsel and without arms, that—wondrous to say—he was now regarded not as a ruler of a kingdom, but as the paterfamilias [and governor] of one household, of one republic.

Post celebratum aput N. pascha rursus ad superiores Vangionum partes iter reflectit ac in domum regalem, quam apud Lutra edificaverat, divertens domui suae et familiaribus negotiis ordinandis aliquot dies indulget. Instabat iam tempus, quo reges ad bella proficisci solent, ipseque in proximo ad Transalpina exercitum ducturus, primo omnium in Deo spem suam reponens, adscitis religiosis et probatis in sanctitate viris tamquam divinum eos oraculum consultabat atque illorum persuasionibus aecclesiis Dei multa donaria imperiali largitate dispergebat. Quibus in negotiis specialem habebat preceptorem et salutis animae suae fidum secretarium Hartmannum Brixinorensem episcopum, virum, qui tunc inter Germaniae episcopos singularis sanctitatis opinione et austerioris vitae conversatione preminebat.

After Easter had been celebrated at N., he again bends back his journey to the upper parts of the Vangiones, and, turning aside into the royal house which he had built at Lutra, he grants himself several days for arranging his household and domestic affairs. The time was now pressing, at which kings are accustomed to set out to wars; and he himself, shortly to lead an army to the Transalpine regions, first of all placing his hope in God, having summoned religious men proven in sanctity, consulted them as a divine oracle, and at their urgings he distributed widely many donatives to the churches of God with imperial largess. In these affairs he had as a special preceptor and faithful secretary of his soul’s salvation Hartmann, bishop of Brixen—a man who then among the bishops of Germany was preeminent by the repute of singular sanctity and by the conduct of a more austere life.

Hoc ad se adscito, de secretis suis pii se pontificis submisit devote consiliis, religiosi ac christianissimi principis officium exercens, quatinus iturus ad bellum spiritalibus armis ante muniret animam quam corpus, ante caelestibus se disciplinis prestrueret, quam ad pugnam iturum militem militaribus instruere preceptis curaret. Causas autem belli exponens, dum eas iustas tam memoratus antistes quam reliqui sacerdotes cognovissent, ne dignitas imperialis ab indignis imminueretur et sic pax et tranquillitas aecclesiarum turbaretur, salutaribus mandatis premonitum et premunitum ad proficiscendum contra rebelles animarunt.

With him having been called to himself, he devoutly submitted himself, in his secrets, to the counsels of the pious pontiff, exercising the office of a religious and most Christian prince, to the end that, being about to go to war, he might fortify first the soul rather than the body with spiritual arms, that he might pre-arm himself with heavenly disciplines before he should care to instruct the soldier going to the fight with military precepts. And setting forth the causes of the war, when both the aforesaid prelate and the other priests had recognized them as just, lest the imperial dignity be diminished by the unworthy and thus the peace and tranquillity of the churches be disturbed, they encouraged him, forewarned and fortified by salutary mandates, to set out against the rebels.

Capitulum XVI.

Chapter 16.

Cum haec agerentur, legati sedis apostolicae Rolandus et Bernhardus reversi, quantas iniurias sustinuerint, in quo periculo fuerint, exponunt, gravibus graviora adicientes, ut in ultionem eorum, quae se pertulisse dixerunt, Romanae urbis episcopum provocarent. In hoc negotio clerus Romanus ita inter se divisus est, ut pars eorum partibus faveret imperatoris et eorum qui missi fuerant incuriam seu imperitiam causarentur, quedam vero pars votis sui pontificis adhereret. Unde de hac tempestate dicturi, sicut supra diximus, lectorem non nostris verbis niti volumus, sed ponentes epistolas hinc inde directas, ex eis colligat, quam partem tueatur cuive fidus velit permanere; nobis autem indulgentiam petimus, qui potius utramque personam, sacerdotalem scilicet et regalem, reverentia debita veneramur, quam temere de altera iudicare presumamus. Exemplar itaque litterarum a summo pontifice ad archiepiscopos et episcopos super his directarum tale fuit:

While these things were being transacted, the legates of the apostolic see, Roland and Bernard, having returned, set forth how many injuries they had sustained, in what peril they had been, adding heavier matters to grave ones, so as to provoke the bishop of the City of Rome to vengeance for those things which they said they had borne. In this business the Roman clergy was so divided among themselves that a part of them favored the parties of the emperor and charged negligence or inexperience upon those who had been sent, but a certain part adhered to the wishes of their pontiff. Wherefore, about this tempest we are going to speak, as we said above, we do not wish the reader to rely upon our words, but, placing the epistles sent hither and thither, let him collect from them which party he should defend or with whom he would wish to remain faithful; but for ourselves we ask indulgence, we who rather venerate with due reverence both persons, namely the sacerdotal and the regal, than presume rashly to judge concerning either. Therefore the exemplar of the letters from the Supreme Pontiff to the archbishops and bishops directed about these things was as follows:

Quotiens aliquid in aecclesia contra honorem Dei et salutem fidelium attemptatur, fratrum et coepiscoporum nostrorum, et eorum precipue qui spiritu Dei aguntur, cura debet existere, ut ea quae male gesta sunt gratam Deo correctionem debeant invenire. Hoc autem tempore, quod absque nimio merore non dicimus, karissimus filius noster F[ridericus] Romanorum imperator tale quid egit, quale temporibus antecessorum suorum non legimus perpetratum. Cum enim nos duos de melioribus fratribus nostris, B[ernhardum] [scilicet] tituli Sancti Clementis et R[olandum] cancellarium nostrum tituli Sancti Marci presbiteros cardinales, ad ipsius presentiam misissemus, ipse, cum primum ad eius presentiam pervenerunt, alacriter visus est eos recepisse; sequenti vero die, cum redirent ad eum et litterae nostrae in eius auribus legerentur, accepta occasione cuiusdam verbi, quod ipsarum litterarum series continebat, Ôinsigne videlicet beneficium coronae tibi contulimus', in tantam animi commotionem exarsit, ut convicia, quae in nos et legatos nostros dicitur coniecisse, et quam inhoneste ipsos a presentia sua recedere ac de terra sua velociter exire compulerit, et audire obprobrium et lamentabile sit referre.

As often as anything is attempted in the church against the honor of God and the salvation of the faithful, the care of our brothers and fellow-bishops, and especially of those who are led by the Spirit of God, ought to be present, so that the things which have been ill done may find a correction pleasing to God. But at this time—which we do not say without excessive grief—our dearest son F[ridericus], emperor of the Romans, has done such a thing as we do not read to have been perpetrated in the times of his predecessors. For when we had sent two of the better of our brothers, B[ernhardum] [scilicet] of the title of Saint Clement, and R[olandum], our chancellor, cardinal priests of the title of Saint Mark, to his presence, he, when first they came into his presence, seemed to have received them cheerfully; but on the following day, when they returned to him and our letters were being read in his ears, taking occasion from a certain word which the series of those letters contained, Ôinsigne videlicet beneficium coronae tibi contulimus', he blazed up into such an agitation of mind, that the insults which he is said to have hurled at us and at our legates, and how dishonorably he compelled them to withdraw from his presence and to go quickly out of his land, are a reproach to hear and lamentable to relate.

Eis autem ab illius presentia excedentibus, facto edicto, ne aliquis de regno vestro ad apostolicam sedem accedat, per omnes fines eiusdem regni custodes dicitur posuisse, qui eos, qui ad apostolicam sedem venire voluerint, violenter debeant revocare. Super quo facto licet aliquantulum conturbemur, ex hoc tamen in nobis ipsis maiorem consolationem accipimus, quod ad id de vestro et principum consilio non processit. Unde confidimus eum a sui animi motu consilio et persuasione vestra facile revocandum.

But when they were departing from his presence, an edict having been issued that no one from your kingdom should approach the Apostolic See, it is said that he posted guards throughout all the confines of the same kingdom, who must by force recall those who should have wished to come to the Apostolic See. Over which deed, although we are somewhat disturbed, yet from this we take greater consolation in ourselves, that it did not proceed thereto by your counsel and that of the princes. Whence we are confident that he will be easily recalled from the motion of his mind by your counsel and persuasion.

Quocirca, fratres, quoniam in hoc facto non solum nostra, sed vestra et omnium aecclesiarum res agi dinoscitur, karitatem vestram monemus et exhortamur in Domino, quatinus opponatis vos murum pro domo Domini et prefatum filium nostrum ad viam rectam quam citius reducere studeatis, attentissimam sollicitudinem adhibentes, ut a Reinaldo cancellario suo et palatino comite, qui magnas blasphemias in prefatos legatos nostros et matrem vestram sacrosanctam Romanam aecclesiam evomere presumpserunt, talem et tam evidentem satisfactionem faciat exhiberi, ut, sicut multorum aures amaritudo sermonis eorum offendit, ita etiam satisfactio multos ad viam rectam debeat revocare. Non acquiescat idem filius noster consiliis iniquorum, consideret novissima et antiqua et per illam viam incedat, per quam Iustinianus et alii katholici imperatores incessisse noscuntur. ÔExemplo siquidem et imitatione illorum et honorem in terris et felicitatem in caelis sibi poterit cumulare.

Wherefore, brothers, since in this deed it is recognized that not only our concern but yours and that of all the churches is at stake, we admonish and exhort your charity in the Lord, that you set yourselves as a wall for the house of the Lord and strive to bring back our aforesaid son to the right way as swiftly as possible, applying most attentive solicitude, to the end that from Rainald, his chancellor and count palatine, who presumed to spew forth great blasphemies against our aforesaid legates and your mother, the sacrosanct Roman Church, he cause such and so evident a satisfaction to be exhibited, that, just as the bitterness of their speech offended the ears of many, so also the satisfaction ought to recall many to the right way. Let that same our son not acquiesce to the counsels of the iniquitous; let him consider the last things and the ancient, and let him proceed by that way by which Justinian and the other Catholic emperors are known to have proceeded. ÔBy the example and imitation of them he will be able to heap up for himself both honor on earth and felicity in the heavens.

Vos etiam, si eum ad rectam semitam reduxeritis, et beato Petro apostolorum principi gratum dependetis obsequium et vobis et aecclesiis vestris suam conservabitis libertatem. Alioquin noverit antedictus filius noster ex ammonitione vestra, noverit ex promissionis ewangelicae veritate, quod sacrosancta Romana aecclesia super firmissimam petram, Deo collocante, fundata, quantocumque ventorum turbine quatiatur, in sua firmitate, protegente Domino, in seculum seculi permanebit. Nec autem, sicut nostis, deceret eum tam arduam viam absque vestro consilio attemptasse; unde credimus, quod auditis ammonitionibus vestris facillime poterit ad frugem sanioris studii, sicut vir discretus et imperator katholicus, revocari.

You also, if you shall have led him back to the right pathway, will pay to blessed Peter, the prince of the apostles, a grateful obedience, and you will preserve for yourselves and your churches your liberty. Otherwise let the aforesaid our son know from your admonition, let him know from the truth of the evangelical promise, that the sacrosanct Roman Church, founded upon the most firm rock, God having set it there, however much it may be shaken by the whirlwind of winds, will, the Lord protecting, remain in its own firmness forever and ever. Nor, as you know, would it have been fitting that he attempted so arduous a way without your counsel; whence we believe that, once your admonitions have been heard, he can very easily be recalled to the fruit of a sounder purpose, as a discreet man and a Catholic emperor.

Capitulum XVII.

Chapter 17.

His litteris talique legatione percepta, presules Alemanniae, communicato in unum assensu et consilio, sedi apostolicae in haec verba rescribunt:

These letters and such a legation having been received, the prelates of Germany, their assent and counsel communicated into one, write back to the apostolic see in these words:

Quamvis sciamus et certi simus, quod aecclesiam Dei fundatam supra firmam petram neque venti neque flumina tempestatum possint deicere, nos tamen infirmiores et pusillanimes, si quando huiusmodi contigerint impetus, concutimur et contremiscimus. Inde nimirum graviter conturbati sumus et conterriti super his, quae inter vestram sanctitatem et filium vestrum devotissimum, dominum nostrum imperatorem, magni mali, nisi Deus avertat, seminarium prebitura videntur. Equidem a verbis illis, quae in litteris vestris continebantur, quas per nuncios vestros prudentissimos et honestissimos, dominum B[ernhardum] et dominum R[olandum] cancellarium, venerabiles presbiteros cardinales, misistis, commota est universa res publica imperii nostri; aures imperialis potentiae ea pacienter audire non potuerunt neque aures principum sustinere; omnes ita continuerunt aures suas, quod nos, salva gratia vestrae sanctissimae paternitatis, ea tueri propter sinistram ambiguitatis interpretationem vel consensu aliquo approbare nec audemus nec possumus, eo quod insolita et inaudita fuerunt usque ad haec tempora.

Although we know and are certain that the Church of God, founded upon the firm rock, neither the winds nor the floodwaters of storms can cast down, yet we, more infirm and faint-hearted, whenever assaults of this sort befall, are shaken and we tremble. Thence indeed we have been grievously disturbed and terrified over those things which, between your sanctity and your most devoted son, our lord the emperor, seem likely to furnish a seedbed of great evil, unless God avert it. Indeed, by those words which were contained in your letters, which through your most prudent and most honorable envoys, lord B[ernhard] and lord R[oland] the chancellor, venerable cardinal presbyters, you sent, the whole commonwealth of our empire has been stirred; the ears of imperial power could not hear these things patiently, nor could the ears of the princes endure them; all so stopped their ears that we, saving the favor of your most holy paternity, to defend them because of the sinister interpretation of ambiguity, or to approve them by any consent, neither dare nor are able, for they have been unusual and unheard-of up to these times.

Litteras autem, quas nobis misistis, debita cum reverentia suscipientes et amplectentes commonuimus filium vestrum, dominum nostrum imperatorem, sicut iussistis, et ab eo responsum, Deo gratias, accepimus tale, quale decebat katholicum principem, in hunc modum: ÔDuo sunt, quibus nostrum regi oportet imperium, leges sanctae imperatorum et usus bonus predecessorum et patrum nostrorum. Istos limites aecclesiae nec volumus preterire nec possumus; quidquid ab his discordat non recipimus. Debitam patri nostro reverentiam libenter exhibemus, liberam imperii nostri coronam divino tantum beneficio ascribimus, electionis primam vocem Maguntino archiepiscopo, deinde quod superest caeteris secundum ordinem principibus recognoscimus, regalem unctionem Coloniensi, supremam vero, quae imperialis est, summo pontifici; quidquid preter haec est, ex habundanti est, a malo est.

However, the letters which you sent to us, receiving and embracing with due reverence, we admonished your son, our lord the emperor, as you ordered, and from him we received an answer—thanks be to God—such as befitted a catholic prince, in this manner: ÔThere are two things by which it is fitting that our empire be ruled: the holy laws of the emperors and the good usage of our predecessors and of our fathers. These boundaries of the Church we neither wish nor are able to overstep; whatever disagrees with these we do not receive. We gladly render the due reverence to our father; we ascribe the free crown of our empire to divine favor alone; we acknowledge the first voice of the election to the Archbishop of Mainz, then what remains to the other princes according to order; the royal unction to the Archbishop of Cologne, but the supreme unction, which is imperial, to the supreme pontiff; whatever is beyond these is out of abundance; it is from evil.

Cardinales in contemptum dilectissimi et reverentissimi patris nostri et consecratoris a finibus terrae nostrae exire non coegimus. Sed cum his et pro his quae et scripta et scribenda ferebant in dedecus et scandalum imperii nostri ultra eos prodire pati noluimus. Introitum et exitum Italiae nec clausimus edicto nec claudere aliquo modo volumus peregrinantibus vel pro suis necessitatibus rationabiliter cum testimonio episcoporum et prelatorum suorum Romanam sedem adeuntibus; sed illis abusionibus, quibus omnes aecclesiae regni nostri gravatae et attenuatae sunt et omnes pene claustrales disciplinae emortuae et sepultae, obviare intendimus.

We did not compel the cardinals, to the contempt of our most beloved and most reverend father and consecrator, to go out from the boundaries of our land. But with them, and for the sake of those things which, both written and to be written, were bearing toward the disgrace and scandal of our empire, we were unwilling to allow them to go beyond them. We neither closed by edict the entry and exit of Italy, nor do we wish in any way to close it to pilgrims or to those who, for their own necessities, reasonably, with the testimony of their bishops and prelates, approach the Roman See; but we intend to oppose those abuses by which all the churches of our realm have been burdened and attenuated, and by which almost all cloistral disciplines have died out and been buried.

In capite orbis Deus per imperium exaltavit aecclesiam, in capite orbis aecclesia, non per Deum, ut credimus, nunc demolitur imperium. A pictura cepit, ad scripturam pictura processit, scriptura in auctoritatem prodire conatur. Non patiemur, non sustinebimus; coronam ante ponemus, quam imperii coronam una nobiscum sic deponi consentiamus.

In the capital of the world God, through the empire, exalted the church; in the capital of the world the church, not through God, as we believe, now demolishes the empire. From a picture it began, to writing the picture advanced, the writing endeavors to come forth into authority. We will not allow it, we will not endure it; we will lay down the crown sooner than we consent that the crown of the empire be thus laid down together with us.

Picturae deleantur, scripturae retractentur, ut inter regnum et sacerdotium aeterna inimiciciarum monimenta non remaneant'. Haec et alia, utpote de concordia Ro. et W[illelmi] Siculi et aliis quae in Italia facta sunt conventionibus, quae ad plenum prosequi non audemus, ab ore domini nostri imperatoris audivimus. Absente autem palatino comite et in preparatione expeditionis in Italiam iam premisso, a cancellario ibidem adhuc presente aliud non audivimus, nisi quod humilitatis erat et pacis, preter quod eis pro periculo vitae, quod a populo imminebat, pro viribus suis astiterit, cunctis qui ibi aderant huius rei testimonium eis perhibentibus. De caetero sanctitatem vestram suppliciter rogamus et obsecramus, ut nostrae parcatis infirmitati, ut magnanimitatem filii vestri sicut bonus pastor leniatis scriptis vestris scripta priora suavitate mellita dulcorantibus, quatinus et aecclesia Dei tranquilla devotione laetetur et imperium in suae sublimitatis statu glorietur, ipso mediante et adiuvante, qui mediator Dei et hominum factus est homo Christus Iesus.

Let the pictures be erased, let the writings be retracted, so that between the kingdom and the priesthood eternal monuments of enmities may not remain'. These things and others—such as concerning the concord of Ro. and W[illiam] the Sicilian and the other agreements which were made in Italy, which we do not dare to set forth fully—we heard from the mouth of our lord the emperor. But with the palatine count absent and already sent ahead in the preparation of the expedition into Italy, from the chancellor, still present there, we heard nothing other than what was of humility and peace, except that he stood by them, to the extent of his powers, because of the peril to life which was threatening from the populace, all who were present there bearing witness to this for them. For the rest, we humbly ask and beseech your Holiness to spare our weakness, that you, like a good shepherd, may soften the magnanimity of your son by your writings, sweetening the prior writings with honeyed sweetness, so that both the Church of God may rejoice in tranquil devotion and the Empire may glory in the state of its sublimity, he himself mediating and helping, who, the mediator of God and men, became man—Christ Jesus.

Capitulum XVIII.

Chapter 18.

Feliciter ergo procinctum movens ac aput Augustam Rhetiae civitatem super ripam Lici fluminis castra ponens confluentem ex diversis partibus militem per septem dies operitur. Interea Romanus antistes de adventu principis certior effectus - nam legati eius, videlicet Reinaldus cancellarius et Otto palatinus comes, quorum supra meminimus, iam dudum Italiam intraverant - in melius mutato consilio ad leniendum eius animum nuncios mittit, Heinricum videlicet cardinalem presbiterum tituli Sanctorum Nerei et Achillei et Iacinctum cardinalem diaconem Sanctae Mariae in scola Greca, viros prudentes in secularibus et ad curialia negotia pertractanda prioribus missis multo aptiores.

Happily, then, setting the expedition in motion and, at Augusta, the city of Rhaetia, pitching camp upon the bank of the river Lech, he awaits for seven days the soldiery converging from diverse parts. Meanwhile the Roman pontiff, having been made more certain of the prince’s arrival—for his legates, namely Rainald the chancellor and Otto the palatine count, of whom we have made mention above, had long since entered Italy—with his counsel changed for the better sends nuncios to soften his mind, to wit Henry, cardinal-priest of the title of Saints Nereus and Achilleus, and Hyacinth, cardinal-deacon of Saint Mary in the Schola Greca, men prudent in secular matters and much more apt than those previously sent for handling curial business.

Capitulum XVIIII.

Chapter 19.

Verum antequam horum iter et negotia prosequamur, non ab re est de prefatis regalium nunciorum personis et gestis pauca de multis prelibare. Inerat utique his preclaris viris personarum spectabilitas gratiosa, generis nobilitas, ingenium sapientia validum, animi inperterriti, quippe quibus nullus labor insolitus, non locus ullus asper, non armatus hostis formidolosus. Nullius sibi delicti, nullius libidinis gratiam faciebant; laudis avidi, pecuniae liberales erant; gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas volebant.

But before we pursue these men’s journey and affairs, it is not out of place to prelibate a few out of many about the persons and deeds of the aforesaid royal nuncios. There was indeed in these most illustrious men a gracious spectability of person, nobility of lineage, an intellect strong in wisdom, spirits unperturbed—since for them no unusual labor, no rough place, no armed enemy was fearsome. They granted no indulgence to any delict of their own, to no libido; they were avid of praise, liberal with money; they wanted immense glory, honorable riches.

Etas iuvenilis, eloquentia mirabilis; prope moribus equales, preter quod uni ex officio et ordine clericali mansuetudo et misericordia, alteri, quem non sine causa portabat, gladii severitas dignitatem addiderat. [Aput alterum miseris profugium erat, aput alterum malis pernicies]. His moribus talibusque studiis sibi laudem, imperio gloriam et utilitates non modicas domi miliciaeque peperere, adeo quod tunc temporis pene nichil ingens, nullum exquisitum virtutis facinus in ea expeditione gestum est, in quo hos viros aut primos aut de primis non compererim extitisse.

A youthful age, a marvelous eloquence; nearly equal in morals, except that to the one, from his clerical office and order, mildness and mercy had added dignity, to the other, who did not bear it without cause, the severity of the sword had added dignity. [With the one there was a refuge for the wretched, with the other a ruin for the wicked]. By these morals and such pursuits they procured for themselves praise, for the imperium glory, and not small utilities both at home and in military service, to such a degree that at that time hardly anything immense, no exquisite feat of virtue was accomplished in that expedition, in which I did not find these men either the first or among the first to have stood forth.

Capitulum XX.

Chapter 20.

Itaque in primo suo ingressu in Italiam castrum quod Rivola vocatur, super clausuram Veronensium situm, natura loci inexpugnabile, in deditionem accipiunt, existimantes presidio eiusdem in tam strictis locorum faucibus nostros clementiorem aditum veniendi et redeundi invenire. Excepti cum magna frequentia et honorificentia episcopi civiumque Veronensium tam illic quam in aliis civitatibus [videlicet Mantua, Cremona, Papia] fidelitatem imperatori et amminiculum expeditionis tactis sacrosanctis promitti fecerunt, viamque venturo imperatori preparantes eius adventus fidi et utiles precursores extitere. Sane haec est forma sacramenti, in qua omnes iuraverunt:

Therefore, at their first entry into Italy they accepted into surrender the castle called Rivola, situated above the closure of the Veronese, impregnable by the nature of the place, supposing that by the garrison of the same, in such narrow defiles of the places, our men would find a more clement approach for coming and returning. Received with great concourse and honorificence by the bishops and citizens of Verona both there and in other cities [namely Mantua, Cremona, Pavia], they caused loyalty to the emperor and an adminicle of the expedition to be promised, with the most holy things touched, and, preparing the way for the emperor who was to come, they stood forth as faithful and useful precursors of his arrival. Truly, this is the form of the oath, in which all swore:

Ego iuro, quod ammodo in antea ero fidelis domino meo Friderico Romanorum imperatori contra omnes homines, sicut iure debeo domino et imperatori, et adiuvabo eum retinere coronam imperii et omnem honorem eius in Italia, nominatim et specialiter civitatem N. et quicquid in ea iuris habere debet, vel in omni virtute comitatus vel episcopatus N. Regalia sua ei non auferam ibidem nec alibi, et si fuerint ablata, bona fide recuperare et retinere adiuvabo. Neque in consilio ero nec in facto, quod vitam vel membrum vel honorem suum perdat vel mala captione teneatur. Omne mandatum eius, quod ipse mihi fecerit per se vel per epistolam suam aut per legatum suum de facienda iusticia, fideliter observabo et illud audire vel recipere vel complere nullo malo ingenio evitabo.

I swear that from now henceforward I will be faithful to my lord Frederick, emperor of the Romans, against all men, as by law I owe to a lord and emperor, and I will aid him to retain the crown of the empire and all his honor in Italy, by name and especially the city N., and whatever right he ought to have in it, or in all the authority (virtue) of the county or bishopric N. His regalia I will not remove from him there nor elsewhere, and if they shall have been removed, I will in good faith help to recover and retain them. Neither will I be in counsel nor in deed whereby he may lose life or limb or his honor, or be held by an evil seizure. Every mandate of his, which he shall make to me by himself or by his epistle or by his legate concerning the doing of justice, I will faithfully observe, and I will by no evil contrivance avoid hearing it or receiving it or completing it.

Haec omnia observabo fide bona sine fraude. Sic me Deus adiuvet et haec sancta quatuor ewangelia.

I will observe all these things in good faith, without fraud. So may God help me and these holy four Gospels.

A Verona per Mantuam iter agunt, et venientes Cremonam celebre colloquium, et si mavis curiam, tenuere, occurrentibus eis ad eam civitatem archiepiscopis Ravennate et Mediolanense et de suffraganeis eorum XV episcopis necnon comitibus, marchionibus, consulibus et primis omnium circaiacentium civitatum, idque veraciter asserere potero multis ante haec regibus denegatam eam, quam tunc probitate sua evicerunt isti legati principis, magnificentiam et gloriam. Inde per Romaniolam et Emiliam iter agentes exarchatum Ravennatem visitant, nusquam segnes, nusquam incauti peragere, quae negotiis principis ac regni utilitatibus profutura novissent. Inde per Ariminum versus Anconam tendunt; compererant enim logothetam seu Paliologum cum aliis nunciis Constantinopolitani imperatoris ibidem morari, specie quidem, quo adversus Wilhelmum Siculum largitione pecuniae milites qui solidarii vocantur colligerent, re autem vera, [sicut tunc fama fuit], ut civitates maritimas, quod sepius antehac attemptatum novimus, seu vi seu dolo sub Grecorum redigerent ditionem.

From Verona by way of Mantua they make the journey, and, coming to Cremona, they held a celebrated colloquy, and, if you prefer, a curia, the archbishops of Ravenna and Milan with 15 bishops of their suffragans, as well as counts, margraves, consuls, and the foremost men of all the surrounding cities, meeting them at that city; and this I can truly assert: that to many kings before these events there had been denied that magnificence and glory which at that time these legates of the prince won by their probity. Thence, making their way through Romagna and Emilia, they visit the Exarchate of Ravenna, nowhere sluggish, nowhere incautious to carry through what they knew would be of profit to the affairs of the prince and to the utilities of the realm. Thence through Rimini they tend toward Ancona; for they had learned that the logothete, or Palaeologus, with other envoys of the emperor of Constantinople, was staying there, ostensibly in order that, against William the Sicilian, by the largess of money they might gather soldiers who are called solidarii, but in reality, [as at that time rumor had it], that they might bring the maritime cities—what we know to have been attempted more often before now—either by force or by guile under the dominion of the Greeks.

Cumque Ravenna exeuntes non longe adhuc a civitate processissent, obvios habuere non paucos de melioribus terrae, qui ad prefatos Grecorum legatos ierant et cum ipsis colloquium familiare tenuerant. Qua de re commoti et in iram versi, pro eo quod se despexisse et Grecos spe lucri sibi preposuisse viderentur, Otto palatii comes, nec suorum paucitate nec illorum remoratus numerositate, gladio exerto in meliorem et nobiliorem omnium Ravennatensium, nomine Wilhelmum cognomento Maltraversar, manum misit seque eum captivum abducturum comminatus est, omnibus aliis pre timore et pavore silentibus et non contradicentibus. Magna et miranda prefati comitis animositas, quem nec copiosus eiusdem nobilis viri comitatus terruit nec vicinae civitatis metus permovit, quin ut legatus imperii, ubi ratio postulabat, auctoritate imperiali uteretur.

And when, going out from Ravenna, they had not yet advanced far from the city, they met not a few of the better men of the land, who had gone to the aforesaid legates of the Greeks and had held familiar colloquy with them. Stirred by this and turned to wrath, because they seemed to have despised them and to have preferred the Greeks to themselves by the hope of lucre, Otto, count of the palace, delayed by neither the paucity of his own men nor the multitude of the others, with sword drawn laid hand upon the best and most noble of all the Ravennates, by name William, surnamed Maltraversar, and threatened that he would lead him away captive, all the others, from fear and dread, being silent and not gainsaying. Great and wondrous was the boldness of the aforesaid count, whom neither the copious retinue of that same noble man terrified nor the fear of the neighboring city moved, but rather, as legate of the empire, where reason demanded, he employed imperial authority.

Tandem lenioribus verbis et multa supplicatione mitigatus et placatus ceptum iter peregit ac contra Grecos, qui, ut diximus, apud Anconam tunc morabantur, profecturus non parvam miliciam collegit et prope civitatem castra posuit. Evocatos itaque ad se verbis minacibus et valde gravibus adorsi sunt, qua temeritate sine principis conscientia talia presumpsissent; non se ignorare Danaum insidias et Grecam astutiam: simulata humanitate maleficia voluisse, callidissima fraude composita in amicos deputasse, quod contra inimicos struxisse putabantur. Cumque manifestis indiciis hostes Romani imperii convincantur, non aliud superesse, quam ut pro crimine lesae maiestatis de ipsis omnibus supplicium sumatur.

At length, softened by gentler words and much supplication and appeased, he completed the begun journey, and, about to set out against the Greeks who, as we said, were then staying at Ancona, he gathered no small militia and pitched camp near the city. Having therefore summoned them to himself, they attacked them with threatening and very weighty words: with what rashness they had presumed such things without the prince’s knowledge; that they were not ignorant of the ambushes of the Danaans and Greek astuteness; that under feigned humanity they had intended malefactions, and by the most crafty fraud had deployed against friends what they were thought to have contrived against enemies. And since by manifest indications they are convicted as enemies of the Roman Empire, there remains nothing else than that, for the crime of lèse-majesté, punishment be exacted of them all.

Talibus invectionibus perterriti Greci atque animo consternati multa supplicatione verba excusationis depromunt partemque suam quibus possunt argumentis purgare conantur. Nequaquam se ignorare legem Iuliam maiestatis, quae in eos, qui contra imperatorem vel rem publicam aliquid moliti sunt, suum vigorem extendit. Verum ab hoc suam ipsorum conscientiam sese beatos facere, ficta pro veris non recipienda.

Terrified by such invectives and their spirit consternated, the Greeks, with much supplication, bring forth words of excuse and strive to purge their own side with whatever arguments they can. By no means, they say, are they ignorant of the Julian law of majesty, which extends its vigor against those who have attempted anything against the emperor or the commonwealth. But indeed, in this their own conscience makes them blest: feigned things are not to be received in place of truths.

Magis eos credere debere benignitatibus et obsequiis sepissime a Grecis in nostros experimento probatis. Testis horum sit Alemannia tota, testis pietatis sit ipse imperator, nunc princeps orbis terrarum, qui haec aliquando viderit et re ipsa expertus fuerit. Equitas in vivos, misericordia in mortuos, honor in principem, munificentia in optimates, haec esse affectus sui erga nostros probationes certissimas fictisque criminationibus veriores.

They ought rather to put credence in the benignities and the services of deference most often, by the Greeks toward our people, proved by experience. Let all Germany be witness of these things, let the emperor himself be witness of their piety, now the prince of the world, who at one time has seen these things and in very deed has experienced them. Equity toward the living, mercy toward the dead, honor toward the prince, munificence toward the optimates—these are the most certain proofs of their disposition toward our people, and truer than feigned criminations.

His et similibus se cum magna mentium contritione Grecis de obiectis excusantibus, dum nulla fraudis deprehendi potuissent indicia, acceptis ab eis magnificis muneribus in Greciam eos pacifice remigare concedunt ipsique Mutinum revertuntur.

With these and similar things, the Greeks, excusing themselves for the things objected with great contrition of minds, while no indications of fraud could have been detected, magnificent gifts having been received from them, they grant them to sail back peacefully into Greece, and they themselves return to Mutina.

Capitulum XXI.

Chapter 21.

Hisdem diebus Heinricus et Iacinctus, supra dicti nuncii Adriani papae, Ferariam venerant, auditoque quod legati imperatoris Mutinam redissent, non sperantes ipsos sibi occurrere, humilitatis formam prebentes, quod insolitum antea fuerat, ad eos pergunt, expositaque causa legationis, quod scilicet ea, quae pacis essent et honor imperio, in mandatis haberent, dimittuntur. Iam vero adventum illorum per omnes partes illas, ubi arta montium transituri erant, fama nunciaverat, multosque mortalium rerum alienarum cupidos id contra eos animaverat, quod pene neminem latebat maiestatem imperialem Romanis infensam existere, quodque vicio aviditatis quisque ardebat, acsi regiae voluntati obsequeretur, temerarius intendebat, sperans in hoc casu latrocinium honestiori nomine posse palliari. A Feraria itaque Veronam, a Verona per vallem Tridentinam iter agunt, habentes secum gratia maioris securitatis venerabilem episcopum Tridentinum Albertum.

In the same days Henry and Hyacinth, the above-mentioned envoys of Pope Adrian, had come to Ferrara; and, having heard that the emperor’s legates had returned to Modena, not expecting them to come to meet them, presenting a form of humility—which was unusual before—they go to them; and, the cause of their legation having been set forth, namely that they had in their mandates those things which were of peace and honor to the Empire, they are dismissed. Now indeed the rumor had announced their arrival through all those parts where they were going to pass the narrow mountain defiles, and it had incited against them many among mortals greedy for others’ goods, since it was scarcely hidden from anyone that the imperial majesty existed hostile to the Romans; and each, burning with the vice of avidity, as if he were complying with the royal will, was making rash attempts, hoping that in this case brigandage could be cloaked by a more honorable name. From Ferrara, therefore, to Verona, from Verona they travel through the Trentine valley, having with them, for the sake of greater security, the venerable Albert, bishop of Trento.

Sed prevaluit auri sacra fames, quae quos arripuit, nil umquam honestum, nil moderatum sentire vel appetere permittit. Nam Fridericus et Heinricus comites, quorum in illis partibus non parum poterat violentia, tam cardinales quam episcopum captos, spoliatos in vinculis ponunt, donec Romanos quidam datus in obsidem nobilis vir N., germanus Iacincti, episcopum autem evidenter divina potentia liberavit. Hanc tamen inmanitatem nobilissimus dux Baioariae et Saxoniae ob amorem sanctae Romanae aecclesiae et honorem imperii non multo post probe vindicavit.

But the accursed hunger for gold prevailed, which, whomever it seizes, permits to feel nothing ever honorable, nothing moderate, nor to seek it. For Frederick and Henry, counts, whose violence in those parts had no small power, place both the cardinals and the bishop, captured and despoiled, in bonds, until a certain noble man N., the brother of Iacinctus, was given as a hostage for the Romans; but the bishop manifestly divine power delivered. This outrage, nevertheless, the most noble duke of Bavaria and Saxony, for the love of the holy Roman Church and the honor of the empire, not long after duly avenged.

Namque et vadem eripuit et comites multis malis attritos ad deditionem et satisfactionem coegit.

For indeed he both rescued the hostage and compelled the counts, worn down by many ills, to surrender and to make satisfaction.

Capitulum XXII.

Chapter 22.

Friderico igitur, ut iam dictum est, castra in campestribus Augustae civitatis metato, ad suam eosdem legatos admittit presentiam, eisque clementer receptis causam adventus exquirit. Illi reverenter ac demisso vultu, voce modesta tale suae legationis assumunt principium: ÔPresul sanctae Romanae aecclesiae, vestrae excellentiae devotissimus in Christo pater, salutat vos sicut karissimum et spiritalem sancti Petri filium. Salutant etiam vos venerabiles fratres nostri, clerici autem vestri, universi cardinales, tamquam dominum et imperatorem Urbis et orbis.

Therefore, with Frederick, as already said, having pitched his camp on the plains of the city of Augusta, he admits those same legates to his presence, and, they having been kindly received, he inquires the cause of their coming. They, reverently and with downcast countenance, in a modest voice assume such a beginning of their legation: "The prelate of the holy Roman Church, a father most devoted in Christ to your Excellency, greets you as the dearest and spiritual son of Saint Peter. Our venerable brothers also greet you, and indeed your clerics, all the cardinals, as lord and emperor of the City and the world."

Quanta dilectione sancta Romana aecclesia amplitudinem et honorem imperii vestri amplectatur, quam sine conscientia peccati vestram satis invita sustinuerit indignationem, et scripta presentia et in ore nostro positae vivae vocis officium declarabit'. Post haec verba litteras efferunt, quae venerabili Ottoni Frisingensi episcopo ad legendum simul et interpretandum datae sunt, viro utique, qui singularem habebat dolorem de controversia inter regnum et sacerdotium. Exemplar litterarum hoc est:

With what great affection the holy Roman Church embraces the amplitude and honor of your empire, how, without a consciousness of sin, she has quite unwillingly borne your indignation, both the present writings and the office of a living voice set upon our lips will declare'. After these words they bring forth letters, which were given to the venerable Otto, bishop of Freising, to read and at the same time to interpret—a man, to be sure, who had a singular grief over the controversy between kingdom and priesthood. The exemplar of the letters is this:

Capitulum XXIII.

Chapter 23.

Ex quo universalis aecclesiae curam Deo, prout ipsi placuit, disponente suscepimus, ita in cunctis negotiis magnificentiam tuam honorare curavimus, ut de die in diem animus tuus magis ac magis in amore nostro et veneratione sedis apostolicae debuisset accendi. Unde sine grandi ammiratione non ferimus, quod cum, audito ex suggestione quorumdam animum tuum aliquantulum contra nos fuisse commotum, duos de melioribus et maioribus fratribus nostris, R[olandum] scilicet cancellarium tituli Sancti Marci et B[ernhardum] tituli Sancti Clementis presbiteros cardinales, qui pro tuae maiestatis honore in Romana aecclesia solliciti semper extiterant, pro voluntatis tuae cognitione ad tuam presentiam direximus, aliter quam imperialem decuerit honorificentiam sunt tractati. Occasione siquidem cuiusdam verbi, quod est Ôbeneficium', tuus animus, sicut dicitur, est commotus, quod utique nedum tanti viri, sed nec cuiuslibet minoris animum merito commovisset.

Since, with God disposing as it pleased Him, we have undertaken the care of the universal Church, we have been careful in all affairs to honor your magnificence in such a way that from day to day your spirit ought to have been kindled more and more in our love and in the veneration of the Apostolic See. Whence we cannot bear without great admiration that, when, upon the suggestion of certain persons, it was heard that your spirit had been somewhat moved against us, the two of the better and greater of our brethren—namely R[oland], chancellor of the title of Saint Mark, and B[ernhard], presbyters cardinals of the title of Saint Clement—who had always shown themselves solicitous in the Roman Church for the honor of your majesty, whom we sent into your presence to ascertain your will, were treated otherwise than imperial honorificence befitted. For on the occasion of a certain word, which is Ôbeneficium', your spirit, as it is said, was stirred—something which indeed would by no means have deserved to move the spirit not only of so great a man, but not even of any lesser person.

Licet enim hoc nomen, quod est Ôbeneficium', apud quosdam in alia significatione, quam ex inpositione habeat, assumatur, tunc tamen in ea significatione accipiendum fuerat, quam nos ipsi posuimus, et quam ex institutione sua noscitur retinere. Hoc enim nomen ex bono et facto est editum, et dicitur beneficium aput nos non feudum, sed bonum factum; in qua significatione in universo Sacrae Scripturae corpore invenitur, ubi ex beneficio Dei, non tamquam ex feudo, sed velut ex benedictione et bono facto ipsius gubernari dicimur et nutriri. Et tua quidem magnificentia liquido recognoscit, quod nos ita bene et honorifice imperialis dignitatis insigne tuo capiti imposuimus, ut bonum factum valeat ab omnibus iudicari.

For although this name, which is Ôbeneficium', is assumed by some in a signification other than that which it has from its imposition, yet then it ought to have been taken in that signification which we ourselves set, and which it is known to retain from its own institution. For this name is derived from bonum and factum, and among us beneficium is said not to be a fief (feudum), but a good deed; in which signification it is found in the entire body of Holy Scripture, where we are said to be governed and nourished by the benefit (beneficium) of God, not as by a fief, but as by his benediction and good deed. And your Magnificence indeed clearly recognizes that we have so well and honorably imposed the ensign of imperial dignity upon your head that it may avail to be judged by all a good deed.

Unde quod quidam verbum hoc et illud, scilicet: Ôcontulimus tibi insigne imperialis coronae', a sensu suo nisi sunt ad alium retorquere, non ex merito causae, sed de voluntate propria et illorum suggestione, qui pacem regni et aecclesiae nullatenus diligunt, hoc egerunt. Per hoc enim vocabulum Ôcontulimus' nil aliud intelligimus, nisi quod superius dictum est Ôimposuimus'. Sane quod postmodum personas aecclesiasticas a debita sacrosanctae Romanae aecclesiae visitatione, ut dicitur, revocari iussisti, si ita est, quam inconvenienter actum sit, tua, fili in Christo karissime, discretio, ut credimus, recognoscit. Nam si aput nos aliquid amaritudinis habebas, per nuncios et litteras tuas nobis fuerat intimandum, et nos honori tuo curavissemus, sicut filii karissimi, providere.

Whence it is that certain men have tried to twist this word and that, namely: Ôwe have conferred upon you the insigne of the imperial crown', from its own sense to another, not by the merit of the cause, but by their own will and at the suggestion of those who in no wise love the peace of the kingdom and the church. For by this vocable Ôwe have conferred' we understand nothing other than what was said above, Ôwe have imposed'. Indeed, as to the fact that afterward you ordered ecclesiastical persons, as it is said, to be called back from the due visitation of the sacrosanct Roman Church, if it is so, how inappositely it was done your discretion, dearest son in Christ, as we believe, recognizes. For if you bore any bitterness toward us, it ought to have been intimated to us through your nuncios and your letters, and we would have taken care, as most dear sons, to provide for your honor.

Nunc igitur quoniam ad commonitionem dilecti filii nostri H[einrici] Baioariae et Saxoniae ducis duos de fratribus nostris, Heinricum tituli Sanctorum Nerei et Achillei [presbiterum] et Iacinctum Sanctae Mariae in Cosmidin diaconem cardinales, prudentes siquidem et honestos viros, ad tuam presentiam destinamus, celsitudinem tuam monentes et hortantes in Domino, quatinus eos honeste ac benigne recipias, et quod ab eis ex parte nostra tuae magnificentiae fuerit intimatum, a sinceritate cordis nostri noverit tua excellentia processisse, ac per hoc cum eisdem filiis nostris, mediante iam dicto filio nostro duce, ita celsitudo tua studeat convenire, ut inter te et matrem tuam sacrosanctam Romanam aecclesiam [ammodo] nullius discordiae seminarium debeat remanere.

Now therefore, since at the admonition of our beloved son H[enry], duke of Bavaria and Saxony, we are sending to your presence two of our brothers—Henry, cardinal [presbyter] of the title of the Saints Nereus and Achilleus, and Hyacinth, cardinal deacon of Santa Maria in Cosmedin—men indeed prudent and honest, admonishing and exhorting your Highness in the Lord, that you receive them honorably and kindly, and that what shall have been intimated by them on our part to your Magnificence, your Excellency may know to have proceeded from the sincerity of our heart; and through this, with those same our sons, with our already-mentioned son the duke as mediator, so may your Highness strive to come to agreement, that between you and your mother, the sacrosanct Roman Church, [henceforth] there ought to remain no seed of discord.

Capitulum XXIIII.

Chapter 24.

Lectis et benigna interpretatione expositis litteris, imperator mitigatus est, clementiorqnue factus quasdam causas alio loco memorandas, quae seminarium discordiae prestarent, si non congrua emendatio interveniret, legatis per capitula distinxit. Quibus ad nutum principis et per omnia bene respondentibus presulemque Romanum in nullo regiae dignitati derogare, sed honorem ac iusticiam imperii semper illibatam conservare pollicentibus, pacem et amiciciam tam summo pontifici quam omni clero Romano reddidit eamque signo pacis et osculo absentibus per presentes destinavit. Sicque hylariores facti legati donatique regalibus muneribus divertunt in civitatem.

With the letters read and set forth with a benign interpretation, the emperor was mitigated, and made more clement; and certain causes, to be recorded elsewhere, which would furnish a seedbed of discord if a fitting emendation did not intervene, he distinguished for the legates by chapters. To whom, complying at the nod of the prince and in all things responding well, and promising that the Roman prelate would in no way derogate from the royal dignity, but would always preserve unimpaired the honor and justice of the empire, he restored peace and amity both to the supreme pontiff and to all the Roman clergy, and he dispatched the same to the absent by a sign of peace and a kiss through those present. And thus the legates, made more cheerful and gifted with regal gifts, turned aside into the city.

Capitulum XXV.

Chapter 25.

Eodem loco hisdemque diebus nuncii regis Datiae N., nuper electi, principis adeunt presentiam, postulantes, quatinus investituram de regno suo regi mittere ac electionem de ipso factam ratihabitione confirmare dignaretur. Exaudivit eos imperator, prebito et accepto ab eis sacramento iurisiurandi post reditum suum de Italia infra XL dies regem ad curiam venturum et regni administrationem de manu principis debitae fidelitatis interposita securitate suscepturum.

In the same place and on the same days the envoys of the king of Dacia, N., newly elected, approach the presence of the prince, requesting that he deign to send investiture of his kingdom to the king and to confirm by ratihabition the election made of him. The emperor hearkened to them, the sacrament of swearing an oath having been proffered and accepted from them, that after his return from Italy, within 40 days the king would come to the court and would receive the administration of the kingdom from the hand of the prince, with surety for due fidelity interposed.

Capitulum XXVI.

Chapter 26.

Interea confluente ad ipsum undiqueversus copioso exercitu, nuncii diversorum principum aulam replevere, quibus locis singuli eorum cum singulis exercitibus per artiora montium loca transirent, imperatorem consultantes. Tantae siquidem erant auxiliariorum copiae, quod plurium viarum meatus vix eos pre multitudine sustinere potuissent, videlicet Francorum, Saxonum, Ribuariorum, Burgundionum, Suevorum, Baioariorum, Lotharingiorum, Boemorum, Ungarorum, Carentanorum, et cum his aliae nonnullae Celticae seu Germaniae nationes, viri fortes, bellatores infinitae multitudinis vario armorum apparatu, iuventus valida et ad bellorum motus inperterrita. Fridericus habito consilio et provida circumspectione usus hoc modo eis vias et Alpium transitus censuit distribuendas.

Meanwhile, as a copious army was flowing together to him from every direction, messengers of various princes filled the court, consulting the emperor in what places each of them, with their several armies, should pass through the narrower places of the mountains. For so great were the forces of auxiliaries that the channels of several roads could scarcely have sustained them because of the multitude—namely of the Franks, Saxons, Ripuarians, Burgundians, Suevi, Bavarians, Lotharingians, Bohemians, Hungarians, Carinthians, and with these several other nations of Celtic or of German stock—brave men, warriors of boundless multitude with a varied apparatus of arms, a sturdy youth and undaunted at the movements of wars. Frederick, counsel having been held and employing provident circumspection, judged that the roads and the passes of the Alps were to be distributed to them in this manner.

Dux Austriae Heinricus et item Heinricus dux Carentanus et simul cum eis copiae Ungarorum, ferme DC sagittarii electi, pariterque comites et barones illarum terrarum per Canalem et Forum Iulii atque marchiam Veronensem; dux Bertolfus de Zaringen vel potius Burgundiae cum Lotharingis per viam Iulii Cesaris, quae modo mons Iovis vocatur; multa pars Francorum, Ripariolorum ac Suevorum per Clavennam et lacum Cumanum. Princeps ipse, habens in comitatu suo regem Boemiae, ducem Sueviae, videlicet Fridericum, filium regis Conradi, fratrem suum Conradum palatinum comitem de Rheno, Fridericum Coloniensem, Arnoldum Maguntinum, Hellinum Treverensem archiepiscopos cum episcopis Conrado Eistetense, Daniel Bragensi, Herimanno Verdense, Gebehardo Herbipolense et abbatibus regalium cenobiorum, videlicet Fuldense, Augiense - taceo marchiones, comites clarissimos et valde potentes, quorum nomina si coner perstringere, delicato seu pigro lectori onerosus existam - his omnibus stipatus agminibus, immo divino comitatus presidio, divus augustus Alpium fauces felici procinctu cepit urgere.

Duke Henry of Austria and likewise Henry, duke of Carinthia, and together with them forces of the Hungarians, nearly 600 chosen archers, and equally the counts and barons of those lands, through Canale and Forum Julii and the Veronese march; Duke Berthold of Zähringen, or rather of Burgundy, with the Lotharingians by the road of Julius Caesar, which now is called Mount Jove; a great part of the Franks, the Ripuarians, and the Swabians by way of Chiavenna and Lake Como. The prince himself, having in his retinue the king of Bohemia, the duke of Swabia—namely Frederick, the son of King Conrad—his brother Conrad, the Palatine Count of the Rhine, Frederick of Cologne, Arnold of Mainz, Hellin of Trier, archbishops, with the bishops Conrad of Eichstätt, Daniel of Bragensis, Hermann of Verden, Gebehard of Würzburg, and the abbots of the royal monasteries, namely of Fulda and of Augia (Reichenau)—I pass over the margraves, most illustrious and very powerful counts, whose names, if I should try to touch on them, I would become burdensome to the delicate or slothful reader—hemmed in by all these columns, nay rather accompanied by divine protection as his escort, the sacred Augustus began to press the throats of the Alps with a fortunate battle-preparation.

Capitulum XXVII.

Chapter 27.

Iam angustias montium laetus exierat exercitus, iam in planis Italiae campestribus castra metati fuerant, primaque venientium impetum Brissia, temere in locis munitis et militum suorum fortitudine confisa, armis ausa fuit excipere. Sed momento temporis laceratis eius viribus subacta est; primo a rege Boemorum graviter attrita, deinde in adventu principis, datis LX vadibus simulque non modica pecunia, in deditionis pactionem recepta.

Already the army, glad, had gone out from the narrows of the mountains, already on the level plains of Italy they had pitched camp, and Brissia, rashly trusting in fortified places and in the fortitude of its soldiers, dared to receive with arms the first onset of those coming. But in a moment of time, its forces torn, it was subdued; first by the king of the Bohemians grievously attrited, then upon the arrival of the prince, with 60 hostages given and likewise no small sum of money, it was received into a compact of surrender.

Capitulum XXVIII.

Chapter 28.

Residente augusto et ex diversis Italiae civitatibus venientem militem prestolante, consilio inito commode et religiose satis prius de pacis quam de belli tractat negotiis. Conventum ergo principum cogens leges pacis in exercitu conservandas tales constituit:

With the Augustus sitting and awaiting the soldiery coming from diverse cities of Italy, counsel having been entered upon, he treats quite suitably and religiously first of the affairs of peace rather than of war. Therefore, convening an assembly of the princes, he established such laws of peace to be conserved in the army:

Statuimus et firmiter observari volumus, ut nec miles nec serviens litem audeat movere. Quod si alter cum altero rixatus fuerit, neuter debet vociferari signa castrorum, ne inde sui concitentur ad pugnam. Quod si lis mota fuerit, nemo debet accurrere cum armis, gladio scilicet, lancea vel sagittis; sed indutus lorica, scuto, galea, ad litem non portet nisi fustem, quo dirimat litem.

We decree and we wish to be firmly observed, that neither soldier nor sergeant dare to stir up a quarrel. But if one has brawled with another, neither ought to cry out the camp-signals, lest thereby their own men be incited to fight. And if a quarrel has been started, no one ought to run up with arms—namely, with sword, lance, or arrows; but, wearing a cuirass, shield, helmet, to the quarrel let him carry nothing except a club, by which he may break up the quarrel.

Nemo vociferabitur signa castrorum, nisi querendo hospitium suum. Sed si miles vociferatione signi litem commoverit, auferetur ei omne suum harnascha, et eicietur de exercitu. Si servus fecerit, tondebitur, verberabitur et in maxilla comburetur, vel dominus suus redimet eum cum omni suo harnascha.

No one shall vociferate the camp-signs, unless in seeking his lodging. But if a soldier, by the vociferation of the sign, shall stir up a quarrel, all his harness shall be taken away from him, and he shall be cast out of the army. If a servant shall do it, he shall be shorn, beaten, and burned on the cheek; or his master shall redeem him together with all his harness.

Qui aliquem vulneraverit et hoc se fecisse negaverit, tunc, si vulneratus per duos veraces testes, non consanguineis suis, illum convincere potest, manus ei abscidatur. Quod si testes defuerint et ille iuramento se expurgare voluerit, accusator potest, si vult, iuramentum refutare et illum duello impetere. Si quis homicidium fecerit et a propinquo occisi vel amico vel socio per duos veraces testes, non consanguineos occisi, convictus fuerit, capitalem sententiam subibit.

Whoever shall have wounded someone and denies that he did this, then, if the wounded man can convict him through two truthful witnesses, not his kinsmen, let his hand be cut off. But if witnesses are lacking and he wishes to purge himself by oath, the accuser can, if he wishes, refuse the oath and challenge him to a duel. If anyone has committed homicide and is convicted by a kinsman of the slain, or by a friend or companion, through two truthful witnesses, not kinsmen of the slain, he shall undergo the capital sentence.

Verum si testes defuerint et homicida iuramento se expurgare voluerit, amicus propinquus occisi duello eum potest impetere. Si extraneus miles pacifice ad castra accesserit, sedens in palefrido sine scuto et armis, si quis eum leserit, pacis violator iudicabitur. Si autem sedens in dextrario et habens scutum in collo, lanceam in manu ad castra accesserit, si quis eum leserit, pacem non violavit.

However, if witnesses are lacking and the homicide should wish to purge himself by oath, a friend or kinsman of the slain can challenge him to duel. If a foreign soldier has peaceably approached the camp, sitting on a palfrey without shield and arms, whoever injures him will be adjudged a violator of the peace. But if, sitting on a destrier and having a shield at his neck and a lance in his hand, he has approached the camp, whoever injures him has not violated the peace.

Miles, qui mercatorem spoliaverit, dupliciter reddet ablata et iurabit, quod nescivit illum mercatorem. Si servus, tondebitur et in maxilla comburetur, vel dominus reddet pro eo rapinam.

A soldier who shall have despoiled a merchant shall render the things taken twofold and shall swear that he did not know him to be a merchant. If it is a slave, he shall be shorn and burned on the cheek, or the master shall render the rapine on his behalf.

Quicumque aliquem spoliare aecclesiam vel forum viderit, prohibere debet, tamen sine lite; si prohibere non potest, reum accusare debet in curia. Nemo aliquam mulierem habeat in hospitio; qui vero habere presumpserit, auferetur ei omne suum harnasch, et excommunicatus habebitur, et mulieri nasus abscidetur. Nemo inpugnabit castrum, quod a curia defensionem habet.

Whoever shall have seen someone despoiling a church or a forum ought to prohibit it, yet without quarrel; if he cannot prohibit it, he ought to accuse the guilty party in the court. Let no one have any woman in lodging; but whoever shall have presumed to have one, all his harness shall be taken from him, and he shall be held excommunicated, and the woman’s nose shall be cut off. No one shall attack a castle which has protection from the court.

Si servus furtum fecerit et in furto fuerit deprehensus, si prius fur non erat, non ideo suspendetur, sed tondebitur, verberabitur et in maxilla comburetur et eicietur de exercitu, nisi dominus eius redimat eum cum omni suo harnasch. Si prius fur erat, suspendetur.
Si servus aliquis culpatus et non in furto fuerit deprehensus, sequenti die expurgabit se iudicio igniti ferri, vel dominus eius iuramentum pro eo prestabit; actor vero iurabit, quod aliam ob causam non interpellat eum de furto, nisi quod putat eum culpabilem.

If a slave has committed theft and has been apprehended in the theft, if he was not previously a thief, he will not on that account be hanged, but he will be shorn, flogged, and burned on the cheek, and he will be cast out from the army, unless his master redeems him along with all his harness. If he was previously a thief, he will be hanged.
If any slave be accused and not apprehended in the theft, on the following day he shall purge himself by the judgment of the heated iron, or his master shall furnish an oath on his behalf; but the plaintiff shall swear that he does not prosecute him for theft on any other account, except that he thinks him culpable.

Si quis invenerit equum alterius, non tondebit eum nec ignotum faciet, sed dicet marschalcho, et tenebit eum non furtive et imponet ei onus suum. Quod si ille qui amisit equum in via deprehenderit oneratum, non deiciet onus eius, sed sequens ad hospicium recipiet equum suum.

If anyone finds another’s horse, he shall not clip it nor make it unknown, but shall tell the marshal, and shall hold it not furtively and shall impose upon it its own load. But if he who lost the horse apprehends it on the road when it is laden, he shall not cast down its load, but, following to the inn, he shall receive back his horse.

Si quis vero villam vel domum incenderit, tondebitur et in maxillis comburetur et verberabitur.

If anyone shall set a villa or a house on fire, he shall be shorn, and burned on the cheeks, and scourged.

Faber non comburet carbones in villa, sed portabit ligna ad hospicium suum et ibi comburet; quod si in villa fecerit, tondebitur, verberabitur et in maxillis comburetur.

The smith shall not burn coals in the village, but he shall carry wood to his lodging and there burn it; but if he shall have done it in the village, he shall be shaved, he shall be beaten, and he shall be burned on the cheeks.

Si quis aliquem leserit, imponens ei quod pacem non iuraverit, non erit reus violatae pacis, nisi ille probare possit duobus ydoneis testibus, quod pacem iuraverit.

If anyone injures someone, charging him with not having sworn the peace, he will not be guilty of violated peace, unless that man can prove by two suitable witnesses that he has sworn the peace.

Nemo recipiet hospicio servum qui sine domino est. Quod si fecerit, reddet in duplo quidquid ille abstulerit.

No one shall receive into hospitality a slave who is without a master. But if he shall do this, he shall render in double whatever that one shall have carried off.

Quicumque foveam invenerit, libere fruatur ea. Quod si ablata fuerit ei, non reddet malum pro malo, non ulciscetur iniuriam suam, sed conqueretur marschalcho, iusticiam accepturus.

Whoever shall have found a pit, let him freely enjoy it. But if it shall have been taken away from him, he shall not render evil for evil, he shall not avenge his injury, but he shall complain to the marshal, to receive justice.

Si mercator Teutonicus civitatem intraverit et emerit mercatum et portaverit ad exercitum et carius vendiderit in exercitu, camerarius auferet ei omne forum suum et verberabit eum et tondebit et comburet in maxillam.

If a Teutonic merchant has entered the city and has bought merchandise and has carried it to the army and has sold it more dearly in the army, the chamberlain will take away from him all his market-wares and will beat him and will shear him and will burn him on the cheek.

Nullus Teutonicus habeat socium Latinum, nisi sciat Teutonicum; sed si habuerit, auferefur ei quidquid habet.

No Teutonic shall have a Latin associate, unless he knows Teutonic; but if he shall have one, whatever he has will be taken away from him.

Si miles militi convitia dixerit, negare potest iuramento; si non negaverit, componet ei X libras monetae, quae tunc erit in exercitu.

If a soldier shall have spoken insults to a soldier, he can deny it by oath; if he does not deny, he shall compound to him 10 pounds of the coin which shall then be current in the army.

Si quis invenerit vasa plena vini, vinum inde extrahat ita caute, ne vasa confringat vel ligamina incidat vasorum, ne ad dampnum exercitus totum vinum effundatur.

If anyone shall have found vessels full of wine, let him extract the wine thence so cautiously, lest he break the vessels or cut the ligatures of the vessels, lest, to the damage of the army, all the wine be poured out.

Si castrum aliquod captum fuerit, bona quae intus sunt auferantur, sed non incendatur, nisi forte hoc marschalchus faciat.

If some castle has been captured, let the goods which are inside be carried off, but let it not be burned, unless perhaps the marshal does this.

Si quis venatus fuerit cum canibus venaticis, feram quam invenerit et canibus agitaverit sine alicuius inpedimento habebit.

If anyone shall have hunted with hunting dogs, he shall have the wild beast which he has found and has driven with the dogs, without anyone’s impediment.

Si quis per canes leporarios feram fugaverit, non erit necessario sua, sed erit occupantis.

If anyone, by means of hare-hounds, has put a wild beast to flight, it will not necessarily be his own, but will belong to the occupant (the one who seizes it).

Si quis lancea vel gladio feram percusserit, et antequam manu levaverit, alter occupaverit, non occupantis erit, sed qui occiderit eam sine contradictione obtinebit.

If anyone has struck a wild beast with a lance or a sword, and before he has lifted it by hand another has occupied it, it will not be the occupant’s, but he who has killed it will obtain it without contradiction.

Si quis birsando feram balista vel arcu occiderit, eius erit.

If anyone, while stalking, kills a wild beast with a ballista or a bow, it shall be his.

Hanc treugam archiepiscopi, episcopi, abbates datis pro se dextris firmaverunt et violatores pacis pontificalis officii severitate cohercendos promiserunt.

The archbishops, bishops, and abbots, with right hands given for themselves, ratified this truce and promised that violators of the peace would be constrained by the severity of the pontifical office.

Capitulum XXVIIII.

Chapter 29.

Iam totus exercitus tam Cisalpinus quam Transalpinus convenerat, iam multitudo prudentium et in lege doctissimorum in unum coierat, omniumque aures intentae erant, quas ad partes vel in quas nationes inprimis eos bellicus labor et voluntas principis invitaret. Tunc imperator, coniuncta cum hylaritate iuvenili regia severitate, ut et timeri pariter et amari mereretur, unde exaudiri posset constitisse et pro concione huiuscemodi usus oratione memoratur:

Already the whole army, both Cisalpine and Transalpine, had assembled; already a multitude of the prudent and of the most learned in the law had come together into one, and the ears of all were intent, to what parties or into what nations especially the martial labor and the will of the prince might invite them. Then the emperor, royal severity conjoined with youthful hilarity, so that he might deserve at once to be feared and to be loved, is reported to have taken his stand where he could be clearly heard, and before the assembly to have used an oration of this kind:

ÔRegi regum magnas nos et ingentes debere gratias cognoscimus, cuius dum complacuit ordinationi, ut quasi ministri eius et vestri regni gubernacula regeremus, tantam nobis in vestra probitate atque prudentia fidutiam donavit, quod in multis experimentum vestri habentes, salvo nobis benignitatis vestrae presidio simul et consilio, quaecumque occurrerint, quaecumque rem publicam Romani imperii turbare ausa fuerint, facile reprimenda putemus, imperii inquam Romani, cuius aput nos ministerium, auctoritatem penes vos, qui optimates regni estis, recognoscimus. Nemo nos pro libitu nostro bella gerere putaverit, quorum et eventus varius est, et quae comitum suorum, videlicet fame, siti, vigiliis, denique diversis mortibus horrenda et formidolosa non ignoramus. Non ad prelium nos accendit libido dominandi, sed feritas rebellandi.

O King of kings, we acknowledge that we owe great and immense thanks, since it pleased his ordination that, as though his ministers, we should steer the helms of your realm; he has granted us so great a confidence in your probity and prudence that, having had proof of you in many things, with the safeguard to us of your kindness and likewise your counsel, we think that whatever may arise, whatever may have dared to disturb the commonwealth of the Roman empire, can easily be repressed—of the Roman empire, I say, whose administration we hold with us, while the authority we recognize as with you, who are the nobles of the realm. Let no one think that we wage wars at our own pleasure, whose outcome is variable, and which we are not ignorant to be dreadful and formidable to their companions, namely by hunger, thirst, vigils, and finally by diverse deaths. It is not the lust of dominion that kindles us to battle, but the ferocity of rebellion.

Mediolanum est, quod patriis vos laribus excivit, quod caris liberorum et coniugum vos amplexibus abstraxit, quod hos omnes labores sua irreverentia et temeritate capitibus vestris induxit. Iustam vobis belli causam fecerunt, qui legittimo imperio rebelles inveniuntur. Suscipietis itaque bella ipsa non cupiditate vel crudelitate, sed pacis studio, ut malorum audatia coherceatur et boni disciplinae suae debitum fructum inveniant.

It is Milan that has summoned you from your ancestral hearths, that has drawn you away from the dear embraces of your children and spouses, that by its irreverence and temerity has brought all these labors upon your heads. They have made for you a just cause of war, who are found to be rebels against the legitimate imperial authority. You will therefore undertake the wars themselves not out of cupidity or cruelty, but out of zeal for peace, so that the audacity of the wicked may be restrained and the good may find the due fruit of their discipline.

Quod si per desidiam aut ignaviam dedecus a Mediolano vobis illatum vindice gladio non prosequeremur, iam indubitanter eum sine causa portaremus, nec tam esset in hoc nostra laudanda pacientia quam negligentia vituperanda. Ministri ergo iusticiae suffragium vestrum iuste postulamus, ut temeritas adversariorum careat effectu et imperii status ad nostra deductus tempora nostro ministerio debitum sortiatur honorem. Non inferimus, sed depellimus iniuriam.

But if through sloth or cowardice we were not to pursue with the avenging sword the disgrace brought upon you by Milan, we would now undoubtedly be carrying it without cause, and in this our patience would not so much be to be praised as our negligence to be blamed. Therefore, as ministers of justice we justly request your suffrage, that the temerity of the adversaries may lack effect, and that the status of the empire, handed down to our times, may by our ministry obtain its due honor. We do not inflict, but drive away injury.

Cumque iustum bellum sit, quod ex edicto superioris potestatis geritur, agite nunc universi, summam militiae laudem consecuturi, de meritis et laboribus fructum [magnificum] recepturi, obedientiam rei publicae utilitatibus exnibete, quidquid vobis utiliter imperatum fuerit, pro viribus obtemperate. Divina siquidem opitulante misericordia non segnes, non degeneres invenire nos debet inimica civitas in conservando, quod antecessores nostri Karolus et Otto titulis imperii addidere primique de ultramontanis, ille inter occidentales, hic inter orientales Francos, ad regni terminos dilatandos adicere curaverunt'.

And since the war is just, which is waged by edict of superior authority, act now, all together, destined to attain the highest praise of soldiery, about to receive a [magnificent] fruit from merits and labors; exhibit obedience to the utilities of the commonwealth, whatever shall have been usefully commanded to you, obey to the best of your powers. With divine mercy aiding, the hostile city ought not to find us sluggish, not degenerate, in preserving that which our predecessors Charles and Otto added to the titles of the empire; and, the first among the ultramontanes—he among the Western Franks, this one among the Eastern Franks—they took care to add for the widening of the borders of the realm'.

Dixerat, verbumque augusti strepitus, clamor favorque totius exercitus prosequitur, et divina quedam alacritas militibus incidit, salutis datori vota ac Friderico imperatori fausta quisque patria voce adclamantes. At sapientes et legum periti persuadent, Mediolanenses, licet improbos et infames, iudicis tamen officio per legittimas inducias citandos esse, ne violentia eis illata vel contra ius in absentes prolata sententia videretur. Legittimas vero inducias dicunt iudicis edictum unum, mox alterum et tercium, seu unum pro omnibus, quod peremptorium nominatur.

He had spoken, and the august word is followed by the crashing, the clamor, and the favor of the whole army, and a certain divine alacrity falls upon the soldiers, each acclaiming with a native voice auspices of good to the giver of safety and to Emperor Frederick. But the wise and those skilled in the laws persuade that the Milanese, although wicked and infamous, must nevertheless be cited by the office of a judge through legitimate continuances, lest violence be inflicted on them or a sentence pronounced against absentees appear contrary to law. And they say the legitimate continuances are one edict of the judge, then another and a third, or one for all, which is called peremptory.

Quod et factum est.

Which also was done.

Capitulum XXX.

Chapter 30.

Itaque Mediolanenses cum viderent universam vim belli suis imminere capitibus, eligunt quos ad curiam mittant legatos, viros eruditos et in dicendo acerrimos. Qui cum se penalibus et stricti iuris actionibus conveniri viderent, neque principem pactione multae pecuniae posse deliniri, suffragio optimatum frustra quesito pacisque infecto negotio ad suos revertuntur.

Therefore the Milanese, when they saw the whole force of war impending over their heads, choose persons to send as legates to the curia, men erudite and most keen in speaking. When they saw that they were being proceeded against by penal and strict-law actions, and that the prince could not be beguiled by a pact for a great sum of money, the suffrage of the optimates having been sought in vain and the business of peace left unaccomplished, they return to their own people.

Imperator, astipulantibus iudicibus et primis de Italia, contra Mediolanenses condempnationis proferens sententiam hostes eos iudicat omnique apparatu ad obsidionem civitatis accingitur. Quibus rebus aput Mediolanum compertis, permota civitas atque immutata urbis facies erat, ex summa laeticia atque lascivia, quae diuturna requies pepererat, repente omnes tristicia invasit. Festinare, trepidare, suo quisque modo et metu pericula metiri.

The emperor, with the judges and the foremost men of Italy assenting, bringing forth a sentence of condemnation against the Milanese, judges them enemies, and with every apparatus he girds himself for the siege of the city. When these things were learned at Milan, the commonwealth was stirred and the face of the city was changed: from the highest joy and wantonness, which a long repose had engendered, suddenly sadness seized all. To hasten, to tremble: each one, in his own manner and by his fear, measures the dangers.

Ad haec mulieres, quibus suae rei publicae magnitudine belli timor insolitus incesserat, afflictare sese, manus supplices ad caelum tendere, miserari parvos pueros, omnia pavere. Fuere tamen plerique, qui se et rem publicam obstinatis animis perditum irent. Nam semper in civitatibus, quibus opes nullae sunt, qui es alienum solvere non possunt, bonis aliorum et quieti invident, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum omnia mutari student; seditionibus sine cura aluntur, quoniam, ut dicitur, egestas facile habetur sine dampno. Preterea iuventus, quae in agris manuum labore victum querens inopiam tolerabat, publicis largitionibus excita urbanum otium ingrato labori pretulerat.

In addition to these things, the women, upon whom by the magnitude of the war an unusual fear had fallen for their own republic, were afflicting themselves, stretching suppliant hands to heaven, pitying the little children, fearing everything. There were, however, very many who, with obstinate spirits, were going to ruin themselves and the republic. For always in communities where there are no resources, those who cannot pay their debts envy the goods of others and their quiet, long for novelties, and, out of hatred for their own condition, strive to have everything changed; they are nourished by seditions without care, since, as it is said, want is easily had without damage. Moreover, the youth, who in the fields, seeking sustenance by the labor of their hands, had been enduring poverty, stirred by public largesses had preferred urban leisure to thankless toil.

Unde factum est, ut, multitudine huius vulgi prevalente, rei publicae iuxta ac sibi consulerent ac libentibus animis belli eventum expectarent, nobilioribus et melioribus metu talium silentio addictis. Et haec quidem in civitate.

Whence it came about that, the multitude of this vulgar crowd prevailing, they took counsel for the republic as well as for themselves and with willing spirits awaited the event of the war, the more noble and better being consigned to silence by fear of such men. And these things, indeed, in the city.

Capitulum XXXI.

Chapter 31.

Fridericus autem [regali mansuetudine] per aliquot dies opperiens expectabat, si forte Mediolanenses penitudo salubris ab incepto rebellionis revocaret, si forte cladis et periculorum consideratio eos propositum mutare persuaderet. Paratus etenim erat serenus principis animus potius correctis veniam prestare quam post destructionem provinciae cum dampno multorum de perdito populo triumphare. Illis ergo in priori pertinatia permanentibus, cunctis comitatus agminibus incipere obsidionem acriter statuit, castraque movens usque ad flumen Adduam processit.

Frederick, however, [with regal mansuetude], for several days tarried, awaiting whether perhaps a salutary penitence might recall the Milanese from the undertaken rebellion, whether perhaps the consideration of slaughter and dangers might persuade them to change their resolve. For the serene mind of the prince was prepared rather to grant pardon to the corrected than, after the destruction of the province with the damage of many, to triumph over a ruined people. Therefore, as they remained in their prior pertinacity, he resolved keenly to begin the siege with all the army’s columns, and, moving the camp, advanced as far as the river Adda.

Is fluvius Cremonensium ac Mediolanensium fines medius dirimens sepissime atroces eorum contra sese incursus inhibuit. Et tunc quidem propter liquentes in Alpibus nives non mediocri inundatione excreverat, ruptisque pontibus omnino transvadandi oportunitatem exercitui denegare videbatur. Aderant quoque in ulteriore fluminis ripa pugnacissimi de Mediolanensibus circiter mille equites armati, qui se ope et adminiculo inundantis fluminis facile vados pontesque defendere posse arbitrati sunt.

This river, dividing as a median line the borders of the Cremonese and the Milanese, has very often inhibited their atrocious incursions against one another. And at that time indeed, on account of the liquefying snows in the Alps, it had swelled with no mediocre inundation, and, the bridges having been ruptured, it seemed altogether to deny the army the opportunity to cross. There were also present on the further bank of the river about one thousand most pugnacious armed horsemen of the Milanese, who judged that, by the help and adminicle of the flooding river, they could easily defend the fords and the bridges.

Verum contra audaces non est audatia tuta. Nempe frustrati sunt, cum ex inproviso rex Boemiae et Conradus dux Dalmatiae cum suis, parvi pendentes periculum, aquis se dederint et, quamvis difficillime et non sine clade suorum, inperterriti tamen alveum furentis amnis transvadaverint vel potius transnataverint. Numerus eorum, quos aquarum vehementia involvit, involvendo submersit, circiter LX estimabatur. Mediolanenses, postquam regem preter spem et opinionem suam transisse cognoverunt, ante pugnam fuga disiecti et ad civitatem reversi sunt, sarcinae relictae, et preda universa a nostris direpta.

But against the bold, audacity is not safe. Indeed, they were foiled, when, unexpectedly, the king of Bohemia and Conrad, duke of Dalmatia, with their men, holding the peril of little account, committed themselves to the waters and, although with the greatest difficulty and not without a defeat of their own, yet undaunted waded across—or rather swam across—the channel of the raging river. The number of those whom the vehemence of the waters engulfed and, by engulfing, drowned, was estimated at about 60. The Milanese, after they learned that the king had crossed beyond their hope and opinion, were scattered in flight before the battle and returned to the city, the baggage left behind, and all the booty plundered by our men.

Has primitias belli primosque conatus infaustos Mediolanensibus nonnulli asperius auspicati sunt, rerum exitus ex principio metientes. Boemos reliquus exercitus secutus, pars refectis pontibus, pars insano gurgiti se immittentes, tam se quam sarcinas transposuere.

Some auspicated more harshly these first-fruits of war and first attempts, ill-omened for the Milanese, measuring the outcomes of affairs from the beginning. The rest of the army followed the Bohemians, part with the bridges repaired, part by casting themselves into the insane whirlpool, transported across both themselves and their baggage.

Capitulum XXXII.

Chapter 32.

Erat non longe ab eo loco castrum quoddam Mediolanensium, Trecium appellatum, in planicie campestri mediocri eminentia paulolum in altum sublatum, quod una parte iam dictus fluvius Adduae alluebat, altera muri fortissimi ambitu turrisque fortitudine muniebatur, pontem firmum et ad transmeandum copiosae militiae habilem suis continuans suburbiis. Augustus commodum ratus ad transitum suorum, si prefatum castrum suae subigeret potestati, obsidione cingit, obpugnat et in brevi expugnat. Castellani enim disciplina militum et ingenio conterriti paulisper quidem primos sustinuere impetus, deinde, cum nullum locum fugae, nullum de civitate presidium sperarent, scientes, quod pro vita res illis erat, dextras postulant, accipiunt, munitionem dedunt; plurimi pendentes, quod in tam adversa fortuna personarum salutem lucrati fuissent.

Not far from that place there was a certain stronghold of the Milanese, called Trecio, set in the level plain, lifted up a little by a moderate eminence, which on the one side the already-mentioned river Adda washed, on the other was fortified by the circuit of a very strong wall and the strength of a tower, and by its suburbs it extended a firm bridge, fit for the crossing of a numerous soldiery. The Emperor, judging it convenient for the passage of his men if he should subdue the aforesaid stronghold to his power, encircles it with a siege, assaults it, and shortly takes it by storm. For the garrison, terrified by the discipline and engineering of the soldiers, did indeed for a little while withstand the first assaults; then, since they hoped for no place of flight, no aid from the city, knowing that the matter was for their life, they ask for right hands, receive them, and surrender the fortification; very many pondering that in so adverse a fortune they had gained the safety of their persons.

Fridericus, ibidem locatis presidiis, ad obsidionem civitatis acies instruit.

Frederick, with garrisons posted there, arrays his battle-lines for the siege of the city.

Capitulum XXXIII.

Chapter 33.

Progrediente autem eo in hostilem terram, quidam de exercitu, male affectatae laudis avidi, prevenire alios et de virtute certando alter alteri superior inveniri desiderabant. Inter quos erat comes Ekkebertus de Butene, vir nobilitate, divitiis et virtute animi ac corporis insignis, cum quibusdam aliis nobilibus et regalis familiae militibus. Isti coeuntes in unum, circiter mille equites armati, sperantes se aliquid memorabile facturos, ad civitatem properant et pene usque ad portas assultum faciunt, viri digni pro fortitudine, qui meliore fortuna usi fuissent.

However, as he advanced into hostile land, certain men of the army, avid for ill-affectedly pursued praise, desired to forestall others and, by contending in valor, to be found each superior to the other. Among them was Count Ekkebert of Butene, a man distinguished by nobility, riches, and the virtue of mind and body, with certain other nobles and knights of the royal household. These, coming together into one, about a thousand armed knights, hoping they would do something memorable, hasten to the city and make an assault almost up to the gates—men worthy for their fortitude, who would have enjoyed a better fortune.

Nam etsi coeptum casus invidit, tamen non, qualiter cesserit, sed quid decreverint, attendendum. Excipiuntur siquidem valida hostium multitudine. Certatur hastis primo, deinde strictis ensibus dimicatur.

For although chance begrudged the undertaking, nevertheless attention is to be paid not to how it turned out, but to what they resolved. For indeed they are met by a strong multitude of the enemy. The contest is with spears at first; then they fight with drawn swords.

Vixque in conflictu discerni poterat, ex qua parte quisque pugnaret, permixtis viris et propter angustias permutatis. Visum pulvis obortus et excitatus ad instar noctis excecabat. Vocis autem intellectum magnitudo et diversitas confundebat.

And scarcely in the conflict could it be discerned from which side each man was fighting, the men being commingled and, on account of the straits, interchanged. A dust arisen and stirred up, after the manner of night, was blinding the sight. Moreover, the magnitude and diversity of the voices confounded intelligibility.

Neque autem fugae vel persecutioni locus erat, sed qui inter primos stetissent, aut cadendi aut occidendi necessitatem habebant, quia refugere non dabatur. Nam et posteriores utriusque partis in fronte suos urgebant nullumque inter dimicantes bello vacuum intervallum reliquerant. Cum autem hostium multitudo nostrorum animos et peritiam vinceret, iamque tota acies pelleretur, predictus comes Ekkebertus, uni suorum, qui deiectus fuerat, opem ferre cupiens subito equo prosilit, militem liberat iamque vincentes hostes pene solus perturbat et ad vallum usque civitatis persecutus est.

Nor, however, was there any place for flight or for pursuit, but those who had stood among the foremost had the necessity either of falling or of killing, because retreat was not allowed. For the rear ranks of both sides were pressing their own men in front, and had left no empty interval between the combatants in war. But when the multitude of the enemy surpassed the courage and skill of our men, and now the whole battle-line was being driven back, the aforesaid Count Ekkebert, wishing to bring aid to one of his own who had been cast down, suddenly sprang forward on horseback, freed the soldier, and almost alone threw the victorious enemies into disorder and pursued them up to the rampart of the city.

Fugiebant enim eum universi, neque vim hominis neque audatiam sustinentes. Verum profecto fata virum persequebantur, quae ab homine vitari non possunt. Multitudine quippe adversariorum undique circumfusus ad terram lancea prostratus est, et detracta galea atque thorace, capite caesus, nemine succurrente, quod locus intercludebat auxilium ferre cupientem.

For indeed all were fleeing him, unable to withstand the man’s force or his audacity. But assuredly the Fates were pursuing the man, which cannot be avoided by mortals. For, surrounded on every side by a multitude of adversaries, he was cast to the ground by a lance; and, his helmet and cuirass stripped off, he was struck in the head, with no one succoring him, since the place barred anyone who wished to bring aid.

Egre itaque nobilissimus comes et vir regalis sanguinis perimitur, magnam de se querelam non tantum aput suos, verum aput extraneos quoque relinquens. Dictum tamen memini a quibusdam vivum eum captum et intra civitatem atrociter decollatum. Occisi sunt ibi quidam alii nobiles, et regii milites N. et N., capti quidam; caeteri ad castra revertuntur.

Grievously, therefore, the most noble count and a man of royal blood is slain, leaving a great lament concerning himself not only among his own but also among outsiders. I remember, however, its being said by certain persons that he was captured alive and atrociously beheaded within the city. Some other nobles were slain there, and the royal soldiers N. and N.; some were captured; the rest return to the camp.

Capitulum XXXIIII.

Chapter 34.

Revertentes autem milites interminatio principum et imperator iratus huiusmodi oratione corripuit: ÔMediolanenses omnia cum deliberatione faciunt atque prudentia, fraudes et insidias componendo, eorumque dolos fortuna prosequitur. Nostri vero, quibus ob disciplinam et consuetudinem obediendi rectoribus fortuna famulatur, nunc contrario peccant. Non inmerito itaque vincuntur, depelluntur, quia omnium pessimum est presente imperatore sine rectore dimicare, cum etiam vincere sine precepto ducis infamiae sit'. Scituros esse, ait, omnes qui de caetero arroganter egerint vel minimum quid preter ordinem moverint, legum severitate se in eos vindicaturum.

But as the soldiers were returning, the emperor, angered by the menace of the princes, rebuked them with a speech of this sort: ÔThe Mediolanese do everything with deliberation and prudence, contriving frauds and ambushes, and fortune attends their deceits. Our men, however, to whom, on account of discipline and the habit of obeying their commanders, fortune is in service, now err to the contrary. Not undeservedly, therefore, they are conquered, they are driven away, because of all things the worst is, with the emperor present, to fight without a commander, since even to conquer without the precept of the leader is a disgrace'. He said that all who henceforth should act arrogantly or stir even the least thing outside of order would come to know that he would avenge himself upon them with the severity of the laws.

Circumfusa vero agmina principem pro commilitonibus obsecrabant paucorumque temeritatem condonari cunctorum obedientiae precabantur; emendaturos esse peccatum presens futurae compensatione virtutis. Placatus imperator est precibus, simul et utilitate multitudinis facto indulgendum putans, multa monens, ut post haec prudentius agerent. Ipse vero, quemadmodum se in adversarios ulcisceretur, iam provocatus artius cogitabat.

But the encircling ranks were beseeching the princeps on behalf of their comrades-in-arms, and they were praying that the rashness of a few be condoned in consideration of the obedience of all; that they would amend the present sin by a future compensation of virtue. The emperor was appeased by these prayers, at the same time thinking that indulgence ought to be granted for the deed for the utility of the multitude, giving many admonitions, that after these things they should act more prudently. But he himself, now provoked, was pondering more closely how he might avenge himself upon his adversaries.

Capitulum XXXV.

Chapter 35.

Itaque postera die, quae lucescit in VIII. Kal. Augusti, Fridericus ad obsidionem civitatis ducens exercitum omnes copias suas in VII legiones partitur, preficiens singulis de principibus rectores ordinum, quos antiqui centuriones [vel] ecatontarchos seu chiliarchos appellare consueverunt, cum signiferis aliisque disciplinae et ordinis custodibus.

And so on the next day, which dawns on the 8th day before the Kalends of August, Frederick, leading the army to the siege of the city, divides all his forces into 7 legions, appointing over each, from among the princes, commanders of the ranks, whom the ancients were accustomed to call centurions [or] hecatontarchs or chiliarchs, together with standard-bearers and other guardians of discipline and order.

Premissi autem milites cum stratoribus viarum ibant, qui aggerum maligna corrigerent ac devia complanarent, obstacula preciderent, ne perplexo itinere fatigaretur exercitus. Circum aquilam et signa alia tubicines et cornicines. Servi singulorum agminum cum peditibus erant, mulis aliisque iumentis advehentes militum sarcinas.

But the soldiers sent ahead went with the road-levelers, to correct the troublesome ridges of the embankments and to level the byways, to cut back obstacles, lest the army be wearied by a tangled route. Around the eagle and the other standards were the trumpeters (tubicines) and horn-blowers (cornicines). The servants of each column were with the foot-soldiers, conveying the soldiers’ packs on mules and other beasts of burden.

Hos sequebantur qui expugnandis civitatibus machinas et caetera tormenta portarent. Omnium vero agminum postrema erat mercennaria multitudo. Ordinato taliter militum itinere, premonitisque diligenter, ne quis ordinem deserat, Martio quodam spiritu repleti, cum valido clamore divinum implorant auxilium.

Following these were those who were carrying the machines and the other engines for storming cities. But the rearmost of all the columns was the mercenary multitude. With the soldiers’ march thus ordered, and after diligent warnings that no one desert the ranks, filled with a certain Martial spirit, with a mighty clamor they implore divine aid.

Deinde otiose et cum omni decore progredientes ambulant, suum quisque ordinem velut in bello custodiens. Quemcumque huic negotio liberum spectatorem contigit affuisse, hunc ego experientius intelligere puto quod dicitur: Pulchra ut luna, electa ut sol, terribilis ut castrorum acies ordinata.

Then, leisurely and with all decorum proceeding, they walk, each one keeping his own order as in war. Whoever it chanced to have been present as a free spectator at this affair, this one I suppose understands more experientially what is said: Beautiful as the moon, chosen as the sun, terrible as a battle array ordered.

Capitulum XXXVI.

Chapter 36.

Peracto itinere, Fridericus cum omni exercitu, circiter centum milia armatorum vel amplius, Mediolanum pervenit, ibique positis castris, quamvis promptos ad bellum milites continebat, ne quid ea die attemptarent. Illi vero, qui de civitate fuerant egressi, stabant armati super vallum, nichil omnino strepentes, dubium, principis advenientis aspectus utrum hanc reverentiam et huius silentii disciplinam an metum universis incusserit. In girum ergo e regione portarum distribuens exercitum, instruebat obsidionem.

With the journey completed, Frederick, with the whole army, about one hundred thousand armed men or more, reached Milan; and there, with the camp pitched, although he restrained soldiers prompt for war, lest they attempt anything on that day. But those who had gone out from the city stood armed upon the rampart, making absolutely no noise—doubtful whether the sight of the arriving prince had struck into all this reverence and this discipline of silence, or fear. Therefore, distributing the army in a circle opposite the gates, he was arraying the siege.

Capitulum XXXVII.

Chapter 37.

De civitatis ipsius situ ac moribus cum superiore libro mentio fuerit, id adiciendum videtur, quod campi planitie undique conspicua, natura loci latissima. Ambitus eius supra centena stadia circumvenitur. Muro circumdatur, fossa extrinsecus late patens, aquis plena vice amnis circumfluit, quam priori anno primitus ob metum futuri belli, multis invitis et indignantibus, consul eorum provide fecerat.

Since mention has been made in the previous book of the site and customs of the city itself, this seems to be added: that the plain of the field, conspicuous on every side, is by the nature of the place very broad. Its ambit is encompassed for more than a hundred stadia. It is surrounded by a wall; outside, a ditch widely extending, full of waters, flows around in the stead of a river—this their consul had prudently made the previous year, at first on account of fear of a future war, many being unwilling and indignant.

Turrium proceritate non tam ut aliae civitates student. Nam in multitudine atque fortitudine tam sua quam sibi confederatarum civitatum confidentes impossibile arbitrati sunt a quoquam regum seu imperatorum suam civitatem posse claudi obsidione. Unde factum est, ut civitas haec inimica regibus ab antiquo fuisse dicatur, hac usa temeritate, ut semper rebellionem principibus suis moliens scismate regni gauderet et geminorum potius dominorum quam unius super se iuste regnantis affectaret principatum, ipsa levis et utriusque ridens fortunam nec in hac nec in illa parte fidem haberet.

They do not strive after the loftiness of towers as other cities do. For, confident in the multitude and fortitude both of their own and of the cities confederated with them, they have deemed it impossible that their city could be enclosed by a siege by any of the kings or emperors. Whence it has come about that this city is said to have been inimical to kings from of old, using this temerity, so that, always contriving rebellion against its own princes, it rejoiced in a schism of the realm, and aspired rather to the principate of twin masters than of one justly reigning over it, being itself light and laughing at the fortune of each, and having trust neither in this side nor in that.

Huius rei si quis exempla desiderat, ad Leoprandum, qui gesta Longobardorum subnotavit, recurrat.

If anyone desires examples of this matter, let him resort to Leoprand, who has noted down the deeds of the Longobards.

Capitulum XXXVIII.

Chapter 38.

Divisis, ut dictum est, inter principes exercitus portis civitatis, singuli eorum festinare, parare, vallo, sudibus, palis aliisque propugnaculis castra munire propter improvisos hostium excursus decertabant. Neque enim vineis, turribus, arietibus aliorumque generum machinis tantam civitatem attemptandam putabant, sed longa potius obsidione fatigatos ad deditionem cogi vel, si foras propter fiduciam multitudinis erupissent, prelio superatum iri. Oppidani non segnius ea quae sibi usui forent procurare, munimenta castrorum disturbare, crebris excursibus exercitum attemptare, sagittariis et fundibulariis plerosque sauciare.

Divided, as has been said, the gates of the city among the princes of the army, each of them was vying to hasten, to make preparations, to fortify the camp with rampart, stakes, pales, and other bulwarks on account of the unforeseen sallies of the enemy. For they did not think that so great a city ought to be attempted with vineae, towers, battering-rams, and machines of other kinds, but rather that, wearied by a long siege, they would be forced to surrender; or, if they burst forth outside because of confidence in their multitude, that they would be overcome in battle. The townsmen, no less busily, were procuring those things which would be of use to themselves, tearing down the defenses of the camp, attempting the army with frequent excursions, and wounding very many by archers and slingers.

Erat in extrema parte exercitus Conradus palatinus comes de Rheno, germanus imperatoris, et dux Suevorum Fridericus, cum Suevis caeterisque ipsorum commilitonibus obsidionis agentes negotia circa portam sibi destinatam. Mediolanenses oportunum rati, vel pro eo quod pauciores aliis agminibus et iuniores aetate, vel quod sequestrati a fortitudine exercitus auxilium invenire non possent, eos invadere statuunt, sperantes facile se aut plenum de illis triumphum reportare aut forti aliquo patrato facinore vitam pacisci pro laude. Itaque post occasum solis, cum preter vigiles tantum totus miles fessa labore corpora somni quiete recreanda speraret, apertis portis cum pugnacissimis egressi, disiectis custodibus, usque ad iam dictorum heroum castra excurrunt, oppugnant, sauciant.

Erat in extrema parte exercitus Conradus palatinus comes de Rheno, the emperor’s own brother, and Frederick, duke of the Swabians, with the Swabians and their other fellow-soldiers, conducting the business of the siege around the gate assigned to them. The Milanese, deeming it opportune—either because they were fewer than the other columns and younger in age, or because, sequestered from the fortitude of the army, they could not find succor—resolve to invade them, hoping easily either to carry back a full triumph over them, or, some brave feat having been accomplished, to bargain life for praise. And so, after the setting of the sun, when, save only the sentries, the whole soldiery, wearied with toil, hoped to refresh their bodies with the repose of sleep, the gates being opened, they went out with the most pugnacious, and, the guards scattered, they run forth as far as the camp of the already-mentioned heroes, they assault, they wound.

Alemanni, ubi hostes adventare senserant, inopinata re ac inprovisa primo perculsi, alter aput alterum formidinem simul et tumultum facere, deinde alius alium appellare, hortari, arma capessere, venientes excipere, instantes propulsare. Clamor permixtus hortatione, strepitus armorum ad caelum ferri, tela utrimque volare, pro ingenio quisque, pars cominus gladiis, pars pugnare lapidibus seu alterius generis missilibus. Non procul abhinc rex Boemorum castra fixerat.

The Alemanni, when they had sensed that the enemies were approaching, were at first stricken by the unexpected and unforeseen event; one beside another they raised both fear and tumult, then one called upon another, exhorted, to take up arms, to intercept those coming, to repel those pressing on. A clamor mingled with exhortation, the clatter of arms was carried to the sky, missiles flew from both sides; each according to his ingenuity—some at close quarters with swords, others fighting with stones or projectiles of another kind. Not far from there the king of the Bohemians had pitched camp.

Is, ex quo bellicum clamorem accepit, decernit laborantibus sociis auxilio fore debere.

He, as soon as he heard the war clamor, decrees that he ought to be a help to his struggling allies.

Quanta ergo poterat velocitate suis arma capere, equos ascendere iubet; ipse cum electis militibus et tubicinis ac tympanistris preire. Non eos morabantur vinearum aggeres seu maceriae, non asperitas et insolentia loci retinebat. Ea vero consueti Sclavorum equi facile evadere.

Therefore, with as great a velocity as he could, he orders his own men to seize arms and to mount the horses; he himself to go before with chosen soldiers and with trumpeters and tympanists. The embankments or walls of vineyards did not delay them, nor did the asperity and unfamiliarity of the place hold them back. The horses, in truth, accustomed to the Slavs, easily got past these.

Nostri, ubi ex sono tubarum et tympanorum amici regis adventum cognovere, animosiores et laetiores effecti resistere, hortari se invicem, ne deficerent neu paterentur hostes iam iam fugituros vincere. Aderant Boemi; tum demum maxima vi certatur, maximo clamore cum infestis signis concurritur. Rex ipse cominus acriter instare, laborantibus succurrere, hostem ferire, strennui militis et boni regis officia simul exequebatur.

Our men, when from the sound of the trumpets and drums they learned of the friendly king’s arrival, made more spirited and more joyful, stood their ground, exhorting one another not to fail and not to allow the enemy, just now about to flee, to win. The Bohemians were at hand; then at last the fight is contested with the greatest force, with the greatest clamor they run together with hostile standards. The king himself, at close quarters, pressed on sharply, came to the aid of the struggling, struck the foe—he was at once executing the duties of a strenuous soldier and a good king.

Oppidani, ubi vident, contra ac rati erant, se in medios hostes devenisse nec impetum regis sustinere posse, terga vertunt; nostri fugientibus instant et usque ad angustias portarum persecuti in reliquum tempus pacem sibi de incursionibus illorum peperere. Hostium quidam occisi, plurimi capti, magna pars vulneribus confecti.

The townsmen, when they see, contrary to what they had supposed, that they had come into the midst of the enemies and could not sustain the king’s assault, turn their backs; our men press upon the fleeing and, having pursued them up to the narrows of the gates, procured for themselves peace from their incursions for the time to come. Some of the enemy were slain, very many captured, a great part overcome by wounds.

Capitulum XXXVIIII.

Chapter 39.

Quia vero tam superbae civitatis tam famosam obsidionem se non meminit aetas nostra vidisse, pro eo quod non solum Alemannici, sed et Italici regni vires ibi adunatae fuerant, quisque gloriosus ac laudis avidus alius alium in aliquo egregio facto, unde sibi nomen faceret, prevenire satagebat. Igitur Otto palatinus comes de Baioaria, cuius sepe iam mentio habita est, cum duobus fratribus suis [videlicet] Friderico et Ottone iuniore aliaque sibi coniuncta militia ad portam, quam ipsi vallaverant, diligentius hostium conamina observabant. Quadam ergo die, dum otiose ipsos agere rarosque circa portam custodes aspexissent, visum est eis temptandam fortunam.

Because indeed our age does not recall having seen so famous a siege of so proud a city, for the reason that not only the forces of the Alemannic but also of the Italic kingdom had been united there, each man, glorious and eager for praise, strove to forestall another in some egregious deed, whence he might make a name for himself. Therefore Otto, the Palatine Count of Bavaria, of whom mention has already often been made, with his two brothers [namely] Frederick and Otto the Younger, and other soldiery joined to him, at the gate which they themselves had walled off, were most diligently observing the attempts of the enemies. And so on a certain day, when they had noticed that they were acting idly and that the guards around the gate were few, it seemed to them that fortune should be tried.

Ergo propinquante vespera clanculo milites armari iubent, servosque ignem cum aridae materiae fasce preparatum habere, quatinus dato signo pariter ex inproviso procurrerent et pontem ac portam ipsam, si fieri posset, exurerent.

Therefore, as evening was drawing near, they clandestinely order the soldiers to be armed, and the servants to have fire prepared with a bundle of dry material, so that, the signal having been given, they might together rush forth unexpectedly and utterly burn the bridge and the gate itself, if it could be done.

Parent dicto, atque ad nutum precipientium subito prosilientes usque ad propugnacula pontis super aggerem disposita venerunt ignemque, sicut precepti fuerant, haut segniter iniecerunt. Populus civitatis tumultu excitatus, inproviso metu incerti, quid potissimum facerent, trepidare, cum erumpentibus flammis propugnacula et aggeres concremari cernerent, timere, ne aridum nactae fomitem citius volitando non solum pontes et portam, verum ipsam civitatem pessumdarent. Clamor ergo ac tumultus per civitatem varius agitatur, curruntque permixti inermes et armati, prohibituri incendium.

They obey the word, and, at the nod of those commanding, suddenly leaping forth they came up to the bulwarks of the bridge set upon the rampart, and, as they had been instructed, they cast in the fire not sluggishly. The people of the city, roused by tumult, taken with an unforeseen fear, uncertain what above all they should do, began to trepidate; when they saw the bulwarks and the ramparts being consumed as the flames erupted, they feared lest, having found dry tinder, by flitting about more quickly they might cast down to ruin not only the bridges and the gate, but the city itself. Therefore a clamor and manifold tumult is stirred through the city, and unarmed and armed, commingled, they run to prevent the fire.

Concurritur infesto Marte, certatur magnis viribus ab utrisque, obscuram noctem incendium et faculae tedaeque ardentes illuminabant. Fragor percutientium, gemitus percussorum, voces adhortantium hinc inde varie resonabant. Hi, ut coeptum eorum efficatiam obtineret, illi, ut ignem restinguerent nostrosque a porta propellerent, summa vi conabantur.

They run together in hostile Mars; it is contested with great strength by both sides; the dark night was illuminated by the conflagration and by torches and blazing pine-brands. The crash of those smiting, the groans of the smitten, the voices of those exhorting, echoed variously hither and thither. These strove with utmost force that their enterprise might take effect; those, that they might extinguish the fire and drive our men back from the gate.

Comites ipsi duces prelii in hoc certamine, sicut et in aliis multis, omnibus se periculis prostituentes, sicut optimi bellatores fortitudinem corporis ac animi magnitudinem adeo sub oculis omnium clarere fecerunt, ut de eorum virtute etiam hostis iudicaret et quivis spectator testis fieret. Multo autem labore consumpto liteque in horam noctis protracta, miles ad castra revertitur. Sauciati utrimque plurimi; verum atrocitatem cladis beneficium noctis imminuebat.

The counts themselves, leaders of the battle in this contest, as also in many others, exposing themselves to all dangers, made the fortitude of the body and the greatness of spirit so shine under the eyes of all, that even the enemy would judge of their valor and any onlooker would become a witness. But after much toil had been spent and the strife prolonged into the hour of night, the soldiery returned to camp. On both sides very many were wounded; but the benefit of night diminished the atrocity of the slaughter.

Capitulum XL.

Chapter 40.

Nec minus populares Mediolanenses turpe habentes, si remissius in nostros agerent, ubi tempus et locum invenerunt, non cum valida quidem manu, sed per paucos sive sagittarios sive fundibularios [interdum etiam per gladiatores adversum se militiam commoverunt, nostrosque sive prudentes sive] incautos sauciando temeritatis atque audatiae suae magnitudinem ostentare conabantur. Et illi quidem qui ad superiores conflictus venerant [id] moderatius agere, alii vero, tamquam non experti, per singula momenta excursiones moliri. Ad portam itaque, quam observabat Heinricus dux Austriae, vir nobilitate generis et animi clarissimus patruusque imperatoris, dum sepius hanc exercerent iniquitatem, non dignum ratus facinus hoc sine ultione preterire, ad correctionem eius et vindictam accepta oportunitate accingitur.

Nor less did the Milanese populace, deeming it disgraceful if they acted more remissly against our men, when they found time and place, not indeed with a strong band, but through a few either archers or slingers [sometimes even through gladiators they stirred up soldiery against themselves], and by wounding our men, whether prudent or [incautious, they were trying to display the greatness of their temerity and audacity. And those indeed who had come to the earlier clashes [that] to act more moderately, but others, as though unexperienced, to contrive sallies at every single moment. To the gate, therefore, which Henry, duke of Austria, was keeping watch, a man most illustrious in nobility of lineage and of spirit and the emperor’s paternal uncle, while they were more often practicing this iniquity, thinking it not worthy to let this crime pass without vengeance, he, opportunity received, girds himself for its correction and punishment.

Igitur universis quos secum habebat armatis, auxiliariis Ungarorum copiis in sagittando optimis cum caetera heroum qui sibi sociati fuerant cohorte assumptis, omni conamine obpugnationem portae disponebat. Non hoc latere poterat Mediolanenses, quippe molitiones nostrorum presentientes ignominiam iudicabant, si pares, immo plures multitudine, minori animo, venientibus non occurrerent. Per turmas ergo et cohortes suas egressi committunt seseque mutuo maxima vi caedunt, sauciant, capiunt, fugant.

Therefore, with all the armed men whom he had with him, the auxiliary forces of the Hungarians—most excellent in archery—having been taken along with the rest of the cohort of heroes who had associated themselves with him, he was arranging, with every exertion, the assault of the gate. This could not lie hidden from the Milanese; indeed, fore-sensing our men’s molitions, they judged it an ignominy if, equal—nay, more—in multitude, they should not, with a stouter spirit, go out to encounter those coming. Therefore, going out by their squadrons and cohorts, they join battle, and with the greatest force they cut down, wound, capture, and rout one another.

Tum spectaculum horribile, sequi, fugere, occidi, capi, equi atque viri afflicti, ac multi vulneribus acceptis neque fugere posse neque quietem pati, niti modo ac statim concidere. Postremo omnia constrata telis, armis, cadaveribus et infecta sanguine tellus. Ex parte oppidanorum iterum male pugnatum est, ipseque dux, cuius ibi probitas mirifice probata est, haut dubie victor, eos intra menia fugavit et a solita in posterum eruptione compescuit.

Then a horrible spectacle: to pursue, to flee, to be slain, to be captured; horses and men afflicted; and many, having received wounds, neither able to flee nor to endure repose, to strain just now and straightway to collapse. At last all things strewn with missiles, arms, cadavers, and the earth infected with blood. On the part of the townsmen it was again badly fought, and the duke himself—whose probity there was wondrously proved—without doubt the victor, drove them within the walls and restrained them from their accustomed sally thereafter.

Inter alios, qui de Mediolanensibus eo prelio ceciderunt, occisus est quidam de nobilissimis illorum, quem, ut tunc fama fuerat, regulum super se creare cogitaverant; auditaque morte eius, tota civitas luctum assumpsit, corpusque mortui cum vivis, quos de nostris habebant, et copiosa pecunia commutantes redemerunt et regalibus exequiis honorando sepelierunt.

Among others who of the Milanese fell in that battle, there was slain a certain one of their most noble, whom, as rumor then had it, they had been thinking to create as a petty king (regulus) over themselves; and when his death was heard, the whole city assumed mourning, and, by exchanging the corpse of the dead man for living men whom they held of our side, and with a copious sum of money, they ransomed it, and, honoring him with regal exequies, they buried him.

Capitulum XLI.

Chapter 41.

Illud etiam non ab re est memorare, quod quidam ex oppidanis, vir in oculis suis sibi placitus, progressus versus castra imperatoris, velut equitandi imperitiam nostris exprobrans, quedam superba prolocutus est et quemlibet fortissimum ac equitandi peritissimum ad singulare certamen provocavit. Coepitque vertibilem equum modo impetu vehementi dimittere modo strictis habenis in gyrum, ut huic negotio mos est, revocare moxque varios perplexosque per amfractus discurrere. At qui contra steterunt multi quidem dedignabantur.

It is also not out of place to recount this: that a certain one of the townsmen, a man pleased with himself in his own eyes, having advanced toward the emperor’s camp, as if upbraiding our men for inexperience in horsemanship, spoke certain proud things and challenged anyone, most brave and most very skilled in equitation, to single combat. And he began to let his wheeling horse go now with a vehement onset, now, with the reins drawn tight, to call it back into a circle, as is the custom for this business, and soon to run through various and perplexed anfractuosities. But many indeed of those who stood opposite disdained to engage him.

Erant autem inter eos, ut assolet, etiam qui timerent. Quosdam vero non inconsulta movebat ratio, cum mortis cupido non debere confligere et cum his in discrimen venire, quos neque vincere magnum sit et vinci cum dehonestamento periculosum, non fortitudinis, sed insipientiae videri. Cum autem diu nemo procederet, multaque ille nostrorum timiditati illuderet, nobilis comes Albertus de Tyrol, ad omnem virtutis commendationem ydoneus, inermis et palefrido sedens, solo clyppeo accepto et hasta, prefato Liguri obviam venit eumque tripudiantem et vana iactantem deiecit, cadentemque dedignatur occidere, contentus ad laudem, quia visus est potuisse.

There were, however, among them, as is wont, even those who were afraid. But certain men were moved by a considered reason, since a desire for death ought not to engage in conflict and come into peril with those whom it is no great thing to conquer, and to be conquered with dishonor is perilous, seeming not of fortitude but of insipience. But when for a long time no one advanced, and he mocked many things at the timidity of our men, the noble Count Albert of Tyrol, fit for every commendation of virtue, unarmored and sitting on a palfrey, having taken only a shield and a spear, went to meet the aforesaid Ligurian and cast him down as he was prancing and vaunting vain things; and he disdained to kill him as he fell, being content with praise, since he was seen to have been able to do it.

Ita nostros ultus comes Albertus nil glorians ad suos revertitur, vir minimae iactantiae et qui semper manu quam lingua promptior inveniri volebat. Ita inter nostros principes contra Ligures varium pro virtute et gloria certamen in dies habebatur.

Thus, having avenged our men, Count Albert, boasting nothing, returns to his own, a man of the least vaunting and one who always wished to be found readier with hand than with tongue. Thus among our princes against the Ligurians a varied contest for virtue and glory was held from day to day.

Capitulum XLII.

Chapter 42.

Inter haec princeps ipse impiger omnia quae ad cladem et eversionem civitatis erant providere, muros modo cum paucis modo cum multis et lectis militibus circuire, ubi muros aggrederetur explorare, omni modo temptare, si posset inclusos ad congressionem et pugnam provocare. His circuitionibus alteram partem civitatis, quae necdum obsidione adeo fuerat subacta et artata, quin peccora eorum extra pascerentur civibusque intrandi et exeundi pateret aditus, ita compescuit atque cohibuit, ut tum demum cervicem demitterent et quale esset obsidione claudi experimento addiscerent. Euntem in gyro imperatorem arbitrantes ad assultum faciendum venire, in civitate tumultus exoritur, ingens trepidatio, signorum crepitus, tubarum sonitus, fortes ad arma, mulieres et invalidi senes ad lamenta.

Meanwhile the prince himself, untiring, took care of all things that pertained to the ruin and overthrow of the city, now with a few, now with many and chosen soldiers, to go around the walls, to explore where he might attack the walls, to try in every way whether he could provoke those shut in to a confrontation and battle. By these circuits he so restrained and kept in check the other part of the city, which had not yet been so subdued and straitened by the siege that their herds were not grazing outside and access lay open for the citizens to enter and go out, that then at length they lowered their necks and learned by experience what it is to be enclosed by a siege. As they supposed the emperor, going in a circuit, to be coming to make an assault, a tumult arises in the city, a vast trepidation, the clatter of the standards, the sound of the trumpets, the brave to arms, the women and feeble old men to lamentations.

Nemo tamen extra progredi ausus, ad defensionem tantum civitatis armata iuventus et inperterrita ad modum coronae consistebant. Sed nec ad portam, ubi militia principis obsidionem celebrabat, excursiones facere, dubium an metu an reverentia imperatoris cohiberentur.

No one, however, dared to advance outside; for the defense only of the city the armed youth, undaunted, stood in the manner of a crown. But not even to the gate, where the soldiery of the prince was prosecuting the siege, did they make sallies—whether they were restrained by fear or by reverence for the emperor was doubtful.

Capitulum XLIII.

Chapter 43.

Erat non longe a vallo, id est quantum arcus iacere potest, quasi turris quedam fortissima, ex quadris lapidibus solido opere compacta. Mirabilis autem fuit lapidum magnitudo. Nec enim ex vulgaribus saxis aut quae homines ferre posse crederentur.

There was, not far from the rampart, that is, as far as a bow can cast, as it were a certain most strong tower, compacted in solid work from squared stones. Marvelous, moreover, was the magnitude of the stones. For they were not of common rocks, nor such as men would be believed able to bear.

Sic autem manibus artificum formata, ut, quatuor columpnis sustentata, ad similitudinem Romani operis vix aut nusquam in ea iunctura compaginis appareret.

Thus moreover formed by the hands of artificers, such that, supported by four columns, after the similitude of Roman work, scarcely or nowhere in it did the junction of the compages appear.

Unde et Arcus Romanus appellata est, sive ab antiquo aliquo Romanorum imperatore ob decorem et memoriam in fornicem triumphalem erecta, sive, ut in gestis Longobardorum repperitur, ad expugnationem et cladem civitatis ab uno regum nostrorum fuerit fabricata. Erant in ea virorum receptacula et cenacula XL lectorum vel amplius capacia, collectis ibi tam in armis quam in victualibus quae ratio necessitudinis ad obsidionis tempus desiderabat. Ibi Ligures sua presidia locaverant duplici ratione, ut et hostibus usui non esset, cum exinde quidquid in civitate ageretur velut e specula facile videri itemque, quid in castris fieret quidque exercitus strueret, ipsis continuo denunciari posset.

Whence it has also been called the Roman Arch, either because it was erected by some ancient emperor of the Romans as a triumphal arch for decor and remembrance, or, as is found in the Deeds of the Longobards, it was fabricated for the storming and ruin of the city by one of our kings. In it there were men’s lodgings and upper rooms capable of 40 beds or more, with both arms and victuals gathered there which the rationale of necessity demanded for the time of siege. There the Ligurians had placed their own garrisons for a twofold reason: both that it might not be of use to the enemies, since from there whatever was being done in the city could easily be seen as from a watchtower, and likewise that whatever was happening in the camp and whatever the army was constructing could be reported to them at once.

Fridericus, versis in contrarium rationibus, hanc expugnare statuit. Verum cum nec instrumentis sive machinis aut aliquo tormentorum genere pro firmitudine sua pulsanda videretur, triplici ordine iaculatorum et sagittariorum eam vallat, tantaque illorum erat et multitudo et in feriendo peritia, quod non dubie mortem appeteret, quisquis in propugnaculis appareret. Summa ergo necessitate coacti dextras petunt et ut sibi parceretur rogabant, acceptaque fide publica, munitionem tradunt et recedunt.

Frederick, his plans turned to the contrary, resolved to storm this. But since it seemed not to be to be battered by instruments or machines or by any kind of engines of tormenta, given its firmness, he girds it with a triple order of javelin-men and archers; and so great were both their multitude and their expertise in striking, that whoever appeared on the battlements without doubt courted death. Therefore, compelled by utmost necessity, they seek right hands and begged that it be spared them; and, public faith having been accepted, they hand over the munition and withdraw.

Exinde nostris arx illa usui [fuit].

Thereafter that citadel [was] of use to our men.

Capitulum XLIIII.

Chapter 44.

Nemo in hac obsidione maiori studio maiorique atrocitate quam Cremonensium et Papiensium desevit exercitus, nullisque obsidentium obsessi se magis ac illis offensos et infensos prebuere. Longissimis siquidem simultatibus et discordiis inter Mediolanum atque has civitates agitatis, multis milibus hominum hinc inde vel occisis vel dura captivitate afflictis, territoriis preda et incendio vastatis, cum se in Mediolano, quod propriis viribus et auxiliariis civitatibus prevalebat, ad plenum vindicare non potuissent, oportunum tempus adepti iniurias suas ultum iri decernunt. Itaque non ut cognatus populus, non ut domesticus inimicus, sed velut in externos hostes, in alienigenas, tanta in sese invicem sui gentiles crudelitate seviunt, quanta nec in barbaros deceret.

No one in this siege raged with greater zeal and greater atrocity than the army of the Cremonese and the Pavians, nor did the besieged show themselves more offended and hostile to any of the besiegers than to them. For with very long-standing rivalries and discords having been stirred between Milan and these cities, with many thousands of men on this side and that either slain or afflicted by harsh captivity, the territories laid waste by plunder and by fire, since in Milan—which by its own forces and by auxiliary cities was prevailing—they had not been able to vindicate themselves to the full, having obtained an opportune time they resolve that their injuries are to be avenged. And so, not as against a kindred people, not as against a domestic enemy, but as against external foes, against alien-born, they rage upon one another—their own kinsmen—with such cruelty as would not be fitting even against barbarians.

Vineta, ficeta, oliveta Mediolanensium pars radicitus evellunt, pars excidunt, alii corticibus abrasis ignibus ydoneam preparare materiam. Quando gladiis inter se res ageretur et mutuo casu vel hac vel illac quispiam infelix caperetur, hi qui extra in conspectu hostium aut mucronem iugulo condere aut spiculo configere, qui vero intus, ne crudelitate inferiores invenirentur, captum per membra dividere forasque suis miserabile spectaculum proicere. Et tale quidem Conlatinorum inter se commertium fuit.

They tear up by the roots part of the Milanese vineyards, fig-groves, olive-groves, part they cut down; others, the barks having been abraded, prepare material suitable for fires. Whenever the matter was carried on between them with swords and, by mutual mishap, some wretch on this side or that was taken, those who were outside, in the sight of the enemy, either would plunge the point into the throat or would pierce with a dart; but those inside, lest they be found inferior in cruelty, would hew the captive limb by limb and cast him outside before their own as a pitiable spectacle. And such indeed was the commerce of fellow-Latins among themselves.

Capitulum XLV.

Chapter 45.

Iamque plurimis malis attriti Mediolanenses. Crescebat autem in civitate cum fame desperatio, et in dies singulos utrumque malum amplius accendebatur. Erat nempe collectum ex toto territorio infinitum vulgus, diversusque erat victus, cum potentiores quidem amplius haberent, infirmiores autem penuriam deplorarent.

And now the Milanese were worn down by very many evils. Moreover, in the city desperation grew along with famine, and day by day each evil was further kindled. For indeed from the whole territory an infinite throng had been gathered, and the sustenance was unequal, since the more powerful indeed had more, but the weaker bewailed penury.

Quippe fames super omnes clades habetur. Nam quod reverentia dignum est in fame negligitur. Huc accessit ultio divinae animadversionis, totamque pene civitatem morbus ac pestilentia vexabat.

Indeed famine is held above all disasters. For what is worthy of reverence is neglected in famine. To this there was added the vengeance of divine animadversion, and disease and pestilence were vexing almost the whole city.

Urgentibus itaque pariter fame, ferro, peste populus ad deditionem commotus est, iamque [magna] illorum multitudo profugere cogitabant.

Therefore, with famine, iron, and plague pressing them alike, the people were moved to surrender, and already a [great] multitude of them were considering fleeing.

Qui vero acrioris ingenii, seditionibus operam dabant, dicentes pro libertate patriae et honore civitatis vitam se morte velle commutare. His inter se dissidentibus, quidam ex illis quibus sanior mens erat, qui pacem malebant quam bellum, decrevere, ut concione habita populum ad considerationem communis utilitatis provocarent et magnitudine periculorum a rebellione deterrerent. Huius auctor negotii dicitur fuisse Gwido comes Blanderatensis, vir prudens, dicendi peritus et ad persuadendum idoneus.

But those of keener wit were giving their efforts to seditions, saying that for the liberty of the fatherland and the honor of the city they wished to exchange life for death. As these were disagreeing among themselves, certain of those who had a sounder mind, who preferred peace rather than war, decreed that, an assembly having been held, they would call the people to the consideration of the common utility and deter them from rebellion by the magnitude of the dangers. The author of this business is said to have been Gwido, Count of Blanderatensis, a prudent man, skilled in speaking and fit for persuading.

Is cum esset naturalis in Mediolano civis, hac tempestate tali se prudentia et moderamine gesserat, ut simul - quod in tali re difficillimum fuit - et curiae carus et civibus suis non esset suspiciosus. Aptus ergo qui ad transigendum fidus mediator haberetur, pro concione huiuscemodi usus sermone commemoratur:

As he was a natural-born citizen in Milan, at that time he had conducted himself with such prudence and moderation that at once—which in such a matter was most difficult—he was dear to the curia and was not suspect to his fellow-citizens. Fit therefore to be held a trustworthy mediator for transacting a settlement, he is reported to have used a discourse of this sort before a public assembly:

Capitulum XLVI.

Chapter 46.

ÔSi vestrae rei publicae hactenus fidem servavi, si statum et honorem Mediolani stare incolomem ac inconcussum optavi, feci quod debui. Tanta mihi gratia ab ineunte aetate, tanta mihi a vestra benivolentia exhibita sunt beneficia, quod ad gratiarum actiones imparem et insufficientem me cognosco, nisi forte bonae conscientiae, bonae voluntatis obsequium aliquod mihi aput vos meritum pepererit. Harum rerum, vestra fretus probitate, fiducialiter vos testes exhibeo.

ÔIf I have up to now kept faith with your commonwealth, if I have wished the standing and honor of Milan to stand unharmed and unshaken, I have done what I ought. So great a grace to me from my earliest age, so great benefactions have been exhibited to me by your benevolence, that I acknowledge myself unequal and insufficient for thanksgivings, unless perhaps the deference of good conscience and good will may have brought forth for me some merit with you. In these matters, relying on your probity, I confidently present you as witnesses.

Unde non vereor in tali rerum articulo a quoquam bono notari, etiamsi preter libitum suum ac secus quam suo rapitur desiderio quippiam a nobis audierit. Beatum enim me estimo ab his, a quibus vacuos esse decet, qui de rebus dubiis consultant. Haec sunt, ut ait quidam, odium, amicitia, ira atque misericordia.

Whence I do not fear, in such a crisis of affairs, to be marked by any good man, even if, beyond his liking and contrary to the way his desire is drawn, he should hear something from us. For I deem myself blessed to be free from those things, from which it befits those who consult about doubtful matters to be free. These are, as a certain man says, odium, amity, ire, and mercy.

Ubi illa officiunt, haut facile animus verum providet.

Where those hinder, the mind does not easily foresee the truth.

Vestra dignitas, fama atque fortuna hucusque non in obscuro, sed in excelso fuit, vestraque facta cuncti mortales novere. Sed decebat in maxima fortuna minimam esse licentiam. Novimus, quos et quot reges Mediolanum sua constituerit auctoritate; novimus, quos et quot adepto regno propulerit.

Your dignity, fame, and fortune up to this point have been not in obscurity, but on high, and all mortals have known your deeds. But it was fitting that in the greatest fortune there should be the least license. We know whom and how many kings Milan has established by its own authority; we know whom and how many, on obtaining the kingdom, it has driven out.

Sed profecto in omni re fortuna dominatur; ea, ut dicitur, cunctas res pro libitu magis quam pro vero celebrat obscuratque. Paulolum haec fortuna immutata est; mobilis enim est, eiusque constantia volubilem esse ac minime permanentem. Tendamus cum rota, forsitan, qui modo infimus axe teritur, elevatus rursus ad astra feretur. Sensit mecum qui dixit:

But assuredly in every matter Fortune dominates; she, as it is said, all things according to pleasure more than according to truth she celebrates and she obscures. This Fortune has been somewhat altered; for she is mobile, and her constancy is to be voluble and least permanent. Let us go with the wheel; perhaps he who just now, lowest, is ground by the axle, once raised, will again be borne to the stars. He sensed with me who said:

Heus, omnium rerum vicissitudo est. Scio qui dicant: Libertas res inestimabilis est. Pulchrum [est] pro libertate pugnare. Fateor; attamen id in principio decere fieri, semel autem subditum, et qui multo tempore paruisset imperio, iugum excutere, malae mortis cupidum, non libertatis amatorem videri. Validissima lex est tam feris bestiis quam hominibus prefinita, potentioribus cedere, quique armis vigent, his obedire victoriam.

Hey, there is a vicissitude of all things. I know those who say: Liberty is an inestimable thing. Beautiful [is] to fight for liberty. I confess; yet that is fitting to be done at the beginning; but once subjected, and one who for a long time had obeyed the imperium, to shake off the yoke seems a lover of an ill death, not a lover of liberty. The very strongest law, preordained for both fierce beasts and for men, is to yield to the more powerful, and to obey those who are vigorous in arms—this is victory.

Divinae quoque ordinationi resistit, qui potestati resistit. Timendum ergo, non solum vos imperatori, sed etiam Deo resistere. Grave quidem, confiteor, post longum otium, post longam libertatis consuetudinem iugum frenumque portare.

He too resists the divine ordination who resists authority. It is to be feared, therefore, that you are resisting not only the emperor but also God. Grievous indeed, I confess, after long leisure, after a long custom of liberty, to bear the yoke and bridle.

Sed consoletur ignominiam subiectionis dignitas imperii ac nobilitas imperantis.

But let the dignity of the empire and the nobility of the ruler console the ignominy of subjection.

Meliores nobis fuerunt patres nostri et maiores, fide, probitate caeterisque bonis [artibus] eque vel amplius nobis gloriam, honorem libertatemque affectarunt, imperio tamen Transalpino resistere non potuerunt. Subeant vobis pro exemplo Karolus Magnus et Otto primus ex Teutonicis imperator. Eapropter, tametsi varia belli discrimina iam in parte sitis experti, optimum tamen est ante intollerabilem calamitatem mutare sententiam dumque licet salutare sequi consilium.

Our fathers and ancestors were better than us in faith, probity, and the other good [arts], and they strove for glory, honor, and liberty for us equally or even more; yet they could not resist the Transalpine imperium. Let Charles the Great and Otto the First, emperor from among the Teutonics, come before you as an example. Therefore, although you have already in part experienced the various hazards of war, it is nevertheless best to change your mind before an intolerable calamity, and, while it is permitted, to follow salutary counsel.

In clementia principis magna spes nobis sita, qui non in finem irascetur, nisi ad finem usque insolentes ipsi fueritis. Brevi autem quamvis armis perrumpi claustra murorum non possint, fames atque pestilentia pro illis pugnabit. Versentur, obsecro, in conspectu cuiusque filii, coniuges et parentes, quos paulo post, nisi mutata sententia, aut bellum aut fames absumet.

In the clemency of the prince a great hope is set for us, who will not be wroth to the end, unless you yourselves are insolent right up to the end. Shortly, however, although the barriers of the walls cannot be broken through by arms, famine and pestilence will fight for them. Let there be, I beseech you, in the sight of each son his wives and parents, whom a little later, unless the decision be changed, either war or famine will consume.

Non ignavia, sed consideratione periculorum me quisquam haec suadere crediderit. Ipse ego pro populo meo, pro civitate mea mori paratus sum inpendamque libenter mercedem salutis vestrae sanguinem meum'.

Not by cowardice, but by a consideration of perils, would anyone believe that I am advising these things. I myself, for my people, for my city, am prepared to die, and I will gladly expend, as the price of your safety, my blood'.

Capitulum XLVII.

Chapter 47.

Postquam dicendi finem fecit, alius voce, alius nutu aut assentire aut contradicere. Vicit tamen inprudentiam consilium saniorum. Unanimes itaque facti, per consules et primos civitatis primo regem Boemiae ducemque Austriae conveniunt, dehinc mediantibus illis alios principes, eosque ad imperatorem de pace supplicaturos dirigunt.

After he made an end of speaking, one by voice, another by nod, either assented or contradicted. Nevertheless, the counsel of the saner prevailed over imprudence. Thus made unanimous, through the consuls and the foremost of the city they first convene with the king of Bohemia and the duke of Austria; thereafter, with them mediating, they (convene with) other princes, and they dispatch them to the emperor to supplicate concerning peace.

Princeps pro regali mansuetudine, pro humanitate naturali cives civitati, civitatem civibus servare cupiens, gratum habebat, cognito populum de pace sentire, consilioque habito, cum videret omnium animos summa alacritate id appetere, de pacis pacto et condicione pertractat. Quod tale fuisse scriptura exinde facta declarat; cuius hoc exemplar est:

The Prince, by royal mansuetude, by natural humanity, desiring to preserve the citizens for the city and the city for the citizens, accounted it pleasing, once it was known that the people were minded for peace; and, counsel having been held, when he saw that the minds of all were desiring this with the highest alacrity, he proceeds to treat of the pact and condition of peace. That it was of such a kind the writing made thereafter declares; of which this is the exemplar:

In nomine domini nostri Ihesu Christi. Haec est conventio, per quam Mediolanenses in gratiam domini imperatoris redituri sunt et permansuri. Cumas et Laudam civitates ad honorem imperii relevari non prohibebunt et ammodo nec impugnabunt nec destruent, et a fodro et viatico et ab omnimoda exactione se ibidem per omnem eorum ditionem continebunt, et ultro se non intromittent, ut sint liberae illae civitates, sicut Mediolanenses ab ipsis sunt liberi, excepto respectu iuris aecclesiastici, quod habent ad archiepiscopum et aecclesiam Mediolanensem.

In the name of our lord Jesus Christ. This is the convention, through which the Milanese will return into the favor of the lord emperor and will remain. They will not prevent the cities of Como and Lodi from being raised up to the honor of the empire, and hereafter they will neither assail nor destroy, and from the fodrum and the viaticum and from every kind of exaction they will restrain themselves there throughout all their dominion, and furthermore they will not intrude themselves, so that those cities may be free, just as the Milanese are free from them, with the exception of regard for ecclesiastical right, which they have toward the archbishop and the church of Milan.

Omnes Mediolanenses communiter a minoribus usque ad maiores, ab annis XIIII et supra usque ad annos LXX, fidelitatem domno imperatori iurabunt sine malo ingenio et observabunt.

All the Milanese, in common, from the lesser up to the greater, from 14 years and above up to 70 years, will swear fidelity to the lord emperor without evil intent and will observe it.

Palatium imperiale ad honorem domni imperatoris arbitratu bonorum [virorum] elevabunt et cum debito honore bona fide conservabunt.

They will elevate the imperial palace to the honor of the lord emperor by the arbitration of good [men], and with due honor they will in good faith conserve it.

Pecuniam pro emendatione iniuriarum domno imperatori vel domnae imperatrici sive curiae promissam statutis temporibus persolvent, hoc est terciam partem infra XXX dies, ex quo haec pactio confirmata fuerit, aliam vero terciam partem infra octavam beati Martini, terciam autem residuam partem infra octavam epiphaniae.

They will pay in full, at the appointed times, the money promised for the emendation of injuries to the lord emperor or the lady empress or to the curia, that is: a third part within 30 days from the time when this pact shall have been confirmed, another third part within the octave of Blessed Martin, and the remaining third part within the octave of Epiphany.

Hisque sic persolutis, nullis privatis teneantur promissionibus. Pecuniae promissae summa haec est: novem milia marcarum argenti sive auri vel monetae eiusdem estimationis et pretii.

And with these thus paid, they shall be bound by no private promises. The sum of the money promised is this: nine thousand marks of silver or of gold, or coin of the same valuation and price.

Pro his tantum pretaxatis capitulis bona fide complendis et conservandis CCC obsides dabunt capitaneos, valvassores, populares, quales approbati fuerint a domno archiepiscopo Mediolanensi et comite Blandratensi et marchione Guillelmo Montis-ferrat et tribus consulibus, si haec domno imperatori placuerint, iuramento astrictis ad hanc electionem fideliter faciendam. Obsides vero in partibus Italiae omnes serventur, preter L vel pauciores per interventum regis Boemorum Labezlai et aliorum principum ultra montes, si domno imperatori placuerit, deferendos. Quibus autem commissi fuerint obsides in Italia, iurent in presentia Mediolanensium ad haec predestinatorum, quod, prefixo tempore transacto, infra octo dies ex quo requisiti fuerint a Mediolanensibus, eos eis libere reddant, ut illi secure eos habeant, si pretaxata capitula ab eis observata fuerint.

For the sole purpose that these pre-stated chapters be fulfilled and kept in good faith, they shall give 300 hostages—captains, vavassors, populares—such as shall have been approved by the lord archbishop of Milan and the count of Blandrate and Marquess William of Montferrat and the three consuls, if these shall have pleased the lord emperor, being bound by oath to make this selection faithfully. The hostages, moreover, shall all be kept in the parts of Italy, except 50 or fewer to be conveyed beyond the mountains through the intervention of Labezlai, king of the Bohemians, and of other princes, if it shall have pleased the lord emperor. But those to whom the hostages shall have been committed in Italy shall swear, in the presence of the Milanese pre-designated for these matters, that, the prefixed time having elapsed, within eight days from the time they shall have been required by the Milanese, they will freely return them to them, so that they may have them securely, if the aforesaid chapters shall have been observed by them.

Tres vero principes Alemanniae dextras dabunt, quod obsides illi qui ultra montes deferentur, si qui erunt, eodem pacto fideliter reddentur.

But three princes of Germany will give their right hands, that those hostages who are carried beyond the mountains, if there shall be any, will be faithfully returned on the same terms.

Consules vero qui nunc sunt ex auctoritate et concessione domni imperatoris usque ad Kal. Februarii proxime venturas perseverent et pro consulatu suo domno imperatori iurent. Venturi vero consules a populo eligantur et ab ipso imperatore confirmentur, quorum medietas ad ipsum veniat, dum in Longobardia fuerit; alias autem eo existente, duo ad eum ex consulibus veniant et iuramento facto officium consulatus sui a domno imperatore recipiant pro se et [pro] socus suis, facturis idem iuramentum domno imperatori coram communi suae civitatis.

But let the consuls who are now in office, by the authority and concession of the lord emperor, continue until the Kalends of February next to come (1 February), and let them swear to the lord emperor for their consulship. But let the coming consuls be elected by the people and be confirmed by the emperor himself, of whom a moiety shall come before him while he is in Lombardy; otherwise, however, when he is elsewhere, let two of the consuls come to him and, an oath having been made, let them receive from the lord emperor the office of their consulship for themselves and [for] their associates, who are to make the same oath to the lord emperor before the commune of their city.

Si autem legatus a domno imperatore destinatus fuerit in Italiam, eadem coram ipso et per ipsum fiant.

But if a legate has been appointed by the lord emperor to Italy, let the same things be done in his presence and through him.

Legati vero domni imperatoris in Italiam directi, si civitatem adierint, in palatio sedeant et placita ad eos delata ad honorem imperii diffiniant. Antequam castra ab obsidione moveantur, captivi omnes reddantur in potestatem regis Boemi, qui et securitatem per se et honestos principes eis faciat, quod captivos illos domno imperatori reddet, si eis domnus imperator pacem fecerit cum Cremonensibus, Papiensibus, Novariensibus, Cumanis, Laudensibus, Vercellensibus; non solum autem Mediolanensibus, verum etiam confederatis eorum, Terdonensibus, Cremensibus et Insulanis, salvo honore domni imperatoris et illibatis amicitiis Mediolanensium et in suo statu permanentibus. Si vero pax eis cum predictis civitatibus facta non fuerit, captivi veteres eis reddantur, nec ob id gratia domni imperatoris ipsi et amici eorum priventur.

But the legates of the lord emperor, sent into Italy, if they shall have approached a city, shall sit in the palace and determine, to the honor of the empire, the pleas brought to them. Before the camp is moved from the siege, let all captives be returned into the power of the king of Bohemia, who shall furnish security both by himself and by honorable princes for them, that he will return those captives to the lord emperor, if the lord emperor shall have made peace for them with the people of Cremona, Pavia, Novara, Como, Lodi, and Vercelli; and not only with the Milanese, but also with their confederates, the people of Tortona, Crema, and Isola, with the honor of the lord emperor saved and the friendships of the Milanese inviolate and remaining in their own state. But if peace shall not have been made for them with the aforesaid cities, let the old captives be returned to them, nor on that account let they and their friends be deprived of the favor of the lord emperor.

Regalia, veluti monetam, theloneum, pedaticum, portus, comitatus et alia similia, si qua sunt, commune Mediolanensium dimittet et ultra se non intromittet, et si quis per usum haec optinere voluerit et iusticiam inde coram domno imperatore vel nuncio eius facere noluerit, Mediolanenses vindictam de eo pro sua possibilitate sument in persona et possessione et regalia domno imperatori restituent sine fraude et malo ingenio.

Regalia—such as the coinage, the toll (theloneum), the foot-toll (pedaticum), the ports, the county jurisdiction (comitatus), and other similar things, if there be any—the commune of the Milanese shall relinquish and shall not further intermeddle itself; and if anyone should wish to hold these by usage and should be unwilling to do justice thereon before the lord emperor or his envoy, the Milanese shall exact retribution from him, to the extent of their ability, upon his person and possession, and shall restore the regalia to the lord emperor without fraud and evil ingenuity.

Hoc pacto et ordine domnus imperator Mediolanenses et Cremenses cum CXX marcarum emendatione in gratiam suam recipiet et eos et amicos eorum in plena curia publice a banno absolvet et captivos eorum omnes, veteres et novos, eis reddet, statim postquam obsides imperatori dederint et captivos tam veteres quam novos in manum regis Boemorum reddiderint. Datis autem obsidibus et captivis, altera die vel tercia exercitus ab obsidione recedet, et domnus imperator Mediolanenses et eorum res clementer tractabit.

By this pact and order the lord emperor will receive the Milanese and the Cremonese back into his favor with an emendation of 120 marks, and he will publicly absolve them and their friends from the ban in full court, and he will return to them all their captives, both old and new, immediately after they shall have given hostages to the emperor and shall have delivered the captives, as well old as new, into the hand of the king of the Bohemians. But once the hostages and captives have been given, on the second or the third day the army will withdraw from the siege, and the lord emperor will clemently treat the Milanese and their goods.

Commune Mediolani prefatas conditiones servabit plenarie, bona fide, sine fraude et malo ingenio, quantum non permanserit per iustum impedimentum et per parabolam Friderici Romani imperatoris vel nuncii eius aut eius successoris. Collectam predictae pecuniae liceat modo facere Mediolanenses ab his quos in sua societate habere consueverant, preter Cumanos, Laudenses et eos qui de comitatu Sifriensi fidelitatem domno imperatori nuper iuraverunt.

The Commune of Milan will observe the aforesaid conditions fully, in good faith, without fraud and evil contrivance, insofar as it shall not be hindered by a just impediment and by the word (order) of Frederick the Roman Emperor or his nuncio (envoy) or his successor. It shall be permitted now for the Milanese to make the collection of the aforesaid money from those whom they have been accustomed to have in their society, except the Cumans, the Lodians, and those who from the county of Seprio have recently sworn fidelity to the lord emperor.

Capitulum XLVIII.

Chapter 48.

Talibus pacis condicionibus utrimque receptis, Mediolanum in gratiam reditura hoc ordine talique specie, fide publica accepta, cum suis ad curiam venit. Inprimis clerus omnis et quique fuerant aecclesiastici ordinis ministri cum archiepiscopo suo, prelatis crucibus, nudis pedibus, humili habitu; deinde consules et maiores civitatis, item abiecta veste, pedibus nudis, exertos super cervices gladios ferentes. Erat autem ingens spectaculum, validissima constipatio multorumque, qui mitioris ingenii erant, commiseratio, cum viderent paulo ante superbos et de factis impiis arrogantes ita nunc humiles esse ac tremere, ut miseranda esset, quamquam in hoste, tanta mutatio.

With such conditions of peace received on both sides, Milan, about to return into favor, in this order and with such an appearance, public faith having been accepted, came with its own people to the curia. In the first place the whole clergy and all who had been ministers of the ecclesiastical order with their archbishop, crosses borne before them, barefoot, in humble habit; then the consuls and the elders of the city, likewise with clothing cast aside, barefoot, bearing drawn swords over their necks. Moreover, it was an immense spectacle, a most tightly packed press, and commiseration on the part of many who were of gentler disposition, when they saw those who a little before had been proud and arrogant on account of impious deeds now to be so humble and to tremble, that so great a change, although in an enemy, was pitiable.

Omnis denique militia loca, ubi tantum stare possent, prevenerant, imperatori et principibus quantus ad spectandum locus sufficeret et venientibus vix concesso necessario transitu. Divus ergo augustus placido eos vultu intuens ait laetum se esse, cum tam claram civitatem tantumque populum Deus commonuerit, uti aliquando pacem malint quam bellum, quodque sibi dempserint acerbam eos persequendi necessitatem, seque malle devotis et volentibus quam coactis imperitare. Atque hoc si a principio illis placuisset, mali nil perpessos, plurima vero bona accepisse.

Finally, all the soldiery had arrived in advance at places where they could only just stand, with only so much space as would suffice for the emperor and the princes to look on, and with the necessary transit scarcely conceded to those coming in. The august emperor, therefore, gazing on them with a placid countenance, said that he was glad that God had reminded so illustrious a city and so great a people to prefer peace at some point rather than war, and that they had taken from him the bitter necessity of pursuing them, and that he preferred to command the devout and willing rather than the coerced. And if this had pleased them from the beginning, they would have suffered nothing of ill, but would indeed have received very many good things.

Quoniam autem divinae placuerit ordinationi, vim et gratiam imperii eos experiri, studendum illis esse, quo facilius errata superent, penitudinem eos facti habere; vinci se posse citius obsequio quam bello; prelium incipere quemvis etiam ignavum posse, caeterum finem penes victores esse. Ad haec illi summisso vultu, supplici voce pauca pro delicto suo verba faciunt: se non hostili animo nec ad oppugnandum imperium arma cepisse, sed terminos patrum suorum, iure omni modo suos factos, vastari a suis gentilibus pati nequivisse; de caetero, si modo sibi parcatur, velle eniti, ut, malorum metu liberi, propensius erga se benivolentia imperialis et gratia conservetur.

Since, however, it has pleased the divine ordination that they should experience the force and grace of the empire, they ought to be zealous, that they may the more easily overcome their errors, to have penitence for the deed; that he can be won over more quickly by obedience than by war; that anyone, even a coward, can begin a battle, but the end is in the power of the victors. To these things they, with downcast face, in a suppliant voice utter a few words on behalf of their trespass: that they had not taken up arms with a hostile animus nor to oppugn the Empire, but that they had been unable to endure that the boundaries of their fathers, by every right made their own, be laid waste by their own fellow countrymen; for the rest, if only they be spared, they wish to strive that—free from fear of evils—the imperial benevolence and grace may be the more preserved toward them.

Capitulum XLVIIII.

Chapter 49.

Recitatis mox quae in scriptum redactae fuerant condicionibus pacis, cum assensus ac favor omnium accessisset, pacem dextrasque accipiunt, signumque imperialis vexilli in civitate receptum pro indicio victoriae erigitur. Inmensa laeticia continuo in castris, gaudium in civitate, gratulatio circa captivos, quos ad pedes imperatoris magno ac longo ordine venientes noti et propinqui pre gaudio multis lacrimis obortis excipiunt, miserantes in eis vultus pallidos, sordidum habitum, fedam macilentiam, eos, quos inberbes et iuvenes noverant, modo senio, canicie et carcerali squalore ignotos. Quanta laeticia quantusque concursus, dum pater filium, fratrem frater, generum socer, affinis cognatum diu perditum invenit, inventum gratulabunda voce salutat, amplexatur, alius alium laetus appellans familiari secum alloquio confabulatur!

With the conditions of peace, which had been reduced into writing, soon recited, since the assent and favor of all had been given, they receive peace and right hands, and the ensign of the imperial standard, admitted into the city, is raised as a token of victory. Immense joy straightway in the camp, rejoicing in the city, congratulation around the captives, whom, coming to the emperor’s feet in great and long array, their acquaintances and kinsmen, for joy with many tears springing up, receive—pitying in them pale faces, sordid attire, foul leanness—those whom they had known beardless and young, now by age, grayness, and carceral squalor unrecognizable. What joy and what a concourse, as a father finds his son, a brother his brother, a father-in-law his son-in-law, a kinsman his kin long lost; he greets the one found with a congratulating voice, embraces him; one calling another gladly, with familiar speech converses together!

Quod si de regum antiquorum fastu quicquam in pio ac mansueto fuisset principe, huius diei laeticiam inter sollempnitates reliquas semper celebrem aput Italos constituisset. Actus est hic triumphus VI. Idus Septembris.

But if anything of the fastus of ancient kings had been in the pious and gentle prince, he would have constituted the joy of this day, among the other solemnities, as always celebrated among the Italians. This triumph was held on the 6th before the Ides of September.

Capitulum L.

Chapter 50.

Princeps Romanus a Mediolano castra movens aput Modoicum, sedem regni Italici, coronatur. Quam aecclesiam iam dudum a Mediolanensibus subactam ac fere destructam pristinae libertati reddidit sedemque propriis expensis magnifice reparari precepit. Cumque in subactione tantae civitatis ex maxima parte motus Italorum repressos speraret, magnam partem exercitus cum suis obtimatibus ad propria redire permittit.

The Roman princeps, moving camp from Milan, is crowned at Monza, the seat of the Italian kingdom. That church, which some time ago had been subdued by the Milanese and almost destroyed, he restored to its former liberty, and he ordered that the see be magnificently repaired at his own expense. And since in the subjugation of so great a city he hoped that the movements of the Italians had for the most part been repressed, he permits a great part of the army, with their nobles, to return to their own homes.

Inter quos primus erat rex Boemorum, dux quoque Austriae cum copiis Ungarorum, Arnoldus presul Maguntinus, dux Bertolfus Burgundiae, comites et marchiones magnaque pars nobilium. His cum summa alacritate dimissis, ipse ad ordinanda caetera Italiae negotia animum intendit. Iam vero tantus pavor totam terram occupaverat atque formido, ut palam quidem nemo rebellaret, occulte autem concepta corde malitia plerique illorum non carerent.

Among whom the first was the king of the Bohemians, the duke also of Austria with forces of the Hungarians, Arnold, the prelate of Mainz, Duke Bertolf of Burgundy, counts and margraves, and a great part of the nobles. These, being dismissed with the highest alacrity, he himself directed his mind to setting in order the remaining affairs of Italy. Now indeed so great a fear and dread had occupied the whole land that openly no one rebelled; secretly, however, many of them were not without malice conceived in the heart.

Capitulum LI.

Chapter 51.

Quidam enim de Veronensibus, dum castrum regale Garda vocatum Turisindus civis eorum cum suis fautoribus occupasset, id imperatori reddere iussi [cum] omnimodis detrectarent, hostes iudicati sunt suaeque temeritatis nonnullos civium Veronensium socios et consentaneos habuerunt. Quocirca imperator eo versus descendens, infra Veronam fluvium Athesam inopinato transvadavit, eorumque territorium, quod longo tempore inviolatum nullum hostem metuerat, pervagatus aliquantisper militem agros vastare, castella diripere atque inflammare permisit. Recte quidem, quo et hostibus rebellandi metum incuteret ac eorum, qui in hac parte immunes essent, saluti consuleret.

For certain of the Veronese, when the royal fortress called Garda had been seized by Turisindus, one of their citizens, together with his partisans, being ordered to hand it back to the emperor, [when] they utterly refused, were adjudged enemies, and they had, through their own temerity, not a few associates and consenter-fellows among the citizens of Verona. Wherefore the emperor, descending toward that quarter, below Verona unexpectedly forded the river Athesis, and, having roamed for a while through their territory, which for a long time, inviolate, had feared no enemy, he permitted the soldiery to devastate the fields, to plunder the forts, and to set them aflame. Rightly indeed, in order both to instill in the enemies a fear of rebelling and to look to the safety of those who in this part were immune from it.

Denuo revertens, sicut et antea Athesam vado transivit, nullo pontis vel navigii egens adminiculo. Tanta siquidem caeli clementia, tanta erat terrae fertilitas, tanta maximorum fluviorum ariditas et contracta violentia, ut elementa ipsa fortunae divi imperatoris famulari eiusque favere votis dicerentur.

Returning anew, just as before he crossed the Athesis by a ford, needing the aid of no bridge or vessel. So great, indeed, was the clemency of the sky, so great the fertility of the earth, so great the aridity and the restrained violence of the greatest rivers, that the very elements were said to be in servitude to the fortune of the divine emperor and to favor his vows.

Capitulum LII.

Chapter 52.

Unde factum est, ut hisdem diebus cum de civitatibus universis obsides exhiberentur ac Otto palatinus comes de Baioaria Ferrariam ad id negotium promovendum destinatus fuisset, alveum, quo se Padus ad munimentum civitatis partitur, absque navibus transmeans, inprovisus ac inopinatus supervenit, ordinatisque ad votum rebus omnibus, XL vadibus acceptis, rediit. Ea res finitimos plurimos exterrens, incredibilis visa est pro eo, quod Ferraria, Pado ibidem instagnante et paludes inpermeabiles faciente, munimento locorum fidens, omnem viciniam suam intrepida ac superba rideret atque despiceret. Dehinc cum Eridani fluenta ad disponenda regalia predia domus Mehtildis transmearet, turbam calonum, meretricum et lixarum, quae se exercitui plurima inmiscuerat militumque animos effeminare poterat, antiquorum imperatorum exemplo propellendam ac deterrendam decernit.

Whence it came about that, in those same days, when hostages were being presented from all the cities, and Otto the palatine count of Bavaria had been assigned to Ferrara to promote that business, crossing the channel by which the Po divides itself toward the fortification of the city, passing without ships, he arrived unforeseen and unanticipated; and with all things arranged according to wish, having received 40 sureties, he returned. This matter, terrifying very many of the neighbors, seemed incredible for this reason: because Ferrara—since the Po there stagnates and makes impassable marshes—trusting in the fortification of its locales, used to laugh at and despise all its neighborhood, intrepid and proud. Thereafter, when he was crossing the streams of the Eridanus to arrange the royal estates of the house of Matilda, he decreed, by the example of the emperors of old, that the crowd of camp-servants, prostitutes, and sutlers—which had very greatly mingled itself with the army and could effeminate the spirits of the soldiers—should be driven away and deterred.

Capitulum LIII.

Chapter 53.

Inter haec, cum tota Italia sub silentio ageret et bellorum inquietudinem pacis tranquillitate commutasse videretur, Fridericus deperisse sibi ratus tempus, in quo non aliquod magnificentiae suae monimentum prestitisset, novam civitatem Laudensibus fabricare adorsus est, ubi, si forte Mediolanenses pristinas inimicitias refricando clades suas inciderent, ab eorum incursu securiores existerent. Maxima ergo providentia, maximo pietatis obsequio iuxta fluvium Adduam locum elegit, ex omni parte fluminis ambitu munitum, uno tantum mediocri aditu muro et vallo sepiendo. In cuius civitatis fabrica ingentes sumptus expendens liberalitatis suae singulare prebuit argumentum.

Meanwhile, when all Italy was keeping silence and seemed to have exchanged the disquiet of wars for the tranquillity of peace, Frederick, thinking time lost to himself in which he had not furnished some monument of his magnificence, set about to build a new city for the Laudenses, where, if by chance the Milanese, by rubbing up their former enmities, should incur their own disasters again, the former would be more secure from their incursions. Therefore, with the greatest providence and the highest observance of pietas, he chose a site next to the river Adda, defended on every side by the river’s circuit, with only a single moderate access, to be fenced with wall and rampart. In the construction of this city, expending vast sums, he offered a singular proof of his liberality.

Deinde generalem curiam omnibus Italis civitatibus et primoribus aput Roncalias in festo beati Martini celebrandam indicit, ubi et leges pacis promulgaret et de iusticia regni, quae multo iam tempore aput illos obumbrata in desuetudinem abierat, pernecessaria sapientum collatione dissereret diuque obsoletam elucubraret.

Then he proclaims a general court to be celebrated at Roncaglia on the feast of blessed Martin for all the Italian cities and foremost men, where he would also promulgate the laws of peace and, concerning the justice of the realm—which for a long time among them had been overshadowed and had lapsed into desuetude—he would discourse by a most necessary collation of the wise and elucidate what had long been obsolete.

Capitulum LIIII.

Chapter 54.

Circa idem tempus Manuele Constantinopolitano imperatore circa partes Antiochiae contra Turcos cum exercitu morante, unus de servis palatii, caniclinus videlicet, quem nos cancellarium dicere possumus, principi suo fraudem molitus est. Tres siquidem audacissimae temeritatis iuvenes infinita corruptos pecunia ad occidendum imperatorem pellexerat, ipseque statuta die, quando id facinus patrari debuerat, ad occupandum aput urbem simul cum imperiali palatio imperium magnis instructus copiis prestolabatur. Tantum regis periculum cum imperatrici per occultum indicem revelatum fuisset, illa magnitudine sceleris perterrita quam velocissime marito proditionem significat; sicque detecto dolo, comprehensis sicariis, prevento criminis auctore et capto, de omnibus condigna sumuntur supplicia.

Around the same time, while Manuel, the Constantinopolitan emperor, was lingering with his army about the parts of Antioch against the Turks, one of the servants of the palace—namely the caniclinus, whom we can call the chancellor—devised treachery against his prince. For he had enticed three youths of most audacious temerity, corrupted with boundless money, to kill the emperor; and he himself on the appointed day, when that crime ought to have been perpetrated, was waiting, equipped with great forces, to seize, at the city, the imperium together with the imperial palace. When so great a danger to the king was revealed to the empress by a secret informer, she, terrified by the magnitude of the wickedness, as swiftly as possible makes known the treason to her husband; and thus, the deceit being uncovered, the assassins apprehended, the author of the crime forestalled and captured, condign punishments are exacted of all.

Caniclinus etenim, primo effossis oculis, lingua perforato gutturi transmissa, sine miseratione miserabili morte vitam finivit.

For indeed the caniclinus, first with his eyes gouged out, his tongue passed through his perforated throat, without commiseration finished his life in a miserable death.