Caesar: COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI VII DE BELLO GALLICO CUM A. HIRTI SUPPLEMENTO

[1] Cum esset Caesar in citeriore Gallia [in hibernis], ita uti supra demonstravimus, crebri ad eum rumores adferebantur litterisque item Labieni certior fiebat omnes Belgas, quam tertiam esse Galliae partem dixeramus, contra populum Romanum coniurare obsidesque inter se dare. Coniurandi has esse causas: primum quod vererentur ne, omni pacata Gallia, ad eos exercitus noster adduceretur; deinde quod ab non nullis Gallis sollicitarentur, partim qui, ut Germanos diutius in Gallia versari noluerant, ita populi Romani exercitum hiemare atque inveterascere in Gallia moleste ferebant, partim qui mobilitate et levitate animi novis imperiis studebant; ab non nullis etiam quod in Gallia a potentioribus atque iis qui ad conducendos homines facultates habebant vulgo regna occupabantur; qui minus facile eam rem imperio nostro consequi poterant.

[1] When Caesar was in Hither Gaul [in winter quarters], just as we have shown above, frequent rumors were being brought to him, and by the letters likewise of Labienus he was made aware that all the Belgae, whom we had said to be the third part of Gaul, were conspiring against the Roman people and were giving hostages among themselves. The causes of conspiring were these: first, because they feared lest, with all Gaul pacified, our army be led against them; next, because they were being stirred up by some Gauls—partly those who, just as they had not wished the Germans to remain longer in Gaul, so took it ill that the army of the Roman people should winter and grow inveterate in Gaul; partly those who, through mobility and levity of spirit, were eager for new commands; also by some because in Gaul kingdoms were commonly being seized by the more powerful and by those who had resources for hiring men—who could less easily achieve that matter under our imperium.

[2] His nuntiis litterisque commotus Caesar duas legiones in citeriore Gallia novas conscripsit et inita aestate in ulteriorem Galliam qui deduceret Q. Pedium legatum misit. Ipse, cum primum pabuli copia esse inciperet, ad exercitum venit. Dat negotium Senonibus reliquisque Gallis qui finitimi Belgis erant uti ea quae apud eos gerantur cognoscant seque de his rebus certiorem faciant.

[2] Moved by these messages and letters, Caesar conscribed two new legions in Cisalpine Gaul, and, summer having been entered upon, he sent Quintus Pedius, legate, to lead them into Transalpine Gaul. He himself, as soon as a supply of fodder began to be available, came to the army. He gives the business to the Senones and the rest of the Gauls who were neighbors to the Belgae, that they should learn the things which are being done among them and make him more certain about these matters.

Hi constanter omnes nuntiaverunt manus cogi, exercitum in unum locum conduci. Tum vero dubitandum non existimavit quin ad eos proficisceretur. Re frumentaria provisa castra movet diebusque circiter XV ad fines Belgarum pervenit.

These all constantly reported that forces were being gathered and that an army was being brought together into one place. Then indeed he did not think he ought to hesitate to set out to them. With the grain-supply provided for, he moved the camp and in about 15 days arrived at the borders of the Belgae.

[3] Eo cum de improviso celeriusque omnium opinione venisset, Remi, qui proximi Galliae ex Belgis sunt, ad eum legatos Iccium et Andebrogium, primos civitatis, miserunt, qui dicerent se suaque omnia in fidem atque potestatem populi Romani permittere, neque se cum reliquis Belgis consensisse neque contra populum Romanum coniurasse, paratosque esse et obsides dare et imperata facere et oppidis recipere et frumento ceterisque rebus iuvare; reliquos omnes Belgas in armis esse, Germanosque qui cis Rhenum incolant sese cum his coniunxisse, tantumque esse eorum omnium furorem ut ne Suessiones quidem, fratres consanguineosque suos, qui eodem iure et isdem legibus utantur, unum imperium unumque magistratum cum ipsis habeant, deterrere potuerint quin cum iis consentirent.

[3] When he had come there unexpectedly and more quickly than anyone expected, the Remi, who are the nearest to Gaul among the Belgae, sent to him envoys Iccius and Andebrogios, the foremost men of the state, to say that they entrusted themselves and all their possessions to the faith and power of the Roman people; that they had neither agreed with the rest of the Belgae nor conspired against the Roman people; and that they were prepared both to give hostages and to do what was commanded, and to receive him into their towns, and to aid with grain and other supplies; that all the rest of the Belgae were in arms, and that the Germans who dwell on this side of the Rhine had joined themselves with them, and that so great was the fury of them all that not even the Suessiones—their brothers and kinsmen, who employ the same right and the same laws, and have one imperium and one magistracy with them—had been able to deter them from agreeing with them.

[4] Cum ab iis quaereret quae civitates quantaeque in armis essent et quid in bello possent, sic reperiebat: plerosque Belgos esse ortos a Germanis Rhenumque antiquitus traductos propter loci fertilitatem ibi consedisse Gallosque qui ea loca incolerent expulisse, solosque esse qui, patrum nostrorum memoria omni Gallia vexata, Teutonos Cimbrosque intra suos fines ingredi prohibuerint; qua ex re fieri uti earum rerum memoria magnam sibi auctoritatem magnosque spiritus in re militari sumerent. De numero eorum omnia se habere explorata Remi dicebant, propterea quod propinquitatibus adfinitatibus quo coniuncti quantam quisque multitudinem in communi Belgarum concilio ad id bellum pollicitus sit cognoverint. Plurimum inter eos Bellovacos et virtute et auctoritate et hominum numero valere: hos posse conficere armata milia centum, pollicitos ex eo numero electa milia LX totiusque belli imperium sibi postulare.

[4] When he asked from them which states and how great in arms were and what they could do in war, thus he found out: that most of the Belgae had sprung from the Germans and, having in ancient times been led across the Rhine on account of the fertility of the place, had settled there and had driven out the Gauls who inhabited those places, and that they alone, within the memory of our fathers when all Gaul was harried, had prohibited the Teutons and the Cimbri from entering within their own borders; from which fact it comes about that by the remembrance of those deeds they take to themselves great authority and great spirits in the military sphere. About their number the Remi said that they had everything ascertained, because by kinships and affinities, being joined with them, they had learned what multitude each had promised in the common council of the Belgae for that war. Among them the Bellovaci are strongest both in virtue and in authority and in the number of men: these can muster 100 thousand armed, and from that number they had promised chosen 60 thousand, and they demand for themselves the command of the entire war.

Suessiones suos esse finitimos; fines latissimos feracissimosque agros possidere. Apud eos fuisse regem nostra etiam memoria Diviciacum, totius Galliae potentissimum, qui cum magnae partis harum regionum, tum etiam Britanniae imperium obtinuerit; nunc esse regem Galbam: ad hunc propter iustitiam prudentiamque summam totius belli omnium voluntate deferri; oppida habere numero XII, polliceri milia armata L; totidem Nervios, qui maxime feri inter ipsos habeantur longissimeque absint; XV milia Atrebates, Ambianos X milia, Morinos XXV milia, Menapios VII milia, Caletos X milia, Veliocasses et Viromanduos totidem, Atuatucos XVIIII milia; Condrusos, Eburones, Caerosos, Paemanos, qui uno nomine Germani appellantur, arbitrari ad XL milia.

The Suessiones are their neighbors; they possess the very broadest borders and the most fertile fields. Among them there was a king, even in our memory, Diviciacus, the most powerful of all Gaul, who held the imperium of a great part of these regions and even of Britannia; now the king is Galba: to this man, on account of the highest justice and prudence, the supreme command of the whole war is being conferred by the will of all; they have 12 oppida, they promise 50 thousand armed; the Nervii the same number, who are held as the most feral among them and are farthest away; 15 thousand the Atrebates, the Ambiani 10 thousand, the Morini 25 thousand, the Menapii 7 thousand, the Caleti 10 thousand, the Veliocasses and the Viromandui the same, the Atuatuci 19 thousand; the Condrusi, Eburones, Caerosi, and Paemani, who by a single name are called Germans, they reckon at up to 40 thousand.

[5] Caesar Remos cohortatus liberaliterque oratione prosecutus omnem senatum ad se convenire principumque liberos obsides ad se adduci iussit. Quae omnia ab his diligenter ad diem facta sunt. Ipse Diviciacum Haeduum magnopere cohortatus docet quanto opere rei publicae communisque salutis intersit manus hostium distineri, ne cum tanta multitudine uno tempore confligendum sit.

[5] Caesar, having encouraged the Remi and having liberally addressed them in a speech, ordered the whole senate to convene to him and the children of the chiefs to be brought to him as hostages. All these things were done by them diligently on the appointed day. He himself, having greatly encouraged Diviciacus the Aeduan, shows how greatly it concerns the republic and the common safety that the bands of the enemy be drawn apart, lest it be necessary to engage with so great a multitude at one time.

Id fieri posse, si suas copias Haedui in fines Bellovacorum introduxerint et eorum agros populari coeperint. His datis mandatis eum a se dimittit. Postquam omnes Belgarum copias in unum locum coactas ad se venire vidit neque iam longe abesse ab iis quos miserat exploratoribus et ab Remis cognovit, flumen Axonam, quod est in extremis Remorum finibus, exercitum traducere maturavit atque ibi castra posuit.

That this could be done, if the Aedui should lead their forces into the borders of the Bellovaci and begin to ravage their fields. Having given these mandates, he dismissed him from his presence. After he saw that all the forces of the Belgae, assembled into one place, were coming to him, and learned from the scouts whom he had sent and from the Remi that they were now not far off, he hastened to lead the army across the river Axona, which is on the farthest borders of the Remi, and there he pitched camp.

Quae res et latus unum castrorum ripis fluminis muniebat et post eum quae erant tuta ab hostibus reddebat et commeatus ab Remis reliquisque civitatibus ut sine periculo ad eum portari possent efficiebat. In eo flumine pons erat. Ibi praesidium ponit et in altera parte fluminis Q. Titurium Sabinum legatum cum sex cohortibus relinquit; castra in altitudinem pedum XII vallo fossaque duodeviginti pedum muniri iubet.

This arrangement both was defending one side of the camp by the banks of the river and was making what lay behind him safe from the enemy, and it brought it about that supplies from the Remi and the other communities could be carried to him without danger. On that river there was a bridge; there he places a garrison, and on the other side of the river he leaves Q. Titurius Sabinus, legate, with six cohorts; he orders the camp to be fortified to a height of 12 feet by a rampart and with a ditch of eighteen feet.

[6] Ab his castris oppidum Remorum nomine Bibrax aberat milia passuum VIII. Id ex itinere magno impetu Belgae oppugnare coeperunt. Aegre eo die sustentatum est.

[6] From these camps, a town of the Remi by the name Bibrax was 8 miles away. This the Belgae began to besiege straight from the march with great impetus. With difficulty it was sustained that day.

Gallorum eadem atque Belgarum oppugnatio est haec: ubi circumiecta multitudine hominum totis moenibus undique in murum lapides iaci coepti sunt murusque defensoribus nudatus est, testudine facta portas succedunt murumque subruunt. Quod tum facile fiebat. Nam cum tanta multitudo lapides ac tela coicerent, in muro consistendi potestas erat nulli.

The oppugnation of the Gauls is the same as that of the Belgae: when, a surrounding multitude of men having been thrown about, from the whole circuit of the walls on every side stones begin to be hurled against the wall and the wall has been stripped of defenders, with a testudo formed they move up to the gates and undermine the wall. This then was easily done; for, since so great a multitude were hurling stones and missiles, there was for no one the power of standing on the wall.

Cum finem oppugnandi nox fecisset, Iccius Remus, summa nobilitate et gratia inter suos, qui tum oppido praeerat, unus ex iis qui legati de pace ad Caesarem venerant, nuntium ad eum mittit, nisi subsidium sibi submittatur, sese diutius sustinere non posse.

When night had made an end of attacking, Iccius of the Remi, of the highest nobility and favor among his own people, who was then presiding over the town, one of those who had come to Caesar as envoys about peace, sends a messenger to him, that unless relief be sent up to him, he is not able to hold out longer.

[7] Eo de media nocte Caesar isdem ducibus usus qui nuntii ab Iccio venerant, Numidas et Cretas sagittarios et funditores Baleares subsidio oppidanis mittit; quorum adventu et Remis cum spe defensionis studium propugnandi accessit et hostibus eadem de causa spes potiundi oppidi discessit. Itaque paulisper apud oppidum morati agrosque Remorum depopulati, omnibus vicis aedificiisque quo adire potuerant incensis, ad castra Caesaris omnibus copiis contenderunt et a milibus passuum minus duobus castra posuerunt; quae castra, ut fumo atque ignibus significabatur, amplius milibus passuum VIII latitudinem patebant.

[7] Thereupon, about the middle of the night, Caesar, employing the same guides who had come as messengers from Iccius, sends Numidians and Cretan archers and Balearic slingers as aid to the townsfolk; at whose arrival both the Remi, with hope of defense, gained zeal for fighting at the ramparts, and the enemy, for the same reason, lost the hope of getting possession of the town. And so, after lingering for a little near the town and laying waste the fields of the Remi, with all the villages and buildings to which they had been able to come set on fire, they hastened with all their forces to Caesar’s camp and pitched their camp at less than 2 miles’ distance; which camp, as was signified by smoke and fires, extended its breadth for more than 8 miles.

[8] Caesar primo et propter multitudinem hostium et propter eximiam opinionem virtutis proelio supersedere statuit; cotidie tamen equestribus proeliis quid hostis virtute posset et quid nostri auderent periclitabatur. Ubi nostros non esse inferiores intellexit, loco pro castris ad aciem instruendam natura oportuno atque idoneo, quod is collis ubi castra posita erant paululum ex planitie editus tantum adversus in latitudinem patebat quantum loci acies instructa occupare poterat, atque ex utraque parte lateris deiectus habebat et in fronte leniter fastigatus paulatim ad planitiem redibat, ab utroque latere eius collis transversam fossam obduxit circiter passuum CCCC et ad extremas fossas castella constituit ibique tormenta conlocavit, ne, cum aciem instruxisset, hostes, quod tantum multitudine poterant, ab lateribus pugnantes suos circumvenire possent. Hoc facto, duabus legionibus quas proxime conscripserat in castris relictis ut, si quo opus esset, subsidio duci possent, reliquas VI legiones pro castris in acie constituit.

[8] Caesar at first, both on account of the multitude of the enemy and on account of their exceptional reputation for virtue, decided to refrain from battle; nevertheless, by daily cavalry engagements he made trial both of what the enemy could do in valor and of what our men would dare. When he understood that our men were not inferior, he chose, before the camp, a place for drawing up the battle line, naturally opportune and suitable: for that hill on which the camp had been pitched, raised a little from the plain, extended opposite in breadth just so far as the space which a drawn-up line could occupy, and it had a descent on either side, and in front, gently sloped, it returned by degrees to the plain. From either flank of this hill he ran a transverse trench of about 400 paces and at the ends of the trenches he set up small forts and there placed the artillery, lest, when he had drawn up the line, the enemy, fighting on the flanks—as far as they were able by sheer multitude—should be able to surround his men. This done, with the two legions which he had most recently levied left in the camp, so that, if there were need anywhere, they might be led as a reserve, he posted the remaining 6 legions in line of battle before the camp.

Hostes item suas copias ex castris eductas instruxerunt.

The enemy likewise drew up their forces, led out from the camp.

[9] Palus erat non magna inter nostrum atque hostium exercitum. Hanc si nostri transirent hostes expectabant; nostri autem, si ab illis initium transeundi fieret, ut impeditos adgrederentur, parati in armis erant. Interim proelio equestri inter duas acies contendebatur.

[9] There was a not-large marsh between our army and the enemy’s army. The enemy were waiting for our men to cross this; but our men, if by them a beginning of crossing were made, were ready in arms to attack them when impeded. Meanwhile, a cavalry engagement was being contested between the two battle-lines.

Ubi neutri transeundi initium faciunt, secundiore equitum proelio nostris Caesar suos in castra reduxit. Hostes protinus ex eo loco ad flumen Axonam contenderunt, quod esse post nostra castra demonstratum est. Ibi vadis repertis partem suarum copiarum traducere conati sunt eo consilio ut, si possent, castellum, cui praeerat Q. Titurius legatus, expugnarent pontemque interscinderent; si minus potuissent, agros Remorum popularentur, qui magno nobis usui ad bellum gerendum erant, commeatuque nostros prohiberent.

When neither side made a beginning of crossing, with the cavalry battle more favorable to our men, Caesar led his own back into camp. The enemy straightway from that place made for the river Axona, which had been shown to be behind our camp. There, the fords having been found, they tried to lead across a part of their forces with this plan: that, if they could, they would storm the fort over which the legate Q. Titurius presided and cut the bridge asunder; if they could not, they would ravage the fields of the Remi, who were of great use to us for waging war, and would prevent our men from the supply of provisions.

[10] [Caesar] certior factus ab Titurio omnem equitatum et levis armaturae Numidas, funditores sagittariosque pontem traducit atque ad eos contendit. Acriter in eo loco pugnatum est. Hostes impeditos nostri in flumine adgressi magnum eorum numerum occiderunt; per eorum corpora reliquos audacissime transire conantes multitudine telorum reppulerunt primosque, qui transierant, equitatu circumventos interfecerunt.

[10] [Caesar], informed by Titurius, leads across the bridge all the cavalry and the light-armed Numidians, the slingers and archers, and hastens to them. There was fierce fighting in that place. Our men, having attacked the enemy hindered in the river, killed a great number of them; over their bodies they drove back, by a multitude of missiles, the rest who were most boldly trying to cross, and the foremost, who had crossed, surrounded by the cavalry, they slew.

Hostes, ubi et de expugnando oppido et de flumine transeundo spem se fefellisse intellexerunt neque nostros in locum iniquiorum progredi pugnandi causa viderunt atque ipsos res frumentaria deficere coepit, concilio convocato constituerunt optimum esse domum suam quemque reverti, et quorum in fines primum Romani exercitum introduxissent, ad eos defendendos undique convenirent, ut potius in suis quam in alienis finibus decertarent et domesticis copiis rei frumentariae uterentur. Ad eam sententiam cum reliquis causis haec quoque ratio eos deduxit, quod Diviciacum atque Haeduos finibus Bellovacorum adpropinquare cognoverant. His persuaderi ut diutius morarentur neque suis auxilium ferrent non poterat.

The enemy, when they understood that in both the storming of the town and the crossing of the river their hope had deceived them, and saw that our men did not advance into ground more unfavorable for the sake of fighting, and that the grain-supply began to fail themselves, a council having been convoked they decided it was best for each to return to his own home, and that to defend those into whose borders they had first introduced the Roman army they should assemble from every side, so that they might rather fight it out in their own than in alien borders and use domestic resources for the grain-supply. To that opinion, along with the remaining causes, this consideration also led them: that they had learned Diviciacus and the Aedui were approaching the borders of the Bellovaci. These men could not be persuaded to stay longer nor to refrain from bringing help to their own.

[11] Ea re constituta, secunda vigilia magno cum, strepitu ac tumultu castris egressi nullo certo ordine neque imperio, cum sibi quisque primum itineris locum peteret et domum pervenire properaret, fecerunt ut consimilis fugae profectio videretur. Hac re statim Caesar per speculatores cognita insidias veritus, quod qua de causa discederent nondum perspexerat, exercitum equitatumque castris continuit. Prima luce, confirmata re ab exploratoribus, omnem equitatum, qui novissimum agmen moraretur, praemisit.

[11] With this measure decided, at the second watch they went out from the camp with great noise and tumult, in no fixed order nor under command, since each man was seeking for himself the first place on the road and hurrying to reach home, so that their departure seemed like a flight. This matter having been immediately learned by Caesar through lookouts, fearing ambushes—because he had not yet discerned for what cause they were departing—he kept the army and the cavalry within the camp. At first light, the matter confirmed by scouts, he sent ahead all the cavalry to delay the rearmost column (the rear guard).

His Q. Pedium et L. Aurunculeium Cottam legatos praefecit; T. Labienum legatum cum legionibus tribus subsequi iussit. Hi novissimos adorti et multa milia passuum prosecuti magnam multitudinem eorum fugientium conciderunt, cum ab extremo agmine, ad quos ventum erat, consisterent fortiterque impetum nostrorum militum sustinerent, priores, quod abesse a periculo viderentur neque ulla necessitate neque imperio continerentur, exaudito clamore perturbatis ordinibus omnes in fuga sibi praesidium ponerent. Ita sine ullo periculo tantam eorum multitudinem nostri interfecerunt quantum fuit diei spatium; sub occasum solis sequi destiterunt seque in castra, ut erat imperatum, receperunt.

Over these he set the legates Quintus Pedius and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta; he ordered the legate Titus Labienus to follow up with three legions. These men, having attacked the rearmost and having pursued for many miles, cut down a great multitude of those fleeing, while from the rear of the column those to whom it had come stood their ground and bravely sustained the onset of our soldiers, but those in front—because they seemed to be away from danger and were restrained by neither any necessity nor command—when the shouting was heard, with their ranks thrown into disorder, all put their safeguard in flight. Thus without any danger our men slew as great a multitude of them as there was span of daylight; toward sunset they ceased to follow and withdrew themselves into the camp, as had been ordered.

[12] Postridie eius diei Caesar, prius quam se hostes ex terrore ac fuga reciperent, in fines Suessionum, qui proximi Remis erant, exercitum duxit et magno itinere [confecto] ad oppidum Noviodunum contendit. Id ex itinere oppugnare conatus, quod vacuum ab defensoribus esse audiebat, propter latitudinem fossae murique altitudinem paucis defendentibus expugnare non potuit. Castris munitis vineas agere quaeque ad oppugnandum usui erant comparare coepit.

[12] On the next day, Caesar, before the enemies could recover themselves from terror and flight, led the army into the borders of the Suessiones, who were nearest to the Remi, and, a great march having been accomplished, pressed toward the town Noviodunum. Having tried to assault it straight from the march, because he heard it was empty of defenders, he could not take it by storm, on account of the breadth of the ditch and the height of the wall, though few were defending. With the camp fortified, he began to run up the vineae and to prepare whatever was of use for attacking.

Interim omnis ex fuga Suessionum multitudo in oppidum proxima nocte convenit. Celeriter vineis ad oppidum actis, aggere iacto turribusque constitutis, magnitudine operum, quae neque viderant ante Galli neque audierant, et celeritate Romanorum permoti legatos ad Caesarem de deditione mittunt et petentibus Remis ut conservarentur impetrant.

Meanwhile the whole multitude of the Suessiones from the rout gathered into the town on the next night. Quickly, with the vineae driven up to the town, an agger thrown up and towers set in place, moved by the magnitude of the works—which the Gauls had neither seen before nor heard of—and by the speed of the Romans, they send envoys to Caesar about surrender and, with the Remi petitioning that they be preserved, they obtain it.

[13] Caesar, obsidibus acceptis primis civitatis atque ipsius Galbae regis duobus filiis armisque omnibus ex oppido traditis, in deditionem Suessiones accipit exercitumque in Bellovacos ducit. Qui cum se suaque omnia in oppidum Bratuspantium contulissent atque ab eo oppido Caesar cum exercitu circiter milia passuum V abesset, omnes maiores natu ex oppido egressi manus ad Caesarem tendere et voce significare coeperunt sese in eius fidem ac potestatem venire neque contra populum Romanum armis contendere. Item, cum ad oppidum accessisset castraque ibi poneret, pueri mulieresque ex muro passis manibus suo more pacem ab Romanis petierunt.

[13] Caesar, hostages having been taken from the foremost of the state and the two sons of King Galba himself, and with all arms handed over from the town, accepts the Suessiones into surrender and leads the army into the Bellovaci. They, when they had betaken themselves and all their belongings into the town Bratuspantium, and when Caesar was about 5 miles from that town with the army, all the elders, having gone out from the town, began to stretch their hands to Caesar and to signify by voice that they were coming into his good faith and power and would not contend with arms against the Roman people. Likewise, when he had approached the town and was pitching camp there, boys and women from the wall, with hands outstretched, after their custom, sought peace from the Romans.

[14] Pro his Diviciacus (nam post discessum Belgarum dimissis Haeduorum copiis ad eum reverterat) facit verba: Bellovacos omni tempore in fide atque amicitia civitatis Haeduae fuisse; impulsos ab suis principibus, qui dicerent Haeduos a Caesare in servitutem redacto. Omnes indignitates contumeliasque perferre, et ab Haeduis defecisse et populo Romano bellum intulisse. Qui eius consilii principes fuissent, quod intellegerent quantam calamitatem civitati intulissent, in Britanniam profugisse.

[14] On behalf of these, Diviciacus (for after the departure of the Belgae, the forces of the Haedui having been dismissed, he had returned to him) speaks: that the Bellovaci had at all times been in the faith and friendship of the Haeduan state; that they had been driven by their own chiefs, who said that the Haedui had been reduced to servitude by Caesar, to bear all indignities and contumelies, and had defected from the Haedui and brought war upon the Roman people. Those who had been the chiefs of this counsel, because they understood how great a calamity they had brought upon the state, had fled into Britain.

Petere non solum Bellovacos, sed etiam pro his Haeduos, ut sua clementia ac mansuetudine in eos utatur. Quod si fecerit, Haeduorum auctoritatem apud omnes Belgas amplificaturum, quorum auxiliis atque opibus, si qua bella inciderint, sustentare consuerint.

They ask not only the Bellovaci, but also the Aedui on their behalf, that he use his own clemency and mansuetude toward them. And if he shall do this, he will amplify the authority of the Aedui among all the Belgae, by whose auxiliaries and resources, if any wars should arise, they have been accustomed to sustain themselves.

[15] Caesar honoris Diviciaci atque Haeduorum causa sese eos in fidem recepturum et conservaturum dixit, et quod erat civitas magna inter Belgas auctoritate atque hominum multitudine praestabat, DC obsides poposcit. His traditis omnibusque armis ex oppido conlatis, ab eo loco in fines Ambianorum pervenit; qui se suaque omnia sine mora dediderunt. Eorum fines Nervii attingebant.

[15] Caesar, for the sake of the honor of Diviciacus and the Haedui, said that he would receive them into his faith and preserve them; and because it was a great state among the Belgae and excelled in authority and in the multitude of men, he demanded 600 hostages. These having been handed over, and all the arms collected from the town, from that place he arrived in the borders of the Ambiani; who without delay surrendered themselves and all their possessions. Their borders adjoined the Nervii.

Quorum de natura moribusque Caesar cum quaereret, sic reperiebat: nullum esse aditum ad eos mercatoribus; nihil pati vini reliquarumque rerum ad luxuriam pertinentium inferri, quod his rebus relanguescere animos eorum et remitti virtutem existimarent; esse homines feros magnaeque virtutis; increpitare atque incusare reliquos Belgas, qui se populo Romano dedidissent patriamque virtutem proiecissent; confirmare sese neque legatos missuros neque ullam condicionem pacis accepturos.

Of whose nature and customs, when Caesar inquired, he discovered thus: that there is no access to them for merchants; that they allow nothing of wine and of the remaining things pertaining to luxury to be brought in, because they judge that by these things their spirits grow languid and their virtus is remitted; that they are men fierce and of great virtus; that they upbraid and accuse the rest of the Belgae, who had surrendered themselves to the Roman people and had cast away their native virtus; that they affirm they will send no legates nor accept any condition of peace.

[16] Cum per eorum fines triduum iter fecisset, inveniebat ex captivis Sabim flumen a castris suis non amplius milibus passuum X abesse; trans id flumen omnes Nervios consedisse adventumque ibi Romanorum expectare una cum Atrebatibus et Viromanduis, finitimis suis (nam his utrisque persuaserant uti eandem belli fortunam experirentur); expectari etiam ab iis Atuatucorum copias atque esse in itinere; mulieres quique per aetatem ad pugnam inutiles viderentur in eum locum coniecisse quo propter paludes exercitui aditus non esset.

[16] When, through their territories, he had made a march for three days, he learned from captives that the river Sabis was not more than 10 miles distant from his camp; that beyond that river all the Nervii had encamped and were awaiting the arrival of the Romans there together with the Atrebates and the Viromandui, their neighbors (for they had persuaded both of these to try the same fortune of war); that the forces of the Atuatuci also were being expected by them and were on the way; that they had thrown the women and those who by age seemed unfit for fighting into that place where, on account of marshes, there was no access for an army.

[17] His rebus cognitis, exploratores centurionesque praemittit qui locum castris idoneum deligant. Cum ex dediticiis Belgis reliquisque Gallis complures Caesarem secuti una iter facerent, quidam ex his, ut postea ex captivis cognitum est, eorum dierum consuetudine itineris nostri exercitus perspecta, nocte ad Nervios pervenerunt atque his demonstrarunt inter singulas legiones impedimentorum magnum numerum intercedere, neque esse quicquam negotii, cum prima legio in castra venisset reliquaeque legiones magnum spatium abessent, hanc sub sarcinis adoriri; qua pulsa impedimentisque direptis, futurum ut reliquae contra consistere non auderent. Adiuvabat etiam eorum consilium qui rem deferebant quod Nervii antiquitus, cum equitatu nihil possent (neque enim ad hoc tempus ei rei student, sed quicquid possunt, pedestribus valent copiis), quo facilius finitimorum equitatum, si praedandi causa ad eos venissent, impedirent, teneris arboribus incisis atque inflexis crebrisque in latitudinem ramis enatis [et] rubis sentibusque interiectis effecerant ut instar muri hae saepes munimentum praeberent, quo non modo non intrari sed ne perspici quidem posset.

[17] With these things learned, he sends ahead scouts and centurions to choose a place suitable for a camp. While several from the surrendered Belgae and the rest of the Gauls, having followed Caesar, were making the march together, certain of these, as was afterwards learned from captives, after the custom of the march of our army for those days had been observed, reached the Nervii by night and showed to them that between individual legions a great number of baggage-trains came between, and that there would be no trouble, when the first legion had come into camp and the remaining legions were a great distance away, to attack this one under its packs; and that, once this was routed and the baggage plundered, it would come about that the rest would not dare to stand against them. Their counsel who were reporting the matter was also aided by the fact that the Nervii from ancient times, since they could accomplish nothing with cavalry (for to this time they do not devote themselves to that matter, but whatever they can, they are strong with infantry forces), in order the more easily to hinder the cavalry of their neighbors, if they had come to them for the sake of plundering, with young trees cut and bent over, and with frequent branches grown out sideways, and with brambles and briars interposed, had brought it about that these hedges offered, in the likeness of a wall, a muniment, through which not only could entry not be made, but not even could one see through.

His rebus cum iter agminis nostri impediretur, non omittendum sibi consilium Nervii existimaverunt.

Since by these matters the march of our column was being impeded, the Nervii considered that their counsel was not to be omitted.

[18] Loci natura erat haec, quem locum nostri castris delegerant. Collis ab summo aequaliter declivis ad flumen Sabim, quod supra nominavimus, vergebat. Ab eo flumine pari acclivitate collis nascebatur adversus huic et contrarius, passus circiter CC infimus apertus, ab superiore parte silvestris, ut non facile introrsus perspici posset.

[18] The nature of the place was this, which place our men had chosen for a camp. A hill, evenly sloping from its summit, verged toward the river Sabis, which we have named above. From that river, with equal acclivity, a hill arose opposite and contrary to this; the lowest part for about 200 paces was open, while the upper part was sylvan, so that one could not easily see within.

Intra eas silvas hostes in occulto sese continebant; in aperto loco secundum flumen paucae stationes equitum videbantur. Fluminis erat altitudo pedum circiter trium.

Within those woods the enemies were keeping themselves concealed; in the open place along the river a few stations of cavalry were seen. The depth of the river was about three feet.

[19] Caesar equitatu praemisso subsequebatur omnibus copiis; sed ratio ordoque agminis aliter se habebat ac Belgae ad Nervios detulerant. Nam quod hostibus adpropinquabat, consuetudine sua Caesar VI legiones expeditas ducebat; post eas totius exercitus impedimenta conlocarat; inde duae legiones quae proxime conscriptae erant totum agmen claudebant praesidioque impedimentis erant. Equites nostri cum funditoribus sagittariisque flumen transgressi cum hostium equitatu proelium commiserunt.

[19] Caesar, with the cavalry sent ahead, was following with all the forces; but the method and order of the column was otherwise than the Belgae had reported to the Nervii. For, as he was approaching the enemy, by his own custom Caesar was leading 6 legions unencumbered; after them he had placed the baggage of the whole army; then two legions, which had most recently been conscripted, were closing the whole column and were a guard to the baggage. Our cavalry, together with the slingers and archers, having crossed the river, joined battle with the enemy’s cavalry.

Cum se illi identidem in silvis ad suos reciperent ac rursus ex silva in nostros impetum facerent, neque nostri longius quam quem ad finem porrecta [ac] loca aperta pertinebant cedentes insequi auderent, interim legiones VI quae primae venerant, opere dimenso, castra munire coeperunt. Ubi prima impedimenta nostri exercitus ab iis qui in silvis abditi latebant visa sunt, quod tempus inter eos committendi proelii convenerat, ut intra silvas aciem ordinesque constituerant atque ipsi sese confirmaverant, subito omnibus copiis provolaverunt impetumque in nostros equites fecerunt. His facile pulsis ac proturbatis, incredibili celeritate ad flumen decucurrerunt, ut paene uno tempore et ad silvas et in flumine [et iam in manibus nostris] hostes viderentur.

While they repeatedly withdrew in the woods to their own men and again from the wood made an attack upon ours, and our men did not dare to pursue those giving way farther than the limit to which the extended [and] open places reached, meanwhile the 6 legions which had come first, the work having been measured off, began to fortify the camp. When the first baggage-train of our army was seen by those who, hidden, were lying in wait in the woods—since the time for joining battle had been agreed among them, and, just as within the woods they had drawn up their battle-line and ranks and had themselves been made firm—suddenly with all their forces they rushed forth and made an attack upon our cavalry. These easily routed and driven in disorder, with incredible swiftness they ran down to the river, so that at almost one and the same time the enemy seemed to be both at the woods and in the river [and now in our very hands].

Eadem autem celeritate adverso colle ad nostra castra atque eos qui in opere occupati erant contenderunt.

But with the same celerity they hastened up the opposing hill toward our camp and toward those who were occupied in the work.

[20] Caesari omnia uno tempore erant agenda: vexillum proponendum, quod erat insigne, cum ad arma concurri oporteret; signum tuba dandum; ab opere revocandi milites; qui paulo longius aggeris petendi causa processerant arcessendi; acies instruenda; milites cohortandi; signum dandum. Quarum rerum magnam partem temporis brevitas et incursus hostium impediebat. His difficultatibus duae res erant subsidio, scientia atque usus militum, quod superioribus proeliis exercitati quid fieri oporteret non minus commode ipsi sibi praescribere quam ab aliis doceri poterant, et quod ab opere singulisque legionibus singulos legatos Caesar discedere nisi munitis castris vetuerat.

[20] For Caesar, everything had to be done at one time: the vexillum had to be displayed—which was the insignia when there was need to run together to arms; the signal by trumpet had to be given; the soldiers had to be called back from the work; those who had advanced a little farther for the purpose of seeking the rampart were to be summoned; the battle line had to be drawn up; the soldiers had to be exhorted; the signal had to be given. A great part of these things the shortness of time and the incursion of the enemy impeded. For these difficulties two things were a help: the knowledge and the experience of the soldiers, because, exercised in former battles, they were able to prescribe to themselves what ought to be done no less suitably than to be taught by others; and that Caesar had forbidden the several legates to depart from the work and from their several legions unless the camp was fortified.

Hi propter propinquitatem et celeritatem hostium nihil iam Caesaris imperium expectabant, sed per se quae videbantur administrabant.

These, on account of the proximity and celerity of the enemy, no longer awaited Caesar’s command, but by themselves administered what seemed best.

[21] Caesar, necessariis rebus imperatis, ad cohortandos milites, quam [in] partem fors obtulit, decucurrit et ad legionem decimam devenit. Milites non longiore oratione cohortatus quam uti suae pristinae virtutis memoriam retinerent neu perturbarentur animo hostiumque impetum fortiter sustinerent, quod non longius hostes aberant quam quo telum adigi posset, proelii committendi signum dedit. Atque in alteram item cohortandi causa profectus pugnantibus occurrit.

[21] Caesar, after the necessary matters had been commanded, ran down to encourage the soldiers into whatever part chance offered, and came to the Tenth Legion. Having not encouraged the soldiers with a longer oration than that they should retain the memory of their former valor and not be perturbed in mind and should bravely sustain the enemy’s impetus—for the enemies were no farther away than a missile could be hurled—he gave the signal for joining battle. And, having set out likewise into the other part for the sake of encouraging, he met them fighting.

Temporis tanta fuit exiguitas hostiumque tam paratus ad dimicandum animus ut non modo ad insignia accommodanda sed etiam ad galeas induendas scutisque tegimenta detrahenda tempus defuerit. Quam quisque ab opere in partem casu devenit quaeque prima signa conspexit, ad haec constitit, ne in quaerendis suis pugnandi tempus dimitteret.

So great was the shortness of time and so prepared the spirit of the enemies for fighting that there was lacking time not only for fitting their insignia but even for donning helmets and for stripping the coverings from the shields. Into whatever part each man from his work by chance came down, and whatever standards he first caught sight of, at these he took his stand, lest in searching for his own he let slip the time for fighting.

[22] Instructo exercitu magis ut loci natura [deiectusque collis] et necessitas temporis quam ut rei militaris ratio atque ordo postulabat, cum diversae legiones aliae alia in parte hostibus resisterent saepibusque densissimis, ut ante demonstravimus, interiectis prospectus impediretur, neque certa subsidia conlocari neque quid in quaque parte opus esset provideri neque ab uno omnia imperia administrari poterant. Itaque in tanta rerum iniquitate fortunae quoque eventus varii sequebantur.

[22] With the army drawn up more as the nature of the place [and the declivity of the hill] and the necessity of the time required than as the method and order of the military art demanded, since different legions, some in one quarter, others in another, were resisting the enemy, and since by very dense hedges, as we have shown before, thrown in between, the view was impeded, neither could fixed reserves be stationed, nor could it be foreseen what was needed in each part, nor could all the commands be administered by one. Therefore, in so great an inequality of circumstances, varied outcomes of fortune also followed.

[23] Legionis VIIII. et X. milites, ut in sinistra parte aciei constiterant, pilis emissis cursu ac lassitudine exanimatos vulneribusque confectos Atrebates (nam his ea pars obvenerat) celeriter ex loco superiore in flumen compulerunt et transire conantes insecuti gladiis magnam partem eorum impeditam interfecerunt. Ipsi transire flumen non dubitaverunt et in locum iniquum progressi rursus resistentes hostes redintegrato proelio in fugam coniecerunt.

[23] The soldiers of Legion 9 and 10, as they had taken their stand on the left part of the battle-line, after launching their pila (heavy javelins), drove the Atrebates—breathless from running and weariness and worn out by wounds (for that sector had fallen to them)—quickly from the higher ground into the river, and, pursuing with swords those trying to cross, killed a great part of them, hampered as they were. They themselves did not hesitate to cross the river, and, having advanced into unfavorable ground, again, the combat being renewed, cast the resisting enemies into flight.

Item alia in parte diversae duae legiones, XI. et VIII., profligatis Viromanduis, quibuscum erant congressae, ex loco superiore in ipsis fluminis ripis proeliabantur. At totis fere castris a fronte et a sinistra parte nudatis, cum in dextro cornu legio XII. et non magno ab ea intervallo VII.

Likewise in another part two separate legions, the 11th and the 8th, with the Viromandui routed, with whom they had engaged, were fighting from the higher ground on the very banks of the river. But with almost the whole camp laid bare in front and on the left side, since on the right wing the 12th legion and, at no great interval from it, the 7th—

constitisset, omnes Nervii confertissimo agmine duce Boduognato, qui summam imperii tenebat, ad eum locum contenderunt; quorum pars ab aperto latere legiones circumvenire, pars summum castrorum locum petere coepit.

had taken position, all the Nervii, in a most close-packed column, with Boduognatus as their leader, who held the supreme command, pressed to that place; of whom one part began to surround the legions on the open flank, another part began to make for the highest point of the camp.

[24] Eodem tempore equites nostri levisque armaturae pedites, qui cum iis una fuerant, quos primo hostium impetu pulsos dixeram, cum se in castra reciperent, adversis hostibus occurrebant ac rursus aliam in partem fugam petebant; et calones, qui ab decumana porta ac summo iugo collis nostros victores flumen transire conspexerant, praedandi causa egressi, cum respexissent et hostes in nostris castris versari vidissent, praecipites fugae sese mandabant. Simul eorum qui cum impedimentis veniebant clamor fremitusque oriebatur, aliique aliam in partem perterriti ferebantur. Quibus omnibus rebus permoti equites Treveri, quorum inter Gallos virtutis opinio est singularis, qui auxilii causa a civitate missi ad Caesarem venerant, cum multitudine hostium castra [nostra] compleri, legiones premi et paene circumventas teneri, calones, equites, funditores, Numidas diversos dissipatosque in omnes partes fugere vidissent, desperatis nostris rebus domum contenderunt: Romanos pulsos superatosque, castris impedimentisque eorum hostes potitos civitati renuntiaverunt.

[24] At the same time our horsemen and the light-armed foot-soldiers, who had been together with them—the ones whom I said were driven back by the first onset of the enemy—while they were retreating into the camp, were running into enemies face-on and again were seeking flight in another direction; and the camp-followers, who from the decuman gate and the highest ridge of the hill had caught sight of our victors crossing the river, having gone out for the sake of plundering, when they looked back and saw the enemies moving about in our camp, committed themselves headlong to flight. At once too a clamor and rumbling arose from those who were coming with the baggage, and different men, terrified, were being carried in different directions. Moved by all these things, the Treveran horsemen—whose reputation for valor among the Gauls is exceptional—who had been sent by their state for the sake of aid and had come to Caesar, when they had seen the camp [ours] being filled by a multitude of enemies, the legions pressed and held almost surrounded, the camp-followers, horsemen, slingers, Numidians scattered and dispersed fleeing into all parts, with our affairs despaired of hastened home: they reported to their state that the Romans had been routed and overcome, and that the enemies had gotten possession of their camp and baggage.

[25] Caesar ab X. legionis cohortatione ad dextrum cornu profectus, ubi suos urgeri signisque in unum locum conlatis XII. legionis confertos milites sibi ipsos ad pugnam esse impedimento vidit, quartae cohortis omnibus centurionibus occisis signiferoque interfecto, signo amisso, reliquarum cohortium omnibus fere centurionibus aut vulneratis aut occisis, in his primipilo P. Sextio Baculo, fortissimo viro, multis gravibusque vulneribus confecto, ut iam se sustinere non posset, reliquos esse tardiores et non nullos ab novissimis deserto loco proelio excedere ac tela vitare, hostes neque a fronte ex inferiore loco subeuntes intermittere et ab utroque latere instare et rem esse in angusto vidit, neque ullum esse subsidium quod submitti posset, scuto ab novissimis [uni] militi detracto, quod ipse eo sine scuto venerat, in primam aciem processit centurionibusque nominatim appellatis reliquos cohortatus milites signa inferre et manipulos laxare iussit, quo facilius gladiis uti possent. Cuius adventu spe inlata militibus ac redintegrato animo, cum pro se quisque in conspectu imperatoris etiam in extremis suis rebus operam navare cuperet, paulum hostium impetus tardatus est.

[25] Caesar, having set out from the exhortation of the 10th legion to the right wing, where he saw his men being hard-pressed and, with the standards gathered into one place, the soldiers of the 12th legion, crowded together, being an impediment to themselves for fighting, with all the centurions of the fourth cohort slain and the standard-bearer killed, the standard lost, with almost all the centurions of the remaining cohorts either wounded or killed—among them the primipilus Publius Sextius Baculus, a most brave man, worn out by many and grievous wounds, so that now he could not support himself—saw that the rest were slower and that some from the rear ranks, the position having been deserted, were leaving the battle and avoiding missiles; that the enemies neither ceased coming up from the front from a lower ground and were pressing on from both flanks, and that the affair was in a narrow strait; and that there was no reserve that could be sent in; having pulled a shield off from the rear ranks from [one] soldier, because he himself had come there without a shield, he advanced into the front line, and, the centurions being called by name, after exhorting the rest, he ordered the soldiers to bring the standards forward and to loosen the maniples, so that they might more easily use their swords. At his arrival, with hope infused into the soldiers and their spirit renewed, since each man for his own part, in the sight of the imperator, was eager to render service even in his most extreme circumstances, the onset of the enemies was a little delayed.

[26] Caesar, cum VII. legionem, quae iuxta constiterat, item urgeri ab hoste vidisset, tribunos militum monuit ut paulatim sese legiones coniungerent et conversa signa in hostes inferrent. Quo facto cum aliis alii subsidium ferrent neque timerent ne aversi ab hoste circumvenirentur, audacius resistere ac fortius pugnare coeperunt.

[26] Caesar, when he had seen that the 7th legion, which had taken its stand nearby, likewise was being pressed by the enemy, admonished the military tribunes that they should gradually bring the legions together and, the standards having been turned, bear them against the enemy. This having been done, since some were bringing support to others and they did not fear that, turned away from the enemy, they would be surrounded, they began to resist more audaciously and to fight more stoutly.

Interim milites legionum duarum quae in novissimo agmine praesidio impedimentis fuerant, proelio nuntiato, cursu incitato in summo colle ab hostibus conspiciebantur, et T.Labienus castris hostium potitus et ex loco superiore quae res in nostris castris gererentur conspicatus X.legionem subsidio nostris misit. Qui cum ex equitum et calonum fuga quo in loco res esset quantoque in periculo et castra et legiones et imperator versaretur cognovissent, nihil ad celeritatem sibi reliqui fecerunt.

Meanwhile the soldiers of the two legions who, in the very rear of the column, had been as a guard for the baggage-train, the battle having been reported, with their pace quickened were being seen by the enemy on the top of a hill; and T. Labienus, having gotten possession of the enemies’ camp and, from the higher ground, having caught sight of what things were being done in our camp, sent the 10th legion as support to our men. They, when from the flight of the horsemen and the camp-servants they had learned in what position the matter stood and in how great a peril both the camp and the legions and the commander were involved, left nothing undone for speed.

[27] Horum adventu tanta rerum commutatio est facta ut nostri, etiam qui vulneribus confecti procubuissent, scutis innixi proelium redintegrarent, calones perterritos hostes conspicati etiam inermes armatis occurrerent, equites vero, ut turpitudinem fugae virtute delerent, omnibus in locis pugnae se legionariis militibus praeferrent. At hostes, etiam in extrema spe salutis, tantam virtutem praestiterunt ut, cum primi eorum cecidissent, proximi iacentibus insisterent atque ex eorum corporibus pugnarent, his deiectis et coacervatis cadaveribus qui superessent ut ex tumulo tela in nostros conicerent et pila intercepta remitterent: ut non nequiquam tantae virtutis homines iudicari deberet ausos esse transire latissimum flumen, ascendere altissimas ripas, subire iniquissimum locum; quae facilia ex difficillimis animi magnitudo redegerat.

[27] At their advent so great a change of affairs took place that our men—even those who, worn out by wounds, had fallen—leaning on their shields renewed the battle; the camp-servants, having caught sight of the enemies terrified, even unarmed ran to meet the armed; and the horsemen, in order to blot out the disgrace of flight by virtue, put themselves before the legionary soldiers in every place of the fight. But the enemies, even in the last hope of safety, exhibited such valor that, when their foremost had fallen, those next stood upon the prostrate and fought from their bodies; these being cast down and the corpses heaped up, those who remained, as from a mound, hurled missiles at our men and sent back the pila that they had intercepted: so that it ought not to be judged in vain that men of such valor had dared to cross the very broad river, to climb the very high banks, to undergo the most unequal ground—things which their greatness of spirit had rendered easy out of the most difficult.

[28] Hoc proelio facto et prope ad internecionem gente ac nomine Nerviorum redacto, maiores natu, quos una cum pueris mulieribusque in aestuaria ac paludes coniectos dixeramus, hac pugna nuntiata, cum victoribus nihil impeditum, victis nihil tutum arbitrarentur, omnium qui supererant consensu legatos ad Caesarem miserunt seque ei dediderunt; et in commemoranda civitatis calamitate ex DC ad tres senatores, ex hominum milibus LX vix ad D, qui arma ferre possent, sese redactos esse dixerunt. Quos Caesar, ut in miseros ac supplices usus misericordia videretur, diligentissime conservavit suisque finibus atque oppidis uti iussit et finitimis imperavit ut ab iniuria et maleficio se suosque prohiberent.

[28] This battle having been fought, and the tribe and very name of the Nervii reduced almost to internecine annihilation, the elders—whom we had said were cast, together with boys and women, into the estuaries and marshes—when this fight was reported, since they judged that nothing was impeded for the victors, nothing safe for the vanquished, by the consensus of all who survived sent legates to Caesar and surrendered themselves to him; and, in commemorating the calamity of their state, they said that from 600 senators they had been reduced to 3, and of men numbering 60,000, scarcely to 500 who were able to bear arms. These Caesar, in order to seem to have employed mercy toward the wretched and the suppliant, preserved most diligently, and ordered them to make use of their own boundaries and towns, and commanded the neighbors to keep themselves and their own from injury and malefaction against them.

[29] Atuatuci, de quibus supra diximus, cum omnibus copiis auxilio Nerviis venirent, hac pugna nuntiata ex itinere domum reverterunt; cunctis oppidis castellisque desertis sua omnia in unum oppidum egregie natura munitum contulerunt. Quod cum ex omnibus in circuitu partibus altissimas rupes deiectusque haberet, una ex parte leniter acclivis aditus in latitudinem non amplius pedum CC relinquebatur; quem locum duplici altissimo muro munierant; tum magni ponderis saxa et praeacutas trabes in muro conlocabant. Ipsi erant ex Cimbris Teutonisque prognati, qui, cum iter in provinciam nostram atque Italiam facerent, iis impedimentis quae secum agere ac portare non poterant citra flumen Rhenum depositis custodiam [ex suis] ac praesidium VI milia hominum una reliquerant.

[29] The Atuatuci, of whom we spoke above, when they were coming with all their forces as assistance to the Nervii, this battle being announced, returned home from the march; with all towns and forts abandoned, they transferred all their belongings into one stronghold excellently fortified by nature. Since it had on all sides in circuit very high cliffs and steep descents, on one side alone a gently sloping approach was left, in width not more than 200 feet; this place they had fortified with a double, very high wall; then they were placing on the wall stones of great weight and sharpened beams. They themselves were descended from the Cimbri and Teutons, who, when they were making a march into our province and into Italy, with those baggage-trains (impedimenta) which they could not drive and carry with them deposited on this side of the river Rhine, had left together a guard [from among their own] and a garrison of 6 thousand men.

Hi post eorum obitum multos annos a finitimis exagitati, cum alias bellum inferrent, alias inlatum defenderent, consensu eorum omnium pace facta hunc sibi domicilio locum delegerant.

These, after their death, harried for many years by their neighbors, while at one time they were bringing war upon others, at another they were defending against war brought upon them, by the consensus of them all, with peace having been made, had chosen this place for themselves as a domicile.

[30] Ac primo adventu exercitus nostri crebras ex oppido excursiones faciebant parvulisque proeliis cum nostris contendebant; postea vallo pedum XII in circuitu quindecim milium crebrisque castellis circummuniti oppido sese continebant. Ubi vineis actis aggere extructo turrim procul constitui viderunt, primum inridere ex muro atque increpitare vocibus, quod tanta machinatio a tanto spatio institueretur: quibusnam manibus aut quibus viribus praesertim homines tantulae staturae (nam plerumque omnibus Gallis prae magnitudine corporum quorum brevitas nostra contemptui est) tanti oneris turrim in muro sese posse conlocare confiderent?

[30] And at the first arrival of our army they were making frequent excursions from the town and contending with ours in very small skirmishes; afterwards, having been encircled with a rampart of 12 feet and a circumference of fifteen miles, and with frequent redoubts, they kept themselves within the town. When, the vineae having been driven up and the ramp piled, they saw a tower being set up at a distance, at first they mocked from the wall and upbraided with shouts, because so great a machination was being undertaken from so great a space: with what hands or with what forces, especially men of so tiny a stature (for, generally, to all the Gauls, in comparison with the greatness of their bodies, our shortness is a matter for contempt), did they trust that they could place upon the wall a tower of so great a burden?

[31] Ubi vero moveri et adpropinquare muris viderunt, nova atque inusitata specie commoti legatos ad Caesarem de pace miserunt, qui ad hunc modum locuti; non se existimare Romanos sine ope divina bellum gerere, qui tantae altitudinis machinationes tanta celeritate promovere possent; se suaque omnia eorum potestati permittere dixerunt. Unum petere ac deprecari: si forte pro sua clementia ac mansuetudine, quam ipsi ab aliis audirent, statuisset Atuatucos esse conservandos, ne se armis despoliaret. Sibi omnes fere finitimos esse inimicos ac suae virtuti invidere; a quibus se defendere traditis armis non possent.

[31] But when they saw it being moved and drawing near to the walls, stirred by the new and unwonted sight, they sent envoys to Caesar about peace, who spoke in this fashion: they do not think that the Romans wage war without divine aid, who can push forward machinations of so great a height with such speed; they said that they submit themselves and all their things to his power. They ask and beseech one thing: if perchance, in accordance with his clemency and mansuetude, which they themselves heard of from others, he had determined that the Atuatucos should be preserved, that he not despoil them of arms. For to them nearly all the neighbors are enemies and envy their virtue, and from these they could not defend themselves, once their arms were handed over.

Sibi praestare, si in eum casum deducerentur, quamvis fortunam a populo Romano pati quam ab his per cruciatum interfici inter quos dominari consuessent.

They judged it preferable for themselves, if they were brought into that calamity, to suffer whatever fortune from the Roman people rather than to be killed by torture by those among whom they had been accustomed to dominate.

[32]Ad haec Caesar respondit: se magis consuetudine sua quam merito eorum civitatem conservaturum, si prius quam murum aries attigisset se dedidissent; sed deditionis nullam esse condicionem nisi armis traditis. Se id quod in Nerviis fecisset facturum finitimisque imperaturum ne quam dediticiis populi Romani iniuriam inferrent. Re renuntiata ad suos illi se quae imperarentur facere dixerunt.

[32]To these things Caesar responded: that he would preserve the civitas more by his own custom than by their merit, if they had surrendered before the battering ram had touched the wall; but that there was no condition of surrender unless the arms were handed over. That he would do what he had done among the Nervii and would command the neighbors not to inflict any injury upon the dediticii of the Roman People. The matter having been reported back to their own, they said that they would do what was commanded.

Armorum magna multitudine de muro in fossam, quae erat ante oppidum, iacta, sic ut prope summam muri aggerisque altitudinem acervi armorum adaequarent, et tamen circiter parte tertia, ut postea perspectum est, celata atque in oppido retenta, portis patefactis eo die pace sunt usi.

A great multitude of arms, having been thrown from the wall into the fosse which was before the town, so that the heaps of arms nearly equaled the summit of the wall and the height of the rampart; and yet about a third part, as was afterward perceived, having been concealed and retained in the town, the gates having been thrown open, they enjoyed peace that day.

[33] Sub vesperum Caesar portas claudi militesque ex oppido exire iussit, ne quam noctu oppidani a militibus iniuriam acciperent. Illi ante inito, ut intellectum est, consilio, quod deditione facta nostros praesidia deducturos aut denique indiligentius servaturos crediderant, partim cum iis quae retinuerant et celaverant armis, partim scutis ex cortice factis aut viminibus intextis, quae subito, ut temporis exiguitas postulabat, pellibus induxerant, tertia vigilia, qua minime arduus ad nostras munitiones accensus videbatur, omnibus copiis repente ex oppido eruptionem fecerunt. Celeriter, ut ante Caesar imperaverat, ignibus significatione facta, ex proximis castellis eo concursum est, pugnatumque ab hostibus ita acriter est ut a viris fortibus in extrema spe salutis iniquo loco contra eos qui ex vallo turribusque tela iacerent pugnari debuit, cum in una virtute omnis spes consisteret.

[33] Toward evening Caesar ordered the gates to be closed and the soldiers to go out from the town, lest the townsmen receive any injury by night from the soldiers. They, having formed a plan beforehand, as was understood—because they had believed that, a surrender having been made, our men would withdraw the garrisons or at least would guard more negligently—partly with those arms which they had retained and concealed, partly with shields made from bark or with withes interwoven, which, suddenly, as the shortness of time demanded, they had covered with skins, at the 3rd watch, when the ascent to our fortifications seemed least steep, with all their forces suddenly made a sally from the town. Quickly, as Caesar had ordered before, a signal having been made with fires, there was a running-together to that place from the nearest little forts, and the fighting by the enemies was so sharply pressed that by brave men, in the last hope of safety, it had to be fought in an unfavorable position against those who were hurling missiles from the rampart and towers, since in valor alone all hope consisted.

Occisis ad hominum milibus IIII reliqui in oppidum reiecti sunt. Postridie eius diei refractis portis, cum iam defenderet nemo, atque intromissis militibus nostris, sectionem eius oppidi universam Caesar vendidit. Ab iis qui emerant capitum numerus ad eum relatus est milium LIII.

With about 4 thousand men slain, the rest were driven back into the town. On the next day, the gates having been broken open, since now no one was defending and our soldiers had been let in, Caesar sold at auction the entire lot of that town. From those who had purchased, the number of heads (persons) reported to him was 53 thousand.

[34] Eodem tempore a P. Crasso, quem cum legione una miserat ad Venetos, Venellos, Osismos, Coriosolitas, Esuvios, Aulercos, Redones, quae sunt maritimae civitates Oceanumque attingunt, certior factus est omnes eas civitates in dicionem potestatemque populi Romani esse redactas.

[34] At the same time he was informed by P. Crassus, whom he had sent with one legion to the Veneti, that the Venelli, the Osismi, the Coriosolitae, the Esuvii, the Aulerci, the Redones—which are maritime states and touch the Ocean—had all been reduced into the dominion and power of the Roman people.

[35] His rebus gestis omni Gallia pacata, tanta huius belli ad barbaros opinio perlata est uti ab iis nationibus quae trans Rhenum incolerent legationes ad Caesarem mitterentur, quae se obsides daturas, imperata facturas pollicerentur. Quas legationes Caesar, quod in Italiam Illyricumque properabat, inita proxima aestate ad se reverti iussit. Ipse in Carnutes, Andes, Turonos quaeque civitates propinquae iis locis erant ubi bellum gesserat, legionibus in hiberna deductis, in Italiam profectus est.

[35] With these matters accomplished and all Gaul pacified, so great a repute of this war was carried to the barbarians that from those nations which dwelt across the Rhine embassies were sent to Caesar, who promised that they would give hostages and do what was commanded. These embassies Caesar, because he was hastening to Italy and Illyricum, ordered to return to him at the beginning of the next summer. He himself, after the legions had been led into winter quarters among the Carnutes, Andes, Turones, and whatever states were near those places where he had waged war, set out for Italy.

Ob easque res ex litteris Caesaris dierum XV supplicatio decreta est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli.

On account of these matters, from the letters of Caesar a supplication of 15 days was decreed, which before that time had happened to no one.