Justin: HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI

I. Lacedaemonii, more ingenii humani quo plura habent eo ampliora cupientes, non contenti accessione Atheniensium opum vires sibi duplicatas totius Asiae imperium adfectare coeperunt. Sed maior pars sub regno Persarum erat. Itaque Hercylides dux in hanc militiam electus cum videret sibi adversus duos praefectos Artaxerxis regis, Pharnabazum et Tisaphernen, maximarum gentium viribus succinctos dimicandum, pacificandum cum altero statuit.

1. The Lacedaemonians, after the manner of human nature—whereby the more they have, the greater things they desire—not content with the accession of the Athenians’ resources, their forces thus doubled, began to aspire to the imperium of all Asia. But the greater part was under the kingdom of the Persians. Therefore Hercylides, a commander chosen for this military expedition, when he saw that he would have to contend against two prefects of King Artaxerxes, Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, girt with the forces of the very greatest nations, decided that peace should be made with one of them.

Aptior visus Tisaphernes, vir et industria potior et militibus Cyri quondam regis instructior, in conloquium vocatur et statutis condicionibus ab armis dimittitur. Hanc rem Pharnabazus apud communem regem criminatur: ut Lacedaemonios Asiam ingressos non reppulerit armis, sed inpensis regis aluerit merceturque ab his, ut differant bella quam gerant, tamquam non ad unius summam imperii detrimentum omne perveniat. Indignum ait bella non perfici, sed redimi, hostem pretio, non armis submoveri.

Tissaphernes, judged more apt—a man both superior in industry and better furnished with the soldiers of Cyrus, once king—is summoned to a conference and, terms having been set, is dismissed from arms. Pharnabazus arraigns this matter before their common king: that he did not repel by arms the Lacedaemonians who had entered Asia, but has sustained them at the king’s expenses, and is even bartering with them that they defer wars rather than wage them, as though not all the detriment should accrue to the overall account of the one empire. He says it is disgraceful that wars are not brought to completion but bought off, that an enemy is removed by price, not by arms.

His vocibus regem Tisapherni alienatum hortatur, ut in locum eius navalis belli ducem eligat Conona Atheniensem, qui amissa bello patria Cypri exsulabat; quippe Atheniensibus, etsi fractae sint opes, manere tamen navalem usum, nec, si eligendus sit ex universis, meliorem alium esse. Acceptis igitur quingentis talentis iussus est Conona classi praeficere.

By these words he urges the king, estranged from Tisaphernes, to choose in his place as leader of the naval war Conon the Athenian, who, his fatherland lost in war, was in exile in Cyprus; for the Athenians, even if their resources are shattered, nevertheless retain naval practice, nor, if one must be chosen from all, is there another better. Therefore, with five hundred talents received, Conon was ordered to take command of the fleet.

II. His cognitis Lacedaemonii et ipsi a rege Aegypti Hercynione auxilia navalis belli per legatos petunt, a quo centum triremes et sexcenta milia modium frumenti missa; a ceteris quoque sociis ingentia auxilia contracta sunt. Sed tanto exercitui et contra tantum ducem deerat dignus imperator. Itaque postulantibus sociis Agesilaum, regem tunc Lacedaemoniorum, propter responsa oraculi Delphici diu Lacedaemonii an eum summae rei praeponerent deliberaverunt, quibus futurus imperii finis denuntiabatur, cum regium claudicasset imperium; erat enim pede caudus.

2. With these things learned, the Lacedaemonians themselves too seek auxiliaries for the naval war from Hercynion, the king of Egypt, by envoys, from whom a hundred triremes and six hundred thousand modii of grain were sent; from the other allies also vast auxiliaries were collected. But for so great an army, and against so great a leader, there was lacking a commander worthy. And so, with the allies demanding Agesilaus, then king of the Lacedaemonians, on account of the responses of the Delphic oracle the Lacedaemonians deliberated for a long time whether they should set him over the supreme command, by which it was denounced that the end of the dominion would be in the future, when the royal power should limp; for he was lame in one foot.

Ad postrenum statuerunt melius esse incessu regem quam imperio regnum claudicare. Postquam Agesilaum cum ingentibus copiis in Asiam misere, non facile dixerim quod aliud par ducum tam bene conparatum fuerit. Quippe aetas, virtus, consilium, sapientia utrique prope una, gloria quoque rerum gestarum eadem.

At the last they judged it better that the king be lame in gait than that the kingdom limp in command. After they sent Agesilaus with enormous forces into Asia, I could not easily say what other pair of leaders was so well matched; for age, virtue, counsel, and sapience were to each almost one and the same, and the glory of deeds done likewise the same.

Quibus cum paria omnia fortuna dederit, invictum tamen ab altero utrumque servavit. Magnus igitur amborum apparatus belli, magnae res gestae fuerunt. Sed Cononem seditio militum invadit, quos praefecti regis fraudare stipendio soliti erant, eo instantius debita poscentibus, quo graviorem sub magno duce militiam praesumebant.

Although Fortune granted them all things equal, yet it kept each unconquered by the other. Therefore great was the apparatus of war on both sides, and great deeds were done. But a sedition of the soldiers seized Conon—men whom the king’s prefects were accustomed to defraud of their stipend—demanding their dues all the more insistently, in proportion as they were presuming a graver soldiering under a great leader.

Itaque Conon diu rege per epistulas frustra fatigato ad postremum ipse ad eum pergit, a cuius aspectu et conloquio prohibitus est, quod eum more Persarum adorare nollet. Agit tamen cum eo per internuntios et queritur opulentissimi regis bella inopia dilabi, et qui exercitum parem hostibus habeat, pecunia vinci, qua praestet, inferioremque eum ea parte virium inveniri, qua longe superior sit. Postulat dari sibi ministrum inpensae, quia pluribus id mandare perniciosum sit.

Therefore Conon, after the king had for a long time been wearied in vain by letters, at last himself proceeds to him; he was prohibited from his sight and colloquy, because he was unwilling to adore him in the Persian manner. Nevertheless he deals with him through internuncios and complains that the wars of a most opulent king are slipping away through penury, and that he who has an army equal to the enemies is being conquered in money, in which he excels, and is found inferior in that part of his forces in which he is far superior. He demands that a minister for expenditure be given to him, because to entrust that to several is pernicious.

Dato stipendio ad classem remittitur, nec moram agendis rebus facit; multa fortiter, multa feliciter agit, agros hostiles vastat, urbes expugnat et quasi tempestas quaedam cuncta prosternit. Quibus rebus territi Lacedaemonii ad patriae subsidium revocandum ab Asia Agesilaum decernunt.

With the stipend paid, he is sent back to the fleet, and he makes no delay in prosecuting affairs; he does many things bravely, many successfully, he devastates hostile fields, takes cities by storm, and, like a certain tempest, he lays all things low. Terrified by these things, the Lacedaemonians resolve that Agesilaus be recalled from Asia for the succor of the fatherland.

III. Interim Pisandrus ab Agesilao proficiscente dux patriae relictus ingentem classem summis viribus instruit, fortunam belli temptaturus. Nec non et Conon tunc primum cum hostium exercitu concursurus magna cura suos ordinat.

3. Meanwhile Pisander, left as leader of the fatherland by Agesilaus as he was setting out, equips an immense fleet with the utmost forces, intending to try the fortune of war. And likewise Conon, then for the first time about to clash with the enemy’s army, arranges his own with great care.

Summa igitur non ducum tantum in eo proelio quam vulgi aemulatio fuit. Nam et ipse dux Conon non tam Persis quam patriae studebat, et sicuti adflictis Atheniensium rebus auctor amissae dominationis fuerat, sic volebat idem haberi redditae patriamque vincendo recipere, quam victus amiserat; eo speciosius, quod ne ipsorum quidem Atheniensium, sed alieni proelii viribus dimicet, pugnaturus periculo regis, victurus praemio patriae, gloriamque diversis artibus quam priores civitatis suae duces consecuturus: quippe illos vincendo Persas patriam defendisse, se Persas victores faciendo restituturum patriam esse. Porro Pisandrus pro coniunctione Agesilai etiam virtutum aemulator erat contendebatque, ne a rebus gestis eius et gloriae splendore decederet, neu tot bellis ac saeculis quaesitum imperium brevis momenti culpa subverteret.

Therefore in that battle the chief rivalry was not so much of the leaders as of the crowd. For the leader Conon himself was zealous not so much for the Persians as for his fatherland; and just as, when the affairs of the Athenians were shattered, he had been the author of lost domination, so he wished to be held the same of restored dominion and to recover by conquering the fatherland which, when defeated, he had lost—so much the more speciously, because he would be fighting not by the forces of the Athenians themselves, but by the powers of another’s battle, about to fight with the risk borne by the king, about to be victorious with the reward accruing to the fatherland, and about to attain glory by arts different from those by which the earlier leaders of his state had succeeded: for they, by conquering the Persians, had defended the fatherland; he, by making the Persians victors, would restore the fatherland. Moreover Pisander, on account of his connection with Agesilaus, was also an emulator of his virtues, and he strove not to fall short of his achievements and the splendor of his glory, nor to overturn, by a fault of brief moment, an empire sought through so many wars and ages.

Eadem militum et omnium reimgum cura erat, quos maior sollicitudo cruciabat, non tam ne ipsi quaesitas opes amitterent, quam ne pristinas Athenienses reciperent. Sed quanto maius proelium fuit, tanto et clarior victoria Cononis. Victi Lacedaeminii fugam capesserunt, praesidia hostium Athenis deducuntur, populo restituta dignitate condicio servilis eripitur, multae quoque civitates recipiuntur.

The same care of the soldiers and of all alike prevailed, whom a greater solicitude tormented—not so much lest they themselves lose the wealth they had acquired, as lest the Athenians recover their former standing. But the greater the battle was, the more illustrious the victory of Conon. The defeated Lacedaemonians took to flight; the enemy garrisons are withdrawn from Athens; with dignity restored to the people, the servile condition is taken away; many cities too are recovered.

IV. Hoc initium Atheniensibus resumendae potentiae et Lacedaemoniis habendae finis fuit. Namque veluti cum imperio etiam virtutem perdissent, contemni a finitimis coepere. Primi igitur Thebani Atheniensibus auxiliantibus bellum his intulere, quae civitas ex finitimis incrementis virtute Epaminondae ducis ad spem imperii Graeciae erecta est.

4. This was the beginning for the Athenians of resuming their power, and for the Lacedaemonians it was the end of holding it. For as if, together with their empire, they had even lost their virtue, they began to be despised by their neighbors. Therefore the Thebans were the first to bring war upon them, with the Athenians aiding, and that state, by acquisitions from its neighbors, through the virtue of the leader Epaminondas, was raised to the hope of empire over Greece.

Fit itaque terrestre proelium eadem Lacedaemoniorum fortuna, qua pugnatum adversus Conona navali proelio fuerat. In eo bello Lysander, quo duce Athenienses victi a Lacedaemoniis fuerant, interficitur. Pausanias quoque, alter dux Lacedaemoniorum, proditionis accusatus in exsilium abiit.

Therefore a terrestrial battle takes place, with the same fortune for the Lacedaemonians as in the naval battle that had been fought against Conon. In that war Lysander, under whose leadership the Athenians had been conquered by the Lacedaemonians, is slain. Pausanias too, the other leader of the Lacedaemonians, accused of treason, went into exile.

Igitur Thebani potiti victoriam universum exercitum ad urbem Lacedaemoniorum ducunt, facilem expugnationem rati, quoniam deserti a sociis omnibus erant. Quod metuentes Lacedaemonii regem suum Agesilaum ex Asia, qui ibi magnas res gerebat, ad defensionem patriae arcessunt. Occiso enim Lysandro nullius alterius fiduciam ducis habebant.

Accordingly the Thebans, having gotten the victory, lead the entire army to the city of the Lacedaemonians, thinking the capture would be easy, since they had been deserted by all their allies. Fearing this, the Lacedaemonians summon their own king Agesilaus from Asia—who there was conducting great affairs—for the defense of the fatherland. For with Lysander slain, they had confidence in no other leader.

Cuius quoniam serus adventuss erat, conscripto exercitu obviam hosti procedunt. Sed victis adversus paulo ante victores nec animus neque vires pares fuere; prima itaque congressione funduntur. Deletis iam suorum copiis supervenit rex Agesilaus, qui restituto proelio non difficulter recenti et multis expeditionibus indurato milite hostibus victoriam eripuit; ipse tamen graviter sauciatur.

Since his arrival was late, they, having conscripted an army, advanced to meet the enemy. But for men defeated against those who a little before had been victors, neither spirit nor strength proved equal; and so at the first encounter they were routed. With their forces now destroyed, King Agesilaus arrived; and, the battle being renewed, not with difficulty, with soldiers fresh and hardened by many expeditions, he snatched victory from the enemy; he himself, however, was grievously wounded.

V. Quibus rebus cognitis Athenienses verentes, ne iterum Lacedaemoniis victoribus in pristinam sortem servitutis redigerentur, exercitum contrahunt eumque in auxilium Boeotiorum per Iphicraten, XX quidem annos natum, sed magnae indolis iuvenem, duci iubent. Huius adulescentis supra aetatem virtus admirabilis fuit, nec umquam ante eum Athenienses inter tot tantosque duces aut spei maioris aut indolis maturioris imperatorem habuerunt, in quo non imperatoriae tantum, verum et oratoriae artes fuere. Conon quoque audito reditu Agesilai et ipse ex Asia ad depopulandos Lacedaemoniorum agros revertitur, atque ita undique belli formidine circumstrepente clausi Spartani ad summam desperationem rediguntur.

5. With these matters learned, the Athenians, fearing lest again, with the Lacedaemonians as victors, they be reduced into their former lot of servitude, concentrate an army and order it to be led to the aid of the Boeotians by Iphicrates, indeed 20 years of age, but a youth of great natural endowment. The virtue of this adolescent, beyond his age, was admirable, nor ever before him did the Athenians, among so many and so great leaders, have a commander either of greater promise or of more mature disposition, in whom not only imperatorial, but also oratorical arts were present. Conon likewise, on hearing of the return of Agesilaus, himself returns from Asia to lay waste the fields of the Lacedaemonians, and thus, with the terror of war resounding around them on every side, the Spartans, shut in, are reduced to the utmost desperation.

Sed Conon vastatis hostium terris Athenas pergit, ubi magno civium gaudio exceptus plus tamen tristitiae ipse ex incensa et diruta a Lacedaemoniis patria quam laetitiae ex recuperata post tantum temporis cepit. Itaque quae incensa fuerant, praedarum sumptu et exercitu Persarum restituit; quae diruta, refecit. Fatum illud Athenarum fuit, ut ante a Persis crematae manibus eorum, et nunc a Lacedaemoniis dirutae ex spoliis Lacedaemoniorum restituerentur versaque vice haberent nunc socios, quos tunc hostes habuerant, et hostes nunc paterentur, cum quibus iunctae tunc artissimi societatis vinculis fuerant.

Soon, however, Conon, after laying waste the lands of the enemy, proceeds to Athens, where, received with great joy by the citizens, he nevertheless himself took more grief from his fatherland burned and demolished by the Lacedaemonians than joy from its having been recovered after so long a time. And so the things that had been burned he restored at the expense of the spoils and with the army of the Persians; the things that had been razed, he rebuilt. Such was the fate of Athens: that, having earlier been burned by the Persians by their own hands, and now torn down by the Lacedaemonians, they should be restored from the spoils of the Lacedaemonians; and, fortune reversed, they now had as allies those whom then they had had as enemies, and now they endured as enemies those with whom then they had been joined by the closest bonds of society.

VI. Dum haec geruntur, Artaxerxes, rex Persarum, legatos in Graeciam mittit, per quos iubet omnes ab armis discedere; qui aliter fecisset, eum se pro hoste habiturum; civitatibus libertatem suaque omnia restituit. Quod non Graeciae laboribus adsiduisque bellorum internecivis odiis consulens fecit, sed ne occupato sibi Aegyptio bello, quod propter auxilia adversus praefectos suos Lacedaemoniis missa susceperat, exercitus sui in Graecia detinerentur. Fessi igitur tot bellis Graeci cupide paruere.

6. While these things are being carried on, Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, sends legates into Greece, through whom he orders all to withdraw from arms; whoever should do otherwise, he would hold him as an enemy; to the cities he restores liberty and all that is their own. He did this not out of concern for Greece’s labors and the relentless hatreds of internecine wars, but lest, with an Egyptian war occupying him—which he had undertaken because aid had been sent to the Lacedaemonians against his own prefects—his armies be detained in Greece. Therefore the Greeks, wearied by so many wars, readily obeyed.

Hic annus non eo tantum insignis fuit, quod repente pax tota Graecia facta est, sed etiam eo, quod eodem tempore urbs Romana a Gallis capta est. Sed Lacedaemonii securi insidiantes, absentiam Arcadum speculati castellum eorum expugnant occupatoque praesidium inponunt. Itaque armato instructoque exercitu Arcades adhibitis in auxilium Thebanis amissa bello repetunt.

This year was notable not only for this, that suddenly peace was made through all Greece, but also for this, that at the same time the city of Rome was taken by the Gauls. But the Lacedaemonians, confidently lying in wait, having spied out the absence of the Arcadians, stormed their fort, and, it being seized, imposed a garrison. Therefore, with their army armed and drawn up, the Arcadians, having brought in the Thebans for aid, sought to recover the things lost in war.

In eo proelio Archidamus, dux Lacedaemoniorum, vulneratus; qui cum caedi suos iam ut victos videret, per praeconem corpora interfectorum ad sepulturam poscit (hoc est enim signum apud Graecos victoriae traditae), qua confessione contenti Thebani signum parcendi dedere.

In that battle Archidamus, leader of the Lacedaemonians, was wounded; and when he saw his men being cut down now as though defeated, he, through a herald, demanded the bodies of the slain for burial (for this is among the Greeks the sign of victory being yielded); with this acknowledgment the Thebans, satisfied, gave the signal to spare.

VII. Paucis deinde post diebus neutris quicquam hostile facientibus, cum quasi tacito consensu indutiae essent Lacedaemoniis alia bella adversus finitimos gerentibus, Thebani Epaminonda duce occupandae urbis eorum spem ceperunt. Igitur principio noctis taciti Lacedaemona proficiscuntur, non tamen adgredi incautos potuerunt.

7. A few days thereafter, with neither side doing anything hostile—since, as if by tacit consent, there was a truce, the Lacedaemonians waging other wars against their neighbors—the Thebans, with Epaminondas as leader, conceived the hope of occupying their city. Therefore, at the beginning of the night, in silence they set out for Lacedaemon, yet they could not attack them off their guard.

Quippe senes et cetera inbellis aetas, cum adventum hostium praesensissent, in ipsis portarum angustiis armati occurrunt; et adversus XV milia militum non amplius centum iam effetae aetatis viri pugnae se offerunt. Tantum animorum viriumque patriae et penatium conspectus subministrabat, tantoque praesentia quam recordatione sui maiores spiritus largiuntur. Nam ut videre, inter quae et pro quibus starent, aut vincendum sibi aut moriendum censuerunt.

Indeed the old men and the rest of the unwarlike age, when they had sensed the arrival of the enemy, met them armed in the very straits of the gates; and against 15 thousand soldiers no more than a hundred men now of spent age offered themselves to the fight. So much of spirit and of strength did the sight of their fatherland and their Penates supply, and by their presence they bestow greater courage than by the recollection of them. For as they saw among what things and for what causes they stood, they judged that it was either to be conquered by them or to die.

Pauci igitur sustinuere senes aciem, cui par ante dies universa iuventus esse non potuit. In eo proelio duo duces hostium cecidere, cum interim Ageislai adventu nuntiato Thebani recessere. Nec bellum diu dilatum, siquidem Spartanorum iuventus senum virtute et gloria incensa teneri non potuit, quin ex continenti acie decerneret.

Therefore a few old men sustained the battle line, to which on previous days the entire youth had not been able to be equal. In that battle two leaders of the enemy fell, while meanwhile, with the advent of Agesilaus announced, the Thebans withdrew. Nor was the war long deferred, since indeed the youth of the Spartans, enkindled by the virtue and glory of the old men, could not be held back from deciding the issue forthwith in line of battle.

Cum victoria Thebanorum esset, Epaminonda, dum non ducis tantum, verum et fortissimi militis officio fungitur, graviter vulneratur. Quo audito his ex dolore metus et illis ex gaudio stupor inicitur atque ita velut ex placito consensu a proelio diceditur.

When the victory belonged to the Thebans, Epaminondas, while he discharges not only the office of a leader but indeed of a most valiant soldier, is grievously wounded. On this being heard, fear from grief is infused into these, and stupefaction from joy into those; and thus, as if by a settled consensus, both sides withdrew from the battle.

VIII. Post paucos deinde dies Epaminonda decedit, cum quo vires quoque rei publicae ceciderunt. Nam sicuti telo si primam aciem praefregeris, reliquo ferro vim nocendi sustuleris, sic illo, velut mucrone teli, adlato duce Thebanorum rei quoque publicae vires hebetatae sunt, ut non tam illum amisisse quam cum illo interisse omnes viderentur.

8. After a few days then, Epaminondas dies, with whom the strengths of the republic also fell. For just as, if with a weapon you have broken off the foremost edge, you have taken away from the remaining iron its power of harming, so with him— as it were the spear’s point— removed, the strengths of the Thebans’ republic too were blunted, so that they seemed not so much to have lost him as, along with him, to have all perished.

Nam neque hunc ante ducem ullum memorabile bellum gessere, nec postea virtutibus, sed cladibus insignes fuere, ut manifestum sit patriae gloriam et natam et extinctam cum eo fuisse. Fuit autem incertum, vir melior an dux esset. Nam et imperium non sibi semper, sed patriae quaesivit, et pecuniae adeo parcus fuit, ut sumptus funeri defuerit.

For neither before this man as leader did they wage any memorable war, nor afterwards were they marked by virtues, but by disasters, so that it is manifest that the glory of the fatherland was both born and extinguished with him. It was, moreover, uncertain whether he was the better man or the better commander. For he sought command not for himself, but for the fatherland, and he was so sparing of money that the expenses for his funeral were lacking.

Gloriae quoque non cupidior quam pecuniae; quippe recusanti omnia imperia ingesta sunt, honoresque ita gessit, ut ornatum non accipere, sed dare ipsi dignitati videretur. Iam litterarum studium, iam philosophiae doctrina tanta, ut mirabile videretur, unde tam insignis militiae scientia homini inter litteras nato. Neque ab hoc vitae proposito mortis ratio dissensit.

He was no more covetous of glory than of money; indeed, though he refused, all commands were thrust upon him, and he bore honors in such a way that he seemed not to receive ornament, but to give it to the dignity itself. His zeal for letters, and likewise his doctrine of philosophy, was so great that it seemed marvelous whence such distinguished military science came to a man born among letters. Nor did the manner of his death dissent from this purpose of life.

Nam ut relatus in castra semianimis vocem spiritumque collegit, id unum a circumstantibus requisivit, num cadenti sibi scutum ademisset hostis. Quod ut servatum audivit adlatumque veluti laborum gloriaeque socium osculatus est, iterum quaesivit, utri vicissent. Ut audivit Thebanos, bene habere se rem dixit atque ita velut gratulabundus patriae exspiravit.

For when, carried back into the camp half-alive, he collected his voice and breath, he asked one thing of those standing around: whether the enemy had taken away his shield as he fell. When he heard that it had been preserved and brought, he kissed it as a comrade of his labors and his glory; again he asked which of the two had won. When he heard “the Thebans,” he said that the matter was well with him, and thus, as if congratulating his fatherland, he expired.

IX. Huius morte etiam Atheniensium virtus intercidit; siquidem amisso, cui aemulari consueverant, in segnitiam torporemque resoluti non ut olim in classem et exercitus, sed in dies festos apparatuque ludorum reditus publicos effundunt et cum auctoribus nobilissimis poetisque theatra celebrant, frequentius scenam quam castra visentes versificatoresque meliores quam duces laudantes. Tunc vectigal publicum, quo antea milites et remiges alebantur, cum urbano populo dividi coeptum. Quibus rebus effectum est, ut inter otia Graecorum sordidum et obscurum antea Macedonum nomen emergeret, et Philippus obses triennio Thebis habitus, Epaminondae et Pelopidae virtutibus eruditus, regnum Macedoniae Graeciae et Asiae cervicibus veluti iugum servitutis inponeret.

9. By his death even the valor of the Athenians was cut off; for, with the one whom they had been accustomed to emulate lost, loosened into sluggishness and torpor they pour forth the public revenues not, as once, into fleet and armies, but into feast days and the apparatus of games, and, with the most noble authors and poets, they celebrate the theaters, visiting the stage more frequently than the camp and praising versifiers more than leaders. Then the public tax, by which previously soldiers and oarsmen were nourished, began to be divided with the urban populace. By these things it was brought about that, amid the leisures of the Greeks, the Macedonians’ name, previously sordid and obscure, emerged; and Philip, held as a hostage for three years at Thebes, instructed by the virtues of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, imposed upon the necks of Greece and Asia the kingdom of Macedonia as, so to speak, a yoke of servitude.