Albert of Aix: HISTORIA HIEROSOLYMITANAE EXPEDITIONIS

Eodem tempore, quo rex Baldewinus ab obsidione Sagittae rediit, Willhelmus comes de Sartangis, commisso praelio cum rege Damascenorum, Hertoldino nomine, et eodem cum copiis suis attrito in campo castelli Montis peregrinorum, in victoria et gloria cum mille loricatis equitibus et in spoliis multis regressus praesidium Archas, quod dux Godefridus prima expeditione multis ingeniis aut viribus superare non potuit, nunc post plurimam vastationem segetum ac frugum, quam singulis annis circa regionem intulit, consilio cujusdam Sarraceni in virtute magna obsedit, eo quod penuria alimenti habitatoribus [0677D] loci nimia inesset.

At the same time that King Baldewinus returned from the siege of Sagitta, William, count of Sartangis, having engaged in battle with the king of the Damascenes, called Hertoldinus, and there with his forces worn down on the field before the castle Montis Peregrinorum, returned in victory and glory with a thousand mail-clad horsemen and many spoils to the garrison Archas — which Duke Godefridus on the first expedition could not overcome by many stratagems or by force — and now, after very great devastation of the crops and fruits which he yearly inflicted about the region, besieged it with great strength by the counsel of a certain Saracen, because an excessive scarcity of food was upon the inhabitants [0677D] of the place.

CAP. II. - Quod idem praesidium fame superatum Willhelmus obtinuerit.

CHAPTER 2. - That the same garrison, having been overcome by famine, William gained.

Qui tribus septimanis plurimam impugnationem machinis et balistis custodibus praesidii inferens, nullum introitum aut exitum alicui concedebat, donec praesidium, quod natura munitum et humanis viribus insuperabile erat, fame arctaretur et in ejus deditionem redderetur. Quod ita actum est. Nam [0678C] tribus septimanis transactis, tanta universi habitatores inedia sunt oppressi, ut versus montana, ubi obsidio fieri non potuit, muris perforatis, praesidium armentis vacuum, armis plenum, sed pecunia et pretiosis quibusque jam asportatis, reliquerint.

Who for three weeks, delivering the greatest assault with machines and balistae against the garrison’s guards, permitted no entrance or exit to anyone, until the garrison, which by nature was fortified and insuperable by human force, was pressed by famine and yielded to surrender. Which so came to pass. For [0678C] after three weeks had elapsed, so many of the inhabitants were oppressed by starvation that those living toward the mountains, where a siege could not be carried out, with their walls pierced, left the garrison empty of cattle, full of arms, but with money and various valuables already carried off, they departed.

Quod quidam de exercitu Willhelmi percipiens, eo quod nulla fieret a moenibus praesidii defensio, trans Barbicanas et muros ad explorandam rem clam ascendens, neminem vidit aut persensit, idque sine mora domino et principi retulit Willhelmo et universis sociis. Qui statim fractis seris et portis immissi, turres et moenia obtinuerunt et munierunt, ac praesidium ultra retinentes, totam regionem usque Damascum expugnantes de die in diem invaserunt.

When certain men of William's army perceived this—that because no defense was being made from the garrison's walls one climbed up secretly over the barbicans and walls to reconnoiter the matter—they saw no one and discovered nothing, and they immediately without delay reported it to Lord and Prince William and to all the comrades. They at once broke the bars and gates and entered, seized and fortified the towers and walls, and, retaining the garrison, conquering the whole region as far as Damascus, attacked day by day.

CAP. III. - Qualiter Bertrannus cum Pisanis Amiroth, urbem Graecorum, occupaverit. [0678D]

CHAPTER 3. - How Bertrannus, with the Pisans, captured Amiroth, the city of the Greeks. [0678D]

Eodem anno tempore quadragesimali, Martio mense inchoante, Bertrannus, filius comitis Reymundi, undique sua in terra contractis copiis virorum bellatorum et equitum loricatorum, cum quadraginta galeidis, quatuor millia continentibus, in singulis galeidis centum viris pugnatoribus constitutis, [0679A] absque nautis, navigio a loco et urbe S. Aegidii egressus, Pisas urbem Italiae applicuit. Ubi Genuensibus, qui in eodem voto Jerusalem eundi conspiraverant, assumptis, et mutua fide firmatis sibi, octoginta vero galeidis eorum sibi associatis, ad Amiroth, civitatem imperatoris Graecorum, navigio pervenit, ubi escas et vitae necessaria vi undique conferebant.

In the same year, in the Lenten season, at the beginning of the month of March, Bertrannus, son of Count Reymundus, having mustered from all parts in his territory bands of soldiery and loricated horsemen, with forty galleys containing four thousand men, there being set in each galley one hundred fighting men, [0679A] without sailors, sailed from the place and town of St. Aegidius and put in at the city of Pisa in Italy. There, having taken on board the Genoese, who had conspired in the same vow to go to Jerusalem, and having strengthened one another by mutual oath, and with eighty of their galleys allied to him, he came by ship to Amiroth, a city of the Greek emperor, where they collected food and the necessities of life from all around.

CAP. IV. - Quomodo Bertrannus a rege Graecorum evocatus, homo illius factus, et ab eo remuneratus sit.

CHAPTER 4. - How Bertrannus, summoned by the king of the Greeks, was made that man's man, and was rewarded by him.

Nec mora imperatoris auribus innotuit, quomodo Bertrannus, filius comitis Reymundi, terram Graecorum in virtute magna occupasset, et eam graviter depopulari non timuisset. Qui illico illi misit nuntios, [0679B] ut ad se ingrederetur, in fide a suis susceptus primoribus, et habito secum pacis colloquio, quantum vellet pecuniae dono imperatoris reciperet; et loco patris sui sibi in amicitia et fidelitate restitueretur, terram vero suam cum suis pertransiret. Qui statim regis imperio acquievit, et de mari per Brachium S. Georgii descendens cum quibusdam de comitatu electis, imperatori in palatio suo locutus, sacramento ei conjunctus et subjectus factus est.

Nor was there delay before it became known to the emperor’s ears how Bertrannus, son of Count Reymundus, had seized the land of the Greeks with great strength, and had not feared to plunder it severely. He at once sent messengers to him, [0679B] that he should come to him; and, being received into the emperor’s faith by his chiefs, and after a peace conference held with him, he would receive as a gift from the emperor as much money as he wished; and in the place of his father he would be restored to him in friendship and fidelity, and indeed might traverse his land with his followers. He immediately acquiesced to the king’s command, and, descending from the sea by the Arm of S. Georgii with certain chosen men of his comitatus, having spoken to the emperor in his palace, he was bound to him by oath and made subject.

Deinde donis plurimis auri, argenti, ostri ab imperatore susceptis, navigium iterans, usque ad portum S. Simeonis vela direxit, quem Tankradus nunc sub sua potestate retinebat.

Then, having received very many gifts of gold, silver, and pearl from the emperor, and repeating the voyage, he put up his sails for the port of St. Simeon, which Tankradus now held under his power.

CAP. V. - Tankradus a Bertranno invitatus, ad colloquium illius festinavit.

CHAPTER 5. - Tankradus, invited by Bertrannus, hastened to that man's colloquium.

[0679C] Qui continuo nuntiis Tankrado missis ex consilio suorum, ut virum salutarent, et adventum suum apparatumque suorum consodalium illi indicarent, jussit, obnixe precantes, quatenus secum habere colloquium non refutaret. Tankradus in virtute magna hunc intelligens advenisse, accitis usquequaque viris suis, ab urbe Antiochia illic occurrit, ad eumdem portum; et oscula ad invicem dantes, noctem illam in laetitia magna pariter deduxerunt. Mane autem facto, requisivit Tankradus, qua de causa advenisset.

[0679C] Who, immediately sending messengers to Tankrad, by the counsel of his men that they should salute the man and announce to him his arrival and the array of his consodales, commanded—earnestly beseeching—that he not refuse to hold a colloquium with him. Tankrad, understanding that he had arrived in great virtue, having summoned his men from every quarter, met him there, coming from the city of Antioch, at the same harbour; and giving kisses to one another, they together passed that night in great joy. But when morning had come, Tankrad enquired for what cause he had come.

CAP. VI. - Postulatio Bertranni pro restitutione paris Antiochiae, et responsio Tankradi.

CHAPTER 6. - Bertrannus’s petition for the restitution of Paris to Antioch, and Tankradus’s response.

Bertrannus post plurima verba benigne inter se habita, Tankradum in omni admonitione humilitatis [0679D] precatus est, ut hanc partem Antiochiae, quam pater suus in introitu civitatis prior invaserat, sibi restituere non refutaret. Tankradus ejus petitionem non abnuit, hac tamen conditione apposita, ut ad Mamistram civitatem obsidendam et recuperandam ejus opem et vires haberet, quam nuper traditione Armeniorum imperatori redditam amiserat; alioqui sibi nihil super his velle respondere. Bertrannus vero precibus Tankradi nequaquam in obsidione hujus civitatis acquievit, propter fidelitatem, quam imperatori se promisisse non negabat.

Bertrannus, after many words kindly exchanged between them, earnestly entreated Tankrad, in every admonition of humility [0679D], that he would not refuse to restore to him that part of Antioch which his father had first seized at the city's entrance. Tankrad did not deny his petition, yet with this condition appended, that he should have help and forces to besiege and recover the city of Mamistram, which he had lately lost when returned to the emperor by the grant of the Armenians; otherwise he would not wish to answer him further concerning these matters. Bertrannus, however, in no wise consented to Tankrad's entreaties about the siege of that city, because of the fidelity which he did not deny he had promised to the emperor.

Verum si ei in animo sederet, Gybel se obsidere et apprehendere promittebat, eo quod civitas esset Sarracenorum. Tankradus vero rursus de Mamistra admonuit, de [0680A] Gybel prorsus tacuit. Sed Bertrannus pro sacramento facto, nihil se adversus imperatorem, aut ejus civitatem, acturum respondit.

But if it were in his mind, Gybel promised to besiege and seize it, because the city belonged to the Saracens. Tankradus, however, again warned concerning Mamistra; concerning [0680A] Gybel he was altogether silent. But Bertrannus, the oath having been made, replied that he would do nothing against the emperor or his city.

CAP. VII. - Tankradus Bertranno indignatus, monet eum quantocius ab Antiochia discedere.

CHAPTER 7. - Tancred, indignant with Bertran, exhorts him to depart from Antioch as soon as possible.

Ad haec Tankradus graviter indignatus sprevit eum, admonens ut cum suo comitatu terram, quae de sua erat potestate, cito pertransiret, ne grande malum sibi suisque congregata manu inferret. Et illico praeceptum est in omni hac regione, ne aliquis esset, qui Bertranno aut suis vitae necessaria vendero praesumeret, si membrorum salutem diligeret. Hoc audito Bertrannus et sui, navigium a portu iterantes, usque ad civitatem Tortosam applicant, quam comes Reymundus denuo expugnatam ceperat, et [0680B] nunc Willhelmus de Sartangis suam retinebat. Haec sibi nequaquam contradicta patuit; sed in ea hospitatus et sui, bonis terrae epulati sunt

To this Tankradus, gravely indignant, spurned him, admonishing that he should forthwith pass through, with his retinue, the land that lay under his authority, lest he bring great harm upon himself and his by gathering a force. And immediately it was commanded throughout that region that no one should presume to sell the necessities of life to Bertrannus or his men, if he cared for the safety of his limbs. When this was heard, Bertrannus and his followed, embarking their ship from the harbor, and sailed as far as the city Tortosa, which Count Reymundus had again taken by assault and which [0680B] William of Sartangis now held. This in no wise appeared opposed to them; but there they were hosted and they and their men feasted on the goods of the land.

CAP. VIII. - Quomodo Bertrannus pro terra patris sui Willhelmum interpellaverit, et quomodo Tankradus Willhelmum adjuverit.

CHAPTER 8. - How Bertrannus interposed against William concerning his father’s land, and how Tankradus aided William.

Die autem facta, cognato suo Willhelmo legatos dirigit, ut terram de Camolla, quam pater suus in primordio viae hujus invaserat, sibi non negaret, si ejus obsequium et amicitiam retinere curaret: qui respondit, non facile se hoc verbum posse adimplere, cum Reymundo mortuo terra sibi in haereditate constituta sit, et eam multis diebus per magna pericula et labores ab hostibus defendisset. Tandem Willhelmus de hac legatione sollicitus, consilio cum [0680C] suis inito, Tankrado nuntios dirigit, quatenus ei subveniret adversus Bertrannum, cognatum suum; et illius copias, et terram ex ejus manu susciperet, illique ultra et miles suus serviret. Hoc audiens Tankradus, annuit omne auxilium comiti Willhelmo, diem constituens, quatenus ad Tortosam illi occurreret; et sic adjunctis armis suis et viribus, Bertrannum et ejus adunationem de terra et civitate effugaret.

When the day had come, he dispatched legates to his brother-in-law William, that he not refuse to him the land of Camolla, which his father had seized at the beginning of this journey, if he would take care to retain his obedience and friendship: who replied that he could not easily perform this word, since, Reymundus being dead, the land had been established to him in inheritance, and he had defended it for many days from the enemies with great dangers and labors. At last William, anxious about this legation, after taking counsel with [0680C] his own, sent messengers to Tankrad, so that he might come to his aid against Bertrannus, his kinsman; and might receive his forces and the land from his hand, and furthermore have his soldier serve him. Hearing this, Tankrad agreed to all aid for Count William, appointing a day on which he should meet him at Tortosa; and thus, with his arms and forces joined, he would drive Bertrannus and his muster from the land and the city.

CAP. IX. - Legatio Bertranni ad Baldewinum regem contra praefatos principes, et quod Tripolin obsederit.

CHAPTER 9. - The embassy of Bertrannus to King Baldwin against the aforesaid princes, and that he had besieged Tripoli.

Bertrannus horum decreto et confoederatione comperta, a Tortosa discessit, et festinato tertia die navigio civitatem Tripolin in virtute magna terra [0680D] marique obsedit. Obsidione itaque locata, Baldewino regi Jerusalem nuntios misit, quomodo Tripolin obsederit; et quia Willhelmus de Sartangis et Tankradus sibi negatis urbibus patris sui vim inferre parati et confoederati fuerint; et ideo multum super his injuriis ejus auxilio indigere, seipsum in ejus obsequio asserens velle manere.

Bertrannus, on learning of their decree and confederation, departed from Tortosa, and, having hastened, on the third day by ship besieged the city of Tripolin with great force by land [0680D] and sea. Thus the siege being laid, he sent messengers to King Baldwin of Jerusalem, how he had besieged Tripolin; and that Willhelmus de Sartangis and Tankradus, having denied him, had been prepared and confederate to inflict force upon the cities of his father; and therefore he much needed the king’s aid against these injuries, asserting that he himself wished to remain in his service.

CAP. X. - Quod rex Baldewinus Willhelmum et Tankradum apud Tripolin occurrere mandavit.

CHAPTER 10. - That King Baldwin ordered William and Tankrad to meet at Tripoli.

Cujus legatos rex benigne audiens, opem promisit, ac statim Paganum de Cayphas accitum, et Eustachium, cognomine Granarium, Tankrado et Willhelmo legatos in haec verba direxit: Bertrannum confratrem et conchristianum, filium comitis Reymundi, a nobis auxilium scitote quaesisse super injuriis, quas [0681A] sibi nunc infertis de terra et urbibus patris sui, quod sic nequaquam fiat. Placet enim universae Ecclesiae Jerusalem, ut ad nos Tripolin descendentes, injuste ablatas civitates restituatis, tam Bertranno quam Baldewino de Burg et Gozelino de Turbaysel, et sic invicem concilio et conventu habito, in concordiam redeamus. Alioqui terram, quam nuper intravimus, adversus inimicos hos in circuitu, Turcos et Sarracenos, nequaquam poterimus retinere.

The king, hearing his legates kindly, promised aid, and at once summoned Paganus de Cayphas, and addressed Eustachius, by the surname Granarius, Tankrad and William, legates in these words: Know that Bertrannus, our confrater and fellow-Christian, the son of Count Reymund, has sought aid from us concerning the injuries which [0681A] you now inflict upon him from the land and cities of his father, and that this must by no means be done. For it pleases the whole Church of Jerusalem that, coming down to us at Tripoli, you restore the unjustly seized cities to both Bertrannus and Baldwin de Burg and Gozelin de Turbaysel, and thus, with council and assembly held together, we may return to concord. Otherwise we shall in no wise be able to hold the land which we have lately entered, against these enemies all around, the Turks and the Saracens.

CAP. XI. - Ibi rex Tripolin adveniens, Bertrannum suscepit in hominem.

CHAPTER 11. - There, the king of Tripoli, having arrived, received Bertrannus as his man.

Interea rex cum quingentis equitibus totidemque peditibus Tripolin descendit, Sur, Sagittam, Baurim, pacifice pertransiens, propter pacem quam post obsidionem Sagittae ad excolendas fruges et vineas [0681B] firmam et inviolabilem multo auro ab ipso rege impetraverunt. Bertrannus viso rege et ejus apparatu, gavisus est, et homo ejus ibidem jurejurando factus. Jam tres septimanae hujus obsidionis et expugnationis ante regis adventum transierunt, cum nec machinis aut aliquibus mangenarum quassationibus aut terroribus urbs adeo concuti aut superari potuit, ut portae Bertranno aperirentur, nisi regis praesentia adfuisset.

Meanwhile the king, with 500 horse and as many foot, descended to Tripolin, passing peacefully through Sur, Sagittam, Baurim, on account of the peace which, after the siege of Sagitta, they had obtained from the king himself—firm and inviolable—for the purpose of cultivating crops and vineyards, and for much gold. Bertrannus, seeing the king and his retinue, rejoiced, and there became his man by oath. Now three weeks of that siege and assault had passed before the king’s arrival, since neither machines nor any mangonel batterings nor terrors could so shake or overcome the city that its gates would be opened to Bertrannus, had not the king’s presence been there.

CAP. XII. - Qualiter apud Tripolin rex quatuor principes pacificaverit.

CHAPTER 12. - How at Tripolin the king pacified four princes.

Tankradus regis voluntate et nuntiis auditis, Willhelmum ab ira et omni assultu compescuit, donec regi ore ad os loquerentur, et ad eum Tripolin proficiscerentur. Qui statim adunatis septuaginta viris, [0681C] equitibus egregiis, Tripolin diverterunt; quos post paululum Baldewinus de Rohas et Gozelinus de Turbaysel, juxta mandatum regis, in equitatu magno subsecuti sunt. His omnibus illic collocatis, et cunctis injuriis utrinque coram rege et fidelibus suis recitatis, Baldewinus de Burg et Tankradus reconciliati sunt, Baldewino, quae injuste obtinuerat, a Tankrado benigne remissis.

By the king’s will and having heard the messages, Tankradus restrained Willhelm from anger and from every assault, until they should speak face to face with the king, and then depart to him at Tripoli. Who immediately, with seventy men gathered, [0681C] outstanding knights, diverted to Tripoli; whom shortly afterward Baldewinus de Rohas and Gozelinus de Turbaysel, according to the king’s command, followed with a great cavalry. With all these placed there, and with all injuries on both sides recited before the king and his faithful, Baldewinus de Burg and Tankradus were reconciled, the things which Baldewinus had unjustly held being kindly remitted to him by Tankradus.

Bertrannus etiam et Willhelmus concordes facti sunt, ea tamen conditione, ut Willhelmus Archas, et caetera quae acquisierat, obtineret; Bertranno vero acquisita patris sui nemo impediret. Rex autem Tankrado Caiphas civitatem templumque Domini, Tabariam simul et Nazareth cum omnibus reditibus, accepta ab eo fidelitate, reddidit, quatenus deinceps in ejus obsequio et dilectione [0681D] stabilis permaneret.

Bertrannus and Willhelmus were also made concordant, on this condition nonetheless, that Willhelmus should retain Archas and the other things which he had acquired; but that no one should hinder Bertrannus in the acquisitions of his father. King Tankrad, however, restored to him the city of Caiphas and the Lord’s temple, Tabariam likewise and Nazareth with all their revenues, fidelity having been accepted from him, so that henceforth he might remain steadfast in his obedience and affection [0681D].

CAP. XIII. - Quod Tripolitae post reconciliationem principum se manibus regis dediderunt.

CHAPTER 13. - That the Tripolitans, after the reconciliation of the princes, gave themselves into the hands of the king.

Tantorum principum comperta concordia, Sarraceni, non ultra vim ferre valentes, pacemque quaerentes, urbem praeterquam regi nemini dare conspirant, eo quod vita et salute membrorum impetrata, ejus fidei se praecipue credebant, ne a Pisanis et Genuensibus foedere violato, armis impeterentur, sicut Ptolemaidenses, et non pacifice ab urbe exirent. Rex itaque urbe suscepta, dextram illis dedit, ut ab urbe incolumes exirent, non amplius, nisi quod humero valerent, efferentes. Et ecce, aperta civitas et ejus portae; quas Pisani et Genuenses et omnis [0682A] exercitus intrantes, moenia et turres munientes usquequaque diffusi sunt.

When the concord of so many princes was found out, the Saracens, no longer able to bear force and seeking peace, conspired to give the city to no one except the king, because, having obtained safety of life and of their limbs, they especially trusted themselves to his faith, lest, the treaty having been violated, they be assaulted with arms by the Pisans and Genoese, as the Ptolemaidenses were, and not leave the city peaceably. Therefore the king, the city having been received, gave them his right hand that they might depart from the city uninjured, carrying no more than they could lift upon the shoulder. And behold, the city and its gates were opened; which the Pisans and Genoese and the whole [0682A] army, entering, dispersed everywhere, fortifying the walls and towers.

CAP. XIV. - De quingentis Babyloniis subterraneo specu absconditis, et a muliere detectis.

CHAPTER 14. - Concerning five hundred Babylonians hidden in a subterranean cave, and discovered by a woman.

Quingenti milites in armis et lorica a rege Babyloniae missi, qui urbem cum civibus defensarent, audito facto foedere de urbis traditione in manu Christianorum, subterraneo habitaculo, quod miro opere murali aedificatum erat, absconditi sunt a facie introeuntium et urbem perlustrantium: devoverant enim se ac conspiraverant, in ipso primae noctis silentio nullo somno sopiri, quousque progressi de latibulo subterraneo, universos somno deditos, et secure quiescentes, in impetu et vociferatione ex improviso armis detruncarent. Sed mulier [0682B] quaedam, quae a Christianis in prima apprehensione civitatis capta graviter torquebatur pro danda pecunia, tandem nimium anxiata, et in articulo mortis posita, in hunc modum tortoribus suis locuta est: Si vitae meae parcere velletis, et a poenis, quibus me vexatis, manus continentes, me liberam a catenis exire permitteretis, saluti vestrae et confratrum vestrorum procul dubio consulerem; et tale quid vobis propalarem, unde vita vestra incolumis persisteret, quae post modicum vobis securis in dolo et mira arte exstinguetur. Quod si de his quidquam fefellero, difficiliores cruciatus quos didicistis in me inferte, et vitam meam non ultra super terram una hora esse patiamini.

Five hundred soldiers, in arms and lorica, sent by the king of Babylon, who were defending the city with its citizens, having heard of the treaty made for the handing over of the city into the hands of the Christians, hid themselves in an underground habitation, which had been built with wondrous masonry, from the sight of those entering and scouring the city: for they had devoted and conspired themselves to be kept by no sleep in the very silence of the first night, until, having advanced from the subterranean lair, they might, with an unexpected assault and shouting, cut down with their weapons all given to sleep and securely resting. But a certain woman [0682B], who, seized by the Christians in the first capture of the city, was being grievously tortured for money to be paid, at last, overly anxious and placed at the point of death, spoke thus to her torturers: If you would spare my life, and, restraining your hands from the punishments with which you have vexed me, would permit me freely to go forth from my chains, I would without doubt consult for your safety and that of your brethren; and I would disclose to you such a thing by which your life would remain uninjured, which in a little while will be extinguished for you by an axe in deceit and wondrous art. But if I have in any of these things deceived you, inflict upon me the more severe tortures which you have learned, and do not suffer my life to remain upon the earth for longer than one hour.

Illi autem milites, mulieris verba et constantiam admirati, consilio clam inter se habito, in fide illi [0682C] firmata sibi parcere spoponderunt, si juxta verba ejus veritatem de his experirentur. Ad haec mulier rem et omnes dolos, sicut erant, universis aperuit, dicens: Decreverunt cives callido et occulto consilio ante urbis hujus captionem, et salutis suae pactionem, ut milites quingenti loricati a foedere Christianorum excepti, quoddam subterraneum habitaculum intrantes, cum armis occultarentur infra urbis hujus habitationem, qui tenebris incumbentibus, et vobis secure dormientibus, pariter cum impetu et tumultu prodirent; et vos improvisos, ac hujus rei nescios, armis mortificarent. Hoc machinamento in exitium Christianorum a muliere quibusdam militibus catholicis, a militibus vero regi Baldewino et caeteris primoribus [0682D] detecto, sine dilatione rex et universi in armis conglobati, ad eos, caecati et subterranei habitaculi undique concurrentes, locum in circuitu obsederunt, et viros ab intus parum resistentes ad extremum vi et plurima impugnatione vinctos et eductos, in ore gladii percusserunt, nulli eorum parcentes.

Those soldiers, admiring the woman’s words and constancy, after secretly holding counsel among themselves, having their faith strengthened in her [0682C] promised to spare her if the truth of her words were proved to them. To these the woman opened up the matter and all the stratagems as they were to everyone, saying: The citizens, by a craftful and secret counsel, had decreed before the capture of this city a compact for their safety, namely that five hundred soldiers in arms and lorica, received by treaty from the Christians, entering a certain subterranean habitation, would hide with weapons beneath the dwellings of this city; and when darkness fell and you slept secure, they would advance together with assault and tumult and, you being unawares and ignorant of this thing, would slay you with arms. This device for the destruction of the Christians being detected by certain Catholic soldiers to the woman, and by the soldiers of King Baldwin and other leaders [0682D], the king and all armed men, gathered without delay, ran to them, besieging the place around on all sides, and the men within, little resisting, were by force and much fighting bound and led out, and struck down at the sword’s mouth, none of them being spared.

Mulier vero juxta promissionem fidei, quae ei facta est a fidelibus, a carcere et vinculis deinceps libera fuit, ac universa sua sibi sine contradictione tam in aedificiis quam caeteris rebus restituta sunt.

The woman, moreover, according to the promise of faith that had been made to her by the faithful, was thereafter freed from prison and chains, and all her goods were restored to her without contradiction, both in the buildings and in other matters.

CAP. XV. - Ubi Willhelmus comes ab armigero suo occiditur, et urbs Baurim a rege obsidetur.

CHAPTER 15. - Where William the count is slain by his armiger, and the city Baurim is besieged by the king.

Dehinc post paululum temporis Willhelmus de Sartangis, pro vili injuria et contentione, qua armigesum suum molestavit, occulta infestatione ab eo [0683A] trans eor sagitta confixus exspiravit, et sic Bertiannus praesidium Archas et universa quae de illius erant potestate, solus obtinuit subjugata. Capta itaque et subjugata civitate Tripla, rex Baldewinus consilio Bertranni, filii comitis Reymundi, quem praefecerat eidem civitati, in anno sequenti convocatis universis viris Christiani nominis, in mense Decembri mediis algoribus civitatem Baurim, quam vocant Baruth, obsedit; quae in angusta fauce montium sita, et vix commeabili, a montanis viam exhibet juxta littus abyssi maris descendentibus. Navigio Bertranni et Pisanorum a Tripla versus mare applicato in urbis obsidionem, ad planitiem camporum cum ingenti manu Gallorum, equo et pede ad omnem assultum paratorum, regis et suorum tentoria [0683B] locata sunt.

Then, after a little while, Willhelmus of Sartangis, on account of a petty injury and quarrel by which he had molested his armiger, by a secret ambush was pierced through by him [0683A] with an arrow and expired; and thus Bertiannus alone obtained the garrison Archas and all things that were of that man’s power, subdued. The city Tripla therefore having been taken and subdued, King Baldewinus, by the counsel of Bertrannus, son of Count Reymundus, whom he had set over that same city, in the following year, with all men of the Christian name having been summoned, in the month of December amid mid frosts besieged the city Baurim, which they call Baruth; which, seated in the narrow throat of the mountains and scarcely passable, shows a way to those descending to the shore of the abyssal sea by the mountain paths. With Bertrannus’s ship and the Pisans’ moored from Tripla toward the sea for the siege of the city, the tents of the king and his men were pitched on the plains of the fields with a mighty host of Franks, horse and foot ready for every assault [0683B].

Obsedit denique eam diebus multis, ac tormentis lapidum turres et muros singulis diebus non parce assiliens et quatiens, nulla intermissione cives ac defensores respirare sustinebat: sed et vineas et sata succidens et vastans, urbem non modice perterrebat.

He at last besieged it for many days, and with stone-engines assaulting and battering the towers and walls each day without sparing and shaking them, allowed neither citizens nor defenders any respite to breathe: and moreover felling and devastating the vineyards and sown fields, he greatly terrified the city.

CAP. XVI. - Legatio Baldewini comitis ad regem Baldewinum, quod Edessa urbs consilio Tankradi fuerit obsessa.

CAP. XVI. - The embassy of Count Baldwin to King Baldwin, concerning that the city of Edessa had been besieged by the counsel (consilio) of Tancred.

Post haec cum dies aliquot obsidionis evolverentur, et veris tempora jam aspirarent, legati Baldewini de Burg a civitate Rohas venientes adfuerunt, nuntiantes regi quod ex instinctu et suggestione Tankradi principes Turcorum, Arangaldus scilicet, Armigazi, et Samarga de regno Corrozan, in multitudine [0683C] gravi civitatem Edessam obsedissent; et regionem undique graviter depopulati sint, Baldewinum assiduis oppugnationibus lacessentes, civitatem quoque plurimis assultibus aggravantes. Asserebant etiam iidem nuntii, ultima necessitate famis ac defensionis Baldewinum et universos cives compulsos: et ideo in brevi eos regis ope indigere adversus tot millia Turcorum, ne urbs capta et subjugata cum rebus et civibus periclitetur, et non Baldewinus suique, capitali sententiae subdantur. Rex, ut haec audivit, legatos sub judicio mortis hunc ingratum rumorem tacere jussit: quem et ipse dissimulans miro silentio suppressit, ne hominum corda, audita hac Turcorum superbia et audacia, pavefacta minus [0683D] ad urbis ruinam laborarent.

After this, when several days of the siege had passed, and the season of spring already began to breathe, envoys of Baldwin from Burg, coming from the city of Rohas, arrived, reporting to the king that by the instigation and suggestion of Tancred the Turkish princes, namely Arangaldus, Armigazi, and Samarga of the kingdom of Corrozan, with a weighty multitude [0683C] had besieged the city of Edessa; and that they had ravaged the region on every side, harassing Baldwin with continuous assaults, and moreover pressing the city with numerous attacks. The same messengers also declared that, driven by the last necessity of famine and defense, Baldwin and all the citizens were compelled; and therefore in short they stood in need of the king’s aid against so many thousands of Turks, lest the city, if taken and subjugated with its goods and citizens, be imperiled, and lest Baldwin and his followers be subjected to capital judgment. The king, when he heard these things, ordered the envoys to keep silent about this ungrateful rumor under pain of death: which he himself, pretending otherwise, suppressed with marvelous silence, lest men’s hearts, having heard this pride and audacity of the Turks and being struck with terror, should be less zealous in laboring against the ruin of the city.

Siluit igitur rex, siluerunt et nuntii. Nec modo alio intendit, nisi ut machinae, jactus lapidum assultusque circa urbis moenia fierent, quousque Sarracenorum interiore virtute edomita, urbs reddita aperiretur, cives gladio punirentur, aut victi caperentur.

Therefore the king was silent, and the envoys were silent too. He intended no other course than that siege‑engines, the hurling of stones, and assaults about the city's walls should be made, until, the Saracens being subdued by internal force, the surrendered city might be opened, its citizens punished with the sword, or the conquered taken captive.

CAP. XVII. - Rege Baldewino Baurim fortiter oppugnante, cives ultro se dediderunt.

CHAPTER 17. - With King Baldwin boldly attacking Baur, the citizens voluntarily gave themselves up.

Tandem portis cum seris suis et muris graviter quassatis, ammiraldus civitatis in insulam Cyprum nomine, quae est de regno Graecorum, navigio noctu aufugit cum multis desperatis, eo quod in urbis praesidio non aliquam fiduciam vivendi aut manendi haberent; quoniam dierum curriculis nulla a rege Babyloniae auxilia mitterentur. Cives autem videntes [0684A] quomodo ammiraldus et omnes capitanei aufugerent et urbs a facie Christiani regis retinere non posset, et quod terra marique tam longo tempore undique bellum intolerabile ingrueret, ultra vim ferre non valentes, dextras sibi dari et vitae suae parcere rogabant ut sic, portis apertis, urbem salvi egrederentur. Quod et actum est.

At last, with its gates barred and its walls grievously shaken, the admiral of the city fled by night in a ship to the island called Cyprus, which belongs to the kingdom of the Greeks, with many hopeless men, because in the city’s garrison they had no confidence of living or of remaining; for over the course of days no aid was being sent by the king of Babylon. The citizens, however, seeing [0684A] how the admiral and all the captains fled and that the city could not be held against the face of the Christian king, and that by land and sea for so long a time war of intolerable severity pressed in from every quarter, unable to endure beyond their strength, begged that their right hands be given to them and that their lives be spared so that thus, with the gates open, they might depart the city safe. And so it was done.

Nam, datis dextris, et civibus cum pace egressis, capta et patefacta est civitas, sexta feria, quae est ante Sabbatum sanctae Pentecostes. Sed eorum, qui adhuc in urbe inventi, foedere facto non exeuntes stulte permanserant, a Bertranno et Pisanis circiter unum et viginti millia occisi sunt. Parum quidem pretiosarum vestium, aut alicujus ornatus repererunt.

For, with hands having been given and the citizens having gone out in peace, the city was taken and laid open on Friday, which is before the holy Sabbath of Pentecost. But of those who were still found in the city, having made a pact and not departing, those who had foolishly remained were killed by Bertranno and the Pisans to the number of about 21,000. They found scarcely any precious garments or any sort of ornament.

Nam cives desperati, quod pretiosius erat illis in medio civitatis [0684B] comportantes igni conflaverunt; aurum vero, argentum, vasa pretiosa clanculum ac paulatim per caecos aditus in Cyprum insulam noctu translata sunt.

For the citizens, desperate, having borne into the middle of the city what was more precious to them [0684B], set it aflame; but the gold, silver, and precious vessels were secretly and little by little through blind approaches by night conveyed to the island of Cyprus.

CAP. XVIII. - Rex, capta urbe Baurim, Jerusalem proficiscitur, et pro liberatione Rohas principes horlatur.

CHAPTER 18. - The king, the city Baurim having been captured, sets out for Jerusalem, and entreats the princes for the liberation of Rohas.

Capta autem civitate, rex, custodibus in ea ordinatis, Jerusalem reversus est. Ubi celebrato festo Pentecostes, obsidionem Edessae vel Rohas et calumnias Baldewini de Burg, sicut a legatis didicerat, tunc primum Bertranno et universis de domo sua et de domo Jerusalem aperuit, in hunc modum per verba omnes adhortatur: Gratia Dei et Domini nostri Jesu Christi voluntas nostra ac victoria adimpleta est de Baruth, licet longo tempore eam expugnaverimus. [0684C] Sed nunc ut Rohas civitati et Baldewino, in ea obsesso, subveniamus, omnium vestrum quaero benevolentiam: nec sit, qui avertat, cum confratres siut, in omni necessitate nobis subvenire parati.

Having the city taken, the king, with guardians appointed therein, returned to Jerusalem. When the feast of Pentecost had been celebrated, and having learned from the envoys the siege of Edessa or Rohas and the calumnies concerning Baldwin of Burg, then for the first time he opened the matter to Bertran and to all of his household and of the house of Jerusalem, and thus by words exhorted everyone: By the grace of God and of our Lord Jesus Christ our will and victory have been fulfilled concerning Baruth, although we besieged it for a long time. [0684C] But now, that we may succor Rohas and Baldwin, besieged in it, I ask the goodwill of you all: nor let there be anyone who turns away, since you are confratres, unready to come to our aid in every necessity.

Est enim inviolabilis charitas ut subveniamus, et animas pro fratribus et amicis ponere non dubitemus.

For indeed there is an inviolable charity, that we should succor, and that we should not hesitate to lay down our lives for brothers and friends.

CAP. XIX. - Ubi exhortante rege Bertrannus cum reliquis ad urbem Rohas profectus est.

CHAPTER 19. - Where, the king exhorting, Bertrannus with the rest set out for the city of Rohas.

Ad haec verba regis universi qui aderant de regno Jerusalem fiunt voluntarii ad expeditionem Rohas agendam, et conferendam opem obsessis conchristianis, ut cum Turcis bellum inirent, et animas pro fratribus darent, iterant apparatum, renovant; et adhuc recentium laborum circa Baruth immemores, viam Rohas in initio mensis Junii insistunt in [0684D] galeis et loricis, in cuneis septingentorum equitum electorum, in manu trecentorum peditum, arcu et lancea apprime valentium. Profectus est igitur rex, profectus Bertrannus cum copiis suis a civitate Jerusalem, vigili et solerti providentia militum munita, munitis et caeteris civitatibus, quae suae erant potestatis. Descenderunt itaque in campos et regionem Armeniae ad civitatem Rohas diebus mensis unius in itinere peractis.

At these words of the king all those of the whole realm who were present volunteer themselves for the expedition to Rohas, and for bringing aid to the besieged fellow-Christians, so that when they would make war on the Turks and give their lives for their brothers, they refit and renew their gear; and still forgetful of the recent labors about Baruth, they take the road to Rohas at the beginning of the month of June in [0684D] galleys and lorics, in wedges of seven hundred chosen horsemen, in the company of three hundred foot soldiers, most expert with bow and lance. Therefore the king set forth; Bertrannus likewise set forth with his forces from the city of Jerusalem, fortified by the wakeful and shrewd providence of the soldiers, and with the other cities which were under his power also fortified. They therefore descended into the plains and the region of Armenia toward the city of Rohas, after one month's days spent on the journey.

Quibus regis audito adventu, a diversis locis et praesidiis per centenos, sexagenos et quinquagenos plurimi tam Galli quam Armenii Christiani concurrentes, auxilio juncti sunt. Vix ad flumen Euphratem perventum est, et multiplicatus est ejus exercitus ad quindecim millia virorum pugnatorum.

When the king’s coming was heard, very many — both Gauls and Armenian Christians — running together from diverse places and garrisons arranged in hundreds, sixties, and fifties, joined him as auxiliaries. They had scarcely reached the river Euphrates, when his army was increased to 15,000 fighting men.

CAP. XX. - Quomodo rege adveniente, Turci Rohas dimiserunt, et quomodo Baldewinus comes Tankradum incusaverit. [0685A]

CHAPTER 20. - How, upon the king's arrival, the Turks abandoned Rohas, and how Count Baldwin reproached Tancred. [0685A]

Ut autem intravit terminos et confinia civitatis in hac manu forti, in splendore signorum et galearum ex serenissimis radiis aestivi solis, in grandi sonitu tubarum et tumultuosa populi adventione, Turci comperta per exploratores illius approximatione, avulsis tentoriis ab obsidione recesserunt, et in terram civitatis Caran, quae sex milliaribus distabat a Rohas, relocatis castris consederunt, donec scirent et intelligerent, si regis viribus et copiis possent occurrere et resistere. His vero diei unius spatio a statione obsidionis Rohas remotis, Baldewinus de Burg laetatus fama adventus regis, cum quadringentis [0685B] equitibus viris bellicosis et decem millibus Armeniacae gentis, obviam illi ab urbe festinans, Turcos versus Caran divertisse notificavit; sed in castris eos adhuc praestolari, et audire de ejus proposito, cum quadringentis equitum millibus nimium confidentes. Hos Tankradi consilio et instinctu ad obsidionem Rohas convenisse referebat, et in omnibus Tankradum sibi contrarium et infestum esse.

But when he entered the bounds and confines of the city in this strong hand, in the splendour of standards and galleys from the most clear rays of the summer sun, amid the loud sound of trumpets and the tumultuous arrival of the people, the Turks, their approach discovered by the scouts, tore down their tents and withdrew from the siege, and withdrew to the territory of the city Caran, which lay six miles from Rohas, and, having relocated their camp, sat down until they should know and understand whether they could encounter and withstand the king’s forces and troops. Now, these being at a day’s distance from the station of the siege of Rohas, Baldewinus of Bourgue, rejoicing at the rumour of the king’s arrival, hastening forth from the city to meet him with four hundred [0685B] warlike horse and ten thousand of the Armenian people, reported that they had diverted the Turks toward Caran; but that in the camp they still awaited them and were to hear of his plan, being overly confident in their thousands and in the four hundred horse. He declared that these had come to the siege of Rohas by the counsel and instigation of Tankrad, and that in all things Tankrad was opposed and hostile to him.

CAP. XXI. - Legatio regis Baldewini ad Tankradum et collatio.

CHAPTER 21. - The embassy of King Baldwin to Tancred and the conference.

Hac Baldewini super injuriis Tankradi audita querimonia, rex consilio suorum Tankrado legationem Antiochiae misit, ut ad eum et primos exercitus Christianorum descenderet; et si quae ei injuste essent illata a Baldewino, omnia aut aequo judicio aut concordi [0685C] consilio majorum in praesentia Christianorum se velle definire. Qui multum renisus est venire; tandem consilio suorum cum mille quingentis militibus loricatis descendit, ut de omnibus his quibus a Baldewino de Burg accusaretur audiret ac responderet; et si quae haberet adversus eum, in audientia omnium domonstraret. Ergo veniens regem salutavit, et a rege susceptus est benigne.

Upon this complaint heard of Baldwin’s injuries against Tankred, the king, by the counsel of his men, sent a legation to Tankred at Antioch, that he might descend to him and the chiefs of the Christian army; and if any things had been unjustly alleged against him by Baldwin, that he was willing to settle all by an equitable judgment or by the concordant [0685C] counsel of the elders in the presence of the Christians. He very much demurred to come; at length by the counsel of his men he descended with 1,500 loricate soldiers, to hear and answer concerning all those things with which he was accused by Baldwin de Burg; and if he had any charges against him, that he would demonstrate them in the hearing of all. Therefore, coming he saluted the king, and was kindly received by the king.

Dehinc rex, praesente coetu fidelium, rationem cum eo habuit quare adversus fratres et conchristianos Turcos eduxerit, cum potius Christianis subvenire debuerit. Qui se minime excusans, hac de causa se illis non subvenisse respondit, quod Baldewinus, praeses civitatis Rohas, nullum sibi respectum fecerit, cum ante hos dies ipsa civitas [0685D] Rohas et multae aliae civitates de regno fuerint Antiochiae, et illi subditae annuos reditus dominatori Antiochiae dederint.

Then the king, the assembly of the faithful being present, held an account with him why he had led actions against the brethren and fellow‑Christians, the Turks, when he ought rather to have succoured Christians. He, making no excuse at all, answered that for this reason he had not assisted them: that Baldewinus, governor (praeses) of the city Rohas, had shown him no regard, since before these days the city itself Rohas [0685D] and many other cities of the kingdom had been subject to Antioch, and had paid annual revenues to the dominator of Antioch.

CAP. XXII. - Allocutio regis ad Tankradum de reconciliationis gratia cum principibus.

CHAPTER 22. - The king's speech to Tankradum for the sake of reconciliation with the princes.

Ad haec rex Baldewinus Tankradum cum omni mansuetudine de hac querimonia compescuit, dicens: Frater mi Tankrade, non justam rem exigis, nec adversus Baldewinum justam habens molestiam de aliquo loqui debes tributo, quod Antiochiae hactenus reddebant civitates, cum nihil inter nos de jure gentilium simus habituri in omnibus, quae Deus nostra subjiciet ditioni. Nosti, et universis notum est Christianis qualiter cum a terra et cognatione exivimus, pro nomine Jesu exsilia quaerentes, patrimonia [0686A] deserentes, decreverimus ut quiquid in terra hac peregrinationis nostrae quisque de regno et terris gentilium expugnatis apprehenderet, pacifice et libere obtineret; nullus ad injuriam in eum manum mitteret, nisi ut subveniret, et animam pro fratribus singuli ponerent. Et ideo scias, quia non justam adversus Baldewinum habes querelam, cum gentilium decreta et nostra non conveniant; et stabili consilio de hoc in unum consenserimus, si res Christianorum adeo sublime procederent ut regem constitueremus, eum ceu caput, rectorem ac defensorem ad nostra retinenda ac propaganda subjecti sequeremur.

To this Baldwin the king restrained Tancred with all meekness concerning this complaint, saying: My brother Tancred, you demand not a just thing, nor ought you, having no just grievance against Baldwin about any tribute which the cities hitherto paid to Antioch, to speak; since between us there will be no regard to the law of the gentiles in all things which God shall subject to our dominion. You know, and it is known to all Christians, how we departed from land and kindred, seeking exiles for the name of Jesus, abandoning patrimonies [0686A], and we decreed that whatever each of us in this land of our pilgrimage might seize from the kingdom and lands of the gentiles taken by assault, he should possess peacefully and freely; no one should lay a hand against him to his injury, except to come to his aid, and each should lay down his life for his brethren. And therefore know that you have no just complaint against Baldwin, since the decrees of the gentiles and ours do not agree; and with firm counsel we would have agreed on this one thing, that if the affairs of the Christians had prospered so eminently that we had established a king, we would have followed him, as head, ruler and defender, to retain and to spread what was subject to us.

Unde ex timore Dei et justo judicio omnium, qui nunc adsunt Christianorum, oportet te in concordiam redire et ab omni molestia, quam habes adversus Baldewinum [0686B] animum revocare. Alioqui si gentilibus vis sociari, et nostris moliri insidias, nequaquam frater Christianorum poteris remanere. Nos quoque confratri Christiano juxta decretum nostrum coadjutores et defensores ad omnia parati sumus.

Wherefore, out of fear of God and the just judgment of all who are now present of the Christians, it behooves you to return to concord and to revoke from your mind every molestation which you have against Baldwin [0686B]. Otherwise, if you wish to ally yourself with the gentiles and plot against our men, by no means will you be able to remain a brother of the Christians. We likewise, as helpers and defenders according to our decree, stand ready to aid the fellow-Christian brother in all things.

Tankradus regem se juste arguentem ex judicio omnium intelligens, nec se justam adversus hujus dicta habere excusationem, in concordiam et amicitiam rediit; ac poenitentia ductus, quod cum gentilibus quidquam adversus confratrem machinatus fuerit, promisit se ultra purum ac fidelem, sicut a principio viae devoverat, coadjutorem confratrum velle persistere indeficientem.

Tankradus, perceiving that the king was accusing him justly by the judgment of all, and that he had no just excuse against those words, returned to concord and friendship; and, led by penitence because he had contrived anything with the gentiles against his brother, he promised that he would persist as an unfailing coadjutor of the brothers, pure and faithful as he had vowed from the beginning of his way.

CAP. XXIII. - Ubi rex principibus pacificatis, Turcos effugavit, Christianos omnes in circuitu reconcilians.

CHAPTER 23. - Where, the king having pacified the princes, he drove off the Turks, reconciling all the Christians in the circuit.

[0686C] Hac pace composita, mistis copiis et armis, rex et Tankradus Turcos inter Caran insecuti sunt ut pugnarent cum eis. Sed audita eorum reconciliatione, fugam inierunt per devia et montana diffusi, plurimis tamen de comitatu suo attritis, armentis et cibariis non parum retentis et abductis. Baldewinus rex ab insecutione et contritione inimicorum regressus, in terra Edessae paucis diebus moram fecit, reparans et componens undique odia et dissidia inter Christianos reperta.

[0686C] With this peace settled, the king and Tankradus, with the military forces and arms having been sent forth, pursued the Turks around a place called Caran to fight with them. But, when news of their reconciliation was heard, they fled by back roads and mountains and dispersed, many of their retinue nevertheless being cut down, while not a little cattle and provisions were retained and carried off. King Baldewinus, having returned from the pursuit and the rout of the enemies, stayed a few days in the land of Edessa, restoring and composing everywhere the hates and dissensions found among the Christians.

CAP. XXIV. - Rex et Tankradus flumen Euphratem enavigant, quinque millibus Christianorum ex altera parte ab hostibus occisis.

CHAPTER 24. - The king and Tankradus navigate the river Euphrates, five thousand Christians on the other side having been slain by the enemies.

[0686D] Vix rex et Tankradus sub festinatione scilicet, diei et noctis horis continuis ad flumen Euphratem pervenerant, et ecce Turci, collectis undique viribus et copiis, velociter eos insecuti sunt ut eos in terga caederent, et sagittis in impetu et solita vociferatione expugnarent. Verum rex, comperto adventu et audacia eorum, flumen navigio tantum duarum navium transire properavit cum omni manu quam eduxerat. Sed infelici casu rege et Tankrado cum plurima manu exercitus sui transmissi, utraque navis, nimis cumulata armis et militibus, mediis flactibus coepit periclitari et submergi: et sic caetera manus, quae altero in stagno ad quinque millia remanserat, nequaquam ultra aut remis aut aliquo auxilio transvehi potuit.

[0686D] Scarcely had the king and Tankradus, under obvious haste, in the continuous hours of day and night arrived at the river Euphrates, when behold the Turci, having gathered forces and troops on all sides, swiftly pursued them to cut them in the rear, and to assail them with arrows in the onrush and customary shouting. But the king, having learned of their approach and boldness, hastened to cross the river by means of only two ships with all the hand he had led out. Yet by unhappy chance, when the king and Tankradus with a very large part of their army had been carried across, each ship, too heavily laden with arms and soldiers, began to be in danger and to sink in the mid waves: and thus the remaining force, which had stayed on the other bank to the number of five thousand, could in no wise be transported across either by oars or by any aid.

Nec mora, Turci in ipso [0687A] fervore mediae diei adfuerunt in multitudine gravi, qui miserum vulgus inventum, nec transitum fluminis evadere valens, fortiter incurrentes, crudeliter in arcu et sagitta peremerunt, vidente rege et Tankrado et universis hac parte fluminis consistentibus. Rex tristis et dolens nimium factus est eo quod naves periissent, et nequaquam suis in aspectu ejus cadentibus subvenire potuisset.

Nor delay: the Turks were present in that very [0687A] heat of midday in a heavy multitude, who, finding the miserable common folk, and not able to effect a crossing of the river, charging fiercely, cruelly slaughtered them with bow and arrow, in the sight of the king and Tankradus and all those standing on this side of the river. The king became excessively sad and grieved because the ships had perished, and he could in no wise come to the aid of his men as they fell before his eyes.

CAP. XXV. - Quod rex Baldewinum comitem, de bello fugientem, sanum in Rohas reduxerit.

CHAPTER 25. - That the king brought back Count Baldwin, fleeing from the war, safe to Rohas.

Turcis post tam cruentam caedem in terram Edessae revertentibus, Baldewinus de Burg, qui regem cum trecentis equitibus sequebatur, illis obviam factus, nequaquam divertere valens, bellum cum eis committere praesumpsit. Sed Turci in multitudinis [0687B] suae virtute praevalentes, universos sagittis confixerunt. Solus Baldewinus ad montana fugiendo contendens, vix a manibus eorum elapsus est.

When the Turks, after so bloody a slaughter, returned to the land of Edessa, Baldewinus de Burg, who was following the king with three hundred horsemen, having met them and in no way able to turn aside, presumed to engage them in battle. But the Turks, prevailing by the force of their multitude [0687B], transfixed them all with arrows. Alone Baldewinus, striving to flee to the mountains, scarcely escaped from their hands.

Altera die crudelis fama tam gravis eventus in auribus regis ac. Tankradi innotuit. Qui statim navigio aptato, flumen cum suis trajecerunt, ut in Turcis dignam poenam rependerent loco aliquo repertis. Sed minime repertis aut visis, Baldewinum de Burg desolatum et moestum ac flebilem de strage suorum repertum, in manu robusta Gallorum Rohas vivum et incolumen perduxerunt.

The next day a cruel rumour of so grave an event was made known to the ears of the king and of Tancred. Who immediately, a ship fitted out, crossed the river with his men, that they might exact from the Turks a fitting punishment if found in any place. But scarcely found or seen, Baldewinus de Burg, forsaken and sorrowful and weeping over the slaughter of his men, was discovered, and they brought him alive and uninjured in the strong hand of the Franks to Rohas.

CAP. XXVI. - De Magno, rege Norwegiae, qui venit adorare Jerusalem.

CHAPTER 26. - Of Magnus, king of Norway, who came to adore Jerusalem.

Interea frater regis de Norwegia, Magnus nomine, in plurimo apparatu, in multa armatura, in [0687C] manu robusta, in buzis quadraginta, in decem millibus virorum pugnatorum, per biennium in circuitu spatiosi maris a regno suo enavigans, in portu Ascalonis civitatis anchoram integris horis diei ac noctis fixit, ut videret, si aliqui viri a civitate terra vel mari sibi occurrerent, cum quibus ex industria aut eventu aliquod certamen iniret. Sed Ascalonitis silentio compressis, et minime prodire audentibus, postera die Japhet applicuit, desiderio adorandi in Jerusalem.

Meanwhile the king’s brother of Norway, named Magnus, in very great array, in much armor, with a strong hand, on forty buzis, with ten thousand fighting men, sailing for two years around the circuit of the open sea from his kingdom, fixed his anchor in the harbor of the city of Ascalon for whole hours of day and night, so that he might see if any men from the city, by land or by sea, would come across him, with whom either by design or by chance he might enter into some combat. But with the Ascalonites kept down in silence, and not at all daring to come forth, on the following day Japhet came ashore, longing to adore in Jerusalem.

CAP. XXVII. - De Babyloniis contra Baurim navigantibus, et de navibus Christianorum cum eis decertantium.

CHAPTER 27. - Concerning the Babylonians sailing against Baurim, and concerning the ships of the Christians contending with them.

Dehinc post dies aliquot incomparabilis navalis [0687D] exercitus a regno Babyloniae in galeidis, in biremibus et triremibus dictis vulgariter cattis, turritis et bello compositis, advectus est in civitatem Baruth vel Baurim, ad recuperandam urbem, si aliqua daretur opportunitas. Et spatio diei illic considentes, custodes Christianorum lacessentes, nullo eis ingenio nocere aut praevalere potuerunt. Nulla siquidem virtute aut industria hic praevalenten, sed spatioso ambitu urbem obsidentes, naves a longe e fastigio mali speculati sunt: quarum tres a Flandria et Antuerpia venerunt, quibus praeerant Willhelmus, Starcolphus et Bernhardus, causa adorandi in Jerusalem adnavigantes; quarta de regno Graecorum diversas merces et cibaria portans, causa negotiationis huc viam maris pariter profecta est.

Thereafter, after several days an incomparable naval [0687D] force from the kingdom of Babylon, in galleys, in biremes and triremes commonly called cattis, towered and equipped for war, was brought to the city Baruth or Baurim, to recover the town if any opportunity should be given. And sitting there for the space of a day, provoking the guards of the Christians, they could by no device harm or prevail against them. For in no virtue or industry did they prevail here, but besieging the town with a wide circuit they watched the ships from afar from a height of ill intent: of which three came from Flanders and Antwerp, commanded by Willhelmus, Starcolphus and Bernhardus, sailing for the cause of worship in Jerusalem; a fourth came from the realm of the Greeks, carrying diverse wares and victuals, having likewise put to sea for the purpose of trade.

His visis [0688A] et Christianitatis signo recognito, undique certabant remis, buzis et galeidis, ut eas coronantes captivarent, ac plurimo conatu remorum ad eas festinantes, gravi eas insecutione coegerunt ad fugam. Sed, Dei gratia opitulante, velociore velo et remis viam maturantes, una ad civitatem Caiphas evasit, civibus Christianis auxilium a terra in arcu et sagitta illi ferentibus: aliae duae inter Caiphas et Acram pondere suae molis quassatae, aquarum profundo deficiente, civibus Christianis pariter illis ad auxilium festinantibus elapsae sunt: quarta de regno Graecorum, nimium tardata, capta et retenta est, ac rebus omnibus exspoliata.

These things having been seen [0688A] and the sign of Christianity recognized, they strove from every side with oars, buzis and galleys to surround and capture them; and with the greatest exertion of oars hastening toward them, they forced them by a severe pursuit to flight. But, God’s grace assisting, making their way swifter by sail and oars, one escaped to the city Caiphas, Christian citizens on shore bringing him aid with bow and arrow: two others, between Caiphas and Acre, shaken by the weight of their ballast and with the depth of the waters failing, slipped away to the Christian citizens likewise hastening to their aid: the fourth, from the kingdom of the Greeks, overly delayed, was taken and held, and stripped of all its goods.

CAP. XXVIII. - Qualiter Ascalonitae Jerusalem debellantes, a Christianis superati sunt.

CHAPTER 28. - How the Ascalonites, warring against Jerusalem, were overcome by the Christians.

[0688B] Eodem quoque tempore ejusdem mensis Augusti, quo haec fiebant, Ascalonitae gavisi absentia et diutina expeditione regis Baldewini, aestimantes modicas vires militum Jerusalem remansisse, quingentis equitibus ascitis, decreverunt civitatem obsidere et expugnare et viros qui erant in arce turris David bello lacessere. Verum fideles Christo, cognito decreto et adventu illorum, Rames, Assur, Joppen, Caiphas, Caesaream undique miserunt ad universos regi Baldewino obedientes, ut sine mora die ac nocte Jerusalem festinarent, urbem et ejus arcem ab hostili assultu defensarent. Qui mox ex omni parte festinantes, civitatem intraverunt noctis in silentio, et portas vigili custodia tam clericorum [0688C] quam mulierum, turresque fideli militum diligentia munientes; caeteri armis et sagittis conglobati milites trecenti, equo et pede per montana descenderunt, quo Ascalonitarum via adfutura erat.

[0688B] At the same time in that same month of August, when these things were happening, the Ascalonites, rejoicing at the absence and prolonged expedition of King Baldwin, and reckoning that only modest forces of Jerusalem remained, having levied five hundred horsemen, decided to besiege and take the city and to assail by war the men who were in the citadel of David. But the faithful to Christ, when the decree and their coming were known, sent Rames, Ascalon, Joppa, Caiphas, and Caesarea from every side to all those obedient to King Baldwin, that without delay day and night they should hasten to Jerusalem and defend the city and its citadel from hostile assault. Those who, soon hurrying from every quarter, entered the city in the silence of night, and with vigilant guard at the gates, both of clergy [0688C] and of women, and with the towers fortified by the diligence of loyal soldiers; the rest, three hundred soldiers gathered together with arms and arrows, horse and foot descended through the mountains by the route where the Ascalonites were to come.

Et ecce Ascalonitae adsunt in equitatu magno et apparatu, obviam facti Christianis in campo. Ubi praelio diu commisso armis et sagittis, ad extremum Ascalonitae terga verterunt. Quos Christiani insequentes, ducentos peremerunt, equos et spolia multa eum captivis multis Jerusalem abducentes in laetitia et victoria inopinata.

And behold, the Ascalonites are present with great cavalry and array, meeting the Christians in the field. When the battle had long been joined with arms and arrows, at last the Ascalonites turned their backs. Whom the Christians pursuing, they killed two hundred, and, leading off many horses and much spoil and many captives to Jerusalem, departed in unexpected joy and victory.

CAP. XXIX. - Ubi navalis exercitus Babyloniorum Ptolemaidem impugnat, rege civibus succurrente.

CHAPTER 29. - When the naval army of the Babylonians attacks Ptolemais, the king coming to the aid of the citizens.

Navalis vero exercitus, qui a Babylonia eruperaet [0688D] Christianis per mare insidias parabat, a Baurim Ptolemaidem divertit. Et plurima vi in malorum altitudine praeeminentes, adeo urbis defensores aggravantes bello vexaverunt, ut totum portum fere per dies octo in navium multitudine et fortitudine invadentes obtinuerint. Interea dum in hac urbe Ptolemaide magna fieret desolatio, et vix catena portus hostibus obsisteret ne urbem apprehendissent, rex Baldewinus, et Bertrannus ab Antiochia et Rohas cum omni manu adhuc indivisa reditum parabant.

The naval force, however, which had sallied forth from Babylonia and was preparing ambushes for the Christians by sea, turned aside from Baurim to Ptolemais. And, excelling greatly in the height of evils by very great force, they so harassed the city’s defenders, vexing them with aggravated war, that by invading they held almost the whole harbor for about eight days in a multitude and strength of ships. Meanwhile, while great desolation was occurring in this city Ptolemais, and the chain of the harbor scarcely resisted the enemies so that they would not seize the city, King Baldwin, and Bertrannus from Antioch and Rohas with all their host still undivided were preparing to return.

Qui, audita Babyloniorum adunatione et oppugnatione adversus Accaron, velociori via accelerabant, ut suis subvenirent, et ab hostili impugnatione liberarent.

Who, having heard of the Babylonians’ gathering and attack against Accaron, hastened by a swifter route to succor their own and to free them from the hostile assault.

CAP. XXX. - Ubi rex Baldewinus regem Magnum Hierosolymam gloriose perduxit. [0689A]

CHAPTER 30. - Where King Baldwin gloriously led King Magnus into Jerusalem. [0689A]

Verum rex parte sui exercitus in auxilium Ptolemaidensibus civibus Christianis relicta, ex consilio prudentium virorum primum Joppen ad regem de Norwegia divertit, ut ex ore illius audiens sciret quid primum instare et adimplere posset. Mox omni amoris vinculo foederatis rex nomine Magnus, Baldewinum regem obnixe precatur ut viam secum ad adorandum in Jerusalem insistat ex Domini Jesu auctoritate, qui jubet fideles suos primum quaerere regnum Dei, et postea omnia profutura quaerentibus invenire; deinde agere quaecunque eligeret, aut civitatem suo navali exercitu obsidere. Baldewinus rex votis regis Magni et suorum primatum cum [0689B] omni benevolentia satisfecit; et Jerusalem, sicut devoverat, se cum eis iturum non negavit.

But the king, leaving part of his army to the aid of the Ptolemaidean Christian citizens, by the counsel of prudent men first diverted to Joppa to the king of Norway, that hearing from his mouth he might learn what first pressed and could be accomplished. Soon, with all bonds of love united, the king called Magnus earnestly beseeches King Baldwin that he press the way with him to worship in Jerusalem by the authority of the Lord Jesus, who commands his faithful first to seek the kingdom of God, and afterward to find all things profitable to those who seek; then to do whatever he might choose, or to besiege the city with his naval army. King Baldwin fulfilled the wishes and primacy of King Magnus and his men with all benevolence [0689B]; and, as he had vowed, he did not refuse that he himself would go with them to Jerusalem.

Ascendentibus itaque utrisque regibus in sancta civitate, universus clerus in albis et in omni cultu divinae religionis, in hymnis et canticis cum universis civibus et populis occurrerunt, et reges cum omni comitatu suo usque ad Dominicum sepulcrum in voce exsultationis abduxerunt. Rex siquidem Baldewinus regem Magnum manu honorifice ac familiari amore ducebat, juxta Apostoli vocem, qui ut honore invicem praeveniamus (Rom. XII, 10) nos adhortatur.

Thus, both kings having ascended into the holy city, the whole clergy in white and in every vesture of divine religion, in hymns and chants together with all the citizens and peoples, met them, and the kings with all their retinue led them to the Lord’s sepulcher in a voice of exultation. King Baldwin indeed led King Magnus by the hand with honourable and familial love, according to the voice of the Apostle, who exhorts us that we should mutually surpass one another in honour (Rom. 12, 10).

Ducebat quidem eum, ac docebat omnia loca sancta, et ea quae nota habebat, ac multo obsequio et regali apparatu per dies aliquot eumdem procurabat. Deinde ut magis ac magis amore et fide firmarentur, [0689C] ad flumen Jordanis in manu forti cum eo descendit: ubi catholico ritu in nomine Domini Jesu peracto, Jerusalem ipsum regem Magnum in gloria et jucunditate sanum, et ab omni turbine tutum reduxit.

He indeed led him, and showed him all the holy places, and those things which he knew, and with much courtesy and royal pomp looked after him for several days. Then, that they might be strengthened more and more in love and faith, [0689C] he descended with him to the river Jordan with a strong hand: where, the catholic rite having been performed in the name of the Lord Jesus, he brought back Jerusalem’s very king Magnus healthy in glory and rejoicing, and safe from every turmoil.

CAP. XXXI. - Qualiter hi duo reges Sidonem obsederint, Babyloniis in sua reversis.

CHAPTER 31. - How these two kings besieged Sidon, the Babylonians having returned to their own country.

Post haec Jerusalem reversi, convocata ecclesia, decreverunt communi consilio Sagittam vel Sidonem, quae multa peregrinis damna et calumnias inferens regi saepius restiterat, obsidere terra marique et nunquam ab ea recedere donec urbs capta in manu Christianorum traderetur. Nec multa mora, rex Baldewinus et Bertrannus, acceptis copiis, in apparatu copioso castrametati sunt in obsidionem urbis [0689D] Sagittae, machinas et tormenta lapidum instituentes quibus urbs per singulos dies oppugnaretur. Movit pariter ab Joppe rex Magnus navales copias, et applicuit ad urbem Sagittam, ut eam a mari obsidens et expugnans nullum introitum aut exitum hac in parte pateretur.

After these things, having returned to Jerusalem, the church having been convoked, by common counsel they decreed to besiege Sagitta or Sidon, which had often inflicted many injuries and calumnies on pilgrims and had resisted the king, by land and by sea and never to withdraw from it until the city, taken, should be delivered into Christian hands. Nor long delayed, King Baldwin and Bertrand, their troops received, encamped in splendid array for the siege of the city [0689D] of Sagitta, erecting engines and stone-throwing torsions by which the city would be assaulted each day. Likewise King Magnus moved naval forces from Joppa and sailed up to the city of Sagitta, so that, besieging and attacking it from the sea, he allowed no entrance or exit on that side.

Horum tam fortium virorum et magnorum regum apparatum et vires terra marique adesse intelligens navalis exercitus Babyloniae, a portu Ptolemaidis et ejus impugnatione secessit ad portum Sur, quae est Tyrus, illic moram faciens, ne rex Magnus repertos in obsidione Ptolemaidis navali certamine disturbaret. Sed tamen aliqui ex Babyloniis buzis velocissimis freti, hac et illac mediis aquis plurimo inferuntur conamine, si forte aliquo eventu catholicos viros superare et abducere [0690A] valerent. At Babyloniis minime successit: unde Baldewini regis audaciam et industriam metuentes, remensis aquis Babyloniam reversi sunt.

Perceiving that the apparatus and forces of these so brave men and great kings were present by land and sea, the naval army of Babylon withdrew from the port of Ptolemais and its assault to the port of Sur, which is Tyre, making a halt there, lest King Magnus, finding them engaged in naval combat at the siege of Ptolemais, disturb them. Yet some of the Babylonians, relying on very swift buzis, put forth in these and those mid-waters a very great attempt, in case by some event they might be able to overcome and carry off the catholic men [0690A]. But they succeeded not at all: therefore, fearing the audacity and industry of King Baldwin, they returned to Babylon by the homeward waters.

CAP. XXXII. - Rex Baldewinus et sui Sidonios coronantes machinas plures apposuerunt.

CHAPTER 32. - King Baldwin and his Sidonians, crowning, set up several machines.

Baldewinus rex et Bertrannus, accitis copiis, obsidionem a terra statuerunt; rex de Norwegia cum omni manu sua anchoras figens, versus mare sedem in circuitu urbis firmavit. Sic locata obsidione, toto conamine in assultu et crebris ruinis muros et turres urbis angustiantes, civibus econtra in armis et tormento lapidum ab intus fortiter resistentibus, machinam multis diebus compositam applicantes, viros in arcu Baleari in ea posuerunt, qui altitudine soliorum machinae eminentes, desuper muros per [0690B] urbem et turres et ejus moenia specularentur: et sic per vicos et plateas gradientes plaga intolerabili arctarunt.

King Baldewinus and Bertrannus, having summoned forces, set up a siege from the land; the king of Norway, fixing anchors with his whole host, established his seat toward the sea around the circuit of the city. Thus placed in siege, with every effort in assault and by frequent demolitions pressing upon the walls and towers of the city, while the citizens on the contrary, in arms and with stone-slinging engines, resisted stoutly from within, and applying a machine put together over many days, they set men in a Balearic arch upon it, who, rising above the platforms of the machine, might from above behold the city and towers and its ramparts [0690B]: and thus, advancing through the streets and plazas, they hemmed it in with an intolerable onslaught.

CAP. XXXIII. - Sidonii obscura cavatione machinam regis moliuntur incendere, et ab ipso callide praeveniuntur.

CHAPTER 33. - The Sidonians, by a secret tunneling, strive to set the king’s siege‑machine ablaze, and are shrewdly anticipated by the king himself.

Cives autem videntes machinam altitudine urbem superare et civibus nocere, noctis in obscuro cavationem sub murorum fundamento plurimo conatu, et mira industria fecerunt: ut facta cavatione trans muros usque, ad stationem machinae, ligna arida, et ignis fomitem comportarent et his subito in favillam redactis, cum humo machina rueret, et viros in ea positos in momento suffocaret. Sed rex hanc artem praecavens iniquam ex quorumdam [0690C] relatione, machinam a loco cavationis amovit: et sic labor Sidoniorum frustra consumptus est.

But the citizens, seeing the machine by its height surmount the city and harm the townsmen, in the darkness of night made a tunneling beneath the foundation of the walls with very many attempts and wondrous industry: and when the tunneling had been made across the walls up to the station of the machine, they brought dry wood and tinder, and these, suddenly reduced to embers, when the machine fell with smoke, would in an instant suffocate the men placed in it. But the king, forewarned against this unjust art by the report of certain men, moved the machine away from the place of the tunneling: and thus the labor of the Sidonians was consumed in vain.

CAP. XXXIV. - Sidonii post longam obsidionem regi Baldewino se dedentes, ad quinque millia urbem egressi sunt.

CHAPTER 34. - The Sidonians, after a long siege, surrendering themselves to King Baldwin, about 5,000 left the city.

Tandem curriculo sex hebdomadarum Sidonii videntes se nihil adversus machinam praevalere, et tormentis lapidum assidue urbem et ejus portas concuti, quin et navali assultu non minus gravari; navalem vero exercitum Babyloniae abesse, dextras sibi dari poscunt, et urbem cum turribus et clavibus in regis manibus reddi, sub hac tamen conditione ut ammiraldus praeses civitatis, et quibus esset animo, cum rebus suis, quantum valerent collo et humeris deferre, pacifice egrederentur. Rex vero longa obsidione et assultu defatigatus, consilio cum [0690D] rege Norwegiae, cum Bertranno comite et caeteris viris sensatis habito, petitioni Sidoniorum cessit: et sic, urbe in potestate suorum reddita ac patefacta, Sidonii cum ammiraldo suo circiter quinque millia cum rebus suis in pace egressi sunt, usque ad Ascalonem proficiscentes: caeteri qui remanserant, sub jugo regis et in ejus servitutem redacti sunt.

At length, after a course of six weeks, the Sidonians, seeing that they could in no way prevail against the engine, and that the stone-tortures continually battered the city and its gates, and that they were no less pressed by naval assault; but when they learned that the naval force was absent at Babylonia, they asked that their right hands be given to them, and that the city with its towers and its keys be delivered into the king’s hands, on this condition however, that the ammiraldus, the governor of the city, and those who wished, with their belongings, so much as they could carry on neck and shoulders, should depart peaceably. The king, wearied by the long siege and assault, after counsel held with the king of Norway, with Count Bertran and other prudent men, yielded to the petition of the Sidonians: and so, the city being restored and opened into the power of its own men, the Sidonians with their ammiraldus, about five thousand, with their goods, departed in peace, setting out for Ascalon; the others who remained were brought under the king’s yoke and reduced into his servitude.

CAP. XXXV. - Quomodo ammiraldus Ascalonis occulte Jerusalem venerit, et Ascalonem tradiderit.

CHAPTER 35. - How the ammiraldus of Ascalon secretly came to Jerusalem, and delivered Ascalon.

Rex Baldewinus post haec in manu et custodia suorum civitate constituta, Jerusalem ascendit in gloria et victoria ipso natali S. Thomae apostoli; ibique Natali Domini gloriose et catholice celebrato, exaltatum est in victoria nomen ejus per universas [0691A] urbes gentilium; et timor omnes invasit qui audierunt prospere illi omnia evenisse; et quieverunt ab omni impetu et assultu diebus plurimis. Dehinc solemniter a rege Baldewino et ab omni Ecclesia Pascha Domini celebrato, ammiraldus, id est princeps Ascalonis, nescio spiritu timoris tactus an amoris divini, dominum regem per secretarios coepit appellare, et cum eo agere de urbis traditione, donec Jerusalem idem ammiraldus, fide data et accepta, ad regem intravit, omnia ei elocutus, sicut in corde et animo devoverat de urbis traditione, et ipsius regis et suorum intromissione, de fidelitatis devotione erga regem et suos habenda. Tandem, cognita et inventa ipsius pura devotione et animi intentione, fide utrinque confoederatis, decretum est [0691B] primum ex consilio regis et suorum principum regem Jerusalem remancre; trecentos vero ex suis viros militares et belligeros cum ammiraldo Ascalonem descendere, urbem intrare, et ejus turres obtinere, et universos cives regi subjugare.

King Baldwin, after these things, having the city established in the hand and custody of his men, ascended to Jerusalem in glory and victory on the very feastday of St. Thomas the Apostle; and there, the Lord’s Nativity being celebrated gloriously and catholicly, his name was exalted in victory through all the [0691A] cities of the heathen; and fear seized all who heard that all had prosperously befallen him; and they rested from every assault and attack for many days. Then, after the Lord’s Passover had been solemnly celebrated by King Baldwin and by the whole Church, the ammiraldus, that is, the prince of Ascalon, whether struck by a spirit of fear or by divine love I do not know, began to address the lord king through secretaries and to negotiate with him concerning the handing over of the city, until that same ammiraldus of Jerusalem, his faith given and accepted, entered to the king, and told him all, even as he had devoted in heart and mind concerning the handing over of the city and the king’s and his men’s admission, and concerning the fidelity of devotion to be held toward the king and his men. At last, his pure devotion and intention of soul being known and found, and faith plighted on both sides, it was first decreed [0691B], by counsel of the king and his princes, that the king should remain in Jerusalem; but that three hundred of his own fighting men and warriors should descend with the ammiraldus to Ascalon, enter the city, seize its towers, and subject all the citizens to the king.

Descendentes itaque sicut decretum erat, portas intraverunt auxilio et consensu ammiraldi, moenia apprehendentes, cives regis ditioni subjicientes.

Thus descending, as had been decreed, they entered the gates with the aid and consent of the admiral, seizing the walls and subjecting the citizens to the king’s dominion.

CAP. XXXVI. - Legatio Baldewini comitis ad regem Baldewinum de adventu Turcorum, et fama filii Babylonii regis, Ascalonem descendentis.

CHAPTER 36. - The embassy of Count Baldwin to King Baldwin concerning the coming of the Turks, and the report of the son of the king of Babylon descending upon Ascalon.

Nec mora, cum praedicti milites urbem obtinuissent, et regis potestati ex manu ammiraldi omnia contulissent, rex vero in Jerusalem in potentia et gloria magna resideret, legati Baldewini de Burg ad regem introeuntes, in haec verba locuti sunt: Turci [0691C] a regno Corrozan, egressi in virtute magna ducentorum millium robustorum equitum, praesidium Turbaysel obsederunt, terram praeda et omni exterminio Christianorum depopulantes. Qui assumptis viribus equitum et peditum, usque ad locum, qui dicitur Solome, descendit. Ubi, cum diebus aliquot moram ageret propter copias Turcorum, qui a Damasco convenerant ad obsistendum sibi, crudelis fama innotuit quomodo filius regis Babyloniae Ascalonem descendisset, ut in ea repertos milites Christianos expugnaret et urbem suae potestati relocaret.

No delay: when the aforesaid soldiers had taken the city, and had transferred everything from the admiral’s hand into the king’s power, and the king indeed was seated in Jerusalem in great power and glory, the envoys of Baldwin of Bourge entering to the king spoke in these words: The Turks [0691C], from the kingdom of Corrozan, having marched forth in great might — two hundred thousand robust horsemen — besieged the garrison of Turbaysel, plundering the land for booty and depopulating it with the utter extermination of Christians. They, having taken together forces of horse and foot, descended as far as the place called Solome. Where, since he delayed for several days on account of the bands of Turks who had assembled from Damascus to resist him, a cruel rumor became known how the son of the king of Babylonia had descended upon Ascalon, to expel the Christian soldiers found there and to restore the city to his own rule.

CAP. XXXVII. - Rege Baldewino Ascalonem descendente, regis Babylonii filius a civibus intromissus, Christianos ibi repertos occidit.

CHAPTER 37. - As King Baldwin descended upon Ascalon, the son of the king of Babylon, admitted by the citizens, slew the Christians found there.

[0691D] Quibus rex auditis, iter distulit et Ascalonem rediit, si forte suis subvenire posset. Verum cives qui urbem inhabitabant, virtutem Babyloniae adesse intuentes, et regis Baldewini absentiam, quadam die convenientes, ammiraldum in ore gladii percusserunt, et filium regis Babyloniae, apertis portis, urbi immiserunt. Qui intromissus, priusquam rex Baldewinus fines Ascalonis attingeret, milites catholicos, qui per moenia diffusi erant, exterritos et subito expugnatos, universos in ore gladii occidit; civitatem vero, seris et omni custodia Sarracenorum minuit.

[0691D] When the king heard these things, he delayed his journey and returned to Ascalon, that perhaps he might succor his own. But the citizens who inhabited the city, perceiving the Babylonian’s force to be present and King Baldwin’s absence, one day assembling, struck the admiral down at the sword’s mouth, and, with the gates opened, let the king of Babylon’s son into the city. He, being admitted, before King Baldwin could reach the bounds of Ascalon, slew all the Catholic soldiers who were spread through the walls, terrified and suddenly overcome, with the sword’s point; and he delivered the city, with its bolts and every safeguard, over to the Saracens.

Rex igitur Baldewinus, accelerata via, ut interitum suorum comperit, et urbem ex perfidia civium amissam, Ammiraldum quoque in fraude peremptum, Jerusalem repedavit; quia nulla tunc [0692A] erat opportunitas urbem assiliendi, et suos decollatos ulciscendi.

Therefore King Baldwin, his way hastened, that he might learn the destruction of his men and that the city was lost through the perfidy of its citizens, and that the Admiral also had been slain by treachery, retraced his route to Jerusalem; for then there was no opportunity [0692A] to assault the city and to avenge his beheaded ones.

CAP. XXXVIII. - Qualiter ducenta miltia Turcorum Turbaysel obsidentes, et Antiochiam tendentes, Gozelinus comes insecutus sit.

CHAPTER 38. - How Count Gozelin pursued two hundred thousand Turcks, besieging Turbaysel and making for Antioch.

Interea Malducus, Arongaldus, Armigazi et Samarga, qui, collecto exercitu ducentorum millium equitum, Turbaysel obsederant, duobus mensibus montes ipsius praesidii in virtute nimia suffoderunt, ut sic putei oborientes et cisternae aqua deficerent, et Gozelinum loci defensorem et cum eo inhabitantes captivarent. Sed post nimium laborem Turci videntes quomodo nihil proficiebant in demolitione et cavatione montium, abhinc Antiochiam profecti sunt cum centum millibus; centum vero millia propter [0692B] nimietatem et diuturnam moram, in qua necessaria vitae minuebantur, in terram Corrozan redire decreverunt. Gozelinus reditum et divisionem illorum intelligens, insecutus est remeantes cum centum et quinquaginta equitibus et centum peditibus; ac in impetu subsequentes ac retardatos, et vehiculis cibariorum impeditos incurrens, mille detruncatis, praedam magnam cum spoliis in praesidium abduxit.

Meanwhile Malducus, Arongaldus, Armigazi and Samarga, who, having assembled an army of two hundred thousand horse, had besieged Turbaysel, for two months undermined the very mountains of the stronghold with excessive vigour, so that the wells springing up and the cisterns would fail of water, and that they might seize Gozelinus, the defender of the place, and the inhabitants with him. But after excessive labour the Turks, seeing how they made no progress in the demolition and excavation of the mountains, thence set out for Antioch with one hundred thousand; yet one hundred thousand, on account of the excess and the long delay in which the necessities of life were diminished, resolved to return to the land of Corrozan. Gozelinus, perceiving their return and division, pursued the re‑mainders with one hundred and fifty horse and one hundred foot; and, falling upon those who followed and were delayed, and those impeded by their food‑wagons, cutting down a thousand, he led off a great booty with spoils into the garrison.

CAP. XXXIX. - De centum millibus Turcorum, qui filium Brodoan, principis Alapiae, obsidem nequiter jugulaverunt.

CHAPTER 39. - Concerning the one hundred thousand Turks who treacherously slew the son of Brodoan, prince of Alapia, their hostage.

Caetera vero multitudo centum millium Turcorum Alapiam pervenientes, Brodoam principem civitatis precati sunt, ut uxores filiosque teneros ac filias ad tuendum susciperet, donec eventum victoriae suae [0692C] viderent. Sed his refutatis, quia pax inter eum et Tankradum erat, hoc tantum promisit eis quod nulli parti hinc vel hinc auxilio haberetur, et hac de causa filium suum obsidem eis fecit. Turci vero filium illius tenentes, post paululum pactum fidei praevaricantes, filium illius se decollare constanter attestati sunt, nisi eis foret auxilio et filios ac filias cum uxoribus et sarcinis suis intra moenia reservaret, propter dubium belli eventum.

The rest of the multitude of one hundred thousand Turks, arriving at Alapia, entreated Brodoa, prince of the city, that he take to protection their wives, tender sons, and daughters, until they should see the outcome of their victory [0692C]. But when these requests were refused, because there was peace between him and Tankrad, he only promised them that no party from either side should be given assistance, and for this reason he made his son a hostage to them. The Turks, however, holding his son, after somewhat violating the pact of faith, continually declared that they would behead his son unless he were to be of aid to them and reserve his sons and daughters with their wives and their baggage within the walls, on account of the uncertain event of the war.

Quod cum ille negaret propter foedus quod pepigerat cum Tankrado, filium ejus in oculis patris et omnium suorum aspectu, capitali sententia interimere non abhorruerunt. Decollato itaque tam impie et dolose filio Brodoan, Caesaream Philippi profecti sunt, quae sita est juxta montana Gybel, ab Antiochia diei [0692D] unius itinere: ubi fixis tentoriis super fluvium Farfar, hospitati sunt.

When he denied this because of the pact he had pledged with Tankrado, they did not shrink from putting his son to death by a capital sentence in the sight of his father and all his people. Thus, having beheaded Brodoan’s son so impiously and deceitfully, they set out for Caesarea Philippi, which is situated beside the Gibel mountains, a one‑day’s journey from Antioch [0692D]: where, having fixed their tents upon the river Farfar, they took up lodging.

CAP. XL. - Congregatio Baldewini regis et Christianorum principum facta Antiochiae contra Turcos.

CHAPTER 40. - The congregation of King Baldwin and of the Christian princes held at Antioch against the Turks.

Gozelinus audiens Turcos a Turbaysel, quae est Bersabee, Antiochiam divertisse, cum centum equitibus et quinquaginta peditibus ad auxilium Tankradi Antiochiam sine aliqua dilatione acceleravit. Acceleravit et Baldewinus de Burg cum ducentis equitibus et centum peditibus; Paganus etiam de Sororgia cum quinquaginta equitibus et triginta peditibus; praeterea Hugo de Cantalar, scilicet de praedio Hunnine, cum suis sociis auxilio adjunctus est. Venit et Richardus, praefectus civitatis Maresch, [0693A] cum sexaginta equitibus et centum peditibus; item Wido de Gresalt, Willhelmus de Albin, Wido cognomine Capreolus, princeps civitatum Tarsi et Mamistrae.

Gozelinus, hearing that the Turks had diverted from Turbaysel, which is Bersabee, toward Antioch, hurried without any delay to Tankred’s aid with 100 horsemen and 50 foot-soldiers. Baldwin de Burg likewise hastened with 200 horsemen and 100 foot-soldiers; Paganus of Sororgia with 50 horsemen and 30 foot-soldiers; moreover Hugo of Cantalar, that is, of the estate Hunnine, joined with his companions as reinforcement. Richard, prefect of the city Maresch, came also, [0693A] with 60 horsemen and 100 foot-soldiers; likewise Wido de Gresalt, William de Albin, Wido surnamed Capreolus, princes of the cities of Tarsus and Mamistra.

Venit et episcopus Tarsensis, episcopus simul de Albaria; Willhelmus pariter filius comitis Northmannorum, dominium habens civitatis Tortosae, quam Tankradus Bertranno abstulerat, cum suis sequacibus sociatus est. Engelgerus, praefectus civitatis Femiae, cum ducentis equitibus venit. Venit et Bonaplius, civitatem tenens Sarmit; venit et Gudo cognomine Fraxinus, tenens civitatem Harich; Robertus simul de Sidon, Rotgerus de Montmarin, tenens praesidium Hap; Piractus Talaminiam tenens.

There also came the bishop of Tarsus, and likewise the bishop of Albaria; William likewise, son of the count of the Normans, holding the lordship of the city of Tortosa, which Tankrad had taken from Bertran, joined with his followers. Engelgerus, prefect of the city of Femia, came with two hundred horsemen. There came also Bonaplius, holding the city of Sarmit; and Gudo, surnamed Fraxinus (Ash), holding the city of Harich; Robert likewise of Sidon, Rotgerus of Montmarin, holding the garrison of Hap; Piractus holding Talaminia.

Venerunt et Pancras et Corrovasilius de civitate Crasson; Ursinus quoque de montanis Antiochiae, [0693B] Antevellus etiam et Leo frater ejus. Venit et Martinus comes Laodiceae, quam Tankradus, ejectis et expugnatis militibus imperatoris Graecorum, suo juri mancipaverat. Venit et Robertus de Veteri ponte, qui miles egregius et indefessus, saepius terras gentilium militari manu depraedatus est.

Also came Pancras and Corrovasilius from the city of Crasson; Ursinus likewise from the mountains of Antioch, [0693B] Antevellus also and Leo his brother. Also came Martin, count of Laodicea, which Tankrad, the emperor of the Greeks’ soldiers having been expelled and routed, had subjected to his own jurisdiction. Also came Robert of the Old Bridge, who, an outstanding and indefatigable soldier, had oftentimes plundered the lands of the gentiles by military force.

Hi omnes milites Tankradi, de regno Antiochiae universi congregati sunt in civitate regia. Illic pariter rex Baldewinus festinato itinere post contritionem suorum in civitate Ascalone ab Jerusalem descenderat; et cum eo Bertrannus, Eustachius Granarius, Walterus de S. Abraham, dominus quoque patriarcha Gobelinus, et caetera multitudo fidelium, qui ad quatuor millia in loco eodem in manu forti conduentes, pernoctaverunt usque ad mane. Mane autem [0693C] facto, usque ad castellum de Giril profecti sunt.

All these soldiers of Tankred, all gathered from the kingdom of Antioch, were assembled in the royal city. There likewise King Baldwin, by a hurried journey after the rout of his men in the city of Ascalon, had descended from Jerusalem; and with him Bertrannus, Eustachius Granarius, Walter of St. Abraham, likewise the lord patriarch Gobelinus, and a great multitude of the faithful, who, numbering about four thousand in the same place and under a strong hand, spent the night until morning. But when morning [0693C] had come, they set out toward the castle of Giril.

CAP. XLI. - Quod sedecim millia Christianorum contra Turcos acies direxerint, multa fame periclitati.

CHAPTER 41. - That sixteen thousand Christians drew up their battle-lines against the Turks, many greatly endangered by famine.

Tertio vero die postquam ex omnibus locis et castellis in unum convenerant, ordinatis aciebus, Caesaream viam instituerunt, ubi Turcorum copiae, sicut arena quae est in littore maris, congregatae sunt. Erat autem exercitus Christianorum ad viginti sex millia equitum et peditum, virorum bellatorum. Videntes Turci quia Christianorum virtus appropinquasset, alteram in ripam fluminis Farfar transierunt, et tentoria illic in spatioso loco reposuerunt.

On the third day, after they had assembled from all places and castles into one, and their battle-lines arranged, they set out along the Caesarean road, where the Turkish forces were gathered like sand on the seashore. The Christian army, moreover, was about 26,000 cavalry and infantry, warlike men. Seeing that the Christians’ strength had drawn near, the Turks crossed to the other bank of the river Farfar and pitched their tents there in a spacious place.

[0693D] Quo in loco sedecim diebus utrinque moram fecerunt. Sed Christiani minime cum Turcis stabili bello committere poterant, propter illorum miram hac et illac per agros discursionem et circumvagationem, quam in Christianos equorum velocitate moliebantur. Et cogebant iidem Turci universas urbes et munitiones in circuitu magnis minis et terroribus, ne quid venale Christianis afferretur.

[0693D] In that place they remained for 16 days on both sides. But the Christians could in no wise engage the Turks in pitched battle, because of the latter’s wondrous ranging here and there through the fields and their circumvagations, which they brought against the Christians by the speed of their horses. And those same Turks were forcing all the towns and fortifications around with great threats and terrors, so that nothing venal — nothing fit for sale — might be brought to the Christians.

Quapropter sex diebus tanta penuria panis, et praecipue equorum pabuli sunt arctati, ut amplius mille fame et pestilentia periclitari viderentur.

Wherefore in six days they were so pressed by a great penury of bread, and especially of fodder for the horses, that more than a thousand appeared to be endangered by famine and pestilence.

CAP. XLII. - Quod saepius utrinque ordinatis aciebus Turci fugam inierint.

CHAPTER 42. - That the Turks have oftentimes put themselves to flight when battle-lines were drawn up on both sides.

Quinta decima vero die rursus Christiani agmina ordinaverunt: ordinaverunt et Turci. Ordinatis itaque [0694A] utrinque tres acies Christianorum nimium avidae caedis hostium, supra modum viam acceieraverunt adversus hostiles cuneos. Sed nimis a societate prolongatae, immoderato grandine sagittarum vexatae, in luga ad exercitum sunt reversae, plurimis vulneratis, pariter plurimis cum equis et mulis et omnibus spoliis retentis.

On the fifteenth day, however, again the Christian ranks were drawn up: and the Turks were drawn up. The three lines having therefore been arranged on each side [0694A], the Christians—too greedy for the slaughter of enemies—beyond measure hemmed in the road and charged against the hostile wedges. But, having been stretched out too far from one another, battered by an immoderate hail of arrows, they were driven back into the meadow toward the army, very many wounded, and likewise very many retained together with their horses and mules and all their spoils.

Videntes autem Baldewinus et Tankradus suos bello defecisse, et usque ad exercitum in fugam remissos, prolato signo sanctae crucis, contra inimicos in spe salutis et victoriae laxis frenis Turcos impetu adeunt. Sed Turci solito more equorum cursu per centum et centum, per mille et mille, nequaquam bellum secum committere passi sunt. Quadam vero luce exorta, Turci consilio inito, in terram Corrozan reversi sunt, eo quod nihil Antiochiae [0694B] nocere potuerunt, et Christianorum virtus illis obviam facta sit, nec bello nec sagittis absterreri potuerit.

But when Baldwin and Tancred saw that their men had failed in battle, and had been put to flight as far as the army, they, with the sign of the holy cross borne forward, charged against the enemies with the reins loosened in hope of salvation and victory. The Turks, however, in their usual manner rode off by hundreds and hundreds, by thousands and thousands, and in no wise allowed themselves to engage in battle. At a certain dawn, the Turks, having taken counsel, returned into the land of Corrozan, because they could do Antioch [0694B] no harm, and the Christians’ valour meeting them could not be deterred by either battle or arrows.

Acta sunt haec in festo S. Michaelis archangeli tempore autumni, quando universae fruges meti et colligi solent.

These things were done on the feast of St. Michael the Archangel in the autumn season, when all the harvests are wont to be reaped and gathered.

CAP. XLIII. - Ubi Tankradus post discessum Turcorum praesidium Gerez multis diebus obsedit.

CHAPTER 43. - Where Tankradus, after the departure of the Turks, besieged the garrison of Gerez for many days.

Hoc eodem anno Tankradus post discessum regis et caeterorum magnorum qui sibi in auxilium confluxerant, vires suas retinens, in mense Octobri praesidium Gerez, quod dicitur Sarepta Sidoniorum, eo quod subjectum regi Sidonis quondam fuisset, in manu potente obsedit. Sed Turcorum armis et custodia munitum reperit; turrium quoque et murorum [0694C] aedificiis firmissimum undique repertum est. Distabat enim hoc praesidium vix expugnabile sex milliaribus a civitate Alapia, quam Brodoan suis armis tuebatur.

In that same year Tankradus, after the departure of the king and of the other great men who had flocked to his aid, keeping his forces, in the month of October laid siege to the garrison of Gerez, which is called Sarepta of the Sidonians, because it had once been subject to the king of Sidon, with a powerful hand. But he found it fortified by the arms and guard of the Turks; likewise the towers and walls [0694C] were everywhere found most strong in their construction. For this garrison, scarcely to be taken, stood six miles from the city Alapia, which Brodoan was defending with his troops.

Tankradus videns praesidium firmissimum et defensione Turcorum tutissimum, per dies plurimos machinas et tormenta lapidum fieri constituit, quibus undique in duodecim partes suos circa praesidium constituens, nocte ac die turres et muros comminuens oppugnabat. Circumfodit etiam idem Tankradus suos vallo tutissimo, quod et vigili custodia munivit, ne subito hostes callide ad eum vel suos in obsidione divisos irrumpentes, bellum cum eis committerent, et sic facile expugnarent.

Tankradus, seeing the garrison very strong and most safe by the defense of the Turks, for many days contrived engines and stone-throwing machines, with which, placing his men all about the fortress in twelve divisions, he assaulted day and night, battering down the towers and walls. He also digged around his own men a most secure rampart, which he fortified with vigilant guard, lest the enemies, suddenly and craftily bursting in upon him or his men scattered in the siege, should engage battle with them and so easily capture them.

CAP. XLIV. - Ubi Tankradus urbe Gerez tandem multis artibus devicta, regionem illius totam obtinuit. [0694D]

CHAPTER 44. - Where Tankradus, the city Gerez at length conquered by many stratagems, obtained that whole region. [0694D]

Sic Tankradus ingeniis suis muro et turribus applicitis, et in tutamine valli suis constitutis diebus multis, ruinam praesidio intulit, dum quodam die Dominico post Natalem Domini, magistra arx crebro ictu lapidum quassata corruit; et ab alto cadens turres duas, quae illi erant collaterales, casu suo et pondere intolerabili comminuit; et sic Tankrado suisque sequacibus aditum patefecit. Tankradus nunc amplius et validius quam solebat hostes in praesidio urgebat, et scutorum testudine ad eos introrsus venire facie ad faciem contendebat; sed adhuc prae magnitudine lapidum, qui aditus occupabant, ingredi confidenter nequibat, et propter [0695A] infesta jacula quae a Turcis emissa obsistebant. Turci defensores praesidii, videntes ruinam suarum turrium, et quomodo Tankradus eos longo tempore obsedisset et adhuc obsidere decrevisset, donec praesidium caperetur, dextras sibi dari poscunt; et ostro caeterisque pretiosis in auro et argento ab eo sumptis, a praesidio exeuntes in ejus potestatem reddunt.

Thus Tankradus, with his engines applied to the wall and towers, and with the defenses of his rampart established about them for many days, brought ruin upon the garrison; for on a certain Sunday after the Lord’s Nativity the chief citadel, often shaken by the blows of stones, collapsed; and from the height two towers fell, which were contiguous to it, their fall and intolerable weight crushing them, and so Tankradus opened an approach for himself and his followers. Tankradus now pressed the enemies in the garrison more and more vigorously than he was wont, and strove to come against them face to face under a testudo of shields; but yet, on account of the great size of the stones that blocked the approaches, he could not enter with confidence, and because of the hostile javelins which the Turks hurled to oppose him. The Turks, defenders of the garrison, seeing the ruin of their towers, and how Tankradus had long besieged them and had now resolved to besiege them until the garrison was taken, begged that their hands be given to them; and, having surrendered the purple and other valuables in gold and silver taken by him, they went forth from the garrison and yielded themselves into his power. [0695A]

Et sic Tankradus hujus praesidii et totius regionis possessor et dominator factus est.

And thus Tankradus became possessor and dominator of this garrison and of the whole region.

CAP. XLV. - Qualiter Tankradus aliud praesidium, nomine Vetule, obsederit, ammiraldo quodam sibi confoederato.

CHAPTER 45. - How Tankradus besieged another stronghold, named Vetule, with a certain admiral allied to him.

Eodem anno tempore Quadragesimali Sarepta capta, muris et turribus reaedificata et custodibus munita, castellum, quod dicitur Vetule, situm in montanis [0695B] in regione Gybel, Tankradus collectis viribus obsedit spatio trium mensium; sed in uno latere inobsessum reliquit propter difficultatem locorum et copias Sarracenorum, qui hac parte abundantius morabantur. Obsidione igitur locata, praedas circumquaque contrahebant, gentiles captivabant et plurima damna inferebant. Tandem quidam ammiraldus, videns regiones graviter ab exercitu Tankradi vastari, pepigit foedus cum eo ne sua depraedandi causa ingrederetur; et ideo inobsessum locum praesidii obsideret, eo quod notas haberet semitas, quae investigabiles a Gallis nulla possent arte deprehendi.

In the same year, in the season of Lent, Sarepta being taken, rebuilt with walls and towers and fortified with guards, the castle called Vetule, situated in the mountains [0695B] in the region Gybel, Tankradus, having gathered forces, besieged it for a space of three months; but on one side he left it unbesieged because of the difficulty of the places and the troops of the Saracens, who more abundantly dwelt on that side. Thus with the siege established they carried off plunder everywhere, captured the gentiles, and inflicted very many harms. At last a certain ammiraldus, seeing the regions grievously wasted by Tankradus’s army, struck a pact with him that he would not enter for the sake of pillaging; and therefore he would besiege the unbesieged spot of the garrison, because he knew certain paths which, being untraceable, could not be discovered by the Franks by any art.

Quod et actum est. Nam Tankradus cum illo foedere inito, decem equites, centum pedites illi in auxillum constituit, quatenus ejus conductu et notitia [0695C] locum inobsessum praeoccuparet, nullum illic exitum aut introitum fieri patientes.

Which also was done. For Tankradus, having entered into that pact, placed at his aid ten horsemen and one hundred foot soldiers, so that by his conduct and knowledge [0695C] he might preoccupy the place not under siege, suffering that no exit or entrance be made there.

CAP. XLVI. - Ammiraldus idem cum Tankrado Vetule obsidione cingens, civibus urbe erumventibus, vix fuga elapsus est.

CHAPTER 46. - Ammiraldus likewise, besieging Vetule with Tankrad, the citizens being routed from the city, scarcely escaped by flight.

Ammiraldus militibus Tankradi secum assumptis, quingentis vero suorum ascitis, difficilia obsedit loca, ubi hospitia et mansiones aedificantes, ut in [0696A] eis moram diebus aliquot obsidionis facerent, plurimum opere et labore gravati sunt. Fessis itaque et exhaustis via difficili et opere et somno gravi immersis, in prima noctis vigilia Turci ac Sarraceni cum multis millibus in castris eorum ex improviso adfuerunt, pariterque universi defensores e praesidio erumpentes, signo et vociferatione audita, et usque mane dimicantes centum pedites detruncaverunt. Ammiraldus vero graviter vulneratus, vix evasit cum decem militibus, sed quingenti milites in falsa fide praesidium cum Sarracenis intrantes, a duce et ammiraldo suo sequestrati sunt.

The Admiral, having taken with him Tankrad’s soldiers and having enrolled five hundred of his own, besieged difficult places where, building hospices and mansions so that they might make a stay there for several days of the siege, they were greatly burdened with work and labor. Therefore, tired and exhausted by the difficult road and by toil and plunged into deep sleep, in the first watch of the night the Turks and Saracens, with many thousands, appeared unexpectedly in their camps; and likewise all the defenders, bursting forth from the garrison at the signal and shout heard, and fighting until morning, cut down one hundred footsoldiers. The Admiral, however, grievously wounded, scarcely escaped with ten soldiers, but five hundred soldiers, entering the garrison with the Saracens under false faith, were seized by their leader and their admiral.

CAP. XLVII. - Quod Tankradus obsidione longa urbem Vetule et omnem illius regionem obtinuit.

CHAPTER 47. - That Tankradus, by a long siege, seized the city Vetule and all of that region.

[0696B] Tankradus semper imperterritus obsidionem magis firmans, mangenas duodecim ad urbis moenia applicuit, donec barbicanas et turres, spatio unius mensis quassatas, usque ad interiora praesidii perforavit. Videntes autem defensores quia jactus lapidum nequaquam sustinere possent, in cujusdam noctis silentio ignem quibusdam ligneis aedificiis immittentes, diffugio elapsi sunt. Tankradus videns praesidium igne conflagrare jam vespere facto, viros vero aufugisse comperiens, cum sociis audacter ingressus est, et turres suo satellitio muniens, regionem coepit expugnare et subjugare.

[0696B] Tankradus, ever undaunted and strengthening the siege, set twelve mangonels against the city walls, until, over the space of one month, he battered the barbicans and towers and pierced into the interior of the garrison. But the defenders, seeing that they could not at all endure the shower of stones, in the silence of a certain night set fire to some wooden buildings and, scattering, made their escape. Tankradus, seeing the garrison ablaze and evening now come, and learning that the men had fled, boldly entered with his companions, and, fortifying the towers with his retinue, began to assault and subdue the region.

CAP. XLVIII. - De obitu Boemundi ducis.

CHAPTER 48. - On the death of Duke Bohemund.

[0696C] Hoc in anno Boemundus avunculus Tankradi, aegritudine correptus, vita discessit apud Bare civitatem, ad ecclesiam B. Nicolai catholice sepultus, tempore quo Henricus V rex, imperator IV, Romae plurimos sibi resistentes hostili impetu in ore gladii crudeliter edomuit; regnumque et imperium ex haereditario jure antecessorum potenter et gloriose retinuit.

[0696C] In this year Boemund, uncle of Tankred, seized by sickness, departed life at the city of Bari, and was buried at the church of Blessed Nicholas in the Catholic manner; at the time when Henry V, king and emperor 4, in Rome by a hostile onset cruelly subdued with the point of the sword very many who resisted him; and he powerfully and gloriously retained the kingdom and empire by the hereditary right of his predecessors.