Historia Augusta: Probus

I. 1 Certum est, quod Sallustius Crispus quoque Marcus Cato et Gellius historici sententiae modo in litteras rettulerunt, omnes omnium virtutes tantas esse, quatas videri eas voluerint eorum ingenia, qui unius cuius facta descripserint. 2 inde est quod Alexander Magnus Mac[h]edo, cum ad Achillis sepulchrum venisset, graviter ingemescens 'felicem te', inquit, 'iuvenis, qui talem praeconem tuarum virtutum repperisti', Homerum intellegi volens, qui Achillem tantum in virtutum studio fecit, quantum ipse valebat ingenio. 3 Quorsum haec pertineant, mi Celsine, fortassis requiris.

1. 1 It is certain, as Sallustius Crispus and also Marcus Cato and Gellius the historian have set down in letters, in the manner of a sententia, that all men’s virtues are as great as the talents of those who have described each one’s deeds have wished them to seem. 2 Hence it is that Alexander the Great, the Macedonian, when he had come to Achilles’ tomb, groaning deeply said, ‘Happy you, young man, who found such a herald of your virtues,’ wishing Homer to be understood—who made Achilles so great in the pursuit of virtues as he himself was strong in genius. 3 To what these things pertain, my Celsine, perhaps you ask.

Probum principem, cuius imperio oriens, occidens, meridie<s>, septentrio omnesque orbis partes in totam securitatem redactae sunt, scriptorum inopia iam paene nescimus. 4 occidit, pro pudor, tanti viri et talis historia, qualem non habent bella Punica, non terror GalIicus, non motus Pontici, non Hispaniensis astutia. 5 sed non patiar ego ille, a quo dudum solus Aurelianus est expetitus, cuius vitam quantum potui persecutus, Tacito Florianoque iam scriptis non me ad Probi facta conscendere, si vita suppetet, omnes, qui supersunt usque ad Maximianum Diocletianumque, dicturus.

We by now almost do not know Probus the emperor, under whose rule the East, the West, the South, the North, and all parts of the world were brought into complete security, because of a scarcity of writers. 4 The history of so great and such a man has perished—shame!—a kind which not even the Punic wars possess, nor the Gallic terror, nor the Pontic commotions, nor Hispanic astuteness. 5 But I—that same one by whom some time ago Aurelian alone was sought out, whose life I have pursued as far as I could, and with Tacitus and Florian already written—will not allow myself not to ascend to the deeds of Probus; if life shall suffice, I will tell of all who remain down to Maximian and Diocletian.

6 neque ego nunc facultatem eloquentiamque polliceor sed res gestas, quas perire non patior.

6 nor do I now promise faculty and eloquence, but the deeds performed, which I do not allow to perish.

II. 1 Usus autem sum, ne in aliquo fallam carissimam mihi familiaritatem tuam, praecipue libris ex bibliotheca Ulpia, aetate mea thermis Diocletianis, et item ex domo Tiberiana, usus etiam [ex] regestis scribarum porticus porphyreticae, actis etiam senatus ac populi. 2 et quoniam me ad colligenda talis viri gesta ephemeris Turduli Gallicani plurimum invit, viri honestissimi ac sincerissimi, beneficium amici senis tacere non debui. 3 Cn. Pompeium, tribus fulgentem triumphis belli piratici, belli Sertoriani, belli Mithridatici multarumque rerum gestarum maiestate sublimem, quis tandem nosset, nisi eum Marcus Tullius et Titus Livius in litteras rettulissent?

II. 1 I have made use—so that I may not in any respect fail your friendship most dear to me—especially of books from the Ulpian Library, in my age at the Baths of Diocletian, and likewise from the Tiberian House; I have also used [from] the registers of the scribes of the Porphyry Portico, and also the acts of the Senate and the People. 2 And since the daybook of Turdulus Gallicanus, a most honorable and most sincere man, has greatly invited me to gather the deeds of such a man, I ought not to keep silent about the favor of an old friend. 3 Who, pray, would have known Cn. Pompeius, shining with three triumphs—of the piratic war, of the Sertorian war, of the Mithridatic war—and exalted by the majesty of many things accomplished, unless Marcus Tullius and Titus Livius had consigned him to letters?

4 Publum Scipionem Afric<an>um, immo Scipiones omnes, seu Lucios seu Nasicas, nonne tenebrae possiderent ac tegerent, nisi commendatores eorum historici nobiles atque ignobiles extitissent? 5 longum est omnia persequi, quae ad exemplum huiusce modi etiam nobis tacentibus usurpanda sunt. 6 illud tantum contestatum volo me et rem scripsisse, quam, si quis voluerit, honestius eloquio celsiore demonstret, et mihi quidem id animi fuit, 6 <ut> non Sallustios, Livios, Tacito<s>, Trogos atque omnes disertissimos imitarer viros in vita principum et temporibus disserendis, sed Marium Maximum, Suetonium Tranquillum, Fabium Marcellinum, Gargilium Martialem, Iulium Capitolinum, Aelium Lampridium ceterosque, qui haec et talia non tam diserte quam vere memoriae tradiderunt.

4 Would not Publum Scipionem Africum—nay, all the Scipios, whether the Lucii or the Nasicae—be possessed and covered by darkness, unless their commendators, historians both noble and ignoble, had arisen? 5 It would be long to pursue everything which, as an example of this sort, ought to be employed even with us keeping silence. 6 This only I wish to attest: that I too have written the matter, which, if anyone shall wish, let him set forth more honorably with loftier eloquence; and indeed such was my mind, 6 <that> I should imitate not the Sallusts, the Livys, the Tacito<s>, the Trogi, and all the most eloquent men in discoursing on the life of princes and on times, but Marius Maximus, Suetonius Tranquillus, Fabius Marcellinus, Gargilius Martialis, Julius Capitolinus, Aelius Lampridius, and the rest, who have consigned these and such things to memory not so eloquently as truly.

8 sum enim unus ex curiosis, quod infi[ni]tas ire non possum, ince<n>dentibus vobis, qui, cum multa sciatis, scire multo[s] plura cupitis. 9 et ne diutius ea, quae ad meum consilium pertinent, loquar, magnum et praeclarum principem et qualem historia nostra non novit, arripiam.

8 for I am one of the curious, since I cannot go into infinities, you inflaming me, you who, although you know many things, desire to know many more. 9 And, so that I may not speak longer about those things which pertain to my plan, I will seize upon a great and preeminent prince, such as our history has not known.

III. 1 Probus oriundus e Pannonia, civitate Sirmiensi, nobiliore matre quam patre, patrimonio moderato, adfinitate non magna, tam privatus quam imperator nobilissimus virtutibus claruit. 2 Probo, ut quidam in litteras rettulerunt, pater nomine Maximus fuit, qui, cum ordines honestissime duxisset, tribunatum adeptus apud Aegyptum vita functus est uxore ac filio et filia derelictis.

3. 1 Probus, originating from Pannonia, of the Sirmian citizenry, with a mother more noble than his father, with a moderate patrimony, with no great affinity by marriage, as a private citizen as well as an emperor, was most noble and was illustrious for virtues. 2 As some have committed to letters, Probus’s father by name was Maximus, who, after he had most honorably led through the ranks, having obtained the tribunate, died in Egypt, leaving behind a wife and a son and a daughter.

3 multi dicunt Probum Claudi propinquum fuisse, optimi et sanctissimi principis, quod, quia per unum tantum Graecorum relatum est, nos in medio relinquemus. 4 unum tamen dico, quod in ephemeride legisse me memini, a Claudia sorore Probum sepultum. 5 adulescens Probus corporis viribus tam clarus est factus, ut Valeriani iudicio tribunatum prope inberbis acciperet.

3 many say that Probus was a kinsman of Claudius, that best and most holy emperor; which, since it has been related by only one of the Greeks, we shall leave in the middle. 4 one thing, however, I say, which I remember to have read in an ephemeris: that Probus was buried by his sister Claudia. 5 as a young man, Probus became so renowned for the strengths of his body that, by the judgment of Valerian, he received the tribunate almost beardless.

6 extat epistula Valeriani ad GaIlienum, qua Probum laudat adhuc adulescentem et imitationi omnium proponit. 7 ex quo apparet neminem umquam pervenisse ad virtutum summam iam maturum, nisi qui puer seminario virtutum generosiore concretus aliquid inclitum designasset.

6 there exists an epistle of Valerian to Gallienus, in which he praises Probus, still an adolescent, and sets him forth for the imitation of all. 7 from which it appears that no one ever, already mature, has attained to the summit of virtues, except one who, as a boy, molded by a more generous seedbed of virtues, had designated something renowned.

IV. 1 epistula Valeriani: 'Valerianus pater Gallieno filio, Augustus Augusto. et meum secutus iudicium, quod semper de Probo adulescente primo habui, et omnium bonorum, qui eundem sui nominis virum dicunt, tribunatum in eum contuli datis sex cohorbus Saracenis, creditis etiam auxiliaribus Gallis cum ea Persarum manu, quam nobis Artabassis Syr[i]us mancipavit. 2 te quaeso, fili carissime, ut eum iuvenem, quem imitari pueris omnibus volo, in tanto habeas honore, quantum virtutes eius et merita pro debito mentis splendore desiderant.' 3 alia epistula de eodem ad praef.

4. 1 letter of Valerian: 'Valerian the father to his son Gallienus, Augustus to Augustus. And following my own judgment, which I have always first held about the adolescent Probus, and that of all good men, who call that man worthy of their name, I have conferred upon him the tribunate, six Saracen cohorts having been assigned, with Gallic auxiliaries also entrusted, together with that band of Persians which Artabassis the Syrian delivered over to us. 2 I ask you, dearest son, that you hold that young man, whom I wish all boys to imitate, in as great honor as his virtues and merits, in proportion to the due splendor of his mind, demand.' 3 another letter about the same man to the prefect.

praet. cum salario: 'Valerianus Augustus Mulvio Gallicano praef. praet.

praet. with salary: 'Valerianus Augustus to Mulvius Gallicanus, praef. praet.

mireris fortassis, quod ego inberbem tribunum fecerim con<tra> s<en>tentiam divi Hadriani, sed non multum miraberis, si Probum cogitas: 4 e<s>t adulescens vere probus; numquam enim aliud mihi, cum eum cogito, nisi eius nomen occurrit, quod nisi nomen haberet, potuit habere cognomen. 5 huic igitur dari iubebis, quoniam mediocris fortunae est, ut eius dignitas incrementis iuvetur, tunicas russulas duas, pallia Gallica duo fibulata, inte[g]rulas paragaudias duas, patinam argenteam librarum decem specellatam, aureos Antoninianos centum, argenteos Aurelianos mille, aereos Philippeos decem milia; 6 item in salario diurno bubulae pondo..., porcina<e> pondo sex, caprinae pondo decem, gallinaceum per biduum, olei per biduum sextarium unum, vini veteris diurnos sextarios decem cum Iarido, pabul, ac<et>i, s[o]alis, olerum, lignorum quantum sat est. 7 hospitia praeterea eidem ut tribunis legionum praeberi iubebis.'

you may perhaps marvel that I have made a beardless man a tribune, contrà the judgment of the deified Hadrian; but you will not marvel much, if you think of Probus: 4 he is a youth truly “probus” (upright); for nothing else ever occurs to me, when I think of him, except his name—which, if he did not have it as a name, he could have had as a cognomen. 5 Therefore you will order to be given to this man, since he is of middling fortune, that his dignity may be helped by increments: two russet tunics, two Gallic cloaks fastened with a brooch, two complete paragaudia (ornamental borders), a silver platter of ten pounds, finely chased, one hundred Antoninian gold pieces, one thousand Aurelian silver pieces, ten thousand Philippic bronze pieces; 6 likewise in the daily ration: of beef, pounds ..., of pork six pounds, of goat ten pounds, a chicken every two days, of oil one sextarius for every two days, of old wine ten sextarii daily with lard, of fodder, vinegar, salt, greens, and firewood as much as is enough. 7 Furthermore, you will order quarters to be furnished to him, as for tribunes of the legions.

V. 1 Et haec quidem epistulis declarantur. nunc quantum ex ephemeride coIligi potuit: cum bello Sarmatico iam tribunus tramisso Danubio multa fortiter fecisset, publice in contione donatus est hastis puris quattuor, coronis vallaribus duabus, corona civica una, vexillis puris quattuor, armillis aureis duabus, torque aureo uno, patera sacrificali quinquelibri una. 2 quo quidem tempore Valerium Flaccinum, adulescentem nobilem, parentem Valeriani, e Quadorum liberavit manu.

5. 1 And these things indeed are made clear by the epistles. Now, as much as could be collected from the ephemeris: when, in the Sarmatian war, already a tribune, with the Danube crossed, he had done many things bravely, he was publicly in the assembly awarded four pure spears, two vallary crowns, one civic crown, four pure standards, two golden armlets, one golden torque, one sacrificial patera of five pounds. 2 At that very time he freed Valerius Flaccinus, a noble youth, the father of Valerian, from the hand of the Quadi.

3 unde illi Valerianus coronam civicam detulit. verba Valeriani pro contione habita: 'suscipe, Probe, praemia pro re p., suscipe coronam civicam pro parente.' 4 quo quidem tempore legionem tertiam eidem addidit, sub testimonio huius modi. 5 epistula de legione tertia: 'res gestae tuae, Probe carissime, faciunt, ut et serius tradere maiores tibi exercitus videar et cito tamen tradam.

3 whence Valerian bestowed upon him the civic crown. the words of Valerian delivered before the assembly: 'Receive, Probus, the rewards for the commonwealth, receive the civic crown for the parent.' 4 at that time indeed he added the third legion to him as well, under testimony of this kind. 5 a letter concerning the third legion: 'Your exploits, dearest Probus, make it that I both seem rather late in handing over greater armies to you, and yet I will hand them over quickly.

6 recipe in fidem tuam legionem tertiam Felicem, quam ego adhuc nulli nisi provecto iam credidi; mihi autem eo tempore credita est, quo et me canosum, qui credebat cum gratulatione, vidit. 7 sed ego in te non expecto aetatem, cum et virtutibus fulge<a>s et moribus polleas. 8 vestes tibi triplices dari iussi, salarium duplex feci, vexillarium deputavi.'

6 receive into your trust the Third Legion Felix, which I until now have entrusted to no one unless already advanced; moreover, it was entrusted to me at that time, when he who was entrusting it, with congratulations, saw me gray-haired. 7 but I do not await age in you, since you both shine with virtues and are strong in morals. 8 I ordered triple garments to be given to you, I made the salary double, I appointed you vexillary (standard-bearer).'

VI. 1 Longum est, si per res gestas tanti percurram viri, quae ille sub Valeriano, quae sub Gallieno, quae sub Aureliano et Claudio privatus fecerit, quoties murum conscenderit, valIum diripuerit, hostem comminus interemit, dona principum emeruerit, rem p. in antiquum statum sua virtute reddiderit. 2 docet Gallieni epistula ad tribunos data, qui fuerit Probus: 'Gallienus Augustus tribunis exercitm Illyricianorum. etiamsi patrem meum fatalis belli Persici necessitas tenuit, habeo tamen parentem Aurelium Probum, quo laborante possim esse securus.

6. 1 It would be long, if I should run through the deeds of so great a man, what he did as a private under Valerian, under Gallienus, under Aurelian and Claudius—how often he has scaled a wall, torn down a rampart, slain the enemy at close quarters, earned the gifts of princes, restored the republic to its ancient state by his own virtue. 2 A letter of Gallienus, given to the tribunes, teaches who Probus was: ‘Gallienus Augustus to the tribunes of the Illyrian armies. Although the necessity of the fatal Persian war has held my father, yet I have a parent in Aurelius Probus, by whose labor I can be secure.’

qui si adfuisset, numquam ille ne nominandus quidem tyrannus sibi usurpasset imperium. 3 quare omnes vos consiliis eius cupio parere, qui et patris iudicio probatus est et senatus.' 4 Non magnum fortassis iudicium Gallieni esse videatur, principis mollioris, sed, quod negari non potest, ne dissolutus quidem quispiam se nisi in eius fidem tradit, cuius sibi virtutes aestimat profuturas. 5 sed esto, Gallieni epistula sequestretur, quid Aureliani iudicium?

who, if he had been present, that tyrant not even to be named would never have usurped the imperial power for himself. 3 therefore I desire all of you to obey his counsels, who has been approved by the judgment of my father and of the senate.' 4 The judgment of Gallienus, a softer prince, may perhaps seem not of great weight; but, which cannot be denied, not even a dissolute man entrusts himself except to the faith of him whose virtues he deems will be profitable to himself. 5 But be it so, let Gallienus’s letter be sequestered—what of Aurelian’s judgment?

qui Probo decimanos, fortissimos exercitus sui et cum quibus ipse ingentia gesserat, tradidit sub huius modi testimonio: 6 'Aurelianus Augustus Probo salutem dicit. ut scias, quanti te faciam, decimanos meos sume, quos Claudius mihi credid<it>. isti enim sunt, qui quadam felicitatis praerogativa praesules nisi futuros principes habere non norunt.' 7 Ex quo intellectum est Aurelianum in animo hoc habuisse, ut, si quid sibi scienti prudentique eveniret, Probum principem faceret.

who handed over to Probus the Decimani, the bravest of his army and with whom he himself had accomplished vast deeds, under a testimonial of this sort: 6 'Aurelian Augustus sends greeting to Probus. that you may know how highly I value you, take my Decimani, whom Claudius entrusted to me. for these are they who, by a certain prerogative of felicity, know not how to have leaders except such as will be future princes.' 7 From which it was understood that Aurelian had this in mind: that, if anything should befall him, being knowing and prudent, he would make Probus princeps.

VII. 1 iam Claudii, iam Taciti iudicia de Probo longum est innectere, quamvis feratur in senatu Tacitus dixisse, cum eidem offeretur imperium, debere Probum principem fieri. sed ego senatus consultum ipsum non inveni.

7. 1 already the judgments of Claudius, already of Tacitus, concerning Probus, it is long to weave together, although it is reported that in the senate Tacitus said, when the imperium was being offered to the same man, that Probus ought to be made princeps. But I have not found the senatorial decree itself.

2 Ipse autem Tacitus imperator primam talem ad Probum epistulam dedit: 3 'Tacitus Augustus Probo. me quidem senatus principem fecit de prudentis exercitus voluntate[m]. attamen sciendum tibi est <t>uis nunc umeris magis incubuisse rem p., qui et quantus si<s>, omnes novimus, scit senatus. adesto igitur nostris necessitatibus, tuae familiae adsere, ut soles, rem p(ublicam). 4 nos tibi decreto totius orientis ducatu[s] salarium quinquiplex fecimus, ornamenta militaria geminavimus, consulatum in annum proximum nobiscum decrevimus; te enim manet pro virtutibus tuis Capitolina palmata.' 5 Ferunt quidam Probo id pro imperii omine fuisse, quod Tacitus scripsit: 'te manet Capitolina palmata.' sed in hanc sententiam omnibus semper consulibus scribebatur.

2 But Emperor Tacitus himself gave to Probus a first letter of this sort: 3 'Tacitus Augustus to Probus. Indeed the senate has made me princeps by the will of the prudent army. Yet you must know that the commonwealth now has leaned more upon your shoulders; what and how great you are, we all know, the senate knows. Be present, therefore, to our necessities; champion, as you are wont, the republic as your own family. 4 We by decree have granted to you the command of the whole East, have made your salary fivefold, have doubled the military ornaments, and have decreed the consulship for the next year with us; for you there awaits, for your virtues, the Capitoline palmata.' 5 Certain persons report that this was an omen for the empire for Probus, because Tacitus wrote: 'the Capitoline palmata awaits you.' But this was always written to all consuls in this sense.

VIII. 1 Amor militum erga Probum ingens semper fuit, neque enim umquam ille passus est peccare militem. ille quin etiam Aurelianum saepe a gravi crudelitate deduxit.

VIII. 1 The love of the soldiers toward Probus was always immense, for he never allowed the soldier to transgress. He, indeed, even often drew Aurelian back from grave cruelty.

2 ille singulos manipu<los> adiit, vestes et calciamenta perspexit, si quid praedae fuit, ita divisit, ut sibi nihil praeter tela et arma servaret. 3 quin etiam cum de praedato, siv<e> ex Alanis sive ex a<li>qua alia gente incertum est, reppertus esset equus non decorus neque ingens, qui, quantum captivi loquebantur, centum ad diem milia currere diceretur, ita ut per dies octo vel decem continuaret, et omnes crederent Probum tale[m] animal sibimet servaturum, iam primum dixit: 'fugitivo militi potius, quam forti hic equu<s> convenit.' 4 deinde in urnam milites iussit <nomen suum> mittere, ut aliqui eum sorte ductus accipere<t>. 5 et cum essent in exercitu quidam nomine Probi alii quattuor milites, casu evenit, ut qui primum <emergeret, ei> Probo nomen existeret, cum ipsius Pro<bi> ducis nomen missum non esset. 6 sed cum quattuor illi milites inter se contenderent ac sortem sibi quisque defendere<t>, iussit iterum agitari urnam, sed et iterum Probi nomen emersit; cumque tertio et quarto fecisset, quarto Probi nomen effusum est.

2 he went to the individual maniples, inspected clothing and footwear, and, if there was any booty, divided it in such a way that he kept nothing for himself except javelins and arms. 3 And indeed, when from the plunder—whether from the Alans or from some other nation is uncertain—there had been found a horse not comely nor huge, which, as far as the captives reported, was said to run a hundred miles in a day, so as to keep it up for eight or ten days, and all believed that Probus would reserve such an animal for himself, straightway he said: “this horse suits a runaway soldier rather than a brave one.” 4 Then he ordered the soldiers to put their own name into an urn, so that someone, drawn by lot, might receive it. 5 And since in the army there were certain others by the name of Probus—four soldiers—it chanced that the one who first emerged had the name Probus, though the name of Probus the leader had not been cast in. 6 But when those four soldiers contended among themselves and each claimed the lot for himself, he ordered the urn to be shaken again, and again the name of Probus emerged; and when he did it a third and a fourth time, on the fourth the name of Probus was poured out.

7 tunc omnis exercitus equum illum Probo duci dicavit, ipsis etiam militibus, quorum nomina exiera<n>t, id volentibus.

7 then the whole army dedicated that horse to Probus the leader, with the very soldiers, whose names had come out, wishing it as well.

IX. 1 Pugnavit et contra Marmaridas in Africa fortissime eosdemque vicit atque ex Libya Carthaginem transiit eademque a rebellionibus vindicavit. 2 pugnavit et singulari certamine contra quendam Aradionem in Africa eundemque prostravit et, quia fortissimum ac pertinacissimum virum viderat, sepulchro ingent honoravit, quod adhuc extat tumulo usque ad ducentos pedes terra elatum per milites, quos otiosos esse numquam est passus. 3 extat apud Aegyptum eius opera, quae per milites stuxit, in plurimis civitatibus.

9. 1 He fought also against the Marmaridae in Africa most bravely and defeated the same, and he crossed from Libya to Carthage and vindicated that same city from rebellions. 2 He fought also in single combat against a certain Aradion in Africa and laid the same low, and, because he had seen him to be a most brave and most pertinacious man, he honored him with a huge sepulcher, which still stands—a mound up to 200 feet high, heaped with earth by the soldiers, whom he never allowed to be idle. 3 There exist around Egypt his works, which he constructed through the soldiers, in very many cities.

in Nilo autem tam multa fecit, ut vectigal frumentarium solus adiuverit. 4 pontes, templa, porticus, basilicas labore militum struxit, ora fluminum multa patefecit, paludes plerasque siccavit atque in his segetes agrosque constituit. 5 pugnavit etiam contra Palmyrenos Odenati et Cleopatr<a>e partibus Aegyptum defendentes, primo feliciter, postea temere, ut paene caperetur, sed postea refectis viribus Aegyptum et orientis maximam partem in Aureliani potestatem redegit.

in the Nile, moreover, he did so many things that he alone aided the grain-tax. 4 He built bridges, temples, porticoes, basilicas by the labor of the soldiers, opened many mouths of rivers, dried most of the marshes, and in these he established sown-fields and farmlands. 5 He also fought against the Palmyrenes of Odaenathus and of Cleopatra’s party, who were defending Egypt—at first successfully, afterward rashly, so that he was nearly captured—but afterward, with his forces restored, he reduced Egypt and the greatest part of the East into Aurelian’s power.

X. 1 Cum igitur his tot tantis virtutibus eniteret, Tacito absumpto fataliter ac Floriano imperium arripiente omnis orientalis exercitus eundem imperatorem fecerunt. 2 non in [a]e[gy]pta[m] neque inelegans fabula est scire, quem ad modum imperium Probus sumpserit: 3 cum ad exercitus nuntius venisset, tum primum animus militibus fuit praevenire Italicos exercitus, ne iterum senatus principem daret. 4 sed cum inter milites sermo esset, quis fieri deberet, et manipulatim in campo tribuni eos adloquerentur dicentes requirendum esse principem aliquem fortem, sanctum, verecundum, clementem, probum idque per multos circulos, ut fieri adsolet, diceretur, quasi divino nutu undique ab omnibus adclamatum est: 'Probe Auguste, {dii te} servent!' 5 deinde concursus et cespiticium tribunal, appellatusque imperator, ornatus etiam paIlio purpureo, quod de statua templi oblatum est, atque inde ad Palatium reductus, invitus et retractans et saepe dicens: 'non vobis expedit milites, non mecum bene agetis.

10. 1 Since therefore he shone with so many and so great virtues, with Tacitus taken away by fate and Florianus seizing the imperium, the whole eastern army made that same man emperor. 2 Nor is it an inelegant tale to know in what manner Probus took up the imperial power: 3 when the message had come to the armies, then for the first time the resolve came to the soldiers to forestall the Italian armies, lest again the senate should give an emperor. 4 But when among the soldiers there was discussion as to who ought to be made, and, by maniples, in the field the tribunes were addressing them, saying that some princeps must be sought—brave, holy, modest, clement, upright—and this was being said through many circles, as is wont to be done, as if by a divine nod, from all sides by all it was acclaimed: “Probus Augustus, may the gods preserve you!” 5 Then there was a rush together and a turf-built tribunal; and he was hailed emperor, and even adorned with a purple cloak, which was offered from a statue of the temple, and from there led back to the Palace, unwilling and drawing back and often saying: “it is not expedient for you, soldiers; you will not fare well with me.

ego enim vobis blandiri non possum.' 6 Prima eius epistula data ad Capitonem praef. praet. talis fuit: 'imperium numquam optavi et invitus accepi.

'for I cannot blandish you.' 6 The first letter of his, given to Capito, the Praetorian Prefect, was as follows: 'I never desired the imperium and I accepted it unwillingly.'

deponere mihi rem invidiosissimam non licet. 7 agenda est persona, quam mihi miles inposui<t>. te quaeso, Capito, ita mecum salva re[s] p. perfruaris, annona<m> et commeatus et, quicquid necessarium est ubique, militi[s] pares. ego, quantum in me est, si recte omnia gubernaveris, praefectum alterum non habebo.' 8 Cognito itaque, quod imperaret Probus, milites Florianum, qui quasi hereditarium {arripuerat imperium}, interemerunt, scientes neminem dignius posse imperare, quam Probum.

I am not permitted to lay down a most invidious burden. 7 The role must be acted which the soldier has imposed on me. I beg you, Capito, so that you may with me enjoy the commonwealth safe, see to the grain-supply and the convoys, and, whatever is necessary everywhere, equal for the soldiery. As for me, so far as is in me, if you govern all things rightly, I shall not have another prefect.' 8 Therefore, when it was learned that Probus was emperor, the soldiers slew Florian, who had seized the empire as if hereditary, knowing that no one could rule more worthily than Probus.

9 ita ei sine ulla molestia totius orbis imperium et militum et senatus iudicio delatum est.

9 thus to him, without any trouble, the imperium of the whole world was conferred by the judgment of the soldiers and the senate.

XI. 1 Et quoniam mentionem senatus fecimus, sciendum est, quid ipse ad senatum scripserit, quid item ad eum amplissimus ordo rescripserit: 2 oratio Probi prima ad senatum: 'recte atque ordine, p. c., proximo superiore anno factum est, ut vestra ementia or terrarum pricipe daret, et quidem de vobis, qui et estis mundi principes et semper fuistis et in vestris posteris eritis. 3 atque utinam id etiam Florianus expectare voluisset nec velut hereditarium sibi vendicasset imperium, vel illum vel alium quempiam maiestas vestra fecisset. 4 nunc quoniam ille imperium arripuit, nobis a militibus delatum est nomen Augustum, vindicatum quin etiam in illum a prudentioribus militibus, quod fuerat usurpatum.

11. 1 And since we have made mention of the senate, it must be known what he himself wrote to the senate, and what likewise the most ample order wrote back to him: 2 the first oration of Probus to the senate: ‘Rightly and in due order, Conscript Fathers, in the immediately preceding year it was done, that your clemency gave to the world a princeps—and indeed from among you, who are the princes of the world and always have been and will be in your descendants. 3 And would that Florian too had been willing to await that, and had not claimed the imperium for himself as if hereditary; your majesty would have made either him or someone else. 4 Now, since he snatched at the imperium, the name “Augustus” has been conferred upon us by the soldiers, and indeed there has even been a vindication against him by the more prudent soldiers for that which had been usurped.’

quaeso, ut de meis meritis <iudicetis>, facturus quicquid iusserit vestra clementia.' 5 item senatus consultum die III. nona<s> Feb. in aede Concordiae.

I beg, that you <judge> concerning my merits, being about to do whatever your clemency shall order.' 5 likewise a senatorial decree on the 3rd day before the None<s> of Feb. in the Temple of Concord.

inter cetera: Aelius Scorpianus consul dixit: 'audistis, p. c., litteras Aurelii Valerii Probi: de his quid videtur?' tum adclamatum est: 6 'Probe Auguste, dii te servent. olim dignus et fortis et iustus bonus ductor, bonus imperator; exemplum militiae, exemplum imperii. dii te servent.

among the rest: Aelius Scorpianus the consul said: 'You have heard, Conscript Fathers, the letters of Aurelius Valerius Probus: what is your view about these?' then there was an acclamation: 6 'Probus Augustus, may the gods preserve you. Long since worthy and brave and just, a good leader, a good emperor; an exemplar of the soldiery, an exemplar of the empire. May the gods preserve you.'

adsertor rei p[i]. 7 felix imperes, magister militiae felix imperes, te cum tuis dii custodiant. et senatus antea te delegit. aetate Tacito posterior, ceteris prior.

assertor of the republic. 7 may you rule happily, master of the militia, may you rule happily; may the gods guard you and yours. and the senate earlier chose you. later than Tacitus in age, prior in the rest.

8 quod imperium suscepisti[s], gratias agimus. tuere nos, tuere rem p.; bene tibi committimus, quos ante servasti. 9 tu Francicus, tu Gothicus, tu Sarmaticus, tu Parthicus, tu omnia.

8 because you have undertaken the imperium, we give thanks. protect us, protect the commonwealth; well do we commit to you those whom you previously saved. 9 you are Frankish, you are Gothic, you are Sarmatic, you are Parthic, you are everything.

et prius fuisti semper dignus imperio, dignus triumphis. felix agas, feliciter imperes.'

and before this you have always been worthy of command, worthy of triumphs. may you act happily, may you rule felicitously.'

XII. 1 post haec Manlius Statianus, qui primae sententiae tunc erat, ita locutus est: 'dis inmortalibus gratias et prae teris, patres conscripti, Iovi Optimo, qui nobis principem talem, qualem semper optabamus, dederunt. 2 si recte cogitemus, non nobis Aurelianus, non Alexander, non Antonini, non Traianus aut Claudius requirendi sunt.

12. 1 after these things Manlius Statianus, who at that time held the first opinion, spoke thus: 'to the immortal gods thanks, and before the rest, Conscript Fathers, to Jupiter the Best, who have given us such a prince as we always wished for. 2 if we think rightly, Aurelian, Alexander, the Antonines, Trajan, or Claudius are not to be sought by us.

omnia in uno principe constituta sunt, rei militaris scientia, animus clemens, vita venerabilis, exemplar agend<a>e rei p. atque omnium praerogativa virtutum. 3 enimvero quae mundi pars est, quam ille non vincendo didicerit? testes sunt Marmaridae, in Afric<a>e solo victi, testes Franci, <in> invis strati paludibus, testes Germani et Alamanni, longe a Rheni summoti litoribus.

all things are established in one prince: the science of the military art, a clement spirit, a venerable life, a model for conducting the commonwealth, and the prerogative of all virtues. 3 indeed, what part of the world is there that he has not learned by conquering? witnesses are the Marmaridae, conquered on the soil of Africa; witnesses, the Franks, strewn in pathless marshes; witnesses, the Germans and the Alamanni, driven far from the shores of the Rhine.

4 iam vero quid Sarmatas loquor, quid Gothos, quid Parthos ac Persas atque omnem Ponticum tractum? ubique vige[a]nt Probe virtutis insignia. 5 longum est dicere, quot reges magnarum gentium fugarit, quot duces manu sua occiderit, quantum armorum sit, quae ipse cepit privatus.

4 and indeed now why do I speak of the Sarmatians, why of the Goths, why of the Parthians and Persians and the whole Pontic tract? everywhere, Probus, may the insignia of virtue flourish. 5 it would be long to tell how many kings of great nations he has put to flight, how many commanders he has slain with his own hand, what a quantity of arms there is which he himself captured as a private man.

6 superiores principes quas illi gratias egerint, testes sunt litter<a>e publicis insert<a>e monumentis. dii boni, quoties ille donis militaribus est donatus! quas militum laudes emeruit!

6 The letters inserted into public monuments are witnesses of what thanks the earlier princes rendered to him. Good gods, how many times was he endowed with military gifts! what praises from the soldiers he merited!

adulescens tribunatus, non longe post adulescentiam regendas legiones accepit. 7 Iuppiter Optime Maxime, Iuno regina tuque virtutum praesul Minerva, tu orbis Concordia et tu Romana Victoria, date hoc senatui populoque Romano, date militibus, date sociis atque exteris nationi<bu>s: 8 imperet quemammodum militavit! decerno igitur, p. c., votis omnium concinentibus nomen imperatorium, nomen Caesareanum, nomen Augustum, addo proconsulare imperium, patris patriae reverentiam, pontificatum maximum, ius tertiae relationis, tribuniciam potestatem.' post haec adclamatum est: 'omnes, omnes.'

Young in the tribunate, not long after adolescence he received legions to command. 7 Jupiter Best and Greatest, Juno the queen, and you, Minerva, patroness of virtues, you, Concord of the world, and you, Roman Victory, grant this to the senate and the Roman people, grant it to the soldiers, grant it to the allies and to foreign nations: 8 let him command in the same manner as he has soldiered! I therefore decree, Conscript Fathers, with the vows of all harmonizing, the imperial name, the Caesarean name, the Augustan name; I add proconsular imperium, the reverence of Father of the Fatherland, the Supreme Pontificate, the right of the third relation, the tribunician power.' After this it was acclaimed: 'all, all.'

XIII. 1 Accepto igitur hoc s. c. secunda[m] oratione permisit patribus, ut ex magnorum iudic[i]um appellationibus ipsi cognoscerent, proconsules crearent, legatos consulibus darent, ius praetorium praesidibus darent, leges, quas Probus ederet, senatus consultis propriis consecrarent. 2 Statim deinde, si quidam ex interfectoribus Aureliani superfuerant, vario genere vindicavit, mollius tamen moderatiusque quam prius exercitus et postea Tacitus vindicaverant.

13. 1 Having therefore received this senatorial decree, in a second oration he permitted the senators to adjudicate themselves appeals in major judgments, to create proconsuls, to appoint legates from among the consulars, to grant praetorian jurisdiction to the presidents, to ratify by their own senate-decrees the laws which Probus would publish. 2 Immediately then, whatever of the slayers of Aurelian had survived, he punished in various ways, yet more mildly and more moderately than the army earlier and afterwards Tacitus had avenged.

3 deinde animadvertit etiam in eos, qui Tacito insidias fecerant. Floriani sociis pepercit, quod non tyrannum aliquem videbantur secuti, sed sui principis fratrem. 4 recepit deinde omnes Europenses exercitus, qui Florianum et imperatorem fecerant et occiderant.

3 then he also took action against those who had laid plots against Tacitus. He spared the associates of Florianus, because they seemed not to have followed some tyrant, but the brother of their own prince. 4 then he received back all the European armies, who had made Florianus emperor and had killed him.

5 His gestis cum ingenti exercitu Gallias petit, quae omnes occiso Postumo turbatae fuerant, interfecto Aureliano a Germanis possessae. 6 tanta autem illic proelia et tam feliciter gessit, ut a barbaris sexaginta per Gallias nobilissimas reciperet civitates, praedam deinde omnem, qua illi praeter divitias <e>tam[en] efferebantur ad gloriam. 7 et cum iam in nostra ripa, immo per omnes Gallias securi vagarentur, caesis prope quadringentis milibus, qui Romanum occupaverant solum, reliquos ultra Nigrum fluvium et Albam removit.

5 With these things done, with a huge army he sought the Gauls, which all had been disturbed when Postumus was slain, and, Aurelian having been killed, were possessed by the Germans. 6 Moreover he waged such great battles there and so successfully that he recovered from the barbarians sixty most noble cities throughout the Gauls, and then all the booty, by which they, besides riches, were even borne up to glory. 7 And when already on our bank—indeed throughout all the Gauls—they were wandering secure, with nearly four hundred thousand, who had occupied Roman soil, cut down, he removed the rest beyond the Black River and the Alba.

8 tantum his praedae barbaricae tulit, quantum ipsi Romanis abstulerant. contra urbes Romanas castra in solo barbarico posuit atque illic milites collocavit.

8 he brought to them as much barbarian plunder as they themselves had carried off from the Romans. opposite the Roman cities he placed camps on barbarian soil, and there he stationed the soldiers.

XIV. 1 Agros et horrea et domos et annonam Transrhenanis omnibus fecit, his videlicet quos in excubiis conlocavit. 2 nec cessatum est umquam pugnari, cum cotidie ad eum barbarorum capita deferrentur, iam ad singulos aureos singula, quamdiu reguli novem ex diversis gentibus venirent atque ad pedes Probi iacerent.

14. 1 He provided fields and granaries and homes and the grain-supply for all the Transrhenani, namely those whom he stationed on outposts. 2 Nor was there ever any cessation of fighting, since every day the heads of barbarians were being brought to him, at the rate of one aureus per head, so long as nine petty kings from diverse peoples were coming and were lying at the feet of Probus.

3 quibus ille primum obsides imperavit, qui statim dati sunt, deinde frumentum, postremo etiam vaccas atque oves. 4 dicitur iussisse his acrius, ut gladiis non uterentur, Romanam expectaturi defensionem, si essent ab aliquibus vindicandi. 5 sed visum est id non posse fieri, nisi si limes Romanus extenderetur et fieret Germania tota provincia.

3 upon whom he first imposed hostages, who were immediately given; then grain; lastly even cows and sheep. 4 he is said to have ordered them more strictly that they should not use swords, awaiting Roman defense, if they were to be vindicated by anyone. 5 but it seemed that this could not be done, unless the Roman frontier were extended and all Germany were made a province.

6 maxime tamen ipsis regibus consentientibus in eos vindicatum est, qui praedam fideliter non reddiderunt. 7 accepit praeterea sedecim milia tyronum, quos omnes per diversas provincias sparsit, ita ut numeris vel limitaneis militibus quinquagenos et sexagenos intersereret dicens sentiendum esse non videndum, cum auxiliaribus barbaris Romanus iuvatur.

6 most of all, however, with the kings themselves consenting, vengeance was taken upon those who did not faithfully return the booty. 7 He also received, moreover, 16,000 tyros, all of whom he scattered through diverse provinces, such that he inserted by fifties and sixties into the numeri or the limitanei soldiers, saying that it ought to be felt, not seen, when the Roman is aided by barbarian auxiliaries.

XV. 1 Compositis igitur rebus in Gallia tales ad senatum litteras dedit: 'ago diis inmortalibus gratias, p. c., quia vestra in me iudicia conprobarunt. 2 subacta est omnis qua tenditur late Germania, novem reges gentium diversarum ad meos pedes, immo ad vestros, supplices stratique iacuerunt. omnes iam barbari vobis arant, vobis iam serviunt et contra interiores gentes militant.

15. 1 Therefore, with affairs in Gaul settled, he sent such letters to the senate: 'I give thanks to the immortal gods, Conscript Fathers, because your judgments concerning me have been vindicated. 2 All Germany, wherever it extends far and wide, has been subdued; nine kings of diverse nations lay at my feet—nay, at yours—suppliant and prostrate. All the barbarians now plough for you, now serve you, and fight against the inland peoples.

3 supplicationes igitur vestro more decernite. nam et quadri<n>genta milia hostium caesa sunt, et sedecim milia armatorum nobis oblata, et septu<a>ginta urbes nobilissimae captivitate hostium vindicat<a>e et omnes penitus Galliae liberatae. 4 coronas, quas mihi optulerunt omnes Galliae civitates aureas, vestrae, p. c., clementiae dedicavi.

3 therefore decree supplications according to your custom. For both four hundred thousand of the enemy have been cut down, and sixteen thousand armed men have been offered up to us, and seventy most noble cities have been vindicated from the captivity of the enemy, and all Gaul has been utterly freed. 4 The golden crowns which all the cities of Gaul offered to me I have dedicated to your clemency, p. c.

[as]eas Iovi Optimo Maximo ceterisque diis deabusque inmortalibus vestris manibus consecrate. 5 praeda omnis recepta est, capta etiam alia, et quidem maior, quam fuera[n]t ante direpta. 6 arantur Gallicana rura barbaris bubus et iuga Germanica captiva praebent nostris colla cultoribus, pascuntur ad nostrorum alimoniam gentium pecora diversarum, equinum pecus nostro iam fecundatur equitatui, frumento barbarico plena sunt horrea.

[as]eas consecrate to Jupiter Best and Greatest and to the other immortal gods and goddesses with your hands. 5 all the booty has been recovered, other booty too has been taken, and indeed greater than had previously been plundered. 6 the Gallic fields are plowed by barbarian oxen, and captive German yokes offer their necks to our tillers; the herds of diverse peoples are pastured for our nourishment; the equine stock is now made fruitful for our cavalry; the granaries are full of barbarian grain.

quid plura? illis sola relinquimus sola, nos eorum omnia possidemus. 7 volueramus, p. c., Germaniae novum praesidem facere, sed hoc ad pleniora vota distulimus.

what more? to them we leave only the solitudes alone, we possess all their things. 7 we had wished, Conscript Fathers, to make a new presiding governor for Germany, but we have deferred this to more ample vows.

quod quidem credimus conferre, cum divina providentia nostro<s> uberius secundarit exercitus.'

which indeed we believe contributes, since divine Providence has more abundantly seconded our armies.'

XVI. 1 Post haec Illyricum petit. priusquam veniret, Retias sic pacatas reliquit, ut illic ne suspicionem quidem ullius terroris reliqueret.

16. 1 After these things, he made for Illyricum. Before he came, he left the Raetias so pacified that he left there not even a suspicion of any terror.

2 in Illyrico Sarmatas ceterasque gentes ita con<tu>dit, ut prope sine bello cuncta reciperet, quae illi diripuerant. 3 tetendit deinde iter per Thracias atque omnes Geticos populos fama rerum territos et antiqui nominis potentia pressos aut in deditionem aut in amicitiam recepit. 4 his gestis orientem petit atque {in} itinere potentissimo quodam latrone Palfuerio capto et interfecto omnem Isauriam liberavit populis atque urbibus Romanis legibus restitutis.

2 in Illyricum he so crushed the Sarmatians and the other peoples that he recovered almost without war all the things which they had plundered. 3 He then stretched his march through the Thraces, and all the Getic peoples, terrified by the fame of his achievements and pressed by the power of his ancient name, he received either into surrender or into friendship. 4 With these deeds done he sought the East, and on the journey, when a certain most powerful brigand, Palfuerius, had been captured and slain, he liberated all Isauria, with the peoples and cities restored to the Roman laws.

5 barbarorum, qui apud Isauros sunt, vel per terrorem vel urbanitatem loca ingressus est. quae cum peragrasset, hoc dixit: 'facilius est ab istis locis latrones arceri quam tolli.' 6 veteranis omnia illa, quae anguste adeuntur, loca privata donavit addens, ut eorum filii ab anno octavo decimo, mares dumtaxat, ad militiam mitterentur, ne latrocinare <um>quam discerent.

5 he entered the places of the barbarians who are among the Isaurians, either by terror or by urbanity. And when he had traversed them, he said this: 'it is easier to ward off brigands from those places than to remove them.' 6 to the veterans he granted as private property all those places which are hard of access, adding that their sons from the eighteenth year, males only, be sent to military service, lest they should ever learn to practice latrociny.

XVII. 1 Pacatis denique omnibus Pamphyliae partibus ceterarumque provinciarum, quae sunt Isauriae vicina, ad orientem iter flexit. 2 BIemmyas etiam subegit, quorum captivos Romam transmisit, qui mirabilem sui visum stupente p. R. praebuerunt.

17. 1 With all the parts of Pamphylia and the other provinces that are neighboring to Isauria finally pacified, he turned his route to the East. 2 He also subjugated the Blemmyae, whose captives he sent to Rome, who provided a marvelous sight of themselves to the astonished Roman People.

3 Copte<n> praeterea et Ptolomaide<m> urbis ereptas barbarico servitio Romano reddidit iuri. 4 ex quo tantum profecit, ut Part<h>i legatos ad eum mitterent confitentes timorem pacemque poscentes, quos ille superbius acceptos magis timente<s> domum remisit. 5 fertur etiam epistula illius repudiatis donis, quae rex miserat, ad Narseum talis fuisse: 'miror te de omnibus, quae nostra futura sunt, tam pauca misisse.

3 Moreover he restored the cities of Coptos and Ptolemais, snatched from barbarian servitude, to Roman law. 4 From this he advanced so far that the Parthians sent legates to him, confessing fear and asking for peace, whom he, having received them rather haughtily, sent home more afraid. 5 It is also reported that a letter of his, the gifts which the king had sent having been repudiated, to Narseus was of this tenor: 'I marvel that, out of all the things which are going to be ours, you have sent so few.'

habeto interim omnia illa, quibus gaudes. quae si nos habere cupiamus, scimus, quem ad modum possidere debeamus.' 6 his acceptis litteris Narseus maxime territus, et eo praecipue quod Copten et Ptolomaidem conperit a Blemmyis, qui eas tenuerant, vindic<a>tas caesosque ad internicionem eos, qui gentibus fuerant ante terrori.

have in the meantime all those things wherein you rejoice. Which things, if we should desire to have, we know in what manner we ought to possess.' 6 On receiving these letters, Narseus was most greatly terrified, and especially for this reason: that he learned Coptos and Ptolemais had been recovered from the Blemmyes, who had held them, and that those who had formerly been a terror to the nations had been cut down to extermination.

XVIII. 1 Facta igitur pace cum Persis ad Thracias redit et centum milia asternarum in solo Romano constituit, qui omnes fidem servarunt. 2 sed cum et ex aliis gentibus plerosque pariter transtulisset, id est ex Gipedis, Grauthungis et V[l]andulis, illi omnes fidem fregerunt et occupato bellis tyrannicis Probo per totum paene orbem pedibus et navigando vagati sunt nec parum molestiae Romanae gloriae intulerunt.

18. 1 Therefore, peace having been made with the Persians, he returns to Thrace and settled one hundred thousand Bastarnae on Roman soil, who all kept faith. 2 But when he had likewise transferred many also from other peoples, that is, from the Gepids, the Greuthungi, and the Vandals, they all broke faith, and, Probus being occupied with tyrannical wars, they wandered through almost the whole world on foot and by sailing, nor did they bring a small amount of trouble upon Roman glory.

3 quos quidem ille diversis vicibus variisque victoriis oppressit, paucis domum cum gloria redeuntibus, quod Probi evasissent manus. haec Probus cum barbaris gessit. 4 Sed habuit etiam non leves tyrannicos motus.

3 whom indeed he crushed at different turns and with various victories, with few returning home with glory, because they had escaped the hands of Probus. These things Probus carried on with the barbarians. 4 But he also had not slight tyrannical commotions.

nam et Saturninum, qui orientis imperium arripuerat, variis proeliorum generibus et nota virtute[m] superavit. quo victo tanta in oriente quies fuit, ut, quem ad modum vulgo loquebantur, mures rebelles nullus audiret. 5 deinde cum Proculus et Bonosus apud Agrippinam in Gallia imperium arripuissent omnesque sibi iam Brittannias, Hispanias et bracatae Galliae provincias vindicarent, barbaris semet iuvantibus vicit.

for he also overcame Saturninus, who had seized the imperium of the East, by various kinds of battles and by his well-known virtue. with him conquered, there was such quiet in the East that, as people commonly said, no one would hear rebellious mice. 5 then, when Proculus and Bonosus at Agrippina in Gaul had seized imperium and were already claiming for themselves the Britains, the Spains, and the provinces of trousered Gaul, he defeated them, with the barbarians giving him aid.

6 ac ne requiras plura vel de Saturni<n>o vel de Proculo vel de Bonoso, suo eosdem inseram libro, pauca de [h]isdem, <ut> decet, immo ut poscit necessitas, locuturus. 7 unum sane sciendum est, quod Germani omnes cum ad auxilium essent rogati a Proculo, Pro<bo> servire maluerunt quam cum Bonoso et Proculo <imperare>. 8 Gallis omnibus et Hispani[i]s ac Brittanni[i]s hinc permisit, ut vites haberent vinumque conficerent. ipse Alman montem in Illyrico circa Sirmium militari manu fossum lecta vite[t] conseruit[u].

6 and lest you require more either about Saturninus or about Proculus or about Bonosus, I will consign those same men to their own book, intending to say a few things about the same, as is fitting—nay, as necessity demands. 7 One thing indeed must be known: that when all the Germans were asked by Proculus for help, they preferred to serve Probus rather than to rule with Bonosus and Proculus. 8 To all the Gauls and the Spaniards and the Britons he granted from this point, that they might have vines and make wine. He himself planted Mount Alman in Illyricum near Sirmium with choice vine-stock, after it had been dug by military manpower.

XIX. 1 Dedit Romanis etiam voluptates, et quidem insignes, delatis etiam congiariis. 2 triumphavit de Germanis et Blemmyis, omnium gentium drungos usque ad quinquagenos homines ante triumphum duxit.

19. 1 He gave the Romans pleasures as well, and indeed distinguished ones, with congiaries also bestowed. 2 he triumphed over the Germans and the Blemmyes, and led drungoi of all nations, up to fifty men apiece, before the triumph.

venationem in circo amplissimam dedi<t>, ita ut populus cunta diriperet. 3 genus autem spectaculi fuit tale: arbores valid<a>e per milites radicitus vuls<a>e conexis late longeque trabibus adfix<a>e sunt, terra deinde superiecta totusque circus ad silvae consitus speciem gratia novi[s] viroris effronduit. 4 missi deinde per omnes aditus strutiones mille, mille cervi, mille apri; iam damae, ibices, oves fer<a>e et cetera herbatica animalia, quanta vel ali potuerunt vel inveniri.

He gave an extremely grand hunt in the circus, such that the populace seized everything. 3 moreover, the kind of spectacle was as follows: sturdy trees, torn up by the roots by soldiers, with beams joined together far and wide, were affixed; then earth was cast over, and the whole circus burst forth to the appearance of a planted forest by the charm of new verdure. 4 then through all the entrances there were sent in a thousand ostriches, a thousand deer, a thousand boars; likewise fallow deer, ibexes, wild sheep, and the other herbivorous animals, as many as they were able either to feed or to find.

inmissi deinde populares, rapuit quisque quod voluit. 5 [a]edidit alia die in amphit<h>eatro una missione centum iubatos leones, qui rugitibus suis tonitrus excitabant. 6 qui omnes <e> posticis interempti sunt non magnum praebentes spectaculum, quo occidebantur; neque enim erat bestiarum impetus ille, qui esse [ha]e caveis egredientibus solet; occisi sunt praeterea multi, qui dirigere nolebant, sagittis.

Then the populace was let in, and each snatched whatever he wished. 5 He presented on another day in the amphitheater, in a single bout, a hundred maned lions, who with their roars were arousing thunder. 6 All of them were slain from the rear, not providing a great spectacle in the manner in which they were killed; for there was not that impetus of the beasts which is wont to be when they come out of their cages; moreover, many who did not wish to aim were killed with arrows.

7 [s]editi deinde centum leopardi Libyci, centum deinde Syri; editae centum l<e>a<e>nae et ursi simul trecenti; quarum omnium ferarum magnum magis constat spectaculum fuisse quam gratum. 8 [a]edita praeterea gladiatorum paria trecenta [a] Blemmyis plerisque pugnantibus, qui per triumphum erant ducti, plerisque Germanis et Sarmatis, nonnullis etiam latronibus Isauris.

7 [s]ent out then were 100 Libyan leopards, then 100 Syrian; 100 l<e>ion<e>esses were exhibited and 300 bears at once; and of all these wild beasts it is agreed that the spectacle was greater rather than pleasing. 8 [a]dditionally 300 pairs of gladiators were put on, with most of the fighters [a]mong the Blemmyes, who had been led in triumph, many Germans and Sarmatians, and some even Isaurian brigands.

XX. 1 Quibus peractis bellum Persicum parans, cum per Illyricum iter faceret, a militibus suis per insidias interemptus est. 2 causae occidendi eius haec fuerunt: primum quod numquam militem otiosum esse perpessus est, si quidem multa opera militari manu perfecit, dicens annonam gratuitam militem comedere non debere. 3 his addidit dictum ei[u]s grave, si umquam eveniat, salutare rei p., brevi milites necessarios non futuros.

20. 1 With these things completed, while preparing the Persian war, as he was making a journey through Illyricum, he was slain by his own soldiers by ambush. 2 The causes for killing him were these: first, that he never allowed a soldier to be idle, since indeed he completed many works by military hand, saying that a soldier ought not to eat the grain-ration gratis. 3 To these he added his weighty saying, that, if it should ever come to pass (a thing salutary to the republic), soon soldiers would not be necessary.

4 quid ille conceperat animo qui hoc dicebat? nonne omnes barbaras gentes subie<ce>rat penitusque totum mundum fecerat iam Romanum? 5 'brevi, inquit, milites necessarios non habebimus.' quid est aliud dicere: Romanus iam miles erit nullus; ubique regnabit, omnia possidebi<t> mox secura res p., orbis terrarum non arma fabricabitur, non annonam praebebit, boves habebuntur <ar>atro, equus nascetur ad pacem, nulla erunt bella, nulla captivitas, ubique pax, ubique Romanae leges, ubique iudices nostri.

What had he conceived in mind who said this? Had he not subjected all the barbarian nations and had he not made the whole world thoroughly Roman already? ‘Soon,’ he says, ‘we shall not need soldiers.’ What else is it to say but this: There will now be no Roman soldier; Rome will reign everywhere; the commonwealth, secure, will soon possess all things; the circle of lands will not forge arms, will not furnish the grain-supply; oxen will be kept for the plough, the horse will be bred for peace; there will be no wars, no captivity; everywhere peace, everywhere Roman laws, everywhere our judges.

XXI. 1 Longius amore imperatoris optimi progredior quam pedestris sermo desiderat. quare addam illud, quod praecipue tanto viro fatalem properavit necessitatem.

21. 1 I advance further, out of love for the best emperor, than pedestrian speech desires. Wherefore I will add this, which especially hastened the fated necessity for so great a man.

2 nam cum Sirmium venisset ac solum patrium effecundari cuperet <et> dilatari, ad siccandam quandam paludem multa simul milia militum posiut ingentem parans fossam, qua[m] deiectis in Savum naribus loca Sirmiensibus profutura siccaret. 3 hoc permoti milites confugientem eum in turrem ferratam, [tam] quam ipse speculae causa e[t]latissimam exaedificaverat, interemerunt anno imperii sui quinto. 4 postea tamen ingens ei sepulchrum elatis aggeribus omnes pariter milites fecerunt cum titulo huius modi inciso marmori: 'hic Probus imperator et vere probus situs est, victor omnium gentium barbararum, victor etiam tyrannorum.'

2 for when he had come to Sirmium and desired that his native soil be made fruitful and enlarged, to drain a certain marsh he stationed many thousands of soldiers at once, preparing a huge ditch, by which, with the outlets let down into the Sava, he might drain it to the benefit of the Sirmian district. 3 Moved by this, the soldiers killed him as he was fleeing for refuge into an ironclad tower, which he himself had built exceedingly lofty for the purpose of a watchtower, in the fifth year of his reign. 4 Afterwards, however, all the soldiers alike made for him a vast tomb with embankments heaped up, with an inscription of this kind engraved on the marble: 'Here lies the Emperor Probus, and truly probus (upright), victor of all barbarian nations, victor also of tyrants.'

XXII. 1 Conferenti mihi cum aliis imperatoribus principem Probum omnibus prope Romanis ducibus, qua[si] fortes clementes, qua prudentes, qua mirabiles extiterunt, intellego hunc virum aut parem fuisse aut, si non repugnat invidia furiosa, meliorem. 2 quinquennio enim imperii sui per totum orbem terrarum tot bella gessit, et quidem per se, ut mirabile sit, quem ad modum omnibus occurrerit proeliis.

XXII. 1 As I compare for myself Emperor Probus with other emperors, with nearly all Roman leaders who have stood out now as brave and clement, now as prudent, now as admirable, I understand that this man was either equal, or—if furious envy does not oppose—better. 2 For in the five-year span of his rule he waged so many wars throughout the whole orb of the earth, and indeed in person, that it is a marvel how he met all the battles.

3 multa manu sua fecit, duces praeclarissimos instituit. nam ex eius disciplina Carus, Diocletianus, Constantius, Asclepiodotus, Annibalianus, Leonides, Cecropius, Pisonianus, Herennianus, Gaudiosus, Ursinianus et ceteri, quos patres nostri mirati sunt et de quibus nonnulli boni principes extiterunt. 4 conferat nunc, cui placet, viginti Traiani Hadrianique annos, conferat prope totidem Antoninorum.

3 he did many things with his own hand, he instituted most preeminent leaders. for from his discipline came Carus, Diocletian, Constantius, Asclepiodotus, Annibalianus, Leonides, Cecropius, Pisonianus, Herennianus, Gaudiosus, Ursinianus, and the rest, whom our fathers admired, and from whom several good princes emerged. 4 let him now compare, whom it pleases, twenty years of Trajan and of Hadrian; let him compare almost as many of the Antonines.

nam quid de Augusto loquar, cuius imperii anni<s> vix potest advivi? malos autem principes taceo. ipsa vox Probi clarissima indicat, quid se facere potuissse speraret, qui dixit brevi necessarios milites non futuros.

for what shall I say about Augustus, whose years of rule can scarcely be approached? I am silent, moreover, about bad princes. the very saying of Probus, most illustrious, indicates what he hoped he could accomplish, he who said that in a short time soldiers would not be necessary.

XXIII. 1 Ille vero conscius sui non barbaros timuit, non tyrannos. 2 quae deinde felicitas emicuisset, si sub illo principe milites non fuissent?

23. 1 He indeed, conscious of himself, feared neither barbarians nor tyrants. 2 what felicity then would have shone forth, if under that prince there had not been soldiers?

annonam provincialis daret nullus, stipendia de largitionibus nulla erogarentur, aeternos thesauros haberet Romana res p., nihil expenderetur a principe, nihil a possessore redderetur: aureum profecto saeculum promittebat. 3 nulla futura erant castra, nusquam lituus audiendus, arma non erant fabricanda, populus iste militantium, qui nunc bellis civilibus rem p. vexat, araret, studiis incumberet, erudiretur artibus, navigaret. adde quod nullus occideretur in bello.

no provincial would give the annona, no stipends would be disbursed from the largesses, the Roman commonwealth would have eternal treasures, nothing would be expended by the prince, nothing would be rendered by the possessor: assuredly it was promising a golden age. 3 no camps would be in the future, nowhere would the war-trumpet have to be heard, arms would not have to be fabricated, this populace of soldiers, who now vex the commonwealth with civil wars, would plow, would apply themselves to studies, would be educated in the arts, would sail. add this, that no one would be slain in war.

4 dii boni, quid tantum vos offendit Romana res p., cui talem principem sustulistis? 5 eant nunc, qui ad civilia bella milites parant, in germanorum necem arment dexteras fratrum, hortentur in patrum vulnera liberos et divinitatem Probo derogent, quam imperatores nostri prudenter et consecrandam vultibus et ornandam templis {et} celebrandam ludis circensibus iudicarunt.

4 good gods, what so greatly offended you in the Roman commonwealth, that you have taken away from it such a princeps? 5 let them go now, those who prepare soldiers for civil wars, let them arm the right hands of brothers for the slaughter of the Germans, let them urge children toward the wounds of their fathers, and let them derogate from the divinity of Probus, which our emperors prudently have judged to be consecrated with images, adorned with temples, and celebrated with circus games.

XXIV. 1 Posteri Probi vel odio invidiae [vel] timore Romanam re fugerunt et in Italia circa Veronam ac Bnacum et Larium atque in his regionibus larem locaverunt. 2 sane quod praeterire non potui, cum imago Probi in Veronensi sita fulmine i[e]cta esset, ita ut eius praetexta colores mutaret, aruspices responderunt huius familiae posteros tantae in senatu claritudinis fore, ut omnes summis honoribus fungerentur.

24. 1 The descendants of Probus, either from hatred envy [or] fear, fled the Roman commonwealth and in Italy around Verona and Bnacum and Larius, and in these regions they set their hearth. 2 Indeed—which I could not pass over—when the image of Probus set up in Verona had been struck by lightning, such that its praetexta changed colors, the haruspices replied that the descendants of this family would be of such renown in the senate that all would hold the highest honors.

3 sed adhuc neminem vidimus, posteri autem aeternitatem videntur habere, non modum. 4 Senatus mortem Probi gravissime accepit, aeque populus. et cum esset nuntiatum Carum imperare, virum bonum quidem sed longe a moribus Probi, Carini causa filii eius, qui semper pessime vixerat, tam senatus quam populus inhorruit; 5 metuebant enim unusquisque tristiorem principem, sed magis improbum metueba<n>t heredem.

3 but as yet we have seen no one; the descendants, however, seem to have eternity, not a limit. 4 The Senate took the death of Probus most gravely, and the people equally so. And when it was announced that Carus was ruling, a good man indeed but far from the manners of Probus, on account of Carinus, his son, who had always lived most badly, both the Senate and the people shuddered; 5 for each one feared a more grim emperor, but more they feared the depraved heir.

6 Hae<c> sunt, quae de Pro<bi> {vita} cognovimus vel quae digna memoratu[i] aestimavimus. 7 nunc in alio libro, et quidem brevi, de Firmo et Saturnino et Bonoso et Proculo dicemus. 8 non enim dignum fuit, ut quadrig<a>e tyrannorum bono principi miscerentur.

6 These are the things which we have learned about the life of Probus, or which we have judged worthy of remembrance. 7 Now in another book, indeed a brief one, we will speak about Firmus and Saturninus and Bonosus and Proculus. 8 For it was not fitting that the quadriga of tyrants be mingled with a good prince.

post deinde si vita suppetit, Carum incipiemus propagare cum lib<e>ris.

afterwards then, if life suffices, we shall begin to propagate the account of Carus with his children.