Livy: AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI

[1] Sequitur hunc annum nobilis clade Romana Caudina pax T. Veturio Calvino Sp. Postumio consulibus. Samnites eo anno imperatorem C. Pontium Herenni filium habuerunt, patre longe prudentissimo natum, primum ipsum bellatorem ducemque. Is, ubi legati qui ad dedendas res missi erant pace infecta redierunt, "ne nihil actum" inquit "hac legatione censeatis, expiatum est quidquid ex foedere rupto irarum in nos caelestium fuit.

[1] There follows this year, notorious for the Roman disaster, the Caudine peace, under T. Veturius Calvinus and Sp. Postumius as consuls. The Samnites in that year had as commander Gaius Pontius, son of Herennius—born of a father by far most prudent, himself first and foremost a warrior and a leader. He, when the legates who had been sent to make a surrender returned with the peace not concluded, said, "Do not suppose that nothing has been done by this legation: whatever of the heavenly powers’ wrath against us arose from the broken treaty has been expiated."

Satis scio, quibuscumque dis cordi fuit subigi nos ad necessitatem dedendi res quae ab nobis ex foedere repetitae fuerant, iis non fuisse cordi tam superbe ab Romanis foederis expiationem spretam. Quid enim ultra fieri ad placandos deos mitigandosque homines potuit quam quod nos fecimus? res hostium in praeda captas, quae belli iure nostrae videbantur, remisimus; auctores belli, quia vivos non potuimus, perfunctos iam fato dedidimus; bona eorum, ne quid ex contagione noxae remaneret penes nos, Romam portavimus.

I quite know that, to whatever gods it was pleasing that we be reduced to the necessity of surrendering the things which had been reclaimed from us under the treaty, it was not pleasing to them that the expiation of the treaty was so haughtily spurned by the Romans. For what further could be done to placate the gods and mitigate men than what we have done? The enemy’s goods captured in booty, which by the right of war seemed ours, we remitted; the authors of the war—since we could not [surrender them] alive—now discharged by fate we delivered up; their goods, lest anything from the contagion of guilt should remain in our possession, we carried to Rome.

Quid ultra tibi, Romane, quid foederi, quid dis arbitris foederis debeo? quem tibi tuarum irarum, quem meorum suppliciorum iudicem feram? neminem, neque populum neque privatum, fugio.

What further do I owe to you, Roman, what to the treaty, what to the gods, arbiters of the treaty? Whom shall I bring to you as judge of your wrath, whom as judge of my punishments? I flee from no one, neither the people nor any private person.

Quod si nihil cum potentiore iuris humani relinquitur inopi, at ego ad deos vindices intolerandae superbiae confugiam et precabor, ut iras suas vertant in eos quibus non suae redditae res, non alienae accumulatae satis sint; quorum saevitiam non mors noxiorum, non deditio exanimatorum corporum, non bona sequentia domini deditionem exsatient, [placari nequeant] nisi hauriendum sanguinem laniandaque viscera nostra praebuerimus. Iustum est bellum, Samnites, quibus necessarium, et pia arma, quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes. Proinde, cum rerum humanarum maximum momentum sit quam propitiis rem, quam adversis agant dis, pro certo habete priora bella adversus deos magis quam homines gessisse, hoc quod instat ducibus ipsis dis gesturos."

But if no portion of human law is left to the needy when matched with the more powerful, then I will flee for refuge to the avenging gods of intolerable pride, and I will pray that they turn their wrath upon those for whom neither the restoration of their own property nor the accumulation of others’ is enough; whose savagery neither the death of the guilty, nor the surrender of lifeless bodies, nor the goods that follow upon the master’s surrender can satiate, [they cannot be appeased] unless we offer our blood to be drained and our viscera to be torn. Just is the war, Samnites, for those to whom it is necessary, and pious are the arms for those to whom no hope is left except in arms. Therefore, since in human affairs the greatest moment lies in whether they conduct the matter with the gods favorable or adverse, hold it for certain that we fought the earlier wars more against the gods than against men; but this war now at hand we shall wage with the gods themselves as our leaders.

[2] Haec non laeta magis quam vera vaticinatus, exercitu educto circa Caudium castra quam potest occultissime locat. Inde ad Calatiam, ubi iam consules Romanos castraque esse audiebat, milites decem pastorum habitu mittit pecoraque diversos alium alibi haud procul Romanis pascere iubet praesidiis; ubi inciderint in praedatores, ut idem omnibus sermo constet legiones Samnitium in Apulia esse, Luceriam omnibus copiis circumsedere, nec procul abesse quin vi capiant. Iam is rumor ante de industria volgatus venerat ad Romanos, sed fidem auxere captivi eo maxime quod sermo inter omnes congruebat.

[2] Having vaticinated these things, no more cheerful than true, with the army led out he pitches his camp around Caudium as secretly as he can. From there to Calatia—where he already heard that the Roman consuls and their camp were—he sends ten soldiers in the guise of shepherds, and he orders diverse flocks to graze here and there not far from the Roman outposts; when they should fall in with foragers, the story is to be the same among all: that the Samnite legions are in Apulia, that they are besieging Luceria with all their forces, and that they are not far from taking it by force. Already that rumor, beforehand of set purpose broadcast, had come to the Romans; but prisoners increased its credibility, most of all because the account agreed among them all.

Haud erat dubium quin Lucernis opem Romanus ferret, bonis ac fidelibus sociis, simul ne Apulia omnis ad praesentem terrorem deficeret: ea modo, qua irent, consultatio fuit.

There was no doubt that the Roman would bring aid to the Lucerians, good and faithful allies, and at the same time lest all Apulia should defect at the present terror: only this was the deliberation, by which route they should go.

Duae ad Luceriam ferebant viae, altera praeter oram superi maris, patens apertaque sed quanto tutior tanto fere longior, altera per Furculas Caudinas, brevior; sed ita natus locus est: saltus duo alti angusti siluosique sunt montibus circa perpetuis inter se iuncti. Iacet inter eos satis patens clausus in medio campus herbidus aquosusque, per quem medium iter est; sed antequam venias ad eum, intrandae primae angustiae sunt et aut eadem qua te insinuaveris retro via repetenda aut, si ire porro pergas, per alium saltum artiorem impeditioremque evadendum.

Two ways led to Luceria, one along the shore of the upper sea, broad and open, but by how much safer, by so much generally longer; the other through the Caudine Forks, shorter; but the place is thus formed: there are two high, narrow, and wooded passes, joined to each other, the surrounding mountains being continuous. Between them there lies, fairly open yet enclosed, in the midst, a grassy and watery plain, through the middle of which there is a route; but before you come to it, the first narrows must be entered, and either the same road by which you have insinuated yourself must be taken back again, or, if you proceed to go forward, you must make your way out through another pass, tighter and more obstructed.

In eum campum via alia per cavam rupem Romani demisso agmine cum ad alias angustias protinus pergerent, saeptas deiectu arborum saxorumque ingentium obiacente mole invenere. Cum fraus hostilis apparuisset, praesidium etiam in summo saltu conspicitur. Citati inde retro, qua venerant, pergunt repetere viam; eam quoque clausam sua obice armisque inveniunt.

Into that plain, by another road through a hollowed cliff, the Romans, with the column sent down, as they were proceeding straight on to other narrows, found them fenced off, a mass lying in the way from the casting down of trees and of huge rocks. When the hostile stratagem had appeared, a garrison too is seen on the crest of the pass. Hurried thence back by the route by which they had come, they proceed to retake the way; that also they find closed by its own barrier and by armed force.

Sistunt inde gradum sine ullius imperio stuporque omnium animos ac velut torpor quidam insolitus membra tenet, intuentesque alii alios, cum alterum quisque compotem magis mentis ac consilii ducerent, diu immobiles silent; deinde, ubi praetoria consulum erigi videre et expedire quosdam utilia operi, quamquam ludibrio fore munientes perditis rebus ac spe omni adempta cernebant, tamen, ne culpam malis adderent, pro se quisque nec hortante ullo nec imperante ad muniendum versi castra propter aquam vallo circumdant, sua ipsi opera laboremque inritum, praeterquam quod hostes superbe increpabant, cum miserabili confessione eludentes. Ad consules maestos, ne advocantes quidem in consilium, quando nec consilio nec auxilio locus esset, sua sponte legati ac tribuni conveniunt militesque ad praetorium versi opem, quam vix di immortales ferre poterant, ab ducibus exposcunt.

Thereupon they halt their advance without anyone’s command, and stupefaction seizes the minds of all, and, as it were, an unwonted torpor holds their limbs; looking at one another, since each deemed the other more in possession of mind and counsel, they are long silent and motionless; then, when they saw the consuls’ praetoria being set up and certain men getting ready things useful for the work, although they perceived that to fortify would be a mockery, their affairs ruined and every hope taken away, yet, lest they add blame to misfortunes, each man for himself, with no one exhorting or commanding, turned to fortify, and they surround the camp near water with a rampart—their own works and toil in vain—save that the enemies haughtily railed at them, making sport of them with a pitiable confession. To the mournful consuls, not even calling them into council—since there was room neither for counsel nor for aid—the legates and tribunes assemble of their own accord, and the soldiers, turning toward the praetorium, demand from the leaders help which scarcely even the immortal gods could bring.

[3] Querentes magis quam consultantes nox oppressit, cum pro ingenio quisque fremerent, [alius] "per obices viarum," alius, "per adversa montium, per silvas, qua ferri arma poterunt, eamus; modo ad hostem pervenire liceat quem per annos iam prope triginta vincimus: omnia aequa et plana erunt Romano in perfidum Samnitem pugnanti"; alius: "quo aut qua eamus? num montes moliri sede sua paramus? dum haec imminebunt iuga, qua tu ad hostem venies?

[3] Night oppressed them complaining rather than consulting, as each, according to his disposition, was growling, [another] "through the obstacles of the roads," another, "through the adverse slopes of the mountains, through the forests, wherever arms can be borne, let us go; only let it be permitted to reach the enemy whom for now nearly thirty years we have been conquering: all things will be even and level for a Roman fighting against the perfidious Samnite"; another: "whither or by what way shall we go? Are we preparing to shift the mountains from their seat? so long as these ridges loom, by what way will you come to the enemy?"

armati, inermes, fortes, ignavi, pariter omnes capti atque victi sumus; ne ferrum quidem ad bene moriendum oblaturus est hostis; sedens bellum conficiet." his in vicem sermonibus qua cibi qua quietis immemor nox traducta est.

"armed, unarmed, brave, cowardly, alike we are all captured and conquered; not even iron will the enemy offer for dying well; sitting he will finish the war." With these speeches in turn, the night was spent, unmindful alike of food and of rest.

Ne Samnitibus quidem consilium in tam laetis suppetebat rebus; itaque universi Herennium Pontium, patrem imperatoris, per litteras consulendum censent. Iam is gravis annis non militaribus solum sed civilibus quoque abscesserat muneribus; in corpore tamen adfecto vigebat vis animi consiliique. Is ubi accepit ad Furculas Caudinas inter duos saltus clausos esse exercitus Romanos, consultus ab nuntio filii censuit omnes inde quam primum inviolatos dimittendos.

Not even to the Samnites did a plan present itself in so joyous a situation; and so all unanimously judge that Herennius Pontius, the father of the general, must be consulted by letter. By now he, burdened with years, had retired from duties not only military but also civil; yet in an afflicted body there flourished the force of mind and of counsel. When he learned that at the Caudine Forks the Roman armies were shut in between two passes, having been consulted by his son’s messenger he judged that all from there should be released inviolate as soon as possible.

Quae ubi spreta sententia est iterumque eodem remeante nuntio consulebatur, censuit ad unum omnes interficiendos. Quae ubi tam discordia inter se velut ex ancipiti oraculo responsa data sunt, quamquam filius ipse in primis iam animum quoque patris consenuisse in adfecto corpore rebatur, tamen consensu omnium victus est ut ipsum in consilium acciret. Nec gravatus senex plaustro in castra dicitur advectus vocatusque in consilium ita ferme locutus esse, ut nihil sententiae suae mutaret, causas tantum adiceret: priore se consilio, quod optimum duceret, cum potentissimo populo per ingens beneficium perpetuam firmare pacem amicitiamque; altero consilio in multas aetates, quibus amissis duobus exercitibus haud facile receptura vires Romana res esset, bellum differre; tertium nullum consilium esse.

When that opinion was spurned and, the same messenger returning, he was consulted again, he judged that all, to a man, should be put to death. When such mutually discordant answers had been given, as though from a two-edged oracle, although the son himself especially now supposed that his father’s spirit too had grown aged along with his afflicted body, nevertheless he was overcome by the consensus of all to summon him himself into the council. Not reluctant, the old man is said to have been conveyed by wagon into the camp, and, called into the council, to have spoken nearly thus: that he would alter nothing of his view, only add the causes—by the former counsel, which he deemed best, to make firm perpetual peace and amity with the most powerful people through a great beneficium; by the second counsel, to defer the war for many ages, since, with two armies lost, the Roman commonwealth would not easily recover its strength; as for a third, there was no counsel.

Cum filius aliique principes percontando exsequerentur, quid si media via consilii caperetur, ut et dimitterentur incolumes et leges iis iure belli victis imponerentur, "ista quidem sententia" inquit "ea est, quae neque amicos parat nec inimicos tollit. Servate modo quos ignominia inritaveritis; ea est Romana gens, quae victa quiescere nesciat. Vivet semper in pectoribus illorum quidquid istuc praesens necessitas inusserit neque eos ante multiplices poenas expetitas a vobis quiescere sinet." Neutra sententia accepta Herennius domum e castris est avectus.

While the son and the other chiefs, by questioning, were pursuing the matter—what if a middle way of counsel were taken, so that both they should be dismissed unharmed and laws, by the law of war, be imposed on them as the conquered—“that opinion,” he says, “is one which neither prepares friends nor takes away enemies. Only preserve those whom you will have irritated by ignominy; such is the Roman race, which, though conquered, does not know how to rest. Whatever this present necessity shall have branded will live always in their breasts, nor will it allow them to rest before multiple penalties have been exacted from you.” With neither opinion accepted, Herennius was carried home from the camp.

[4] Et in castris Romanis cum frustra multi conatus ad erumpendum capti essent et iam omnium rerum inopia esset, victi necessitate legatos mittunt, qui primum pacem aequam peterent; si pacem non impetrarent, uti prouocarent ad pugnam. Tum Pontius debellatum esse respondit; et, quoniam ne victi quidem ac capti fortunam fateri scirent, inermes cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum missurum; alias condiciones pacis aequas victis ac victoribus fore: si agro Samnitium decederetur, coloniae abducerentur, suis inde legibus Romanum ac Samnitem aequo foedere victurum; his condicionibus paratum se esse foedus cum consulibus ferire; si quid eorum displiceat, legatos redire ad se vetuit. Haec cum legatio renuntiaretur, tantus gemitus omnium subito exortus est tantaque maestitia incessit ut non gravius accepturi viderentur, si nuntiaretur omnibus eo loco mortem oppetendam esse.

[4] And in the Roman camp, since many attempts to break out had been made in vain and now there was a scarcity of all things, defeated by necessity they send legates to ask first for an equitable peace; if they did not obtain peace, then to provoke to battle. Then Pontius replied that the war had been fought to a finish; and, since they knew not how even when beaten and captured to confess their fortune, he would send them unarmed, with a single garment apiece, under the yoke; otherwise the conditions of peace would be equal for vanquished and victors: if they withdrew from the land of the Samnites, the colonies should be removed, and from that point Roman and Samnite should live by their own laws under an equal treaty; on these terms he was prepared to strike a treaty with the consuls; if any of those things should displease, he forbade the envoys to return to him. When this embassy was reported back, so great a groan of all suddenly arose and so great sadness set in that they seemed as if they would not take it more grievously, if it were announced that all must meet death in that place.

Cum diu silentium fuisset nec consules aut pro foedere tam turpi aut contra foedus tam necessarium hiscere possent, L. Lentulus, qui tum princeps legatorum virtute atque honoribus erat, "patrem meum" inquit, "consules, saepe audivi memorantem se in Capitolio unum non fuisse auctorem senatui redimendae auro a Gallis civitatis, quando nec fossa valloque ab ignavissimo ad opera ac muniendum hoste clausi essent et erumpere, si non sine magno periculo, tamen sine certa pernicie possent. Quod si, illis ut decurrere ex Capitolio armatis in hostem licuit, quo saepe modo obsessi in obsidentes eruperunt, ita nobis aequo aut iniquo loco dimicandi tantummodo cum hoste copia esset, non mihi paterni animi indoles in consilio dando deesset. Equidem mortem pro patria praeclaram esse fateor et me vel devovere pro populo Romano legionibusque vel in medios me immittere hostes paratus sum; sed hic patriam video, hic quidquid Romanarum legionum est; quae nisi pro se ipsis ad mortem ruere volunt, quid habent quod morte sua servent?

When there had been silence for a long time, and the consuls could not bring themselves to open their lips either for a treaty so shameful or against a treaty so necessary, L. Lentulus, who then was chief of the envoys in virtue and honors, said: “My father, consuls, I have often heard recounting that he, on the Capitol, was not the only proponent to the senate of redeeming the state with gold from the Gauls, at a time when they were not shut in by ditch and rampart by an exceedingly slothful enemy for siege‑works and fortifying, and were able to break out—if not without great peril, yet without certain destruction. But if, as it was permitted to them to run down from the Capitol in arms against the enemy, in the same way as the besieged have often burst forth against the besiegers, so for us there were only the means of fighting with the enemy on favorable or unfavorable ground, my father’s disposition of spirit would not be lacking to me in giving counsel. For my part, I confess that death for the fatherland is very glorious, and I am prepared either to devote myself for the Roman people and the legions or to hurl myself into the midst of the enemies; but here I see the fatherland, here whatever there is of the Roman legions; and unless they wish to rush to death for their own sakes, what have they that by their death they can preserve?”

tecta urbis, dicat aliquis, et moenia et eam turbam a qua urbs incolitur. Immo hercule produntur ea omnia deleto hoc exercitu, non servantur. Quis enim ea tuebitur?

the roofs of the city, someone may say, and the walls and that throng by which the city is inhabited. Nay, by Hercules, all those things are betrayed with this army annihilated, not preserved. For who indeed will protect them?

Imbellis videlicet atque inermis multitudo. Tam hercule quam a Gallorum impetu defendit. An a Veiis exercitum Camillumque ducem implorabunt?

An unwarlike, forsooth, and unarmed multitude. Just so, by Hercules, as it defended against the onrush of the Gauls. Or will they implore an army from Veii and Camillus as commander?

Hic omnes spes opesque sunt, quas servando patriam servamus, dedendo ad necem patriam deserimus [ac prodimus]. At foeda atque ignominiosa deditio est. Sed ea caritas patriae est ut tam ignominia eam quam morte nostra, si opus sit, servemus. Subeatur ergo ista, quantacumque est, indignitas et pareatur necessitati, quam ne di quidem superant.

Here are all the hopes and resources, by preserving which we preserve the fatherland; by surrendering them to slaughter we desert the fatherland [and betray it]. Yet surrender is foul and ignominious. But such is our love for the fatherland that we preserve it by disgrace as much as by our own death, if need be. Therefore let this indignity, whatever it is, be undergone, and let obedience be rendered to necessity, which not even the gods overcome.

Ite, consules, redimite armis civitatem, quam auro maiores vestri redemerunt."

Go, consuls, redeem the state with arms, which your ancestors redeemed with gold."

[5] Consules profecti ad Pontium in conloquium, cum de foedere victor agitaret, negarunt iniussu populi foedus fieri posse nec sine fetialibus caerimoniaque alia sollemni. Itaque non, ut volgo credunt Claudivsque etiam scribit, foedere pax Caudina sed per sponsionem facta est. Quid enim aut sponsoribus in foedere opus esset aut obsidibus, ubi precatione res transigitur, per quem populum fiat quo minus legibus dictis stetur, ut eum ita Iuppiter feriat quemadmodum a fetialibus porcus feriatur?

[5] The consuls set out to Pontius for a conference; when, as victor, he was pressing for a treaty, they said that a treaty could not be made without the order of the People, nor without the fetial priests and another solemn ceremony. And so, not, as the multitude commonly believe and as Claudius also writes, was the Caudine peace made by treaty, but by sponsion. For what need would there be in a treaty either of sponsors or of hostages, where the matter is settled by a precation, whereby, whichever people it be that fails to stand by the terms laid down, Jupiter may smite it just as the pig is smitten by the fetiales?

Spoponderunt consules, legati, quaestores, tribuni militum, nominaque omnium qui spoponderunt exstant, ubi, si ex foedere acta res esset, praeterquam duorum fetialium non exstarent; et propter necessariam foederis dilationem obsides etiam sescenti equites imperati, qui capite luerent, si pacto non staretur. Tempus inde statutum tradendis obsidibus exercituque inermi mittendo. Redintegravit luctum in castris consulum adventus, ut vix ab iis abstinerent manus, quorum temeritate in eum locum deducti essent, quorum ignavia foedius inde quam venissent abituri: illis non ducem locorum, non exploratorem fuisse; beluarum modo caecos in foveam missos.

The consuls, legates, quaestors, tribunes of soldiers made a sponsion, and the names of all who made the sponsion exist, whereas, if the matter had been done by treaty, none besides the two fetials would exist; and, because of the necessary delay of the treaty, even 600 cavalrymen were ordered as hostages, who should pay with their heads if the pact were not abided by. Then a time was set for handing over the hostages and for sending the army out unarmed. The arrival of the consuls renewed the mourning in the camp, so that hands scarcely were restrained from those by whose rashness they had been led into that place, by whose cowardice they were about to go away from there more shamefully than they had come: that they had had neither a guide of the places nor a scout; like beasts, blind, they had been sent into a pit.

Alii alios intueri; contemplari arma mox tradenda et inermes futuras dextras obnoxiaque corpora hosti; proponere sibimet ipsi ante oculos iugum hostile et ludibria victoris et voltus superbos et per armatos inermium iter, inde foedi agminis miserabilem viam per sociorum urbes, reditum in patriam ad parentes, quo saepe ipsi maioresque eorum triumphantes venissent: se solos sine volnere, sine ferro, sine acie victos; sibi non stringere licuisse gladios, non manum cum hoste conferre; sibi nequiquam arma, nequiquam vires, nequiquam animos datos. Haec frementibus hora fatalis ignominiae advenit, omnia tristiora experiundo factura quam quae praeceperant animis. Iam primum cum singulis vestimentis inermes extra vallum exire iussi; et primi traditi obsides atque in custodiam abducti.

Some looked upon others; they contemplated the arms soon to be handed over and the right hands that would soon be unarmed, and bodies made subject to the enemy; they set before their own eyes the hostile yoke and the mockeries of the victor and the proud faces and the passage of the unarmed through the armed, then the pitiable way of a foul column through the cities of their allies, the return into the fatherland to their parents, whither they themselves and their elders had often come triumphing: that they alone were conquered without wound, without steel, without a battle line; that it had not been permitted them to draw their swords, not to join hand with the enemy; that to them arms, strength, courage had been given in vain. While they were muttering at these things, the hour of fateful ignominy arrived, destined by the experience to make everything sadder than what they had anticipated in their minds. Now first they were ordered, unarmed, with single garments each, to go out beyond the rampart; and the hostages were first handed over and led away into custody.

Tum a consulibus abire lictores iussi paludamentaque detracta; tantam <id> inter eos qui paulo ante [eos] exsecrantes dedendos lacerandosque censuerant miserationem fecit, ut suae quisque condicionis oblitus ab illa deformatione tantae maiestatis velut ab nefando spectaculo averteret oculos.

Then, by order of the consuls, the lictors were dismissed and the military cloaks were taken off; so great a compassion did <id> create among those who a little before, execrating [them], had decreed that they be surrendered and torn to pieces, that each man, forgetful of his own condition, turned his eyes away from that deformation of so great a majesty, as from an unspeakable spectacle.

[6] Primi consules prope seminudi sub iugum missi; tum ut quisque gradu proximus erat, ita ignominiae obiectus; tum deinceps singulae legiones. Circumstabant armati hostes, exprobrantes eludentesque; gladii etiam plerisque intentati, et volnerati quidam necatique, si voltus eorum indignitate rerum acrior victorem offendisset. Ita traducti sub iugum et quod paene gravius erat per hostium oculos, cum e saltu evasissent, etsi velut ab inferis extracti tum primum lucem aspicere visi sunt, tamen ipsa lux ita deforme intuentibus agmen omni morte tristior fuit.

[6] The foremost, the consuls, almost half-naked, were sent under the yoke; then, as each was nearest in rank, so was he exposed to ignominy; then in succession the several legions. Armed enemies stood around, reproaching and mocking; swords too were brandished at many, and some were wounded and killed, if their countenance, sharpened by the indignity of the affair, had offended the victor. Thus they were led under the yoke and—what was almost heavier—under the eyes of the enemies; when they had escaped from the pass, although they seemed, as if drawn from the lower world, then for the first time to behold the light, nevertheless the very light, to those beholding so misshapen a column, was sadder than any death.

Itaque cum ante noctem Capuam pervenire possent, incerti de fide sociorum et quod pudor praepediebat circa viam haud procul Capua omnium egena corpora humi prostraverunt. Quod ubi est Capuam nuntiatum, evicit miseratio iusta sociorum superbiam ingenitam Campanis. Confestim insignia sua consulibus, [fasces, lictores,] arma, equos, vestimenta, commeatus militibus benigne mittunt; et venientibus Capuam cunctus senatus populusque obviam egressus iustis omnibus hospitalibus privatisque et publicis fungitur officiis.

Therefore, although they could reach Capua before night, uncertain of the good faith of the allies and because shame was hindering, they laid their bodies, destitute of everything, on the ground along the road not far from Capua. When this was reported to Capua, justified compassion for their allies overcame the inborn haughtiness in the Campanians. At once they kindly send to the consuls their insignia, [fasces, lictors,] arms, horses, garments, provisions for the soldiers; and as they were coming to Capua, the entire senate and people, having gone out to meet them, discharge all due offices of hospitality, both private and public.

Neque illis sociorum comitas voltusque benigni et adloquia non modo sermonem elicere sed ne ut oculos quidem attollerent aut consolantes amicos contra intuerentur efficere poterant; adeo super maerorem pudor quidam fugere conloquia et coetus hominum cogebat. Postero die cum iuvenes nobiles missi a Capua ut pro ficiscentes ad finem Campanum prosequerentur revertissent vocatique in curiam percontantibus maioribus natu multo sibi maestiores et abiectiores animi visos referrent: adeo silens ac prope mutum agmen incessisse; iacere indolem illam Romanam ablatosque cum armis animos; non reddere salutem, [non salutantibus dare responsum,] non hiscere quemquam prae metu potuisse, tamquam ferentibus adhuc cervicibus iugum sub quod missi essent; habere Samnites victoriam non praeclaram solum sed etiam perpetuam; cepisse enim eos non Romam, sicut ante Gallos, sed, quod multo bellicosius fuerit, Romanam virtutem ferociamque,—

Nor could the allies’ comity, their kindly faces, and their adlocutions not only draw forth speech, but not even bring it about that they should lift their eyes or look back at their consoling friends; to such a degree, over and above their grief, a certain shame compelled them to flee conversations and gatherings of men. On the next day, when noble youths sent from Capua to escort those departing to the Campanian frontier had returned, and, called into the senate-house, reported to the elders who questioned them that they had seemed to them much more mournful and downcast in spirit: that such a silent and almost mute column had marched; that that Roman character lay prostrate and that their spirits had been taken away along with their arms; that they did not return greeting, [did not give a response to those greeting them,] that no one had been able to open his mouth for fear, as though still bearing on their necks the yoke under which they had been sent; that the Samnites possessed a victory not only illustrious but even perpetual; for they had captured not Rome, as the Gauls formerly, but—what would be much more warlike—Roman virtus and ferocity,—

[7] Cum haec dicerentur audirenturque et deploratum paene Romanum nomen in concilio sociorum fidelium esset, dicitur [Ofillius] A. Calavius Ovi filius, clarus genere factisque, tum etiam aetate verendus, longe aliter se habere rem dixisse: silentium illud obstinatum fixosque in terram oculos et surdas ad omnia solacia aures et pudorem intuendae lucis ingentem molem irarum ex alto animo cientis indicia esse; aut Romana se ignorare ingenia aut silentium illud Samnitibus flebiles brevi clamores gemitusque excitaturum, Caudinaeque pacis aliquanto Samnitibus quam Romanis tristiorem memoriam fore; quippe suos quemque eorum animos habiturum, ubicumque congressuri sint; saltus Caudinos non ubique Samnitibus fore.

[7] While these things were being said and heard, and the Roman name had been almost bewailed in the council of the faithful allies, [Ofillius] A. Calavius, son of Ovius—renowned by lineage and by deeds, then also venerable for age—is said to have declared that the matter stood far otherwise: that that obstinate silence, and eyes fixed upon the ground, and ears deaf to every consolation, and the shame of looking upon the light—tokens of an immense mass of wrath being stirred from a deep spirit—were indications; that either he did not know Roman temperaments, or that that silence would soon arouse for the Samnites lamentable cries and groans, and that the memory of the Caudine peace would be somewhat sadder for the Samnites than for the Romans; for each of them would have their own spirits, wherever they were going to meet; the Caudine passes would not be everywhere for the Samnites.

Iam et Romae sua infamis clades erat. Obsessos primum audierunt; tristior deinde ignominiosae pacis magis quam periculi nuntius fuit. Ad famam obsidionis dilectus haberi coeptus erat; dimissus deinde auxiliorum apparatus, postquam deditionem tam foede factam acceperunt; extemploque sine ulla publica auctoritate consensum in omnem formam luctus est.

Now even at Rome there was its own infamous disaster. First they heard that they were besieged; then the report, of an ignominious peace rather than of the peril, was more grievous. At the report of the siege a levy had begun to be held; then the preparations of the auxiliaries were dismissed, after they received that the surrender had been made so foully; and at once, without any public authority, a consensus was reached for every form of mourning.

Tabernae circa forum clausae iustitiumque in foro sua sponte coeptum prius quam indictum; lati clavi, anuli aurei positi; paene maestior exercitu ipso civitas esse; nec ducibus solum atque auctoribus sponsoribusque pacis irasci sed innoxios etiam milites odisse et negare urbe tectisve accipiendos. Quam concitationem animorum fregit adventus exercitus etiam iratis miserabilis. Non enim tamquam in patriam revertentes ex insperato incolumes sed captorum habitu voltuque ingressi sero in urbem ita se in suis quisque tectis abdiderunt, ut postero atque insequentibus diebus nemo eorum forum aut publicum aspicere vellet.

Shops around the forum were closed and a iustitium in the forum, of their own accord, was begun before it was proclaimed; the broad stripes and gold rings were laid aside; the city was almost more mournful than the army itself; and they were angry not only with the leaders and authors and guarantors of the peace, but even hated the innocent soldiers and said they ought not to be received into the city or beneath their roofs. This agitation of spirits was broken by the arrival of the army, pitiable even to those who were angry. For they did not enter, as men unexpectedly returning safe to their fatherland, but, with the dress and look of captives, having entered the city late, they so hid themselves each in his own house that on the next day and the days following none of them wished to look upon the forum or any public place.

Consules in privato abditi nihil pro magistratu agere nisi quod expressum senatus consulto est ut dictatorem dicerent comitiorum causa. Q. Fabium Ambustum dixerunt et P. Aelium Paetum magistrum equitum; quibus vitio creatis suffecti M. Aemilius Papus dictator, L. Valerius Flaccus magister equitum. Nec per eos comitia habita; et quia taedebat populum omnium magistratuum eius anni, res ad interregnum rediit.

The consuls, sequestered in private life, did nothing in their magistracy except what was expressed by a senate decree: that they should appoint a dictator for the sake of the comitia (the elections). They named Q. Fabius Ambustus, and P. Aelius Paetus as master of the horse; but since these were created with a flaw in the auspices, there were substituted M. Aemilius Papus as dictator and L. Valerius Flaccus as master of the horse. Nor were the comitia held through them; and because the people were weary of all the magistrates of that year, the matter returned to an interregnum.

Interreges Q. Fabius Maximus M. Valerius Coruus. Is consules creavit Q. Publilium Philonem et L. Papirium Cursorem iterum haud dubio consensu civitatis, quod nulli ea tempestate duces clariores essent.

The interreges were Q. Fabius Maximus and M. Valerius Corvus. He appointed as consuls Q. Publilius Philo and, for the second time, L. Papirius Cursor, with the undoubted consensus of the state, because at that time no leaders were more illustrious.

[8] Quo creati sunt die, eo—sic enim placuerat patribus— magistratum inierunt sollemnibusque senatus consultis perfectis de pace Caudina rettulerunt; et Publilius, penes quem fasces erant, "dic, Sp. Postumi" inquit. Qui ubi surrexit, eodem illo voltu quo sub iugum missus erat, "haud sum ignarus" inquit, "consules, ignominiae non honoris causa me primum excitatum iussumque dicere, non tamquam senatorem sed tamquam reum qua infelicis belli qua ignominiosae pacis. Ego tamen, quando neque de noxa nostra neque de poena rettulistis, omissa defensione, quae non difficillima esset apud haud ignaros fortunarum humanarum necessitatiumque, sententiam de eo de quo rettulistis paucis peragam; quae sententia testis erit mihine an legionibus vestris pepercerim, cum me seu turpi seu necessaria sponsione obstrinxi; qua tamen, quando iniussu populi facta est, non tenetur populus Romanus, nec quicquam ex ea praeterquam corpora nostra debentur Samnitibus.

[8] On the day they were elected, on that very day—for so it had pleased the Fathers—they entered upon the magistracy, and, the solemn decrees of the senate completed, they reported on the Caudine peace; and Publilius, who held the fasces, said, "Speak, Sp. Postumius." When he rose, with the same countenance with which he had been sent under the yoke, he said, "I am not unaware, consuls, that I have been called up first and ordered to speak for the sake of ignominy, not honor, not as a senator but as a defendant, both for the unlucky war and for the ignominious peace. Yet I, since you have put to the question neither our guilt nor a penalty, laying aside a defense—which would not be very difficult before men by no means ignorant of human fortunes and necessities—will in a few words deliver my opinion on that about which you have consulted; which opinion will be a witness whether I spared myself or your legions, when I bound myself by that pledge, whether base or necessary; by which, however, since it was made without the order of the People, the Roman People is not bound, nor is anything from it owed to the Samnites except our bodies."

Dedamur per fetiales nudi vinctique; exsoluamus religione populum, si qua obligavimus, ne quid divini humanive obstet quo minus iustum piumque de integro ineatur bellum. Interea consules exercitum scribere, armare, educere placet, nec prius ingredi hostium fines quam omnia iusta in deditionem nostram perfecta erunt. Vos, di immortales, precor quaesoque, si vobis non fuit cordi Sp. Postumium T. Veturium consules cum Samnitibus prospere bellum gerere, at vos satis habeatis vidisse nos sub iugum missos, vidisse sponsione infami obligatos, videre nudos vinctosque hostibus deditos, omnem iram hostium nostris capitibus excipientes; novos consules legionesque Romanas ita cum Samnite gerere bellum velitis, ut omnia ante nos consules bella gesta sunt."

Let us be surrendered through the fetial priests, naked and bound; let us release the people from the religious obligation, if in any way we have bound it, so that nothing divine or human may stand in the way whereby a just and pious war may be undertaken anew. Meanwhile, it is my pleasure that the consuls levy, arm, and lead out the army, and that they not enter the borders of the enemy before all the legalities in the surrender to our power have been completed. You, immortal gods, I pray and beseech: if it was not to your heart that Sp. Postumius and T. Veturius, as consuls, should wage war prosperously with the Samnites, then may you have deemed it enough to have seen us sent beneath the yoke, to have seen us bound by a shameful sponsio, to see us naked and bound, surrendered to the enemies, receiving upon our heads all the wrath of the enemies; may you will that the new consuls and the Roman legions wage war with the Samnite as all wars were waged before us consuls."

Quae ubi dixit, tanta simul admiratio miseratioque viri incessit homines ut modo vix crederent illum eundem esse Sp. Postumium qui auctor tam foedae pacis fuisset, modo miserarentur quod vir talis etiam praecipuum apud hostes supplicium passurus esset ob iram diremptae pacis. Cum omnes laudibus modo prosequentes virum in sententiam eius pedibus irent, temptata paulisper intercessio est ab L. Livio et Q. Maelio tribunis plebis, qui neque exsolui religione populum aiebant deditione sua, nisi omnia Samnitibus qualia apud Caudium fuissent restituerentur, neque se pro eo quod spondendo pacem servassent exercitum populi Romani poenam ullam meritos esse, neque ad extremum, cum sacrosancti essent, dedi hostibus violariue posse.

When he had said these things, so great at once an admiration and a pity for the man seized the people that now they could scarcely believe that he was that same Sp. Postumius who had been the author of so foul a peace, now they pitied that such a man would even undergo the chief punishment at the hands of the enemies on account of the anger at the broken-off peace. When all, accompanying the man with praises, were by their feet going over into his opinion, a veto was attempted for a little while by L. Livius and Q. Maelius, tribunes of the plebs, who said that the people could not be released from religious obligation by their surrender, unless all things were restored to the Samnites just as they had been at Caudium, nor that the army of the Roman People had deserved any punishment for this, that by pledging they had preserved the peace, nor finally, since they were sacrosanct, could be given over to the enemies or be violated.

[9] Tum Postumius "interea dedite" inquit "profanos nos, quos salva religione potestis; dedetis deinde et istos sacrosanctos cum primum magistratu abierint, sed, se me audiatis, priusquam dedantur, hic in comitio virgis caesos, hanc iam ut intercalatae poenae usuram habeant. Nam quod deditione nostra negant exsolvi religione populum, id istos magis ne dedantur quam quia ita se res habeat dicere, quis adeo iuris fetialium expers est qui ignoret? Neque ego infitias eo, patres conscripti, tam sponsiones quam foedera sancta esse apud eos homines apud quos iuxta divinas religiones fides humana colitur; sed iniussu populi nego quicquam sanciri posse quod populum teneat.

[9] Then Postumius said, "Meanwhile, surrender us profane, whom you can with religion unharmed; then you will surrender those sacrosanct men as well, as soon as they have gone out of magistracy; but, if you listen to me, before they are surrendered, let them here in the comitium be beaten with rods, that they may now have this as the interest for the deferred penalty. For as to their denying that by our surrender the people is released from religious obligation, they say that rather so that they may not be surrendered than because the matter so stands—who is so devoid of the fetial law as not to know it? Nor do I deny, Conscript Fathers, that both sponsions and treaties are sacred among those men among whom, along with divine religions, human good faith is cultivated; but without the order of the people I maintain that nothing can be sanctioned which shall bind the people."

An, si eadem superbia, qua sponsionem istam expresserunt nobis Samnites, coegissent nos verba legitima dedentium urbes nuncupare, deditum populum Romanum vos tribuni diceretis et hanc urbem, templa, delubra, fines, aquas Samnitium esse? Omitto deditionem, quoniam de sponsione agitur; quid tandem, si spopondissemus urbem hanc relicturum populum Romanum? si incensurum?

Or, if with the same arrogance with which the Samnites wrung that sponsion from us they had forced us to pronounce the lawful words of surrenderers, naming cities, would you, tribunes, declare the Roman people surrendered, and that this city, its temples, shrines, boundaries, and waters are the Samnites’? I omit surrender, since the matter is about a sponsion; what then, if we had pledged that the Roman people would abandon this city? that it would burn it?

si magistratus, si senatum, si leges non habiturum? si sub regibus futurum? Di meliora, inquis.

if it would not have magistrates, if it would not have a senate, if it would not have laws? if it would be under kings? “May the gods grant better,” you say.

Atqui non indignitas rerum sponsionis vinculum levat; si quid est in quo obligari populus possit, in omnia potest. Et ne illud quidem, quod quosdam forsitan moveat, refert, consul an dictator an praetor spoponderit. Et hoc ipsi etiam Samnites iudicaverunt, quibus non fuit satis consules spondere, sed legatos, quaestores, tribunos militum spondere coegerunt.

And yet it is not the indignity of the terms that lightens the bond of the sponsion; if there is anything in which the People can be obligated, it can be in all things. And not even this, which perhaps may move some, makes a difference—whether a consul or a dictator or a praetor made the pledge. And this the Samnites themselves also judged, for it was not enough for them that the consuls should pledge, but they compelled the legates, quaestors, and tribunes of the soldiers to pledge as well.

Nec a me nunc quisquam quaesiverit quid ita spoponderim, cum id nec consulis ius esset nec illis spondere pacem quae mei non erat arbitrii, nec pro vobis qui nihil mandaveratis possem. Nihil ad Caudium, patres conscripti, humanis consiliis gestum est; di immortales et vestris et hostium imperatoribus mentem ademerunt. Nec nos in bello satis cavimus et illi male partam victoriam male perdiderunt, dum vix locis quibus vicerant credunt, dum quacumque condicione arma viris in arma natis auferre festinant.

Nor let anyone now inquire of me why I thus pledged, since that was neither the right of the consul, nor was it for them to pledge a peace which was not within my discretion, nor could I do so on your behalf, you who had given no mandate. Nothing at Caudium, Conscript Fathers, was accomplished by human counsels; the immortal gods deprived both your commanders and the enemy’s of their wits. Nor did we take sufficient precautions in war, and they badly lost an ill‑gotten victory, while they scarcely trust the places by which they had won, while they hasten, on whatever terms, to strip arms from men born to arms.

An, si sana mens fuisset, difficile illis fuit, dum senes ab domo ad consultandum accersunt, mittere Romam legatos? cum senatu, cum populo de pace ac foedere agere? Tridui iter expeditis erat; interea in indutiis res fuisset, donec ab Roma legati aut victoriam illis certam aut pacem adferrent.

Or, if there had been a sound mind, would it have been difficult for them, while they were summoning old men from home for consultation, to send envoys to Rome? To deal with the senate, with the people, concerning peace and a treaty? For the unencumbered it was a three days’ journey; in the meantime the matter would have been under a truce, until from Rome the envoys should bring them either certain victory or peace.

Ea demum sponsio esset quam populi iussu spopondissemus. Sed neque vos tulissetis nec nos spopondissemus; nec fas fuit alium rerum exitum esse quam ut illi velut somnio laetiore quam quod mentes eorum capere possent nequiquam eluderentur, et nostrum exercitum eadem quae impedierat fortuna expediret, vanam victoriam vanior inritam faceret pax, sponsio interponeretur quae neminem praeter sponsorem obligaret. Quid enim vobiscum, patres conscripti, quid cum populo Romano actum est?

That at last would be a sponsion, which we had pledged by the People’s order. But neither would you have borne it, nor would we have pledged it; nor was it right that there be any other outcome of affairs than that they should be deluded in vain, as if by a dream more cheerful than their minds could contain; and that the same fortune which had impeded our army should expedite it; that a vain victory a yet vainer peace should make null; that a sponsion be interposed which would bind no one except the sponsor. For what, Conscript Fathers, what with the Roman People, has been transacted?

quis vos appellare potest, quis se a vobis dicere deceptum? hostis an civis? hosti nihil spopondistis, civem neminem spondere pro vobis iussistis.

Who can call you into court, who can say that he has been deceived by you? To an enemy you have pledged nothing; you have ordered no citizen to pledge on your behalf.

Nihil ergo vobis nec nobiscum est quibus nihil mandastis, nec cum Samnitibus cum quibus nihil egistis. Samnitibus sponsores nos sumus rei satis locupletes in id quod nostrum est, in id quod praestare possumus, corpora nostra et animos; in haec saeviant, in haec ferrum, in haec iras acuant. Quod ad tribunos attinet, consulite utrum praesens deditio eorum fieri possit an in diem differatur; nos interim, T. Veturi vosque ceteri, vilia haec capita, luendae sponsionis feramus et nostro supplicio liberemus Romana arma."

Therefore you have nothing either with us, to whom you entrusted nothing, nor with the Samnites, with whom you transacted nothing. To the Samnites we are the sponsors of the matter, sufficiently solvent for that which is ours, for that which we can furnish—our bodies and our spirits; upon these let them rage, upon these let them whet steel and sharpen their angers. As for the tribunes, deliberate whether their present surrender can be made, or deferred to a set day; we meanwhile—T. Veturi, and you the rest—let us offer these paltry heads for the paying of the sponsio, and by our punishment free the Roman arms."

[10] Mouit patres conscriptos cum causa tum auctor, nec ceteros solum sed tribunos etiam plebei, ut se in senatus dicerent fore potestate. Magistratu inde se extemplo abdicaverunt traditique fetialibus cum ceteris Caudium ducendi. Hoc senatus consulto facto lux quaedam adfulsisse civitati visa est.

[10] Both the cause and the proposer moved the enrolled fathers, and not the others only but even the tribunes of the plebs, to declare that they would be under the power of the senate. Thereupon they immediately abdicated their magistracy and were handed over to the fetial priests, to be led with the others to Caudium. By this senatorial decree having been passed, a certain light seemed to have shone upon the commonwealth.

Postumius in ore erat; eum laudibus ad caelum ferebant, devotioni P. Deci consulis, aliis claris facinoribus aequabant: emersisse civitatem ex obnoxia pace illius consilio et opera; ipsum se cruciatibus et hostium irae offerre piaculaque pro populo Romano dare. Arma cuncti spectant et bellum: en unquam futurum, ut congredi armatis cum Samnite liceat?

Postumius was on everyone’s lips; they were carrying him to heaven with praises, equating him with the devotio of P. Decius the consul and with other illustrious deeds: that the state had emerged from a servile peace by his counsel and effort; that he was offering himself to torments and to the wrath of the enemy and was giving expiations for the Roman people. All look to arms and to war: lo, will there ever come a time when it is permitted to engage in combat under arms with the Samnite?

In civitate ira odioque ardente dilectus prope omnium voluntariorum fuit. Rescriptae ex eodem milite novae legiones ductusque ad Caudium exercitus. Praegressi fetiales ubi ad portam venere, vestem detrahi pacis sponsoribus iubent, manus post tergum vinciri.

In the city, with anger and hatred blazing, the levy was almost entirely of volunteers. New legions were enrolled from the same soldiery, and the army was led to Caudium. The fetials, having gone ahead, when they came to the gate, order the garments to be stripped from the sponsors of the peace, and the hands to be bound behind the back.

Cum apparitor verecundia maiestatis Postumi laxe vinciret, "quin tu" inquit "adduces lorum, ut iusta fiat deditio?" Tum ubi in coetum Samnitium et ad tribunal ventum Ponti est, A. Cornelius Aruina fetialis ita verba fecit. "Quandoque hisce homines iniussu populi Romani Quiritium foedus ictum iri spoponderunt atque ob eam rem noxam nocuerunt, ob eam rem quo populus Romanus scelere impio sit solutus hosce homines vobis dedo." Haec dicenti fetiali Postumius genu femur quanta maxime poterat vi perculit et clara voce ait se Samnitem civem esse, illum legatum [fetialem] a se contra ius gentium violatum; eo iustius bellum gesturos.

When the attendant, out of deference to the majesty of Postumius, was binding him loosely, “Why don’t you,” said he, “draw the strap tight, so that the surrender may be lawful?” Then, when they had come into the assembly of the Samnites and to the tribunal of Pontius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina, the fetial, spoke thus: “Whereas these men, without the order of the Roman People, the Quirites, pledged that a treaty would be struck, and on that account have incurred guilt, for that reason, in order that the Roman People may be released from an impious crime, I surrender these men to you.” As the fetial was saying these things, Postumius struck his thigh with his knee with all the force he could, and in a clear voice said that he was a Samnite citizen, that that envoy [fetial] had been violated by him contrary to the law of nations; that for this reason they would wage the war more justly.

[11] Tum Pontius "nec ego istam deditionem accipiam" inquit, "nec Samnites ratam habebunt. Quin tu, Sp. Postumi, si deos esse censes, aut omnia inrita facis aut pacto stas? Samniti populo omnes quos in potestate habuit aut pro iis pax debetur.

[11] Then Pontius said, "nor will I accept that surrender," and, "nor will the Samnites hold it ratified. Come now, Sp. Postumius, if you think that gods exist, either make everything null or stand by the pact. To the Samnite people peace is owed for all those whom it had in its power, or on behalf of them."

Sed quid ego te appello, qui te captum victori cum qua potes fide restituis? Populum Romanum appello; quem si sponsionis ad Furculas Caudinas factae paenitet, restituat legiones intra saltum quo saeptae fuerunt. Nemo quemquam deceperit; omnia pro infecto sint; recipiant arma quae per pactionem tradiderunt; redeant in castra sua; quidquid pridie habuerunt quam in conloquium est ventum habeant; tum bellum et fortia consilia placeant, tum sponsio et pax repudietur.

But why should I address you, who, captured, restore yourself to the victor with whatever good faith you can? I appeal to the Roman People; if it repents of the sponsion made at the Caudine Forks, let it restore the legions within the pass in which they were hemmed in. Let no one have deceived anyone; let everything be as if undone; let them take back the arms which they handed over by pact; let them return to their own camp; let them have whatever they had the day before the colloquy was entered upon; then let war and brave counsels be pleasing, then let the sponsion and peace be repudiated.

Ea fortuna, iis locis quae ante pacis mentionem habuimus geramus bellum; nec populus Romanus consulum sponsionem nec nos fidem populi Romani accusemus. Nunquamne causa defiet cur victi pacto non stetis? Obsides Porsinnae dedistis; furto eos subduxistis.

On that condition, in the positions which we held before mention of peace, let us wage war; and let neither the Roman people arraign the consuls’ sponsion nor let us arraign the good faith of the Roman people. Will a cause never be lacking why, when defeated, you do not stand by the pact? You gave hostages to Porsenna; by stealth you stole them away.

Auro civitatem a Gallis redemistis; inter accipiendum aurum caesi sunt. Pacem nobiscum pepigistis ut legiones vobis captas restitueremus; eam pacem inritam facitis. Et semper aliquam fraudi speciem iuris imponitis.

With gold you redeemed the state from the Gauls; in the midst of receiving the gold they were slain. You struck a peace with us that we might restore to you the legions captured; you render that peace void. And you always impose some semblance of law upon fraud.

Non probat populus Romanus ignominiosa pace legiones servatas? Pacem sibi habeat, legiones captas victori restituat; hoc fide, hoc foederibus, hoc fetialibus caerimoniis dignum erat. Ut quidem tu quod petisti per pactionem habeas, tot cives incolumes, ego pacem quam hos tibi remittendo pactus sum non habeam, hoc tu, A. Corneli, hoc vos, fetiales, iuris gentibus dicitis?

Does the Roman people not approve of legions preserved by an ignominious peace? Let it have the peace for itself; let it restore the captured legions to the victor; this was worthy of good faith, of treaties, of the fetial ceremonies. That indeed you should have, by paction, what you requested—so many citizens unharmed—while I should not have the peace which I bargained for by sending these back to you: is this, A. Cornelius, is this, you fetials, what you declare to be the law of nations?

Ego vero istos quos dedi simulatis nec accipio nec dedi arbitror, nec moror quo minus in civitatem oblactam sponsione commissa iratis omnibus dis, quorum eluditur numen, redeant. Gerite bellum, quando Sp. Postumius modo legatum [fetialem] genu perculit. Ita di credent Samnitem civem Postumium, non civem Romanum esse et a Samnite legatum Romanum violatum; eo vobis iustum in nos factum esse bellum.

But as for those whom I delivered by pretenses, I neither receive them nor do I deem that I delivered them, and I do not delay to the effect that they may return to the commonwealth beguiled by a sponsion undertaken, with all the gods angered, whose divinity is being made sport of. Wage war, since Sp. Postumius just now struck a [fetial] legate with his knee. Thus the gods will believe that Postumius is a Samnite citizen, not a Roman citizen, and that by a Samnite a Roman legate was violated; therefore a just war has been made by you against us.

Haec ludibria religionum non pudere in lucem proferre et vix pueris dignas ambages senes ac consulares fallendae fidei exquirere. I, lictor, deme vincla Romanis; moratus sit nemo quo minus ubi visum fuerit abeant." Et illi quidem, forsitan et publica, sua certe liberata fide ab Caudio in castra Romana inviolati redierunt.

That they are not ashamed to bring these mockeries of religions into the light, and that old men and consulars are searching out evasions scarcely worthy of boys for the cheating of good faith. “Go, lictor, remove the bonds from the Romans; let no one be delayed from going off wherever it shall have seemed good.” And they indeed—perhaps in respect to the public pledge as well, certainly with their own faith set free—by Claudius returned inviolate to the Roman camp.

[12] Samnitibus pro superba pace infestissimum cernentibus renatum bellum omnia quae deinde evenerunt non in animis solum sed prope in oculis esse; et sero ac nequiquam laudare senis Ponti utraque consilia, inter quae se medio lapsos victoriae possessionem pace incerta mutasse; et beneficii et maleficii occasione amissa pugnaturos cum eis quos potuerint in perpetuum vel inimicos tollere vel amicos facere. Adeoque nullodum certamine inclinatis viribus post Caudinam pacem animi mutaverant, ut clariorem inter Romanos deditio Postumium quam Pontium incruenta victoria inter Samnites faceret, et geri posse bellum Romani pro victoria certa haberent, Samnites simul rebellasse et vicisse crederent Romanum.

[12] To the Samnites, seeing the war reborn as most hostile in place of the overbearing peace, all the things which then ensued seemed to be not only in minds but almost before the eyes; and that late and to no purpose they were praising the two counsels of the old Pontius, between which, having slipped down the middle, they had exchanged the possession of victory for an uncertain peace; and that, the occasion for both beneficium and maleficium having been lost, they would fight with those whom they might be able either to remove as enemies forever or to make as friends. And to such a degree had their spirits not yet changed after the Caudine peace, their forces not yet inclined in any combat, that the surrender made Postumius more renowned among the Romans than Pontius’s bloodless victory among the Samnites, and the Romans held as assured victory the fact that the war could be carried on, while the Samnites believed that they had at once rebelled and conquered the Roman.

Inter haec Satricani ad Samnites defecerunt, et Fregellae colonia necopinato adventu Samnitium—fuisse et Satricanos cum iis satis constat—nocte occupata est. Timor inde mutuus utrosque usque ad lucem quietos tenuit; lux pugnae initium fuit, quam aliquamdiu aequam—et quia pro aris ac focis dimicabatur et quia ex tectis adiuvabat imbellis multitudo—tamen Fregellani sustinuerunt; fraus deinde rem inclinavit, quod vocem audiri praeconis passi sunt incolumem abiturum qui arma posuisset. Ea spes remisit a certamine animos et passim arma iactari coepta.

Meanwhile the Satricans defected to the Samnites, and the colony of Fregellae was occupied by the unexpected advent of the Samnites—fuisse et Satricanos cum iis satis constat—and at night. Thence mutual fear kept both parties quiet until daylight; the light was the beginning of the battle, which for some time the Fregellans sustained on equal terms—both because men were fighting for altars and hearths and because from the roofs the unwarlike multitude gave aid—nevertheless the Fregellans held out; then fraud inclined the affair, in that they allowed the voice of a herald to be heard, that whoever had laid down his arms would depart unharmed. That hope relaxed their spirits from the contest, and on all sides arms began to be flung away.

Pertinacior pars armata per aversam portam erupit tutiorque eis audacia fuit quam incautus ad credendum ceteris pavor, quos circumdatos igni nequiquam deos fidemque invocantes Samnites concremaverunt.

The more pertinacious armed party burst out through the back gate, and audacity was safer for them than, for the rest, the incautious credulity born of fear; these, surrounded with fire and invoking in vain the gods and good faith, the Samnites burned to ashes.

Consules inter se partiti provincias, Papirius in Apuliam ad Luceriam pergit, ubi equites Romani obsides ad Caudium dati custodiebantur, Publilius in Samnio substitit adversus Caudinas legiones. Distendit ea res Samnitium animos, quod nec ad Luceriam ire, ne ab tergo instaret hostis, nec manere, ne Luceria interim amitteretur, satis audebant. Optimum visum est committere rem fortunae et transigere cum Publilio certamen; itaque in aciem copias educunt.

The consuls, having divided the provinces between themselves, Papirius proceeds into Apulia to Luceria, where Roman cavalrymen given as hostages at Caudium were being kept under guard, while Publilius halted in Samnium against the Caudine legions. That circumstance strained the spirits of the Samnites, because they did not dare enough either to go to Luceria, lest the enemy press upon them from the rear, or to remain, lest Luceria meanwhile be lost. It seemed best to commit the matter to Fortune and bring the contest with Publilius to a conclusion; and so they lead their forces out into battle-line.

[13] Adversus quos Publilius consul cum dimicaturus esset, prius adloquendos milites ratus contionem advocari iussit; ceterum sicut ingenti alacritate ad praetorium concursum est, ita prae clamore poscentium pugnam nulla adhortatio imperatoris audita est; suus cuique animus memor ignominiae adhortator aderat. Vadunt igitur in proelium urgentes signiferos et, ne mora in concursu pilis emittendis stringendisque inde gladiis esset, pila velut dato ad id signo abiciunt strictisque gladiis cursu in hostem feruntur. Nihil illic imperatoriae artis ordinibus aut subsidiis locandis fuit; omnia ira militaris prope vesano impetu egit.

[13] Against whom, when the consul Publilius was about to engage, thinking the soldiers ought first to be addressed he ordered an assembly to be called; but just as there was a rush with immense alacrity to the praetorium, so, over the clamor of those demanding battle, no exhortation of the commander was heard; each man’s own spirit, mindful of the ignominy, stood by as his exhorter. They go, therefore, into battle, pressing upon the standard-bearers, and, lest there be delay at the clash in hurling the pila and then in drawing the swords, they throw down their pila as though a signal had been given for that, and with swords drawn, at a run, they are borne against the enemy. There was nothing there of the art of generalship in posting ranks or reserves; military wrath drove everything on with a nearly insane onset.

Itaque non fusi modo hostes sunt sed ne castris quidem suis fugam impedire ausi Apuliam dissipati petiere; Luceriam tamen coacto rursus in unum agmine est perventum. Romanos ira eadem, quae per mediam aciem hostium tulerat, et in castra pertulit. Ibi plus quam in acie sanguinis ad caedis factum praedaeque pars maior ira corrupta.

And so the enemy were not only routed, but, not even daring to check their flight by their own camp, scattered they made for Apulia; to Luceria, however, when their column had been massed again into one, they came. The same wrath which had borne the Romans through the middle of the enemy’s battle line carried them into the camp as well. There more blood than in the battle line was shed in slaughter, and a greater portion of the booty was spoiled by wrath.

Exercitus alter cum Papirio consule locis maritimis pervenerat Arpos per omnia pacata Samnitium magis iniuriis et odio quam beneficio ullo populi Romani; nam Samnites, ea tempestate in montibus vicatim habitantes, campestria et maritima loca contempto cultorum molliore atque, ut evenit fere, locis simili genere ipsi montani atque agrestes depopulabantur. Quae regio si fida Samnitibus fuisset, aut pervenire Arpos exercitus Romanus nequisset aut interiecta [inter Romam et Arpos] penuria rerum omnium exclusos a commeatibus absumpsisset. Tum quoque profectos inde ad Luceriam iuxta obsidentes obsessosque inopia vexavit: omnia ab Arpis Romanis suppeditabantur, ceterum adeo exigue ut militi occupato stationibus vigiliisque et opere eques folliculis in castra ab Arpis frumentum veheret, interdum occursu hostium cogeretur abiecto ex equo frumento pugnare: obsessis priusquam alter consul victore exercitu advenit, et commeatus ex montibus Samnitium invecti erant et auxilia intromissa.

The other army, with the consul Papirius, had reached Arpi by the maritime routes, a place in all respects pacified more by the injuries and hatred felt toward the Samnites than by any benefit from the Roman people; for the Samnites, at that time dwelling in the mountains in village-clusters, were ravaging the plains and the maritime places, the softer temper of the cultivators being despised and, as generally happens, they themselves, being mountaineers and rustic, making depredations in places of such a kind. If that region had been faithful to the Samnites, either the Roman army could not have reached Arpi, or the penury of all things lying between [between Rome and Arpi], cutting them off from supply-lines, would have consumed them. Then too, when they set out from there to Luceria, want harassed alike the besiegers and the besieged: everything was furnished to the Romans from Arpi, but so scantily that, the foot-soldier being occupied with posts, watches, and work, the horseman carried grain in little sacks from Arpi into the camp, and sometimes, at the encounter of the enemy, was forced, having thrown down the grain from his horse, to fight; to the besieged, before the other consul arrived with a victor army, both convoys of provisions had been brought in from the Samnites’ mountains and reinforcements had been admitted.

Artiora omnia adventus Publili fecit, qui obsidione delegata in curam collegae vacuus per agros cuncta infesta commeatibus hostium fecerat. Itaque cum spes nulla esset diutius obsessos inopiam laturos, coacti Samnites, qui ad Luceriam castra habebant, undique contractis viribus signa cum Papirio conferre.

The arrival of Publilius made all things more straitened; for, the siege having been delegated into his colleague’s care, being at liberty he had made everything through the fields hostile to the enemy’s supplies. Accordingly, since there was no hope that the besieged would endure the scarcity any longer, the Samnites, who had their camp at Luceria, were compelled, with their forces drawn together from every side, to bring their standards together with Papirius.

[14] Per id tempus parantibus utrisque se ad proelium legati Tarentini interveniunt, denuntiantes Samnitibus Romanisque ut bellum omitterent: per utros stetisset quo minus discederetur ab armis, adversus eos se pro alteris pugnaturos. Ea legatione Papirius audita perinde ac motus dictis eorum cum collega se communicaturum respondit; accitoque eo, cum tempus omne in apparatu pugnae consumpsisset conlocutus de re haud dubia, signum pugnae proposuit. Agentibus divina humanaque, quae adsolent cum acie dimicandum est, consulibus Tarentini legati occursare responsum exspectantes; quibus Papirius ait: "auspicia secunda esse, Tarentini, pullarius nuntiat; litatum praeterea est egregie; auctoribus dis, ut videtis, ad rem gerendam proficiscimur". Signa inde ferre iussit et copias eduxit vanissimam increpans gentem, quae, suarum impotens rerum prae domesticis seditionibus discordiisque, aliis modum pacis ac belli facere aequum censeret.

[14] At that time, as both sides were preparing themselves for battle, Tarentine envoys intervene, denouncing and warning the Samnites and the Romans to abandon the war: whichever party it stood with that there should not be a departure from arms, against that party they would fight on behalf of the other. Papirius, the embassy having been heard, as if moved by their words, replied that he would communicate with his colleague; and, when he had been called in, after he had consumed all the time in the apparatus of battle, having conferred about a matter by no means doubtful, he displayed the signal for battle. While the consuls were performing the divine and human rites that are accustomed when a battle-line is to be fought, the Tarentine envoys kept running up, awaiting an answer; to whom Papirius said: "the pullarius announces that the auspices are favorable, Tarentines; moreover, there has been an excellent litation; with the gods as authors, as you see, we set out to conduct the affair." Then he ordered the standards to be borne and led out the troops, rebuking that most vainglorious nation, which, incompetent in its own affairs because of domestic seditions and discords, should deem it equitable to set the measure of peace and war for others.

Samnites ex parte altera, cum omnem curam belli remisissent, quia aut pacem vere cupiebant aut expediebat simulare ut Tarentinos sibi conciliarent, cum instructos repente ad pugnam Romanos conspexissent, vociferari se in auctoritate Tarentinorum manere nec descendere in aciem nec extra vallum arma ferre; deceptos potius quodcumque casus ferat passuros quam ut sprevisse pacis auctores Tarentinos videantur. Accipere se omen consules aiunt et eam precari mentem hostibus ut ne vallum quidem defendant. Ipsi inter se partitis copiis succedunt hostium munimentis et simul undique adorti, cum pars fossas explerent, pars vellerent vallum atque in fossas proruerent, nec virtus modo insita sed ira etiam exulceratos ignominia stimularet animos, castra invasere; et pro se quisque non haec Furculas nec Caudium nec saltus invios esse, ubi errorem fraus superbe vicisset, sed Romanam virtutem, quam nec vallum nec fossae arcerent, memorantes caedunt pariter resistentes fusosque, inermes atque armatos, servos liberos, puberes impubes, homines iumentaque; nec ullum superfuisset animal, ni consules receptui signum dedissent avidosque caedis milites e castris hostium imperio ac minis expulissent.

The Samnites on the other side, since they had remitted all care of war—because either they truly desired peace or it was expedient to simulate it so as to conciliate the Tarentines—when they suddenly beheld the Romans drawn up for battle, began vociferating that they remained under the authority of the Tarentines and would neither descend into the battle-line nor bear arms beyond the rampart; deceived, they would rather endure whatever chance might bring than seem to have spurned the Tarentines, authors of peace. The consuls say they accept the omen and pray for such a mind in the enemies that they not even defend the rampart. They themselves, their forces divided between them, move up to the enemy’s fortifications, and, at once assailing from every side, while part filled the ditches, part plucked up the rampart and threw it headlong into the ditches; and not only the inborn virtus but anger too, ulcerated by ignominy, goaded their spirits—they stormed the camp; and each for his part kept reminding himself that these were not the Forks, nor Caudium, nor pathless passes, where fraud had proudly vanquished error, but Roman virtus, which neither rampart nor ditches would ward off; and they cut down alike those who resisted and those who were routed, the unarmed and the armed, slaves and free, of age and under age, men and beasts of burden; nor would any animal have survived, had not the consuls given the signal for recall and driven the soldiers, avid for slaughter, out of the enemy camp by command and threats.

Itaque apud infensos ob interpellatam dulcedinem irae confestim oratio habita est, ut doceretur miles minime cuiquam militum consules odio in hostes cessisse aut cessuros; quin duces sicut belli ita insatiabilis supplicii futuros fuisse, ni respectus equitum sescentorum qui Luceriae obsides tenerentur praepedisset animos, ne desperata venia hostes caecos in supplicia eorum ageret perdere prius quam perire optantes. Laudare ea milites laetarique obviam itum irae suae esse ac fateri omnia patienda potius quam proderetur salus tot principum Romanae iuventutis.

Therefore, among men infuriated because the sweetness of their wrath had been interrupted, a speech was at once delivered, to teach the soldiery that the consuls had by no means, out of hatred toward the enemy, ceased or would cease—not for any man of the soldiers; nay rather, that the commanders would have been as insatiable of punishment as of war, had not regard for the six hundred horsemen who were held as hostages at Luceria hampered their spirits, lest, with pardon despaired of, they drive the enemy, blind, to the execution of those men—to destroy before being destroyed, choosing to perish. The soldiers praised these measures and rejoiced that a course had been taken to meet their anger, and acknowledged that everything ought rather to be endured than that the safety of so many chiefs of the Roman youth be betrayed.

[15] Dimissa contione consilium habitum omnibusne copiis Luceriam premerent an altero exercitu et duce Apuli circa, gens dubiae ad id voluntatis, temptarentur. Publilius consul ad peragrandam profectus Apuliam aliquot expeditione una populos aut vi subegit aut condicionibus in societatem accepit. Papirio quoque, qui obsessor Luceriae restiterat, brevi ad spem eventus respondit; nam insessis omnibus viis per quas commeatus ex Samnio subvehebantur, fame domiti Samnites qui Luceriae in praesidio erant legatos misere ad consulem Romanum, ut receptis equitibus qui causa belli essent absisteret obsidione.

[15] The assembly having been dismissed, a council was held whether they should press Luceria with all their forces, or whether with another army and commander the Apuli around—a nation of doubtful will in that matter—should be tested. The consul Publilius, having set out to traverse Apulia, in a single expedition either subdued several peoples by force or received them into alliance on terms. Papirius also, who had remained as the besieger of Luceria, soon answered to expectation; for, with all the roads occupied by which supplies were being brought up from Samnium, the Samnites who were in garrison at Luceria, tamed by hunger, sent envoys to the Roman consul, to the effect that, the horsemen—who were the cause of the war—being restored, he should desist from the siege.

Iis Papirius ita respondit debuisse eos Pontium Herenni filium, quo auctore Romanos sub iugum misissent, consulere quid victis patiendum censeret; ceterum quoniam ab hostibus in se aequa statui quam in se ipsi ferre maluerint, nuntiare Luceriam iussit arma, sarcinas, iumenta, multitudinem omnem imbellem intra moenia relinquerent; militem se cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum missurum, ulciscentem inlatam, non novam inferentem ignominiam. Nihil recusatum. Septem milia militum sub iugum missa praedaque ingens Luceriae capta, receptis omnibus signis armisque quae ad Caudium amissa erant et, quod omnia superabat gaudia, equitibus reciperatis quos pignora pacis custodiendos Luceriam Samnites dederant.

To these things Papirius replied thus: that they ought to consult Pontius, son of Herennius, at whose authority they had sent the Romans under the yoke, as to what the conquered ought to endure; but since they preferred to have equitable terms set upon them by enemies rather than impose them upon themselves, he ordered word to be sent to Luceria that they should leave arms, packs, beasts of burden, and all the unwarlike multitude within the walls; that he would send the soldiery, each with a single garment, under the yoke, avenging an ignominy inflicted, not inflicting a new one. Nothing was refused. Seven thousand soldiers were sent under the yoke, and immense spoils were taken at Luceria, all the standards and arms recovered which had been lost at Caudium, and—what surpassed all joys—the cavalry recovered whom the Samnites had delivered to Luceria to be kept as pledges of peace.

Haud ferme alia mutatione subita rerum clarior victoria populi Romani est, si quidem etiam, quod quibusdam in annalibus invenio, Pontius Herenni filius, Samnitium imperator, ut expiaret consulum ignominiam, sub iugum cum ceteris est missus.

Hardly by any other sudden mutation of affairs was there a more illustrious victory of the Roman people, since indeed also—as I find in certain annals—Pontius, son of Herennius, commander of the Samnites, in order to expiate the ignominy of the consuls, was sent under the yoke together with the rest.

Ceterum id minus miror obscurum esse de hostium duce dedito missoque; id magis mirabile est ambigi Luciusne Cornelius dictator cum L. Papirio Cursore magistro equitum eas res ad Caudium atque inde Luceriam gesserit ultorque unicus Romanae ignominiae haud sciam an iustissimo triumpho ad eam aetatem secundum Furium Camillum triumphaverit an consulum—Papirique praecipuum—id decus sit. Sequitur hunc errorem alius error Cursorne Papirius proximis comitiis cum Q. Aulio Cerretano iterum ob rem bene gestam Luceriae continuato magistratu consul tertium creatus sit an L. Papirius Mugillanus et in cognomine erratum sit.

But I marvel less that it is obscure about the enemy commander’s having been surrendered and sent; what is more marvelous is that it is disputed whether Lucius Cornelius, as dictator, with L. Papirius Cursor as master of the horse, conducted those affairs at Caudium and thence at Luceria, and, as the sole avenger of the Roman ignominy, I do not know whether, with a most just triumph, he down to that time triumphed second only to Furius Camillus, or whether that distinction belongs to the consuls—Papirius’s especially. There follows upon this error another error: whether Papirius Cursor, at the next comitia together with Q. Aulius Cerretanus, again on account of the well-managed affair at Luceria, with his magistracy continued, was created consul for the third time, or whether it was L. Papirius Mugillanus and there was a mistake in the cognomen.

[16] Convenit iam inde per consules reliqua belli perfecta. Aulius cum Ferentanis uno secundo proelio debellavit urbemque ipsam, quo se fusa contulerat acies, obsidibus imperatis in deditionem accepit. Pari fortuna consul alter cum Satricanis, qui cives Romani post Caudinam cladem ad Samnites defecerant praesidiumque eorum in urbem acceperant, rem gessit.

[16] From that point it is agreed that the remaining operations of the war were completed by the consuls. Aulius with the Ferentans, by one successful battle, finished the war; and the city itself, to which the routed battle-line had betaken itself, he accepted into surrender with hostages imposed. With equal fortune the other consul conducted the matter with the Satricans, who, being Roman citizens, after the Caudine disaster had defected to the Samnites and had admitted their garrison into the city.

Nam cum ad moenia Satrici admotus esset exercitus legatisque missis ad pacem cum precibus petendam triste responsum ab consule redditum esset, nisi praesidio Samnitium interfecto aut tradito ne ad se remearent, plus ea voce quam armis inlatis terroris colonis iniectum. Itaque subinde exsequentes quaerendo a consule legati quonam se pacto paucos et infirmos crederet praesidio tam valido et armato vim allaturos, ab iisdem consilium petere iussi quibus auctoribus praesidium in urbem accepissent, discedunt aegreque impetrato ut de ea re consuli senatum responsaque ad se referri sineret ad suos redeunt. Duae factiones senatum distinebant, una cuius principes erant defectionis a populo Romano auctores, altera fidelium civium; certatum ab utrisque tamen est ut ad reconciliandam pacem consuli opera navaretur.

For when the army had been moved up to the walls of Satricum and, envoys having been sent to sue for peace with entreaties, a grim answer had been returned by the consul—that unless the Samnite garrison were killed or handed over, so that they not return to them—more terror was injected into the colonists by that utterance than by arms brought in. Therefore the envoys, following up, by asking the consul by what arrangement he believed that they, few and weak, would bring force against so strong and armed a garrison, were ordered to seek counsel from those same men at whose instigation they had received the garrison into the city; they depart, and, having with difficulty obtained that he allow the senate to be consulted by the consul on that matter and that the answers be reported back to them, they return to their own. Two factions were detaining the senate: one, whose chiefs were the authors of the defection from the Roman people; the other, of loyal citizens. Nevertheless both sides contended that service be rendered to the consul for the reconciling of peace.

Pars altera, cum praesidium Samnitium, quia nihil satis praeparati erat ad obsidionem tolerandam, excessurum proxima nocte esset, enuntiare consuli satis habuit qua noctis hora quaque porta et quam in viam egressurus hostis foret; altera, quibus invitis descitum ad Samnites erat, eadem nocte portam etiam consuli aperuerunt armatosque clam hoste in urbem acceperunt. Ita duplici proditione et praesidium Samnitium insessis circa viam silvestribus locis necopinato oppressum est, et ab urbe plena hostium clamor sublatus momentoque unius horae caesus Samnis, Satricanus captus, et omnia in potestate consulis erant; qui quaestione habita quorum opera defectio esset facta, quos sontes comperit, virgis caesos securi percussit praesidioque valido imposito arma Satricanis ademit.

Another party, since the Samnite garrison, because nothing had been sufficiently prepared to endure a siege, was to withdraw the next night, thought it enough to announce to the consul at what hour of the night and by which gate and onto what road the enemy would go out; the other, who had, against their will, seceded to the Samnites, that same night even opened a gate to the consul and admitted armed men into the city unbeknownst to the enemy. Thus by a double treason both the Samnite garrison, in wooded places that had been occupied along the road, was unexpectedly overwhelmed, and from a city full of enemies a shout was raised; and in the span of a single hour the Samnite was cut down, the Satrican captured, and everything was in the consul’s power. He, an inquest having been held as to by whose agency the defection had been effected, those whom he found guilty, after being beaten with rods, he struck with the axe, and, a strong garrison having been imposed, he took away the arms from the Satricans.

Inde ad triumphum decessisse Romam Papirium Cursorem scribunt, qui eo duce Luceriam receptam Samnitesque sub iugum missos auctores sunt. Et fuit vir haud dubie dignus omni bellica laude, non animi solum vigore sed etiam corporis viribus excellens. Praecipua pedum pernicitas inerat, quae cognomen etiam dedit; victoremque cursu omnium aetatis suae fuisse ferunt [et] seu virium vi seu exercitatione multa, cibi vinique eundem capacissimum; nec cum ullo asperiorem, quia ipse invicti ad laborem corporis esset, fuisse militiam pediti pariter equitique; equites etiam aliquando ausos ab eo petere ut sibi pro re bene gesta laxaret aliquid laboris; quibus ille "ne nihil remissum dicatis, remitto" inquit, "ne utique dorsum demulceatis cum ex equis descendetis". Et vis erat in eo viro imperii ingens pariter in socios civesque.

Thence, they write, Papirius Cursor withdrew to Rome for a triumph, they being the authorities that under that leader Luceria was retaken and the Samnites were sent under the yoke. And he was a man without doubt worthy of every warlike praise, excelling not only in vigor of spirit but also in the strengths of body. A remarkable swiftness of foot was in him, which even gave the cognomen; and they report that in running he was the victor over all men of his age, [and] whether by the force of his powers or by much exercise, the same man was most capacious of food and wine; and under no commander—because he himself was unconquered for bodily toil—was soldiering harsher for foot-soldier and horseman alike; the cavalry even at times dared to ask of him that for a deed well done he would relax somewhat of their toil; to whom he said, “so that you may not say that nothing has been relaxed, I relax this: do not by any means be soothing your backs when you dismount from your horses.” And there was in that man an enormous force of command alike over allies and fellow citizens.

Praenestinus praetor per timorem segnius ex subsidiis suos duxerat in primam aciem; quem cum inambulans ante tabernaculum vocari iussisset, lictorem expedire securem iussit. Ad quam vocem exanimi stante Praenestino, "agedum, lictor, excide radicem hanc" inquit "incommodam ambulantibus", perfusumque ultimi supplicii metu multa dicta dimisit. Haud dubie illa aetate, qua nulla virtutum feracior fuit, nemo unus erat vir quo magis innixa res Romana staret.

The Praenestine praetor, through fear, had rather sluggishly led his men up from the reserves into the first battle-line; and when, walking about before the tent, he had ordered him to be called, he ordered the lictor to ready the axe. At this word, as the Praenestine stood half-lifeless, he said, "Come now, lictor, cut out this root, troublesome to walkers," and, drenched with the fear of the ultimate punishment, he dismissed him after many words spoken. Undoubtedly in that age, than which none was more fruitful of virtues, there was not a single man upon whom the Roman commonwealth stood more leaning.

Quin eum parem destinant animis magno Alexandro ducem, si arma Asia perdomita in Europam vertisset.—

Indeed, they designate him in their minds a leader equal to great Alexander, if, with Asia thoroughly subdued, he had turned his arms into Europe.—

[17] Nihil minus quaesitum a principio huius operis videri potest quam ut plus iusto ab rerum ordine declinarem varietatibusque distinguendo opere et legentibus velut deverticula amoena et requiem animo meo quaererem; tamen tanti regis ac ducis mentio, quibus saepe tacitus cogitationibus volutavi animum, eas euocat in medium, ut quaerere libeat quinam eventus Romanis rebus, si cum Alexandro foret bellatum, futurus fuerit.

[17] Nothing can seem to have been less sought from the beginning of this work than that I should decline more than is right from the order of affairs and, by distinguishing the work with varieties, seek for myself—and for readers as it were—pleasant byways and a rest for my mind; nevertheless the mention of so great a king and general, about whom I have often in silent cogitations rolled my mind, calls those thoughts into the open, so that it is pleasant to inquire what outcome for Roman affairs, if war had been waged with Alexander, would have been.

Plurimum in bello pollere videntur militum copia et virtus, ingenia imperatorum, fortuna per omnia humana maxime in res bellicas potens; ea et singula intuenti et universa sicut ab aliis regibus gentibusque, ita ab hoc quoque facile praestant invictum Romanum imperium. Iam primum, ut ordiar ab ducibus comparandis, haud equidem abnuo egregium ducem fuisse Alexandrum; sed clariorem tamen eum facit quod unus fuit, quod adulescens in incremento rerum, nondum alteram fortunam expertus, decessit. Ut alios reges claros ducesque omittam, magna exempla casuum humanorum, Cyrum, quem maxime Graeci laudibus celebrant, quid nisi longa vita, sicut Magnum modo Pompeium, vertenti praebuit fortunae?

The things that seem to have the greatest weight in war are the multitude and valor of the soldiers, the talents of generals, and Fortune—powerful through all human affairs, most of all in military matters; and these, whether one regards them singly or as a whole, just as they easily guarantee the Roman Empire undefeated against other kings and nations, so also against this man. Now first, to begin with comparing commanders, I by no means deny that Alexander was an outstanding leader; but what makes him more illustrious is that he was unique, that he died a youth in the upsurge of affairs, not yet having experienced the other face of Fortune. To omit other kings and celebrated commanders, great exemplars of the vicissitudes of human affairs—Cyrus, whom the Greeks most of all celebrate with praises—what but a long life presented him to turning Fortune, just as it did only lately Pompey the Great?

Recenseam duces Romanos, nec omnes omnium aetatium sed ipsos eos cum quibus consulibus aut dictatoribus Alexandro fuit bellandum, M. Valerium Coruum, C. Marcium Rutulum, C. Sulpicium, T. Manlium Torquatum, Q. Publilium Philonem, L. Papirium Cursorem, Q. Fabium Maximum, duos Decios, L. Volumnium, M'. Curium? Deinceps ingentes sequuntur viri, si Punicum Romano praevertisset bellum seniorque in Italiam traiecisset. Horum in quolibet cum indoles eadem quae in Alexandro erat animi ingeniique, tum disciplina militaris, iam inde ab initiis urbis tradita per manus, in artis perpetuis praeceptis ordinatae modum venerat.

Shall I review the Roman generals—not all of every age, but those very men with whom, as consuls or as dictators, there would have been war to wage with Alexander—M. Valerius Corvus, C. Marcius Rutilus, C. Sulpicius, T. Manlius Torquatus, Q. Publilius Philo, L. Papirius Cursor, Q. Fabius Maximus, the two Decii, L. Volumnius, M'. Curius? Next there follow men of vast stature, if the Punic war had anticipated the Roman, and if the elder had carried over into Italy. In any one of these, both the same native disposition of spirit and intellect that was in Alexander, and the military discipline—handed down from the beginnings of the City from hand to hand—had come to a method arranged in the perpetual precepts of an art.

Ita reges gesserant bella, ita deinde exactores regum Iunii Valeriique, ita deinceps Fabii, Quinctii, Cornelii, ita Furius Camillus, quem iuvenes ii quibus cum Alexandro dimicandum erat senem viderant.

Thus the kings had waged wars, thus then the expellers of the kings, the Junii and the Valerii; thus thereafter the Fabii, the Quinctii, the Cornelii; thus Furius Camillus, whom the young men—those who were to fight with Alexander—had seen as an old man.

Militaria opera pugnando obeunti Alexandro—nam ea quoque haud minus clarum eum faciunt—cessisset videlicet in acie oblatus par Manlius Torquatus aut Valerius Coruus, insignes ante milites quam duces, cessissent Decii, devotis corporibus in hostem ruentes, cessisset Papirius Cursor illo corporis robore, illo animi. Victus esset consiliis iuvenis unius, ne singulos nominem, senatus ille, quem qui ex regibus constare dixit unus veram speciem Romani senatus cepit. Id vero erat periculum, ne sollertius quam quilibet unus ex his quos nominavi castris locum caperet, commeatus expediret, ab insidiis praecaveret, tempus pugnae deligeret, aciem instrueret, subsidiis firmaret.

To Alexander, as he was discharging military operations by fighting—for these too make him no less illustrious—there would, plainly, have been offered in the battle line a peer in Manlius Torquatus or Valerius Corvus, men distinguished as soldiers before as commanders; the Decii, rushing upon the foe with bodies devoted, would have been a match; Papirius Cursor, with that strength of body, that of spirit, would have been a match. He would have been beaten by the counsels of any single young man—so as not to name individuals—of that senate, he who said that it was composed of kings alone having grasped the true likeness of the Roman senate. The real danger, in truth, was lest he should, more skillfully than any one of those whom I have named, seize a site for the camp, expedite the supplies, guard beforehand against ambushes, choose the time of battle, array the line, and strengthen it with reserves.

Non cum Dareo rem esse dixisset, quem mulierum ac spadonum agmen trahentem inter purpuram atque aurum oneratum fortunae apparatibus suae, praedam verius quam hostem, nihil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere, incruentus devicit. Longe alius Italiae quam Indiae, per quam temulento agmine comisabundus incessit, visus illi habitus esset, saltus Apuliae ac montes Lucanos cernenti et vestigia recentia domesticae cladis, ubi auunculus eius nuper, Epiri rex Alexander, absumptus erat.

He would have said that the matter was not with a Darius—whom, dragging a train of women and eunuchs amid purple and gold, burdened with the apparatus of his fortune, a prey more truly than an enemy, having done nothing other than bravely daring to contemn vanities, he vanquished bloodlessly. Far different would the aspect of Italy, than of India through which he advanced carousing with a temulent column, have appeared to him, as he looked upon the passes of Apulia and the Lucanian mountains and the fresh traces of a domestic disaster, where his uncle, Alexander king of Epirus, had lately been taken off.

[18] Et loquimur de Alexandro nondum merso secundis rebus, quarum nemo intolerantior fuit. Qui si ex habitu novae fortunae novique, ut ita dicam, ingenii quod sibi victor induerat spectetur, Dareo magis similis quam Alexandro in Italiam venisset et exercitum Macedoniae oblitum degenerantemque iam in Persarum mores adduxisset. Referre in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem vestis et desideratas humi iacentium adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves nedum victoribus, et foeda supplicia et inter vinum et epulas caedes amicorum et vanitatem ementiendae stirpis.

[18] And we speak of Alexander not yet submerged in prosperous affairs, than which none was more intolerant. If he be regarded from the guise of his new fortune and of the new, so to speak, genius which as victor he had put on, he would have come into Italy more like Darius than Alexander, and would have led the army of Macedonia, forgetful of itself and already degenerating into Persian manners. It irks one to recount in so great a king the haughty change of dress, and the craved flatteries of those prostrate on the ground—grievous even to Macedonians when they were the conquered, not to say when victors—and the foul punishments and the killings of friends amid wine and feasts, and the vanity of forging a lineage.

Quid si vini amor in dies fieret acrior? quid si trux ac praeferuida ira?—nec quicquam dubium inter scriptores refero—nullane haec damna imperatoriis virtutibus ducimus? Id vero periculum erat, quod levissimi ex Graecis qui Parthorum quoque contra nomen Romanum gloriae favent dictitare solent, ne maiestatem nominis Alexandri, quem ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror fuisse, sustinere non potuerit populus Romanus; et adversus quem Athenis, in civitate fracta Macedonum armis, cernente tum maxime prope fumantes Thebarum ruinas, contionari libere ausi sunt homines, id quod ex monumentis orationum patet, adversus eum nemo ex tot proceribus Romanis vocem liberam missurus fuerit.

What if the love of wine were to become keener by the day? What if his savage and over‑fervid wrath?—nor do I report anything doubtful among the writers—do we count none of these as damages to imperial virtues? That indeed was the danger, which the most frivolous among the Greeks—who are even wont to favor the glory of the Parthians against the Roman name—are accustomed to keep saying: lest the Roman people might not have been able to sustain the majesty of the name of Alexander, whom I reckon was not even known to them by fame; and against whom at Athens, in a city shattered by the arms of the Macedonians, while they looked upon the well‑nigh still‑smoking ruins of Thebes, men dared to harangue freely, as is evident from the monuments of speeches—against him no one from so many Roman nobles would have been about to send forth a free voice.

Quantalibet magnitudo hominis concipiatur animo; unius tamen ea magnitudo hominis erit collecta paulo plus decem annorum felicitate; quam qui eo extollunt quod populus Romanus etsi nullo bello multis tamen proeliis victus sit, Alexandro nullius pugnae non secunda fortuna fuerit, non intellegunt se hominis res gestas, et eius iuvenis, cum populi iam octingentesimum bellantis annum rebus conferre. Miremur si, cum ex hac parte saecula plura numerentur quam ex illa anni, plus in tam longo spatio quam in aetate tredecim annorum fortuna variaverit? Quin tu homines cum homine, [et] duces cum duce, fortunam cum fortuna confers?

However great a magnitude of a man may be conceived in the mind; yet that magnitude of a single man will have been collected by a felicity of a little more than ten years; and those who exalt it on the ground that, although the Roman people was conquered in no war, yet it was beaten in many battles, whereas for Alexander there was no battle whose fortune was not favorable, do not understand that they are comparing the achievements of a man—and of him a youth—with the affairs of a people already warring in its eight-hundredth year. Shall we marvel if, since on this side more centuries are counted than years on that, fortune has varied more in so long a span than in an age of thirteen years? Why do you not compare men with a man, [and] leaders with a leader, fortune with fortune?

Quot Romanos duces nominem quibus nunquam adversa fortuna pugnae fuit? Paginas in annalibus magistratuumque fastis percurrere licet consulum dictatorumque quorum nec virtutis nec fortunae ullo die populum Romanum paenituit. Et quo sint mirabiliores quam Alexander aut quisquam rex, denos vicenosque dies quidam dictaturam, nemo plus quam annum consulatum gessit; ab tribunis plebis dilectus impediti sunt; post tempus ad bella ierunt, ante tempus comitiorum causa revocati sunt; in ipso conatu rerum circumegit se annus; collegae nunc temeritas, nunc pravitas impedimento aut damno fuit; male gestis rebus alterius successum est; tironem aut mala disciplina institutum exercitum acceperunt.

How many Roman commanders shall I name to whom the fortune of battle was never adverse? One may run through the pages in the annals and the magistrates’ fasti of consuls and dictators, of whom on no day did the Roman people repent either their valor or their fortune. And herein they are the more admirable than Alexander or any king: some held the dictatorship for ten or twenty days, no one the consulship for more than a year; the levies were impeded by the tribunes of the plebs; they went to war after the proper time, they were recalled before the time on account of the comitia; in the very attempt at their tasks the year wheeled round; now a colleague’s rashness, now his perversity, was an impediment or a harm; they had to take over affairs badly managed by another; they received an army raw, or one trained under bad discipline.

At hercule reges non liberi solum impedimentis omnibus sed domini rerum temporumque trahunt consiliis cuncta, non sequuntur. Invictus ergo Alexander cum invictis ducibus bella gessisset et eadem fortunae pignora in discrimen detulisset; immo etiam eo plus periculi subisset quod Macedones unum Alexandrum habuissent, multis casibus non solum obnoxium sed etiam offerentem se, Romani multi fuissent Alexandro vel gloria vel rerum magnitudine pares, quorum suo quisque fato sine publico discrimine viveret morereturque.

But, by Hercules, kings, not only free from all impediments but lords of affairs and of times, draw all things along by their counsels; they do not follow. Therefore the Unconquered Alexander, even if he had waged wars with unconquered generals and had brought the same pledges of fortune into peril; nay rather, he would have incurred so much more danger, because the Macedonians had but one Alexander—exposed to many chances, not only liable to them but even offering himself—whereas many Romans would have been equals to Alexander either in glory or in the magnitude of achievements, each of whom would live and die by his own fate without public hazard.

[19] Restat ut copiae copiis comparentur vel numero vel militum genere vel multitudine auxiliorum. Censebantur eius aetatis lustris ducena quinquagena milia capitum. Itaque in omni defectione sociorum Latini nominis urbano prope dilectu decem scribebantur legiones; quaterni quinique exercitus saepe per eos annos in Etruria, in Umbria Gallis hostibus adiunctis, in Samnio, in Lucanis gerebat bellum.

[19] It remains to compare forces with forces, either by number, by the kind of soldiers, or by the multitude of auxiliaries. In the lustral censuses of that age 250,000 heads were registered. And so, at every defection of the allies of the Latin name, by an almost urban levy, ten legions were enrolled; four and even five armies at a time, often in those years, waged war in Etruria, in Umbria with the Gauls joined as enemies, in Samnium, among the Lucanians.

Latium deinde omne cum Sabinis et Volscis et Aequis et omni Campania et parte Umbriae Etruriaeque et Picentibus et Marsis Paelignisque ac Vestinis atque Apulis, adiuncta omni ora Graecorum inferi maris a Thuriis Neapolim et Cumas et inde Antio atque Ostiis tenus Samnites aut socios validos Romanis aut fractos bello invenisset hostes. Ipse traiecisset mare cum veteranis Macedonibus non plus triginta milibus hominum et quattuor milibus equitum, maxime Thessalorum; hoc enim roboris erat. Persas Indos aliasque si adiunxisset gentes, impedimentum maius quam auxilium traheret.

Latium then in its entirety, together with the Sabines and the Volsci and the Aequi, and all Campania, and part of Umbria and Etruria, and the Picentes and the Marsi and the Paelignians and the Vestini and the Apulians, with the entire shore of the Greeks on the Lower Sea added, from Thurii to Neapolis and Cumae and thence to Antium and as far as Ostia—the Samnites he would have found either as strong allies to the Romans or as enemies broken by war. He himself would have crossed the sea with veteran Macedonians, no more than thirty thousand men and four thousand horse, chiefly Thessalians; for this was the strength. If he had added Persians, Indians, and other peoples, he would drag along an impediment greater than a help.

Adde quod Romanis ad manum domi supplementum esset, Alexandro, quod postea Hannibali accidit, alieno in agro bellanti exercitus consenuisset. Arma clupeus sarisaeque illis; Romano scutum, maius corpori tegumentum, et pilum, haud paulo quam hasta vehementius ictu missuque telum. Statarius uterque miles, ordines servans; sed illa phalanx immobilis et unius generis, Romana acies distinctior, ex pluribus partibus constans, facilis partienti, quacumque opus esset, facilis iungenti.

Add to this that for the Romans a supplement was at hand at home, whereas for Alexander, what later befell Hannibal would have happened: campaigning on alien soil, his army would have grown old. Arms: for them, the clipeus and the sarissae; for the Roman, the scutum, a larger covering for the body, and the pilum, a weapon by no small measure more vehement than the hasta both in blow and in cast. Each soldier was statary, keeping ranks; but that phalanx was immobile and of one kind, the Roman battle-line more distinct, consisting of more parts, easy for one apportioning it wherever there was need, easy for one joining it together.

Iam in opere quis par Romano miles? quis ad tolerandum laborem melior? uno proelio victus Alexander bello victus esset: Romanum, quem Caudium, quem Cannae non fregerunt, quae fregisset acies?

Now, in exertion, who is equal to the Roman soldier? who is better for enduring labor? Conquered in a single battle, Alexander would have been conquered in the war; the Roman—whom Caudium, whom Cannae did not break—what battle-line would have broken?

Ne ille saepe, etiamsi prima prospere evenissent, Persas et Indos et imbellem Asiam quaesisset et cum feminis sibi bellum fuisse dixisset, quod Epiri regem Alexandrum mortifero volnere ictum dixisse ferunt, sortem bellorum in Asia gestorum ab hoc ipso iuvene cum sua conferentem. Equidem cum per annos quattuor et viginti primo Punico bello classibus certatum cum Poenis recordor, vix aetatem Alexandri suffecturam fuisse reor ad unum bellum. Et forsitan, cum et foederibus vetustis iuncta res Punica Romanae esset et timor par adversus communem hostem duas potentissimas armis virisque urbes armaret, [et] simul Punico Romanoque obrutus bello esset.

Why, he would often, even if the first encounters had turned out prosperously, have sought the Persians and the Indians and unwarlike Asia, and would have said that his war had been with women—which they report Alexander, king of Epirus, struck by a death-dealing wound, to have said, comparing the fortune of wars waged in Asia by this very youth with his own. For my part, when I recall that for 24 years in the First Punic War it was a contest by fleets with the Carthaginians, I think the age of Alexander would scarcely have sufficed for a single war. And perhaps, since by ancient treaties the Punic state was joined to the Roman, and equal fear against a common enemy would arm two cities most powerful in arms and men, [and] he would at the same time have been overwhelmed by a Punic and a Roman war.

Non quidem Alexandro duce nec integris Macedonum rebus sed experti tamen sunt Romani Macedonem hostem adversus Antiochum Philippum Persen non modo cum clade ulla sed ne cum periculo quidem suo. Absit invidia verbo et civilia bella sileant: nunquam ab equite hoste, nunquam a pedite, nunquam aperta acie, nunquam aequis, utique nunquam nostris locis laboravimus: equitem, sagittas, saltus impeditos, avia commeatibus loca gravis armis miles timere potest. Mille acies graviores quam Macedonum atque Alexandri avertit avertetque, modo sit perpetuus huius qua vivimus pacis amor et civilis cura concordiae.—

Not indeed with Alexander as leader nor with the fortunes of the Macedonians intact, but nevertheless the Romans have experienced the Macedonian enemy—when fighting Antiochus, Philip, Perseus—not only without any disaster but not even with any danger to themselves. Far be envy from the word, and let civil wars be silent: never have we labored from enemy cavalry, never from infantry, never in open battle-line, never on equal terms, and certainly never in our own places: a soldier heavy with arms can fear cavalry, arrows, obstructed passes, pathless places for supplies. A thousand battle-lines more formidable than those of the Macedonians and of Alexander it has turned aside and will turn aside, provided there be a perpetual love of this peace in which we live and a civic care for concord.—

[20] M. Folius Flaccina inde et L. Plautius Venox consules facti. Eo anno ab frequentibus Samnitium populis de foedere renovando legati cum senatum humi strati movissent, reiecti ad populum haudquaquam tam efficaces habebant preces. Itaque de foedere negatum; indutiae biennii, cum per aliquot dies fatigassent singulos precibus, impetratae.

[20] Then M. Folius Flaccina and L. Plautius Venox were made consuls. In that year, when legates from the numerous peoples of the Samnites, concerning the renewing of the treaty, had moved the senate by lying prostrate on the ground, they were referred to the people, and there their prayers were by no means so effective. And so renewal of the treaty was denied; an armistice of 2 years, after they had for several days wearied individuals with entreaties, was obtained.

Et ex Apulia Teanenses Canusinique populationibus fessi obsidibus L. Plautio consuli datis in deditionem venerunt. Eodem anno primum praefecti Capuam creari coepti legibus ab L. Furio praetore datis, cum utrumque ipsi pro remedio aegris rebus discordia intestina petissent; et duae Romae additae tribus, Ufentina ac Falerna.

And from Apulia the Teanenses and the Canusini, wearied by ravagings, after hostages had been given to the consul L. Plautius, came into surrender. In the same year, for the first time, prefects for Capua began to be created by laws promulgated by the praetor L. Furius, since they themselves had sought both measures as a remedy for their ailing affairs amid internal discord; and two tribes were added at Rome, the Ufentine and the Falernian.

Inclinatis semel in Apulia rebus Teates quoque Apuli ad novos consules, C. Iunium Bubulcum Q. Aemilium Barbulam, foedus petitum venerunt, pacis per omnem Apuliam praestandae populo Romano auctores. Id audacter spondendo impetravere ut foedus daretur neque ut aequo tamen foedere sed ut in dicione populi Romani essent. Apulia perdomita—nam Forento quoque, valido oppido, Iunius potitus erat—in Lucanos perrectum; inde repentino adventu Aemili consulis Nerulum vi captum.

Once matters had tilted in Apulia, the Teates also, Apulians, came to the new consuls, Gaius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, to seek a treaty, guarantors to the Roman people of peace to be ensured through all Apulia. By boldly pledging this they obtained that a treaty be granted—yet not on equal terms, but that they should be under the dominion of the Roman people. Apulia thoroughly subdued—for Junius had also gotten possession of Forentum, a strong town—they proceeded into the Lucanians; thence, by the sudden arrival of the consul Aemilius, Nerulum was taken by force.

Et postquam res Capuae stabilitas Romana disciplina fama per socios volgavit, Antiatibus quoque, qui se sine legibus certis, sine magistratibus agere querebantur, dati ab senatu ad iura statuenda ipsius coloniae patroni; nec arma modo sed iura etiam Romana late pollebant.

And after the situation at Capua, stabilized by Roman discipline, spread in report through the allies, to the Antiates also—who complained that they were conducting themselves without fixed laws, without magistrates—there were assigned by the senate patrons of the colony itself for the establishing of laws; and not arms only but Roman laws too were widely prevailing.

[21] C. Iunius Bubulcus et Q. Aemilius Barbula consules exitu anni non consulibus ab se creatis, Sp. Nautio et M. Popilio, ceterum dictatori L. Aemilio legiones tradiderant; is cum L. Fulvio magistro equitum Saticulam oppugnare adortus rebellandi causam Samnitibus dedit. Duplex inde terror inlatus Romanis: hinc Samnis magno exercitu coacto ad eximendos obsidione socios haud procul castris Romanorum castra posuit; hinc Saticulani magno cum tumultu patefactis repente portis in stationes hostium incurrerunt. Inde pars utraque, spe alieni magis auxilii quam viribus freta suis, iusto mox proelio inito Romanos urgent et quamquam anceps dimicatio erat, tamen utrimque tutam aciem dictator habuit, quia et locum haud facilem ad circumveniendum cepit et diversa statuit signa.

[21] C. Junius Bubulcus and Q. Aemilius Barbula, consuls, at the close of the year had handed over the legions not to the consuls created by themselves, Sp. Nautius and M. Popilius, but rather to the dictator L. Aemilius; he, having set about to oppugn Saticula with L. Fulvius, master of the horse, gave the Samnites a cause for rebelling. A double terror was then brought upon the Romans: on the one side the Samnite, with a great army gathered to take their allies out of the siege, pitched camp not far from the Roman camp; on the other side the Saticulans, with great tumult, the gates suddenly thrown open, charged into the enemy pickets. Thence each party, relying more on the hope of another’s aid than on their own forces, once a regular battle was soon joined, presses the Romans; and although the struggle was in the balance, nevertheless the dictator held his battle-line safe on both fronts, because he both seized a position not easy to be surrounded and set the standards in opposite directions.

Infestior tamen in erumpentes incessit nec magno certamine intra moenia compulit; tum totam aciem in Samnites obvertit. Ibi plus certaminis fuit; victoria sicut sera ita nec dubia nec varia fuit. Fusi in castra Samnites exstinctis nocte ignibus tacito agmine abeunt et spe abiecta Saticulae tuendae Plisticam ipsi, socios Romanorum, ut parem dolorem hosti redderent, circumsidunt.

Nevertheless he advanced more aggressively against those sallying out and, with no great struggle, drove them back within the walls; then he turned the whole battle-line upon the Samnites. There the contest was greater; the victory, though late, was neither doubtful nor wavering. Routed, the Samnites withdrew to their camp and, their fires extinguished by night, departed in a silent column; and, abandoning the hope of defending Saticula, they themselves besieged Plistica, allies of the Romans, to repay the enemy with equal hurt.

[22] Anno circumacto bellum deinceps ab dictatore Q. Fabio gestum est. Consules novi, sicut superiores, Romae manserunt; Fabius ad accipiendum ab Aemilio exercitum ad Saticulam cum supplemento venit. Neque enim Samnites ad Plisticam manserant sed accitis ab domo novis militibus multitudine freti castra eodem quo antea loco posuerunt lacessentesque proelio Romanos avertere ab obsidione conabantur.

[22] With the year completed, the war was thereafter conducted by the dictator Quintus Fabius. The new consuls, like the previous ones, remained at Rome; Fabius came with a reinforcement to Saticula to receive the army from Aemilius. For the Samnites had not remained at Plistica, but, having summoned new soldiers from home and relying on their multitude, they pitched camp in the same place as before, and, by provoking the Romans to battle, were trying to turn them away from the siege.

Eo intentius dictator in moenia hostium versus id bellum tantum ducere quod urbem oppugnabat, securior ab Samnitibus agere stationibus modo oppositis ne qua in castra vis fieret. Eo ferocius adequitare Samnites vallo neque otium pati; et cum iam prope in portis castrorum esset hostis, nihil consulto dictatore magister equitum Q. Aulius Cerretanus magno tumultu cum omnibus turmis equitum euectus summovit hostem. Tum in minime pertinaci genere pugnae sic fortuna exercuit opes ut insignes utrimque clades et clara ipsorum ducum ederet funera.

The more intently the dictator, turned toward the walls of the enemy, was conducting only that war which besieged the city, the more securely he proceeded as to the Samnites, with outposts only set opposite so that no force might be made against the camp. Therefore the Samnites rode up to the rampart the more fiercely and did not allow leisure; and when now the enemy was almost at the gates of the camp, with the dictator not consulted at all, the Master of the Horse, Q. Aulius Cerretanus, having ridden out with great tumult with all the squadrons of cavalry, drove the enemy off. Then, in a kind of fight least pertinacious, fortune so exercised her resources that she produced signal disasters on both sides and the clear deaths of the leaders themselves.

Prior Samnitium imperator aegre patiens, quo tam ferociter adequitasset, inde se fundi fugarique, orando hortandoque equites proelium iteravit; in quem insignem inter suos cientem pugnam magister equitum Romanus infesta cuspide ita permisit equum ut uno ictu exanimem equo praecipitaret. Nec, ut fit, ad ducis casum perculsa magis quam inritata est multitudo; omnes qui circa erant in Aulium temere invectum per hostium turmas tela coniecerunt; fratri praecipuum decus ulti Samnitium imperatoris <di> dederunt. Is victorem detractum ex equo magistrum equitum plenus maeroris atque irae trucidavit, nec multum afuit quin corpore etiam, quia inter hostiles ceciderat turmas, Samnites potirentur.

The earlier commander of the Samnites, scarcely enduring that the man who had ridden up so fiercely should from there be routed and put to flight, by beseeching and exhorting the cavalry renewed the battle; against him—conspicuous among his own as he was stirring up the fight—the Roman Master of the Horse, with hostile spear, so directed his horse that with a single blow he hurled him lifeless from his horse. Nor, as it happens, was the multitude more struck by the fall of their leader than provoked; all who were nearby hurled missiles at Aulius, who had rashly ridden in through the enemy’s troops; to the brother they gave the chief honor, having avenged the Samnites’ commander, . He, full of grief and anger, butchered the victor, the Master of the Horse, dragged from his horse; and it was not far off but that the Samnites would even gain possession of the body, since he had fallen amid hostile squadrons.

Sed extemplo ad pedes descensum ab Romanis est coactique idem Samnites facere; et repentina acies circa corpora ducum pedestre proelium iniit, quo haud dubie superat Romanus, reciperatumque Auli corpus mixta cum dolore laetitia victores in castra referunt. Samnites duce amisso et per equestre certamen temptatis viribus, omissa Saticula, quam nequiquam defendi rebantur, ad Plisticae obsidionem redeunt intraque paucos dies Saticula Romanus per deditionem, Plistica per vim Samnis potitur.

But immediately the Romans dismounted to foot, and the Samnites were forced to do the same; and a sudden battle-line around the bodies of the commanders entered a foot-fight, in which the Roman without doubt prevails, and the recovered body of Aulius the victors carry back into camp with joy mingled with grief. The Samnites, their leader lost and their strength tried in the cavalry contest, abandoning Saticula, which they reckoned was being defended to no purpose, return to the siege of Plistica; and within a few days the Roman gets possession of Saticula by surrender, the Samnite of Plistica by force.

[23] Mutata inde belli sedes est; ad Soram ex Samnio Apuliaque traductae legiones. Sora ad Samnites defecerat interfectis colonis Romanorum. Quo cum prior Romanus exercitus ad ulciscendam civium necem reciperandamque coloniam magnis itineribus praevenisset <et> sparsi per vias speculatores sequi legiones Samnitium nec iam procul abesse alii super alios nuntiarent, obviam itum hosti atque ad fuga alterius partis sed nox incertos victi victoresne essent diremit.

[23] Then the seat of war was shifted; the legions were transferred to Sora from Samnium and Apulia. Sora had defected to the Samnites, the Roman colonists having been killed. When to that place the earlier Roman army, to avenge the slaughter of citizens and to recover the colony, had by great marches outstripped them, and scouts scattered along the roads kept reporting, one after another, that the legions of the Samnites were following and were now not far off, they went to meet the enemy and to the flight of the other side; but night broke them off, uncertain whether they were the vanquished or the victors.

Invenio apud quosdam adversam eam pugnam Romanis fuisse atque in ea cecidisse Q. Aulium magistrum equitum. Suffectus in locum Auli C. Fabius magister equitum cum exercitu novo ab Roma advenit et per praemissos nuntios consulto dictatore ubi subsisteret quove tempore et qua ex parte hostem adgrederetur, substitit occultus ad omnia satis exploratis consiliis.

I find in certain authors that that battle was adverse to the Romans, and that in it Quintus Aulius, the master of horse, fell. Appointed in the place of Aulius, Gaius Fabius, master of horse, arrived from Rome with a new army, and, through messengers sent ahead, after consulting the dictator as to where he should halt, at what time, and from which quarter he should attack the enemy, he halted concealed, with his counsels for everything sufficiently reconnoitered.

Dictator cum per aliquot dies post pugnam continuisset suos intra vallum obsessi magis quam obsidentis modo, signum repente pugnae proposuit et efficacius ratus ad accendendos virorum fortium animos nullam alibi quam in semet ipso cuiquam relictam spem de magistro equitum novoque exercitu militem celavit et, tamquam nulla nisi in eruptione spes esset, "locis" inquit "angustis, milites, deprehensi, nisi quam victoria patefecerimus viam nullam habemus. Stativa nostra munimento satis tuta sunt sed inopia eadem infesta; nam et circa omnia defecerunt unde subvehi commeatus poterant et, si homines iuvare velint, iniqua loca sunt. Itaque non frustrabor ego vos castra hic relinquendo, in quae infecta victoria sicut pristino die vos recipiatis.

The dictator, since for several days after the battle he had kept his men within the rampart, in the fashion of the besieged rather than the besieging, suddenly displayed the signal for battle; and, judging it more efficacious for inflaming the spirits of brave men that no hope was left to anyone anywhere save in himself, he concealed from the soldiers the news about the master of horse and the new army, and, as though there were no hope except in a sally, said: “Caught in narrow places, soldiers, we have no way save that which we shall open by victory. Our standing camp is safe enough by its fortification, but the same scarcity makes it dangerous; for on every side the sources have failed from which supplies could be brought up, and, even if men should wish to help, the places are unfavorable. Therefore I will not disappoint you by leaving the camp here, into which, with victory unachieved, you might, as on the previous day, withdraw.”

Armis munimenta, non munimentis arma tuta esse debent. Castra habeant repetantque quibus operae est trahere bellum: nos omnium rerum respectum praeterquam victoriae nobis abscidamus. Ferte signa in hostem; ubi extra vallum agmen excesserit, castra quibus imperatum est incendant; damna vestra, milites, omnium circa qui defecerunt populorum praeda sarcientur." Et oratione dictatoris, quae necessitatis ultimae index erat, milites accensi vadunt in hostem, et respectus ipse ardentium castrorum, quamquam proximis tantum—ita enim iusserat dictator—ignis est subditus, haud paruum fuit inritamentum.

Muniments ought to be secured by arms, not arms by muniments. Let those have camps and return to them whose business it is to protract the war: let us cut off for ourselves any regard for all things except victory. Bear the standards against the enemy; when the column has passed beyond the rampart, let those to whom it has been ordered set the camp on fire; your losses, soldiers, will be made good by the booty of all the peoples around who have failed us." And at the speech of the dictator, which was an index of the utmost necessity, the soldiers, inflamed, go against the enemy, and the very looking-back at the burning camp, although fire had been applied only to the nearest—so had the dictator ordered—was no small incitement.

Itaque velut vecordes inlati signa primo impetu hostium turbant; et in tempore, postquam ardentia procul vidit castra magister equitum—id convenerat signum—hostium terga invadit. Ita circumuenti Samnites, qua potest quisque, fugam per diversa petunt; ingens multitudo in unum metu conglobata ac semet ipsam turba impediens in medio caesa. Castra hostium capta direptaque, quorum praeda onustum militem in Romana castra dictator reducit, haudquaquam tam victoria laetum quam quod praeter exiguam deformatam incendio partem cetera contra spem salva invenit.

Therefore, rushing in like madmen, they at the first onset throw the enemy’s ranks into disorder; and just in time, after the Master of Horse saw the camp burning from afar—that had been the agreed signal—he assaults the enemy’s rear. Thus surrounded, the Samnites seek flight in different directions, each as he can; a huge multitude, massed into one by fear and hindering itself by its own crowd, was cut down in the midst. The enemy’s camp was captured and plundered, and the dictator leads back the soldiery laden with its booty into the Roman camp, by no means so joyful at the victory as because, except for a small part disfigured by the fire, he found the rest safe beyond hope.

[24] Ad Soram inde reditum; novique consules M. Poetelius C. Sulpicius exercitum ab dictatore Fabio accipiunt magna parte veterum militum dimissa novisque cohortibus in supplementum adductis. Ceterum cum propter difficilem urbis situm nec oppugnandi satis certa ratio iniretur et aut tempore longinqua aut praeceps periculo victoria esset, Soranus transfuga clam ex oppido profectus, cum ad vigiles Romanos penetrasset, duci se extemplo ad consules iubet deductusque traditurum urbem promittit. Visus inde, cum quonam modo id praestaturus esset percontantes doceret, haud vana adferre, perpulit prope adiuncta moenibus Romana castra ut sex milia ab oppido removerentur: fore ut minus intentae in custodiam urbis diurnae stationes ac nocturnae vigiliae essent.

[24] Thence a return was made to Sora; and the new consuls M. Poetelius and C. Sulpicius receive the army from the dictator Fabius, a great part of the veteran soldiers having been dismissed and new cohorts brought up as a supplement. However, since, on account of the difficult position of the city, no sufficiently certain plan of assault could be devised and victory was either far off in time or headlong with danger, a Soran deserter, having secretly departed from the town, when he had penetrated to the Roman sentries, bids that he be led at once to the consuls, and, once brought, promises that he will deliver the city. Then, as he taught those inquiring in what manner he was going to accomplish this, he seemed to be bringing forward nothing vain, and he prevailed upon the Roman camp, pitched close to the walls, to be moved 6 miles away from the town: it would come about that the daytime pickets and the night watches would be less intent on the guarding of the city.

Ipse insequenti nocte sub oppido silvestribus locis cohortibus insidere iussis decem milites delectos secum per ardua ac prope invia in arcem ducit, pluribus quam pro numero virorum missilibus telis eo conlatis; ad hoc saxa erant et temere iacentia, ut fit in aspretis, et de industria etiam quo locus tutior esset ab oppidanis congesta.

He himself, on the following night, after ordering the cohorts to take up positions in the wooded places beneath the town, leads with him ten chosen soldiers through steep and almost pathless places into the citadel, more missile weapons having been brought together there than was proportionate to the number of men; in addition there were stones both lying at random, as happens in rough places, and also, by design, piled up by the townsmen so that the place might be safer.

Ubi cum constituisset Romanos semitamque angustam et arduam erectam ex oppido in arcem ostendisset, "hoc quidem ascensu" inquit, "vel tres armati quamlibet multitudinem arcuerint; vos et decem numero et, quod plus est, Romani Romanorumque fortissimi viri estis. Et locus pro vobis et nox erit, quae omnia ex incerto maiora territis ostentat. Ego iam terrore omnia implebo; vos arcem intenti tenete". Decurrit inde, quanto maxime poterat cum tumultu "ad arma" et "pro vestram fidem, cives" clamitans; "arx ab hostibus capta est; defendite, ite." Haec incidens principum foribus, haec obviis, haec excurrentibus in publicum pavidis increpat.

When he had posted the Romans and had shown a narrow and steep path rising from the town up to the citadel, "by this ascent," he says, "even three men under arms would ward off however great a multitude; you are ten in number and, what is more, Romans—the bravest men of Romans. Both the position will be for you and the night, which, from uncertainty, displays everything as greater to the terrified. I will now fill everything with terror; you, hold the citadel, intent." From there he runs down, with as much tumult as he could, shouting "to arms!" and "by your loyalty, citizens!"; "the citadel has been seized by the enemy; defend it, go." These words he hammers at the doors of the leading men, at those he meets, at those rushing out into the public, panic-stricken, he reproaches.

Acceptum ab uno pavorem plures per urbem ferunt. Trepidi magistratus missis ad arcem exploratoribus cum tela et armatos tenere arcem multiplicato numero audirent, avertunt animos a spe reciperandae arcis. Fuga cuncta complentur portaeque ab semisomnis ac maxima parte inermibus refringuntur, quarum per unam praesidium Romanum clamore excitatum inrumpit et concursantes per vias pavidos caedit.

Having caught the panic from one man, many carry it through the city. The agitated magistrates, after sending scouts to the citadel and hearing that armed men with missiles were holding the citadel, their number multiplied, turn their minds away from the hope of recovering the citadel. All things are filled with flight, and the gates are broken open by men half-asleep and for the most part unarmed; through one of them the Roman garrison, roused by the clamor, bursts in and cuts down the frightened people running together through the streets.

Iam Sora capta erat, cum consules prima luce advenere et quos reliquos fortuna ex nocturna caede ac fuga fecerat in deditionem accipiunt. Ex his ducentos viginti quinque, qui omnium consensu destinabantur et infandae colonorum caedis et defectionis auctores, vinctos Romam deducunt; ceteram multitudinem incolumem praesidio imposito Sorae relinquunt. Omnes qui Romam deducti erant virgis in foro caesi ac securi percussi summo gaudio plebis, cuius maxime intererat tutam ubique quae passim in colonias mitteretur multitudinem esse.

By now Sora had been captured, when the consuls arrived at first light and accepted into surrender those survivors whom fortune had left over from the nocturnal slaughter and flight. Of these, 225—who by the consent of all were designated as the authors both of the unspeakable slaughter of the colonists and of the defection—they led in chains to Rome; the rest of the multitude they left unharmed at Sora, with a garrison imposed. All who had been led to Rome were scourged with rods in the forum and struck by the axe, to the greatest joy of the plebs, in whose interest above all it was that the multitude sent everywhere into colonies should be safe.

[25] Consules ab Sora profecti in agros atque urbes Ausonum bellum intulerunt. Mota namque omnia adventu Samnitium cum apud Lautulas dimicatum est fuerant, coniurationesque circa Campaniam passim factae nec Capua ipsa crimine caruit; quin Romam quoque et ad principum quosdam inquirendo ventum est. Ceterum Ausonum gens proditione urbium sicut Sora in potestatem venit.

[25] The consuls, setting out from Sora, brought war into the fields and cities of the Ausones. For everything had been stirred by the arrival of the Samnites when there was fighting at Lautulae, and conspiracies had been made everywhere around Campania, nor did Capua itself lack guilt; nay, in the course of investigation it even reached Rome and certain of the leading men. But the nation of the Ausones, through the treachery of their cities, came into our power, as at Sora.

Ausona et Minturnae et Vescia urbes erant, ex quibus principes iuventutis duodecim numero in proditionem urbium suarum coniurati ad consules veniunt. Docent suos iam pridem exoptantes Samnitium adventum, simul ad Lautulas pugnatum audierint, pro victis Romanos habuisse, iuventute, armis Samnitem iuvisse; fugatis inde Samnitibus incerta pace agere nec claudentes portas Romanis, ne arcessant bellum, et obstinatos claudere si exercitus admoveatur; in ea fluctuatione animorum opprimi incautos posse. His auctoribus mota propius castra missique eodem tempore circa tria oppida milites, partim armati qui occulti propinqua moenibus insiderent loca, partim togati tectis veste gladiis qui sub lucem apertis portis urbes ingrederentur.

Ausona, Minturnae, and Vescia were cities, from which twelve in number, leaders of the youth, sworn together for the betrayal of their own cities, come to the consuls. They inform that their people, long since desiring the arrival of the Samnites, as soon as they heard that there had been fighting at Lautulae, had reckoned the Romans as defeated, and that the youth had aided the Samnite with arms; that, the Samnites then put to flight, they are conducting themselves in an uncertain peace, neither shutting their gates to the Romans, lest they summon war, and resolved to shut them if an army should be moved up; that in that fluctuation of spirits the incautious can be overwhelmed. With these as instigators, the camp was moved nearer, and at the same time soldiers were sent around the three towns—partly armed men, who, concealed, might occupy places near the walls; partly toga-clad, with swords covered by their clothing, who toward daybreak, the gates being opened, would enter the cities.

Ab his simul custodes trucidari coepti, simul datum signum armatis ut ex insidiis concurrerent. Ita portae occupatae triaque oppida eadem hora eodemque consilio capta; sed quia absentibus ducibus impetus est factus, nullus modus caedibus fuit deletaque Ausonum gens vix certo defectionis crimine perinde ac si interneciuo bello certasset.

At once the guards began to be butchered by them, and at once the signal was given to the armed men to charge from ambush. Thus the gates were seized and the three towns were taken at the same hour and by the same plan; but because the attack was launched with the commanders absent, there was no limit to the slaughter, and the nation of the Ausones was wiped out on a scarcely certain charge of defection, just as if it had fought an internecine war.

[26] Eodem anno prodito hostibus Romano praesidio Luceria Samnitium facta; nec diu proditoribus impunita res fuit. Haud procul inde exercitus Romanus erat, cuius primo impetu urbs sita in plano capitur. Lucerini ac Samnites ad internecionem caesi; eoque ira processit ut Romae quoque, cum de colonis mittendis Luceriam consuleretur senatus, multi delendam urbem censerent.

[26] In the same year, with the Roman garrison betrayed to the enemies, Luceria fell to the Samnites; nor was the matter long unpunished for the traitors. Not far from there was a Roman army, by whose first impetus the city, situated on the plain, was captured. The Lucerines and the Samnites were cut down to extermination; and the anger proceeded so far that at Rome too, when the senate was being consulted about sending colonists to Luceria, many voted that the city be destroyed.

Praeter odium, quod exsecrabile in bis captos erat, longinquitas quoque abhorrere a relegandis tam procul ab domo civibus inter tam infestas gentes cogebat. Vicit tamen sententia ut mitterentur coloni; duo milia et quingenti missi.

Besides the hatred, which was execrable against the twice-captured, the long distance also compelled them to shrink from relegating citizens so far from home among such hostile peoples. Nevertheless the opinion prevailed that colonists should be sent; 2,500 were dispatched.

Eodem anno, cum omnia infida Romanis essent, Capuae quoque occultae principum coniurationes factae. De quibus cum ad senatum relatum esset, haudquaquam neglecta res: quaestiones decretae dictatoremque quaestionibus exercendis dici placuit. C. Maenius dictus; is M. Folium magistrum equitum dixit.

In the same year, when all things were untrustworthy for the Romans, at Capua too secret conspiracies of the leading men were formed. When report of these was brought to the senate, the matter was by no means neglected: inquiries were decreed, and it was resolved that a dictator be named for conducting the inquiries. Gaius Maenius was named; he appointed Marcus Folius master of the horse.

Ingens erat magistratus eius terror; itaque sive timoris seu conscientiae vi, Calavios Ovium Noviumque —ea capita coniurationis fuerant—priusquam nominarentur apud dictatorem, mors haud dubie ab ipsis conscita iudicio subtraxit.

The terror of that magistracy was immense; and so, whether by the force of fear or of conscience, the Calavii, Ovius and Novius —these had been the heads of the conspiracy—before they could be named before the dictator, death, without doubt contrived by themselves, removed from trial.

Deinde, ut quaestioni Campanae materia decessit, versa Romam interpretando res: non nominatim qui Capuae sed in universum qui usquam coissent coniurassentve adversus rem publicam quaeri senatum iussisse et coitiones honorum adipiscendorum causa factas adversus rem publicam esse. Latiorque et re et personis quaestio fieri haud abnuente dictatore sine fine ulla quaestionis suae ius esse. Postulabantur ergo nobiles homines appellantibusque tribunos nemo erat auxilio quin nomina reciperentur.

Then, when material for the Campanian inquiry had fallen away, by interpreting the matter it was shifted to Rome: that the senate had ordered inquiry to be made, not by name against those at Capua, but in general against whoever anywhere had assembled or had conspired against the commonwealth; and that coalitions formed for the sake of attaining honors were against the commonwealth. And, the dictator not at all refusing that an inquiry broader both in the matter and in the persons be conducted, his right of inquiry was without any limit. Therefore noble men were being demanded, and, though they appealed to the tribunes, there was no one for help but that their names were received.

Inde nobilitas, nec ii modo in quos crimen intendebatur sed universi, simul negare nobilium id crimen esse quibus, si nulla obstetur fraude, pateat via ad honorem, sed hominum novorum; ipsos adeo dictatorem magistrumque equitum reos magis quam quaesitores idoneos eius criminis esse intellecturosque ita id esse simul magistratu abissent.

Then the nobility—nor only those at whom the charge was aimed, but all of them—at once denied that that was a crime of nobles, for whom, if no fraud stands in the way, the way to honor lies open, but of “new men”; indeed that the dictator himself and the master of the horse were defendants rather than suitable inquisitors for that charge, and that they would realize it to be so as soon as they had left magistracy.

Tum enimvero Maenius, iam famae magis quam imperii memor, progressus in contionem ita verba fecit: "et omnes ante actae vitae vos conscios habeo, Quirites, et hic ipse honos delatus ad me testis est innocentiae meae; neque enim, quod saepe alias, quia ita tempora postulabant rei publicae, qui bello clarissimus esset, sed qui maxime procul ab his coitionibus vitam egisset, dictator deligendus exercendis quaestionibus fuit. Sed, quoniam quidam nobiles homines—qua de causa vos existimare quam me pro magistratu quicquam incompertum dicere melius est—primum ipsas expugnare quaestiones omni ope adnisi sunt; dein, postquam ad id parum potentes erant, ne causam dicerent, in praesidia adversariorum, appellationem et tribunicium auxilium, patricii confugerunt; postremo repulsi inde—adeo omnia tutiora quam ut innocentiam suam purgarent visa— in nos inruerunt, et privatis dictatorem poscere reum verecundiae non fuit;—ut omnes di hominesque sciant ab illis etiam quae non possint temptari ne rationem vitae reddant, me obviam ire crimini et offerre me inimicis reum, dictatura me abdico. Vos quaeso, consules, si vobis datum ab senatu negotium fuerit, in me primum et hunc M. Folium quaestiones exerceatis, ut appareat innocentia nostra nos, non maiestate honoris tutos a criminationibus istis esse." Abdicat inde se dictatura et post eum confestim Folius magisterio equitum; primique apud consules—iis enim ab senatu mandata res est—rei facti adversus nobilium testimonia egregie absoluuntur.

Then indeed Maenius, now mindful of reputation more than of power, having advanced into the assembly spoke thus: “and I have you, Quirites, as witnesses of all my life hitherto, and this very honor conferred upon me is a witness of my innocence; for not, as often at other times—because the times of the commonwealth so demanded—he who was most illustrious in war, but he who had spent his life farthest from these coitions had to be chosen dictator for conducting the inquiries. But, since certain noble men—for what reason, it is better that you judge than that I in my magistracy say anything unverified—first strove with all effort to batter down the inquiries themselves; then, after they were too little powerful for that, in order not to plead their cause, the patricians fled for refuge to the defenses of their adversaries, appeal and tribunician aid; finally, repulsed from there—so much did everything seem safer than to clear their innocence—they rushed upon us, and it was no shame to them, as private men, to demand the dictator as a defendant;—that all gods and men may know that by them even things which they cannot do are attempted, so that they not render an account of their life, I go to meet the charge and offer myself to my enemies as a defendant, I abdicate the dictatorship. You I ask, consuls, if the task shall have been given to you by the senate, to conduct the inquiries upon me first and this M. Folius, so that it may appear that it is our innocence that keeps us, not the majesty of our honor, safe from those accusations.” Thereupon he abdicates the dictatorship, and after him forthwith Folius the Mastership of the Horse; and they, the first as defendants before the consuls—for to them the matter had been entrusted by the senate—are splendidly acquitted against the testimonies of the nobles.

Publilius etiam Philo multiplicatis summis honoribus post res tot domi belloque gestas, ceterum invisus nobilitati, causam dixit absolutusque est. Nec diutius, ut fit, quam dum recens erat quaestio per clara nomina reorum viguit: inde labi coepit ad viliora capita, donec coitionibus factionibusque adversus quas comparata erat oppressa est.

Publilius Philo also, after so many exploits achieved at home and in war, with his supreme honors multiplied, yet hateful to the nobility, pleaded his case and was acquitted. Nor did the investigation, as happens, endure longer than while it was still fresh, thriving on the illustrious names of the defendants; thereafter it began to slip to meaner heads, until by the coalitions and factions against which it had been set up it was crushed.

[27] Earum fama rerum, magis tamen spes Campanae defectionis, in quam coniuratum erat, Samnites in Apuliam versos rursus ad Caudium revocavit, ut inde ex propinquo, si qui motus occasionem aperiret, Capuam Romanis eriperent. Eo consules cum valido exercitu venerunt. Et primo circa saltus, cum utrimque ad hostem iniqua via esset, cunctati sunt; deinde Samnites per aperta loca brevi circuitu in loca plana [Campanos campos] agmen demittunt ibique primum castra in conspectum hostibus data, deinde levibus proeliis equitum saepius quam peditum utrimque periculum factum; nec aut eventus eorum Romanum aut morae, qua trahebant bellum, paenitebat.

[27] The report of these affairs, but more yet the hope of a Campanian defection, for which there had been a conspiracy sworn, called back the Samnites—who had been turned toward Apulia—again to Caudium, so that from there, at close quarters, if any commotion should open an opportunity, they might snatch Capua from the Romans. Thither the consuls came with a strong army. And at first, about the passes, since on both sides the route to the enemy was disadvantageous, they hesitated; then the Samnites, through open places by a short circuit, let their column down into level ground, [the Campanian fields], and there first a camp was set in the enemies’ sight; then by light skirmishes of cavalry rather more often than of infantry a trial was made on both sides; nor did the Roman regret either the outcomes of these or the delay with which they were dragging out the war.

Samnitium contra ducibus et carpi parvis cottidie damnis et senescere dilatione belli vires suae videbantur.

To the leaders of the Samnites, on the contrary, it seemed that they were being plucked away by small daily losses and that their strength was growing old through the prolongation of the war.

Itaque in aciem procedunt equitibus in cornua divisis, quibus praeceptum erat intentiores ad respectum castrorum, ne qua eo vis fieret, quam ad proelium starent: aciem pedite tutam fore. Consulum Sulpicius in dextro, Poetelius in laevo cornu consistunt. Dextra pars, qua et Samnites raris ordinibus aut ad circumeundos hostes aut ne ipsi circumirentur constiterant, latius patefacta stetit; sinistris, praeterquam quod confertiores steterant, repentino consilio Poeteli consulis additae vires, qui subsidiarias cohortes, quae integrae ad longioris pugnae casus reservabantur, in primam aciem extemplo emisit universique hostem primo impetu viribus impulit.

Accordingly they advance into the battle-line, the cavalry divided to the wings, and they were instructed to be more intent on the watch for the camp, lest any force be made against it, than to stand for the battle: the line would be secure by the infantry. Of the consuls, Sulpicius took his stand on the right, Poetelius on the left wing. The right sector, where the Samnites also had formed up in sparse ranks, either to circle around the enemy or to avoid being themselves outflanked, stood spread more widely; on the left, besides that they had stood more closely packed, reinforcements were added by the sudden counsel of the consul Poetelius, who at once sent the reserve cohorts—kept intact for the contingencies of a longer fight—into the front line, and, with the whole force, drove the enemy back by strength at the first onset.

Commota pedestri acie Samnitium eques in pugnam succedit. In hunc transverso agmine inter duas acies se inferentem Romanus equitatus concitat equos signaque et ordines peditum atque equitum confundit, donec universam ab ea parte avertit aciem. In eo cornu non Poetelius solus sed Sulpicius etiam hortator adfuerat, avectus ab suis nondum conserentibus manus ad clamorem a sinistra parte prius exortum.

Stirred by the infantry line, the Samnite cavalry advances into the fight. Against this force, which was thrusting itself in with a transverse column between the two battle lines, the Roman cavalry spurs their horses and confounds the standards and the ranks of both foot and horse, until it turns the entire line on that side away. On that wing not Poetelius alone but Sulpicius too had been present as an exhorter, carried off from his own men—who were not yet coming to close combat—by the shout that had earlier arisen from the left side.

Unde haud dubiam victoriam cernens cum ad suum cornu tenderet cum mille ducentis viris, dissimilem ibi fortunam invenit, Romanos loco pulsos, victorem hostem signa in perculsos inferentem. Ceterum omnia mutavit repente consulis adventus; nam et conspectu ducis refectus militum est animus, et maius quam pro numero auxilium advenerat fortes viri, et partis alterius victoria audita mox visa etiam proelium restituit. Tota deinde iam vincere acie Romanus et omisso certamine caedi capique Samnites, nisi qui Maleventum, cui nunc urbi Beneventum nomen est, perfugerunt.

Whence, perceiving an undoubted victory, as he was tending toward his own wing with 1,200 men, he found a dissimilar fortune there: the Romans driven from their position, the victorious enemy bearing their standards against the stricken. However, the advent of the consul suddenly changed everything; for the spirit of the soldiers was refreshed at the sight of their leader, and succor greater than in proportion to their number had arrived—brave men—and the victory of the other wing, first heard of and soon also seen, restored the battle. Then the Roman was now conquering with the whole battle line, and the Samnites, the contest abandoned, were being cut down and captured, except those who fled for refuge to Maleventum, a city whose name is now Beneventum.

Ad triginta milia caesa aut capta Samnitium proditum memoriae est.

It has been handed down to memory that about thirty thousand Samnites were slain or captured.

[28] Consules egregia victoria parta protinus inde ad Bovianum oppugnandum legiones ducunt; ibique hiberna egerunt, donec ab novis consulibus, L. Papirio Cursore quintum C. Iunio Bubulco iterum nominatus dictator C. Poetelius cum M. Folio magistro equitum exercitum accepit. Is, cum audisset arcem Fregellanam ab Samnitibus captam, omisso Boviano ad Fregellas pergit; unde nocturna Samnitium fuga sine certamine receptis Fregellis praesidioque valido imposito in Campaniam reditum maxime ad Nolam armis repetendam. Eo se intra moenia sub adventum dictatoris et Samnitium omnis multitudo et Nolana agrestis contulerat.

[28] The consuls, an outstanding victory having been won, straightaway from there lead the legions to besiege Bovianum; and there they spent the winter-quarters, until by the new consuls—Lucius Papirius Cursor for the fifth time and Gaius Iunius Bubulcus for the second time—the dictator Gaius Poetelius, with Marcus Folius as master of horse, received the army. He, when he had heard that the Fregellan citadel had been captured by the Samnites, abandoning Bovianum goes on to Fregellae; whence, the Samnites having fled by night, with no battle Fregellae having been recovered and a strong garrison imposed, he returned into Campania, chiefly to reclaim Nola by arms. Thither, within the walls at the approach of the dictator, both the whole multitude of the Samnites and the rustic Nolana population had betaken themselves.

Dictator urbis situ circumspecto, quo apertior aditus ad moenia esset, omnia aedificia—et frequenter ibi habitabatur —circumiecta muris incendit; nec ita multo post sive a Poetelio dictatore sive ab C. Iunio consule—nam utrumque traditur—Nola est capta. Qui captae decus Nolae ad consulem trahunt, adiciunt Atinam et Calatiam ab eodem captas, Poetelium autem pestilentia orta clavi figendi causa dictatorem dictum. Suessa et Pontiae eodem anno coloniae deductae sunt.

The dictator, after surveying the site of the city, in order that the approach to the walls might be more open, set fire to all the buildings—and it was thickly inhabited there —that lay around the walls; and not long after, whether by Poetelius the dictator or by C. Junius the consul—for both are reported—Nola was captured. Those who draw the glory of captured Nola to the consul add that Atina and Calatia were taken by that same man, but that Poetelius, when a pestilence arose, was appointed dictator for the sake of driving the nail. Suessa and the Pontiae were in the same year established as colonies.

Suessa Auruncorum fuerat; Volsci Pontias, insulam sitam in conspectu litoris sui, incoluerant. Et Interamnam Sucasinam ut deduceretur colonia, senatus consultum factum est; sed triumviros creavere ac misere colonorum quattuor milia insequentes consules M. Valerius P. Decius.

Suessa had been of the Aurunci; the Volsci had inhabited Pontia, an island set in view of their own coast. And for Interamna Sucasina, a decree of the senate was passed that a colony be led out; but the following consuls, Marcus Valerius and Publius Decius, appointed triumvirs and sent four thousand colonists.

[29] [M. Valerio P. Decio coss.] profligato fere Samnitium bello, priusquam ea cura decederet patribus Romanis, Etrusci belli fama exorta est; nec erat ea tempestate gens alia, cuius secundum Gallicos tumultus arma terribiliora essent cum propinquitate agri tum multitudine hominum. Itaque altero consule in Samnio reliquias belli persequente P. Decius, qui graviter aeger Romae restiterat, auctore senatu dictatorem C. Iunium Bubulcum dixit. Is, prout rei magnitudo postulabat, omnes iuniores sacramento adigit, arma quaeque alia res poscit summa industria parat; nec tantis apparatibus elatus de inferendo bello agitat, quieturus haud dubie, nisi ultro arma Etrusci inferrent.

[29] [M. Valerius and P. Decius, consuls.] with the Samnite war almost brought to a close, before that concern had departed from the Roman fathers, a report of an Etruscan war arose; nor at that time was there any other people whose arms, after the Gallic tumults, were more formidable, both by the nearness of their territory and by the multitude of men. And so, while one consul was pursuing the remnants of the war in Samnium, P. Decius, who, being gravely ill, had remained at Rome, at the senate’s instigation appointed C. Junius Bubulcus dictator. He, as the magnitude of the affair required, bound all the younger men by the sacrament, and with the utmost industry prepared arms and whatever else the matter demanded; nor, elated by such great preparations, does he busy himself with carrying war to the enemy, and would doubtless have kept quiet, had not the Etruscans on their own initiative brought in arms.

Eadem in comparando cohibendoque bello consilia et apud Etruscos fuere; neutri finibus egressi.

The same counsels, for preparing and restraining the war, were also among the Etruscans; neither party went forth beyond their borders.

Et censura clara eo anno Ap. Claudi et C. Plauti fuit; memoriae tamen felicioris ad posteros nomen Appi, quod viam munivit et aquam in urbem duxit; eaque unus perfecit quia ob infamem atque invidiosam senatus lectionem verecundia victus collega magistratu se abdicaverat, Appius iam inde antiquitus insitam pertinaciam familiae gerendo solus censuram obtinuit. Eodem Appio auctore Potitia gens, cuius ad Aram Maximam Herculis familiare sacerdotium fuerat, servos publicos ministerii delegandi causa sollemnia eius sacri docuerat. Traditur inde, dictu mirabile et quod dimovendis statu suo sacris religionem facere posset, cum duodecim familiae ea tempestate Potitiorum essent, puberes ad triginta, omnes intra annum cum stirpe exstinctos; nec nomen tantum Potitiorum interisse sed censorem etiam [Appium] memori deum ira post aliquot annos luminibus captum.

And the notable censorship that year was that of Appius Claudius and Gaius Plautius; yet the name of Appius is of happier memory to posterity, because he paved a road and brought water into the city; and he alone completed these things because, on account of the infamous and odious selection of the senate, his colleague, overcome by shame, had abdicated the magistracy; Appius, exhibiting the stubbornness long since inbred in his family, held the censorship alone. With the same Appius as author, the Potitian clan, to whom at the Ara Maxima of Hercules the hereditary priesthood had belonged, taught public slaves the solemnities of that sacred rite for the purpose of delegating the ministry. It is handed down from that point—a marvelous thing to say, and one that could create a religious scruple about removing sacred rites from their proper station—that, although there were at that time twelve families of the Potitii, about thirty of adult age, all within a year, stock and branch, were extinguished; and that not only did the name of the Potitii perish, but that the censor [Appius], by the gods’ mindful wrath, after some years was struck blind.

[30] Itaque consules, qui eum annum secuti sunt, C. Iunius Bubulcus tertium et Q. Aemilius Barbula iterum, initio anni questi apud populum deformatum ordinem prava lectione senatus, qua potiores aliquot lectis praeteriti essent, negaverunt eam lectionem se, quae sine recti pravique discrimine ad gratiam ac libidinem facta esset, observaturos et senatum extemplo citaverunt eo ordine qui ante censores Ap. Claudium et C. Plautium fuerat. Et duo imperia eo anno dari coepta per populum, utraque pertinentia ad rem militarem: unum, ut tribuni militum seni deni in quattuor legiones a populo crearentur, quae antea perquam paucis suffragio populi relictis locis dictatorum et consulum ferme fuerant beneficia—tulere eam rogationem tribuni plebei L. Atilius C. Marcius—: alterum, ut duumviros navales classis ornandae reficiendaeque causa idem populus iuberet; lator huius plebi sciti fuit M. Decius tribunus plebis.

[30] And so the consuls who followed that year, C. Junius Bubulcus for the third time and Q. Aemilius Barbula for the second, at the beginning of the year complained before the people that the order had been deformed by a crooked enrollment of the senate, by which several better men had been passed over in favor of those chosen; they declared that they would not observe that enrollment, which had been made without a distinction between right and wrong, to suit favor and desire, and they forthwith summoned the senate in the order which had existed before the censors Ap. Claudius and C. Plautius. And two imperia that year began to be conferred by the people, both pertaining to military affairs: one, that sixteen military tribunes be created by the people for the four legions—which previously, with very few places left to the vote of the people, had almost entirely been benefices of dictators and consuls (the plebeian tribunes L. Atilius and C. Marcius carried that bill)—; the other, that the same people should order naval duumvirs for the purpose of equipping and refitting the fleet; the proposer of this plebiscite was M. Decius, tribune of the plebs.

Eiusdem anni rem dictu parvam praeterirem, ni ad religionem visa esset pertinere. Tibicines, quia prohibiti a proximis censoribus erant in aede Iovis vesci quod traditum antiquitus erat, aegre passi Tibur uno agmine abierunt, adeo ut nemo in urbe esset qui sacrificiis praecineret. Eius rei religio tenuit senatum legatosque Tibur miserunt: [ut] darent operam ut ii homines Romanis restituerentur.

Of the same year I would pass over an affair small to tell, if it did not seem to pertain to religion. The pipers, because they had been forbidden by the most recent censors to eat in the temple of Jupiter—a thing handed down from antiquity—took it hard and departed to Tibur in a single column, to such a degree that there was no one in the city to prelude for the sacrifices. The religious concern of this matter held the senate, and they sent envoys to Tibur: [that] they should take pains that those men be restored to the Romans.

Tiburtini benigne polliciti primum accitos eos in curiam hortati sunt uti reverterentur Romam; postquam perpelli nequibant, consilio haud abhorrente ab ingeniis hominum eos adgrediuntur. Die festo alii alios per speciem celebrandarum cantu epularum [causa] invitant, et vino, cuius avidum ferme id genus est, oneratos sopiunt atque ita in plaustra somno vinctos coniciunt ac Romam deportant; nec prius sensere quam plaustris in foro relictis plenos crapulae eos lux oppressit. Tunc concursus populi factus, impetratoque ut manerent, datum ut triduum quotannis ornati cum cantu atque hac quae nunc sollemnis est licentia per urbem vagarentur, restitutumque in aede vescendi ius iis qui sacris praecinerent.

The Tiburtines, kindly promising, first summoned them into the curia and urged them to return to Rome; after they could not be prevailed upon, they approached them with a plan by no means out of harmony with the men’s dispositions. On a festal day some invited others under the appearance of banquets celebrated with song, and, weighed down with wine—of which that tribe is commonly avid—they lulled them to sleep and thus, bound by sleep, they flung them into wagons and carried them off to Rome; nor did they become aware before, the wagons having been left in the forum, the daylight overtook them, they being full of a hangover. Then a concourse of the people took place, and, it having been obtained that they should remain, it was granted that for three days each year, adorned, with song, and with this license which is now solemnly customary, they should wander through the city; and the right of eating in the temple was restored to those who prelude to the sacred rites.

Haec inter duorum ingentium bellorum curam gerebantur.

These things were being transacted amid the care for two mighty wars.

[31] Consules inter se provincias partiti: Iunio Samnites, Aemilio novum bellum Etruria sorte obvenit. In Samnio Cluviarum praesidium Romanum, quia nequiverat vi capi, obsessum fame in deditionem acceperant Samnites verberibusque foedum in modum laceratos occiderant deditos. Huic infensus crudelitati Iunius, nihil antiquius oppugnatione Cluviana ratus, quo die adgressus est moenia, vi cepit atque omnes puberes interfecit.

[31] The consuls partitioned the provinces between themselves: to Junius the Samnites, to Aemilius there fell by lot a new war in Etruria. In Samnium the Roman garrison of Cluviae, because it had not been able to be taken by force, the Samnites had accepted into surrender after besieging it with hunger, and, foully mangled with beatings, they had slain those who had surrendered. Hostile to this cruelty, Junius, considering nothing more of priority than the assault on Cluviae, on the very day he attacked the walls took them by force and killed all the men of military age.

Inde victor exercitus Bovianum ductus; caput hoc erat Pentrorum Samnitium, longe ditissimum atque opulentissimum armis virisque. Ibi, quia haud tantum irarum erat, spe praedae milites accensi oppido potiuntur. Minus itaque saevitum in hostes est, praedae plus paene quam ex omni Samnio unquam egestum benigneque omnis militi concessa.

Thence the victorious army was led to Bovianum; this was the head of the Pentrian Samnites, by far the richest and most opulent in arms and in men. There, because there was not so much anger, the soldiers, inflamed by the hope of booty, took possession of the town. Accordingly less savagery was vented upon the enemies; almost more booty than ever from all Samnium was carried out, and it was all generously conceded to every soldier.

Et postquam praepotentem armis Romanum nec acies subsistere ullae nec castra nec urbes poterant, omnium principum in Samnio eo curae sunt intentae ut insidiis quaereretur locus, si qua licentia populando effusus exercitus excipi ac circumveniri posset. Transfugae agrestes et captivi quidam, pars forte, pars consilio oblati, congruentia ad consulem adferentes—quae et vera erant—pecoris vim ingentem in saltum avium compulsam esse, perpulerunt ut praedatum eo expeditae ducerentur legiones. Ibi ingens hostium exercitus itinera occultus insederat et, postquam intrasse Romanos vidit saltum, repente exortus cum clamore ac tumultu incautos invadit.

And after the Roman, prepotent in arms, could be withstood by no battle-lines, no camps, no cities, the cares of all the chiefs in Samnium were bent to this point: that a place be sought for an ambush, whether the army, poured out with license for plundering, might be intercepted and surrounded. Rustic deserters and certain captives, some proffered by chance, some by design, bringing to the consul congruent reports—which were true as well—that an immense mass of cattle had been driven into a remote mountain-glen, prevailed upon him that the unencumbered legions be led thither to forage. There a vast army of the enemy, hidden, had occupied the routes, and, after it saw that the Romans had entered the glen, suddenly sprang up and with shout and tumult assaults the unwary.

Et primo nova res trepidationem fecit, dum arma capiunt, sarcinas congerunt in medium; dein postquam, ut quisque liberaverat se onere aptaveratque armis, ad signa undique coibant et, notis ordinibus in vetere disciplina militiae iam sine praecepto ullius sua sponte struebatur acies, consul ad ancipitem maxime pugnam advectus desilit ex equo et Iovem Martemque atque alios testatur deos se nullam suam gloriam inde sed praedam militi quaerentem in eum locum devenisse neque in se aliud quam nimiam ditandi ex hoste militis curam reprehendi posse; ab eo se dedecore nullam rem aliam quam virtutem militum vindicaturam. Coniterentur modo uno animo omnes invadere hostem victum acie, castris exutum, nudatum urbibus, ultimam spem furto insidiarum temptantem et loco non armis fretum. Sed quem esse iam virtuti Romanae inexpugnabilem locum?

And at first the novel situation caused trepidation, while they took up arms and heaped the packs into the middle; then, after each man had freed himself of his burden and had fitted on his arms, they converged from every side to the standards, and, in familiar ranks under the old discipline of soldiery, now without anyone’s command the battle line was of its own accord being drawn up. The consul, borne toward a most precarious double-edged fight, leapt from his horse and called Jove and Mars and the other gods to witness that he had come into that place seeking no glory of his own from it, but booty for the soldier; nor could anything in him be blamed except an excessive concern to enrich the soldiery from the enemy; from that disgrace, he said, nothing else would vindicate him but the virtue of the soldiers. Only let them strive, with one mind all together, to assault an enemy vanquished in pitched battle, stripped of his camp, laid bare of his cities, trying his last hope by the furtive treachery of an ambush and relying on the ground, not on arms. But what place now is there that is impregnable to Roman virtue?

Fregellana arx Soranaque et ubicumque iniquo successum erat loco memorabantur.

The Fregellan citadel and the Soran, and wherever success had been won on adverse ground, were being recalled.

His accensus miles, omnium immemor difficultatium, vadit adversus imminentem hostium aciem. Ibi paulum laboris fuit, dum in adversum clivum erigitur agmen; ceterum postquam prima signa planitiem summam ceperunt sensitque acies aequo se iam institisse loco, versus extemplo est terror in insidiatores easdemque latebras, quibus se paulo ante texerant, palati atque inermes fuga repetebant. Sed loca difficilia hosti quaesita ipsos tum sua fraude impediebant.

At this inflamed, the soldier, forgetful of all difficulties, goes against the overhanging battle-line of the enemy. There was a little labor there, while the column is raised up an opposing slope; but after the first standards seized the topmost level ground and the battle line perceived that it now had taken its stand on equal ground, the terror was straightway turned upon the ambushers, and they, scattered and unarmed, were seeking again in flight the same hiding places with which they had screened themselves a little before. But the difficult places chosen for the enemy then impeded themselves by their own fraud.

Itaque ergo perpaucis effugium patuit; caesa ad viginti milia hominum; victorque Romanus ad oblatam ab hoste praedam pecorum discurrit.

And so an escape lay open to very few; about twenty thousand men were cut down; and the Roman victor ran about to the booty of cattle that had been offered by the enemy.

[32] Dum haec geruntur in Samnio, iam omnes Etruriae populi praeter Arretinos ad arma ierant, ab oppugnando Sutrio, quae urbs socia Romanis velut claustra Etruriae erat, ingens orsi bellum. Eo alter consulum Aemilius cum exercitu ad liberandos obsidione socios venit. Advenientibus Romanis Sutrini commeatus benigne in castra ante urbem posita advexere.

[32] While these things were being carried on in Samnium, already all the peoples of Etruria, except the Arretines, had gone to arms, having begun a vast war by assaulting Sutrium, a city allied to the Romans, which was, as it were, the barrier of Etruria. Thither one of the consuls, Aemilius, came with the army to free the allies from the siege. With the Romans arriving, the Sutrinians kindly conveyed supplies into the camp pitched before the city.

Etrusci diem primum consultando maturarent traherentne bellum traduxerunt: postero die, ubi celeriora quam tutiora consilia magis placuere ducibus, sole orto signum pugnae propositum est armatique in aciem procedunt. Quod postquam consuli nuntiatum est, extemplo tesseram dari iubet ut prandeat miles firmatisque cibo viribus arma capiat. Dicto paretur.

Etruscans spent the first day in consulting whether they should hasten or drag out the war: on the following day, when counsels swifter rather than safer more pleased the leaders, with the sun risen the signal of battle was set forth and, armed, they advance into the battle line. After this was reported to the consul, immediately he orders the tessera to be given that the soldier may take luncheon, and, his strength fortified by food, take up arms. The word is obeyed.

Consul ubi armatos paratosque vidit, signa extra vallum proferri iussit et haud procul hoste instruxit aciem. Aliquamdiu intenti utrimque steterunt exspectantes ut ab adversariis clamor et pugna inciperet, et prius sol meridie se inclinavit quam telum hinc aut illinc emissum est: inde, ne infecta re abiretur, clamor ab Etruscis oritur concinuntque tubae et signa inferuntur. Nec segnius a Romanis pugna initur.

When the consul saw them armed and prepared, he ordered the standards to be carried out beyond the rampart and drew up the battle-line not far from the enemy. For some time they stood intent on both sides, waiting for the shout and the combat to be initiated by their adversaries, and the sun had inclined past midday before a missile was sent forth from here or there: then, lest they depart with the matter unfinished, a clamor rises from the Etruscans, the trumpets sound in concert, and the standards are borne forward. Nor is the battle begun any less briskly by the Romans.

Concurrunt infensis animis; numero hostis, virtute Romanus superat; anceps proelium multos utrimque et fortissimum quemque absumit nec prius inclinata res est quam secunda acies Romana ad prima signa, integri fessis, successerunt, Etrusci, quia nullis recentibus subsidiis fulta prima acies fuit, ante signa circaque omnes ceciderunt. Nullo unquam proelio fugae minus nec plus caedis fuisset, ni obstinatos mori Tuscos nox texisset, ita ut victores priusquam victi pugnandi finem facerent. Post occasum solis signum receptui datum est; nocte ab utroque in castra reditum.

They run together with hostile spirits; in number the enemy, in valor the Roman, excelled; the doubtful battle consumes many on both sides and each of the very bravest, nor was the affair inclined until the second Roman line advanced to the foremost standards, the fresh relieving the weary, and the Etruscans, because the first line had been supported by no fresh reserves, all fell before and around the standards. In no battle ever would there have been less flight nor more slaughter, if night had not covered the Tuscans obstinate to die, so that the victors would have made an end of fighting before the vanquished. After the setting of the sun the signal for recall was given; in the night there was a return into camp by both sides.

Nec deinde quicquam eo anno rei memoria dignae apud Sutrium gestum est, quia et ex hostium exercitu prima tota acies deleta uno proelio fuerat subsidiariis modo relictis, vix quod satis esset ad castrorum praesidium, et apud Romanos tantum volnerum fuit ut plures post proelium saucii decesserint quam ceciderant in acie.

Nor thereafter was anything in that year of a matter worthy of memory done at Sutrium, because both from the enemy’s army the whole first battle-line had been destroyed in a single battle, with only the reserves left, scarcely enough for the camp’s garrison; and among the Romans there were so many wounds that more of the wounded died after the battle than had fallen in the line.

[33] Q. Fabius, insequentis anni consul, bellum ad Sutrium excepit; collega Fabio C. Marcius Rutulus datus est; ceterum et Fabius supplementum ab Roma adduxit et novus exercitus domo accitus Etruscis venit.

[33] Q. Fabius, consul of the following year, took up the war at Sutrium; to Fabius a colleague was given, C. Marcius Rutilus; moreover Fabius also brought a reinforcement from Rome, and a new army, called from home, came to the Etruscans.

Permulti anni iam erant cum inter patricios magistratus tribunosque nulla certamina fuerant, cum ex ea familia, quae velut fatales cum tribunis ac plebe erat, certamen oritur. Ap. Claudius censor circumactis decem et octo mensibus, quod Aemilia lege finitum censurae spatium temporis erat, cum C. Plautius collega eius magistratu se abdicasset, nulla vi compelli ut abdicaret potuit. P. Sempronius erat tribunus plebis, qui finiendae censurae inter legitimum tempus actionem susceperat, non popularem magis quam iustam nec in volgus quam optimo cuique gratiorem.

Very many years had already passed since there had been no contests between the patrician magistrates and the tribunes, when from that family, which was as it were fated to be at odds with the tribunes and the plebs, a contest arose. Ap. Claudius, censor, after eighteen months had been completed—the span of the censorship fixed by the Aemilian law—when C. Plautius, his colleague, had abdicated his magistracy, could be compelled by no force to abdicate. P. Sempronius was tribune of the plebs, who had undertaken an action for bringing the censorship to an end within the lawful time, not more popular than just, nor more pleasing to the common crowd than to each of the best men.

Is cum identidem legem Aemiliam recitaret auctoremque eius Mam. Aemilium dictatorem laudibus ferret, qui quinquennalem ante [censuram] et longinquitate potestatem dominantem intra sex mensum et anni coegisset spatium, "dic agedum" inquit, "Appi Claudi, quidnam facturus fueris, si eo tempore quo C. Furius et M. Geganius censores fuerunt censor fuisses." Negare Appius interrogationem tribuni magno opere ad causam pertinere suam; nam, etsi tenuerit lex Aemilia eos censores, quorum in magistratu lata esset, quia post illos censores creatos eam legem populus iussisset, quodque postremum iussisset id ius ratumque esset, non tamen aut se aut eorum quemquam, qui post eam legem latam creati censores essent, teneri ea lege potuisse.

He, as he repeatedly recited the Aemilian law and bore its author, Mam. Aemilius the dictator, forth with praises—who had forced the [censorship], previously quinquennial and, through long duration, becoming domineering, into the span of eighteen months—“come, say,” he says, “Appius Claudius, what you would have done, if at the time when C. Furius and M. Geganius were censors you had been censor.” Appius denied that the tribune’s interrogation pertained greatly to his case; for, even if the Aemilian law held those censors in whose magistracy it was carried, because after those censors were elected the people had ordered that law, and what they had last ordered would be right and ratified, nevertheless neither he himself nor any of those who, after that law was carried, were elected censors could have been held by that law.

[34] Haec sine ullius adsensu cavillante Appio "en" inquit, "Quirites, illius Appi progenies, qui decemvirum in annum creatus altero anno se ipse creavit, tertio nec ab se nec ab ullo creatus privatus fasces et imperium obtinuit, nec ante continuando abstitit magistratu quam obruerent eum male parta, male gesta, male retenta imperia. Haec est eadem familia, Quirites, cuius vi atque iniuriis compulsi, extorres patria Sacrum montem cepistis; haec, adversus quam tribunicium auxilium vobis comparastis; haec, propter quam duo exercitus Aventinum insedistis; haec, quae fenebres leges, haec, quae agrarias semper impugnavit; haec conubia patrum et plebis interrupit; haec plebi ad curules magistratus iter obsaepsit. Hoc est nomen multo quam Tarquiniorum infestius vestrae libertati.

[34] With Appius cavilling without anyone’s assent: “Lo,” he says, “Citizens, the progeny of that Appius, who, created decemvir for one year, in the second year created himself, in the third, created neither by himself nor by anyone, as a private citizen held the fasces and imperium, nor did he desist from office by continuous prolongation until powers ill-acquired, ill-conducted, ill-retained overwhelmed him. This is the same family, Citizens, by whose force and injustices you, driven to it, took the Sacred Mount as exiles from your fatherland; this is the one against which you procured the tribunician aid for yourselves; this, on account of which two armies occupied the Aventine; this, which has always attacked the usury laws, this, the agrarian laws; this broke off the connubia of the patricians and the plebs; this blocked for the plebs the road to the curule magistracies. This is a name far more hostile to your liberty than that of the Tarquins.”

Itane tandem, Appi Claudi? cum centesimus iam annus sit ab Mam. Aemilio dictatore, tot censores fuerunt, nobilissimi fortissimique viri, nemo eorum duodecim tabulas legit?

Is it so at last, Appius Claudius? Since now the hundredth year has elapsed from Mam. Aemilius as dictator, there have been so many censors, most noble and most brave men—has none of them read the Twelve Tables?

nemo id ius esse, quod postremo populus iussisset, sciit? Immo vero omnes sciverunt et ideo Aemiliae potius legi paruerunt quam illi antiquae qua primum censores creati erant, quia hanc postremam iusserat populus et quia, ubi duae contrariae leges sunt, semper antiquae obrogat nova.

Did no one know that that is law which the people had last ordained? Nay rather, all knew, and for that reason they obeyed the Aemilian law rather than that ancient one by which the censors were first created, because the people had enacted this latest one, and because, where there are two contrary laws, the new always obrogates the old.

"An hoc dicis, Appi, non teneri Aemilia lege populum? an populum teneri, te unum exlegem esse? tenuit Aemilia lex violentos illos censores, C. Furium et M. Geganium, qui quid iste magistratus in re publica mali facere posset indicarunt, cum ira finitae potestatis Mam.

"Or is it this you say, Appius, that the people are not held by the Aemilian law? or that the people are held, and you alone are an outlaw? The Aemilian law restrained those violent censors, C. Furius and M. Geganius, who showed what evil that magistracy could do in the commonwealth, when, in wrath at the ending of their power by Mam.

Aemilium, principem aetatis suae belli domique, aerarium fecerunt; tenuit deinceps omnes censores intra centum annorum spatium; tenet C. Plautium, collegam tuum iisdem auspiciis, eodem iure creatum. An hunc non, ut qui optimo iure censor creatus esset, populus creavit? tu unus eximius es in quo hoc praecipuum ac singulare valeat?

Aemilius, the leading man of his age in war and at home, they made an aerarian; thereafter it held all the censors within a span of 100 years; it holds C. Plautius, your colleague, created under the same auspices, by the same right. Or did not the people create him as one who was made censor with the best right? are you the one exceptional man in whom this special and singular privilege should prevail?

quem tu regem sacrificiorum crees? amplexus regni nomen, ut qui optimo iure rex Romae creatus sit, creatum se dicet. Quem semestri dictatura, quem interregno quinque dierum contentum fore putes?

Whom would you deem king of the sacrifices? Embracing the name of kingship, as one who by the best right has been created king of Rome, he will say that he has been created. Whom do you suppose will be content with a six‑month dictatorship, with an interregnum of five days?

quem clavi figendi aut ludorum causa dictatorem audacter crees? quam isti stolidos ac socordes videri creditis eos qui intra vicesimum diem ingentibus rebus gestis dictatura se abdicaverunt aut qui vitio creati abierunt magistratu. Quid ego antiqua repetam?

whom would you boldly appoint as dictator for the sake of fixing the nail or for the games? how foolish and slothful do you believe those men seem to these fellows who, within twenty days, with vast matters accomplished, abdicated the dictatorship, or who, having been created with a flaw, departed from office. Why should I go back to ancient times?

Nuper intra decem annos C. Maenius dictator, quia, cum quaestiones severius quam quibusdam potentibus tutum erat exerceret, contagio eius quod quaerebat ipse criminis obiectata ab inimicis est, ut privatus obviam iret crimini, dictatura se abdicavit. Nolo ego istam in te modestiam; ne degeneraveris a familia imperiosissima [superbissima]; non die, non hora citius quam necesse est magistratu abieris, modo ne excedas finitum tempus. Satis est aut diem aut mensem censurae adicere?

Recently within ten years, C. Maenius, dictator, because when he was conducting inquiries more severely than was safe for certain powerful men, the taint of the very crime which he was seeking was thrown at him by his enemies; and so, in order to meet the charge as a private citizen, he abdicated the dictatorship. I do not want that modesty in you; do not degenerate from your most imperious [most proud] house; do not depart from office a day, not an hour, sooner than is necessary, provided only that you do not exceed the bounded time. Is it enough to add either a day or a month to the censorship?

triennium, inquit, et sex menses ultra quam licet Aemilia lege censuram geram, et solus geram. Hoc quidem iam regno simile est.

for three years, he says, and six months beyond what is permitted by the Aemilian law I will hold the censorship, and I will hold it alone. This indeed is now like kingship.

"An collegam subrogabis, quem ne in demortui quidem locum subrogari fas est? paenitet enim, quod antiquissimum sollemne et solum ab ipso, cui fit, institutum deo ab nobilissimus antistitibus eius sacri ad servorum ministerium religiosus censor deduxisti, gens antiqvior originibus urbis huius, hospitio deorum immortalium sancta, propter te ac tuam censuram intra annum ab stirpe exstincta est, nisi universam rem publicam eo nefario obstrinxeris, quod ominari etiam reformidat animus. Urbs eo lustro capta est, quo demortuo collega C. Iulio [censore], L. Papirius Cursor, ne abiret magistratu, M. Cornelium Maluginensem collegam subrogavit.

"Or will you subrogate a colleague, one whom it is not even right to be subrogated into the place of a deceased man? For it is a matter of regret that you, a scrupulous censor, have led down the most ancient solemn rite—established by the very god to whom it is performed—from the most noble priests of that sacred rite to the ministry of slaves; a clan older than the origins of this city, hallowed by the guest-friendship of the immortal gods, has, because of you and your censorship, within a year been extinguished root and branch—unless you have bound the whole commonwealth by that nefarious act, which my mind even shudders to name as an omen. The City was captured in that lustrum in which, his colleague Gaius Julius [censor] having died, Lucius Papirius Cursor, lest he should leave office, subrogated Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis as colleague.

Et quanto modestior illius cupiditas fuit quam tua, Appi? nec solus nec ultra finitum lege tempus L. Papirius censuram gessit; tamen neminem invenit qui se postea auctorem sequeretur; omnes deinceps censores post mortem collegae se magistratu abdicarunt. Te nec quod dies exit censurae nec quod collega magistratu abiit nec lex nec pudor coercet: virtutem in superbia, in audacia, in contemptu deorum hominumque ponis.

And how much more modest was that man’s desire than yours, Appius? L. Papirius neither held the censorship alone nor beyond the time limited by law; yet he found no one who afterward would follow him as an auctor (precedent); all the censors thereafter, upon the death of a colleague, abdicated themselves from magistracy. You are restrained neither by the expiry of the day of the censorship nor by the fact that your colleague has left the magistracy, neither by law nor by shame: you place virtue in pride, in audacity, in contempt of gods and men.

"Ego te, Appi Claudi, pro istius magistratus maiestate ac verecundia quem gessisti, non modo manu violatum sed ne verbo quidem inclementiori a me appellatum vellem; sed et haec quae adhuc egi pervicacia tua et superbia coegit me loqui, et, nisi Aemiliae legi parueris, in vincula duci iubebo nec, cum ita comparatum a maioribus sit ut comitiis censoriis, nisi duo confecerint legitima suffragia, non renuntiato altero comitia differantur, ego te, qui solus censor creari non possis, solum censuram gerere nunc patiar." Haec taliaque cum dixisset, prendi censorem et in vincula duci iussit. Approbantibus sex tribunis actionem collegae, tres appellanti Appio auxilio fuerunt; summaque invidia omnium ordinum solus censuram gessit.

"I, Appius Claudius, out of regard for the majesty and modesty of that magistracy which you have held, would have wished you not only not to be violated by hand, but not even to be addressed by me with a harsher word; but both these things which I have done thus far your pervicacity and superbia have compelled me to say, and unless you obey the Aemilian law, I will order you to be led into chains; nor, since it has been arranged by the ancestors that in the censorial comitia, unless two have secured the lawful suffrages, with one not proclaimed the comitia are deferred, will I now suffer you, who cannot be created censor alone, to exercise the censorship alone." When he had said these and suchlike things, he ordered the censor to be seized and led into chains. With six tribunes approving the action of their colleague, three were a help to Appius as he appealed; and amid the greatest odium of all the orders he alone exercised the censorship.

[35] Dum ea Romae geruntur, iam Sutrium ab Etruscis obsidebatur consulique Fabio imis montibus ducenti ad ferendam opem sociis temptandasque munitiones, si qua posset, acies hostium instructa occurrit; quorum ingentem multitudinem cum ostenderet subiecta late planities, consul, ut loco paucitatem suorum adiuvaret, flectit paululum in clivos agmen —aspreta erant strata saxis—inde signa in hostem obvertit. Etrusci omnium praeterquam multitudinis suae qua sola freti erant immemores proelium ineunt adeo raptim et avide, ut abiectis missilibus quo celerius manus consererent stringerent gladios vadentes in hostem. Romanus contra nunc tela, nunc saxa, quibus eos adfatim locus ipse armabat, ingerere.

[35] While these things were being done at Rome, already Sutrium was being besieged by the Etruscans; and for the consul Fabius, as he was leading [his force] down from the lowest mountains to bring aid to the allies and to try the siege-works, if in any way he could, a battle line of the enemy, drawn up, met him. And when the broad plain lying below displayed their immense multitude, the consul, that the ground might assist the small number of his men, bends the column a little onto the slopes—there was rough ground strewn with stones—and from there he turns the standards against the enemy. The Etruscans, forgetful of everything except their own multitude, on which alone they relied, enter battle so hurriedly and greedily that, throwing aside their missiles so that they might the faster come to close quarters, they drew their swords as they advanced upon the enemy. The Roman, by contrast, kept heaping upon them now missiles, now stones, with which the very place in abundance armed them.

Igitur scuta galeaeque ictae cum etiam quos non volneraverant turbarent—neque subire erat facile ad propio rem pugnam neque missilia habebant quibus eminus rem gererent—stantes et expositos ad ictus cum iam satis nihil tegeret, quosdam etiam pedem referentes fluctuantemque et instabilem aciem redintegrato clamore strictis gladiis hastati et principes invadunt. Eum impetum non tulerunt Etrusci versisque signis fuga effusa castra repetunt; sed equites Romani praevecti per obliqua campi cum se fugientibus obtulissent, omisso ad castra itinere montes petunt; inde inermi paene agmine ac vexato volneribus in silvam Ciminiam penetratum. Romanus multis milibus Etruscorum caesis, duodequadraginta signis militaribus captis, castris etiam hostium cum praeda ingenti potitur.

Therefore the struck shields and helmets disturbed even those whom they had not wounded—and it was not easy to come up to the matter of a close fight, nor did they have missiles with which to manage the affair from afar—standing and exposed to blows, since now scarcely anything covered them, with some even giving ground and the battle line wavering and unstable, the hastati and principes, with shout renewed and swords drawn, charge. The Etruscans did not endure that onset, and with their standards turned they in a headlong rout make for the camp; but when the Roman cavalry, having ridden forward across the slants of the plain, presented themselves to the fugitives, they abandoned the road to the camp and made for the mountains; from there, with a column almost unarmed and harried by wounds, they penetrated into the Ciminian forest. The Roman, with many thousands of Etruscans cut down, with 48 military standards captured, also gains possession of the enemy’s camp with immense booty.

Tum de persequendo hoste agitari coeptum.

Then the pursuit of the enemy began to be discussed.

[36] Silva erat Ciminia magis tum invia atque horrenda quam nuper fuere Germanici saltus, nulli ad eam diem ne mercatorum quidem adita. Eam intrare haud fere quisquam praeter ducem ipsum audebat; aliis omnibus cladis Caudinae nondum memoria aboleverat. Tum ex iis qui aderant, consulis frater—M. Fabium, Caesonem alii, C. Claudium quidam matre eadem qua consulem genitum, tradunt—speculatum se iturum professus brevique omnia certa allaturum.

[36] The Ciminian forest was then more pathless and horrendous than the Germanic woods have been in recent times, approached by no one to that day, not even merchants. Hardly anyone except the leader himself dared to enter it; in all the others the memory of the Caudine disaster had not yet been effaced. Then, from those who were present, the consul’s brother—some relate M. Fabius, others Caeso, certain persons C. Claudius, born of the same mother as the consul—declared that he would go to reconnoiter and would shortly bring back all sure particulars.

Caere educatus apud hospites, Etruscis inde litteris eruditus erat linguamque Etruscam probe noverat. Habeo auctores volgo tum Romanos pueros, sicut nunc Graecis, ita Etruscis litteris erudiri solitos; sed propius est vero praecipuum aliquid fuisse in eo qui se tam audaci simulatione hostibus immiscuerit. Servus ei dicitur comes unus fuisse, nutritus una eoque haud ignarus linguae eiusdem; nec quicquam aliud proficiscentes quam summatim regionis quae intranda erat naturam ac nomina principum in populis accepere, ne qua inter conloquia insigni nota haesitantes deprendi possent.

Brought up at Caere among guest-friends, he had been trained in Etruscan letters and knew the Etruscan language thoroughly. I have authorities that Roman boys then, commonly, were accustomed to be educated in Etruscan letters, as now in Greek; but it is nearer to the truth that there was something exceptional in the man who with so bold a simulation mixed himself in among enemies. A single slave is said to have been his companion, brought up together with him and thus by no means ignorant of the same language; and on setting out they received nothing else than, in summary, the nature of the region that was to be entered and the names of the principals among the peoples, lest, in their conversations, by hesitating at some distinctive point they might be detected.

Iere pastorali habitu, agrestibus telis, falcibus gaesisque binis armati. Sed neque commercium linguae nec vestis armorumue habitus sic eos texit quam quod abhorrebat ab fide quemquam externum Ciminios saltus intraturum. Usque ad Camertes Umbros penetrasse dicuntur; ibi qui essent fateri Romanum ausum; introductumque in senatum consulis verbis egisse de societate amicitiaque atque inde comi hospitio acceptum nuntiare Romanis iussum commeatum exercitui dierum triginta praesto fore, si ea loca intrasset, iuventutemque Camertium Umbrorum in armis paratam imperio futuram.

They went in pastoral attire, armed with rustic weapons, with sickles and two gaesa apiece. But neither the commerce of language nor their dress and the bearing of their arms concealed them so much as did the fact that it was repugnant to belief that any foreigner would enter the Ciminian woods. They are said to have penetrated as far as the Camertes Umbrians; there he dared to confess who they were—that he was a Roman; and, being introduced into the senate, he spoke in the consul’s words about alliance and amity, and from there, received with kindly hospitality, he was ordered to announce to the Romans that provisions for thirty days would be at hand for the army, if it should enter those regions, and that the youth of the Camertes Umbrians, in arms and prepared, would be under command.

Haec cum relata consuli essent, impedimentis prima vigilia praemissis, legionibus post impedimenta ire iussis ipse substitit cum equitatu et luce orta postero die obequitavit stationibus hostium, quae extra saltum dispositae erant; et cum satis diu tenuisset hostem, in castra sese recepit portaque altera egressus ante noctem agmen adsequitur. Postero die luce prima iuga Ciminii montis tenebat; inde contemplatus opulenta Etruriae arua milites emittit. Ingenti iam abacta praeda tumultuariae agrestium Etruscorum cohortes, repente a principibus regionis eius concitatae, Romanis occurrunt adeo incompositae ut vindices praedarum prope ipsi praedae fuerint.

When these things had been reported to the consul, with the baggage sent ahead at the first watch, and the legions ordered to go behind the baggage, he himself halted with the cavalry; and when daybreak came on the following day, he rode along before the enemy’s pickets, which had been posted outside the woodland pass; and when he had held the enemy long enough, he withdrew into camp, and, going out by the other gate, he overtook the column before night. On the next day, at first light, he held the ridges of Mount Ciminius; from there, having contemplated the opulent fields of Etruria, he sends out the soldiers. With a huge booty already driven off, tumultuary cohorts of Etruscan countryfolk, suddenly stirred up by the chiefs of that region, run into the Romans so disordered that the avengers of the plunder were almost themselves the prey.

Caesis fugatisque his, late depopulato agro victor Romanus opulentusque rerum omnium copia in castra rediit. Eo forte quinque legati cum duobus tribunis plebis venerant denuntiatum Fabio senatus verbis ne saltum Ciminium transiret. Laetati serius se quam ut impedire bellum possent venisse, nuntii victoriae Romam revertuntur.

After these had been cut down and put to flight, with the countryside widely depopulated and ravaged, the Roman victor, opulent with a copious abundance of all things, returned to camp. There by chance five legates had come with two tribunes of the plebs, to give formal notice to Fabius, in the Senate’s words, not to cross the Ciminian pass. Rejoicing that they had come too late to be able to impede the war, they returned to Rome as messengers of the victory.

[37] Hac expeditione consulis motum latius erat quam profligatum bellum; vastationem namque sub Ciminii montis radicibus iacens ora senserat conciveratque indignatione non Etruriae modo populos sed Umbriae finitima. Itaque quantus non unquam antea exercitus ad Sutrium venit; neque e silvis tantummodo promota castra sed etiam aviditate dimicandi quam primum in campos delata acies. Deinde instructa primo suo stare loco, relicto hostibus ad instruendum contra spatio: dein, postquam detractare hostem sensere pugnam, ad vallum subeunt.

[37] By this expedition of the consul the war was stirred more widely than it was brought to a conclusion; for the region lying at the roots of Mount Ciminius had felt the devastation and had roused to indignation not only the peoples of Etruria but the neighboring peoples of Umbria. Accordingly, an army as great as never before came to Sutrium; and not only were the camps advanced out of the woods, but, from avidity of fighting, the battle-line was borne down into the plains as soon as possible. Then, once drawn up, it stood at first in its own place, leaving to the enemy space to draw up opposite; then, after they perceived that the enemy was shirking the fight, they move up to the rampart.

Ubi postquam stationes quoque receptas intra munimenta sensere, clamor repente circa duces ortus, ut eo sibi e castris cibaria eius diei deferri iuberent: mansuros se sub armis et aut nocte aut certe luce prima castra hostium invasuros. Nihilo quietior Romanus exercitus imperio ducis continetur. Decima erat fere diei hora cum cibum capere consul milites iubet; praecipit ut in armis sint quacumque diei noctisue hora signum dederit.

When, after they perceived that even the pickets had been withdrawn within the fortifications, a shout suddenly arose around the commanders, that they should order the rations of that day to be carried out to them there from the camp: that they would remain under arms and would assail the enemy’s camp either by night or surely at first light. The Roman army, no whit quieter, is held in by the command of the leader. It was about the tenth hour of the day when the consul orders the soldiers to take food; he instructs that they be in arms at whatever hour of day or night he should give the signal.

Paucis milites adloquitur; Samnitium bella extollit, elevat Etruscos; nec hostem hosti nec multitudinem multitudini comparandam ait; esse praeterea telum aliud occultum; scituros in tempore; interea taceri opus esse. His ambagibus prodi simulabat hostes, quo animus militum multitudine territus restitueretur; et, quod sine munimento consederant, veri similius erat quod simulabatur.

With a few words he addresses the soldiers; he extols the wars of the Samnites, he belittles the Etruscans; he says that neither the foe is to be compared with that foe, nor the multitude with that multitude; that, besides, there is another weapon hidden; they will know in due time; meanwhile there is need for silence. By these circumlocutions he was pretending that the enemies had been betrayed, so that the spirit of the soldiers, terrified by the multitude, might be restored; and, because they had encamped without a fortification, what was being simulated was the more plausible.

Curati cibo corpora quieti dant et quarta fere vigilia sine tumultu excitati arma capiunt. Dolabrae calonibus dividuntur ad vallum proruendum fossasque implendas. Intra munimenta instruitur acies; delectae cohortes ad portarum exitus conlocantur.

After taking food they give their bodies to rest, and about the fourth watch, roused without tumult, they take up arms. Pickaxes are distributed to the camp-followers for throwing down the rampart and filling the ditches. Within the fortifications the battle line is drawn up; chosen cohorts are stationed at the exits of the gates.

Dato deinde signo paulo ante lucem, quod aestivis noctibus sopitae maxime quietis tempus est, proruto vallo erupit acies, stratos passim invadit hostes; alios immobiles, alios semisomnos in cubilibus suis, maximam partem ad arma trepidantes caedes oppressit. Paucis armandi se datum spatium est; eos ipsos non signum certum, non ducem sequentes fundit Romanus fugatosque persequitur. Ad castra, ad silvas diversi tendebant.

Then, the signal having been given a little before daybreak—which in summer nights is the time of the most lulled quiet—the battle-line, with the rampart broken down, burst out and assails the enemies lying strewn everywhere; some motionless, others half-asleep in their beds, a slaughter overwhelmed, and it overtook the greatest part as they were in panic hastening to their arms. To a few only was space granted for arming themselves; even those, following neither any sure signal nor a leader, the Roman routs and pursues when put to flight. To the camp, to the woods, they were heading in different directions.

Silvae tutius dedere refugium; nam castra in campis sita eodem die capiuntur. Aurum argentumque iussum referri ad consulem; cetera praeda militis fuit. Caesa aut capta eo die hostium milia ad sexaginta.

The woods more safely afforded a refuge; for the camp set in the plains was taken the same day. Gold and silver were ordered to be brought back to the consul; the rest of the booty was the soldiers’. On that day about sixty thousand of the enemy were cut down or captured.

Eam tam claram pugnam trans Ciminiam silvam ad Perusiam pugnatam quidam auctores sunt metuque in magno civitatem fuisse ne interclusus exercitus tam infesto saltu coortis undique Tuscis Umbrisque opprimeretur. Sed ubicumque pugnatum est, res Romana superior fuit. Itaque a Perusia et Cortona et Arretio, quae ferme capita Etruriae populorum ea tempestate erant, legati pacem foedusque ab Romanis petentes indutias in triginta annos impetraverunt.

Some authors assert that that so illustrious battle was fought beyond the Ciminian forest at Perusia, and that the state was in great fear lest the army, cut off, be overwhelmed in so hostile a mountain pass by Tuscans and Umbrians who had risen up on every side. But wherever it was fought, the Roman cause was superior. And so from Perusia and Cortona and Arretium, which were almost the chief cities of the peoples of Etruria at that time, envoys, seeking peace and a treaty from the Romans, obtained a truce for 30 years.

[38] Dum haec in Etruria geruntur, consul alter C. Marcius Rutulus Allifas de Samnitibus vi cepit. Multa alia castella vicique aut deleta hostiliter aut integra in potestatem venere. Per idem tempus et classis Romana a P. Cornelio, quem senatus maritimae orae praefecerat, in Campaniam acta cum adpulsa Pompeios esset, socii inde navales ad depopulandum agrum Nucerinum profecti, proximis raptim vastatis unde reditus tutus ad naves esset, dulcedine, ut fit, praedae longius progressi excivere hostes.

[38] While these things were being transacted in Etruria, the other consul, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, took Allifae from the Samnites by force. Many other forts and villages were either destroyed in hostile fashion or came intact into his power. At the same time the Roman fleet too, under Publius Cornelius, whom the senate had placed in charge of the maritime coast, having been conducted into Campania and, when it had made landfall at Pompeii, from there the naval allies set out to devastate the Nucerine countryside; after swiftly laying waste the nearest districts so that the return to the ships might be secure, carried away by the sweetness, as happens, of booty, advancing farther they provoked the enemy.

Palatis per agros nemo obvius fuit, cum occidione occidi possent; redeuntes agmine incauto haud procul navibus adsecuti agrestes exuerunt praeda, partem etiam occiderunt; quae superfuit caedi trepida multitudo ad naves compulsa est.

As they were straggling through the fields, no one encountered them, though they could have been cut down in a wholesale slaughter; overtaking them as they returned in an incautious column not far from the ships, the rustics stripped them of their booty and even killed some; the panic-stricken multitude that survived the slaughter was driven to the ships.

Profectio Q. Fabi trans Ciminiam silvam quantum Romae terrorem fecerat, tam laetam famam in Samnium ad hostes tulerat interclusum Romanum exercitum obsideri; cladisque imaginem Furculas Caudinas memorabant: eadem temeritate avidam ulteriorum semper gentem in saltus invios deductam, saeptam non hostium magis armis quam locorum iniquitatibus esse. Iam gaudium invidia quadam miscebatur, quod belli Romani decus ab Samnitibus fortuna ad Etruscos avertisset. Itaque armis virisque ad obterendum C. Marcium consulem concurrunt, protinus inde Etruriam per Marsos ac Sabinos petituri, si Marcius dimicandi potestatem non faciat.

The departure of Quintus Fabius across the Ciminian Forest, as much terror as it had caused at Rome, so glad a rumor had it borne into Samnium to the enemies, that the Roman army was cut off and under siege; and they recalled the image of the disaster of the Caudine Forks: by the same rashness the nation ever greedy for farther things had been led down into pathless passes, and was hemmed in not so much by the arms of enemies as by the disadvantages of the places. Now their joy was being mingled with a certain envy, because fortune had diverted the glory of the Roman war from the Samnites to the Etruscans. Therefore with arms and men they run together to crush the consul Gaius Marcius, straightway from there intending to seek Etruria through the Marsi and the Sabines, if Marcius should not grant the opportunity of fighting.

Obvius iis consul fuit. Dimicatum proelio utrimque atroci atque incerto eventu est et, cum anceps caedes fuisset, adversae tamen rei fama in Romanos vertit ob amissos quosdam equestris ordinis tribunosque militum atque unum legatum et, quod insigne maxime fuit, consulis ipsius volnus.

The consul met them. A battle was fought, atrocious on both sides and with an uncertain outcome; and, although the slaughter had been in the balance, yet the report of an adverse affair turned against the Romans, on account of the loss of certain men of the equestrian order and of tribunes of the soldiers and of one legate, and—what was most signal—the wound of the consul himself.

Ob haec etiam aucta fama, ut solet, ingens terror patres invasit dictatoremque dici placebat; nec, quin Cursor Papirius diceretur, in quo tum summa rei bellicae ponebatur, dubium cuiquam erat. Sed nec in Samnium nuntium perferri omnibus infestis tuto posse nec vivere Marcium consulem satis fidebant. Alter consul Fabius infestus privatim Papirio erat; quae ne ira obstaret bono publico, legatos ex consularium numero mittendos ad eum senatus censuit, qui sua quoque eum, non publica solum auctoritate moverent ut memoriam simultatium patriae remitteret.

On account of these things, with the report also amplified, as it is wont, a huge terror seized the senators, and it was pleasing that a dictator be proclaimed; nor was it doubtful to anyone that Papirius Cursor should be named, upon whom at that time the whole conduct of the war was being placed. But they did not sufficiently trust either that a messenger could be carried safely into Samnium, all being hostile, or that the consul Marcius was alive. The other consul, Fabius, was privately hostile to Papirius; and lest this anger stand in the way of the public good, the senate decreed that legates from the number of consulars be sent to him, who might move him by their own authority also, not by public authority alone, to remit the memory of their rivalries for the fatherland.

Profecti legati ad Fabium cum senatus consultum tradidissent adiecissentque orationem convenientem mandatis, consul demissis in terram oculis tacitus ab incertis quidnam acturus esset legatis recessit; nocte deinde silentio, ut mos est, L. Papirium dictatorem dixit. Cui cum ob animum egregie victum legati gratias agerent, obstinatum silentium obtinuit ac sine responso ac mentione facti sui legatos dimisit, ut appareret insignem dolorem ingenti comprimi animo.

The legates, having set out to Fabius, when they had delivered the senatorial decree and had added a speech consonant with their mandates, the consul, with eyes cast down to the ground, withdrew silently from the legates, who were uncertain what he was going to do; then by night, in silence, as is the custom, he named L. Papirius dictator. To him, when the legates were giving thanks for a spirit splendidly mastered, he maintained an obstinate silence and dismissed the legates without a response and without any mention of his deed, so that it might appear that a signal grief was being compressed by a mighty spirit.

Papirius C. Iunium Bubulcum magistrum equitum dixit; atque ei legem curiatam de imperio ferenti triste omen diem diffidit, quod Faucia curia fuit principium, duabus insignis cladibus, captae urbis et Caudinae pacis, quod utroque anno eiusdem curiae fuerat principium. Macer Licinius tertia etiam clade, quae ad Cremeram accepta est, abominandam eam curiam facit.

Papirius appointed Gaius Junius Bubulcus master of the horse; and for him, as he was proposing the curiate law concerning imperium, he broke off the day as a grim omen, because the Faucia curia was the principium, distinguished by two notable disasters, the capture of the City and the Caudine peace, since in each year the same curia had been the principium. Licinius Macer, by adding a third disaster as well, that which was incurred at the Cremera, makes that curia abominable.

[39] Dictator postero die auspiciis repetitis pertulit legem; et profectus cum legionibus ad terrorem traducti silvam Ciminiam exercitus nuper scriptis ad Longulam pervenit acceptisque a Marcio consule veteribus militibus in aciem copias eduxit. Nec hostes detractare visi pugnam. Instructos deinde armatosque, cum ab neutris proelium inciperet, nox oppressit.

[39] On the next day the dictator, the auspices having been renewed, carried the law; and setting out with the legions to strike terror into the newly levied army that had been led through the Ciminian forest, he reached Longula, and, after receiving from Consul Marcius the veteran soldiers, he led his forces out into battle order. Nor did the enemies seem to shirk combat. Then, when both sides were drawn up and armed, since from neither side did the battle begin, night overtook them.

Quieti aliquamdiu nec quis diffidentes viribus nec hostem spernentes, stativa in propinquo habuere.

Quiet for some time, neither diffident of their strength nor spurning the enemy, they held a standing camp close by.

Nam et cum Umbrorum exercitu acie depugnatum est; fusi tamen magis quam caesi hostes, quia coeptam acriter non tolerarunt pugnam; et ad Vadimonis lacum Etrusci lege sacrata coacto exercitu, cum vir virum legisset, quantis nunquam alias ante simul copiis simul animis dimicarunt; tantoque irarum certamine gesta res est ut ab neutra parte emissa sint tela. Gladiis pugna coepit et acerrime commissa ipso certamine, quod aliquamdiu anceps fuit, accensa est, ut non cum Etruscis totiens victis sed cum aliqua nova gente videretur dimicatio esse. Nihil ab ulla parte movetur fugae; cadunt antesignani et, ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa, fit ex secunda prima acies.

For even with the army of the Umbrians a pitched battle was fought; yet the enemies were routed rather than cut down, because they did not endure the battle, once keenly begun; and at Lake Vadimon, the Etruscans, their army assembled by a sacred levy, when man had chosen man, fought with forces and with spirits such as never before at any other time together; and the affair was conducted with such a contest of wrath that from neither side were missiles discharged. With swords the fight began, and, once most fiercely joined, it was kindled by the very contest—which for some time was in the balance—so that the struggle seemed to be not with the Etruscans so often conquered but with some new nation. No move to flight was made on either side; the vanguard fall, and, lest the standards be stripped of their defenders, the second line becomes the first line.

Ab ultimis deinde subsidiis cietur miles; adeoque ad ultimum laboris ac periculi ventum est ut equites Romani omissis equis ad primos ordines peditum per arma, per corpora evaserint. Ea velut nova inter fessos exorta acies turbavit signa Etruscorum; secuta deinde impetum eorum, utcumque adfecta erat, cetera multitudo tandem perrumpit ordines hostium. Tunc vinci pertinacia coepta et averti manipuli quidam; et, ut semel dedere hi terga, etiam <ceteri> certiorem capessere fugam.

Then the soldier was summoned from the farthest reserves; and to such an extreme of toil and peril had it come that the Roman equites, their horses abandoned, made their way to the foremost ranks of the infantry through arms and through bodies. That battle-line, as if newly arisen among the weary, threw the Etruscans’ standards into disorder; then the rest of the multitude, following their charge, however afflicted it was, at last broke through the enemy’s ranks. Then their pertinacity began to be conquered and certain maniples began to wheel away; and, once these turned their backs, even <the rest> took to a more decided flight.

Ille primum dies fortuna vetere abundantes Etruscorum fregit opes; caesum in acie quod roboris fuit: castra eo impetu capta direptaque.

That first day broke the power of the Etruscans, abounding in ancient fortune; in the battle line whatever was of strength was cut down: the camp, by that same impetus, was captured and plundered.

[40] Pari subinde periculo gloriaeque eventu bellum in Samnitibus erat, qui, praeter ceteros belli apparatus, ut acies sua fulgeret novis armorum insignibus fecerunt. Duo exercitus erant; scuta alterius auro, alterius argento caelaverunt; forma erat scuti: summum latius, qua pectus atque umeri teguntur, fastigio aequali; ad imum cuneatior mobilitatis causa. Spongia pectori tegumentum et sinistrum crus ocrea tectum.

[40] Presently a war among the Samnites had an outcome equal in peril and in glory; and they, besides the other apparatus of war, contrived that their battle-line should gleam with new insignia of arms. There were two armies; they chased the shields of one with gold, of the other with silver. The shape of the shield was: broader at the top, where the chest and shoulders are covered, with an even slope; toward the bottom more cuneate for the sake of mobility. A sponge was the chest’s padding, and the left leg was covered with a greave.

Galeae cristatae, quae speciem magnitudini corporum adderent. Tunicae auratis militibus versicolores, argentatis linteae candidae. His dextrum cornu datum: illi in sinistro consistunt.

Crested helmets, which added appearance to the magnitude of their bodies. Tunics versicolored for the gilded soldiers, for the silvered linen, shining white. To these the right wing was given: those take their stand on the left.

Notus iam Romanis apparatus insignium armorum fuerat doctique a ducibus erant horridum militem esse debere, non caelatum auro et argento sed ferro et animis fretum: quippe illa praedam verius quam arma esse, nitentia ante rem, deformia inter sanguinem et volnera. Virtutem esse militis decus: et omnia illa victoriam sequi et ditem hostem quamuis pauperis victoris praemium esse.

The display of insignia-bearing arms was already known to the Romans, and they had been taught by their leaders that the soldier ought to be horrid, not chased with gold and silver, but relying on iron and on courage: indeed, those things are more truly spoil than arms—shining before the action, misshapen amid blood and wounds. That virtue is the soldier’s ornament; and that all those things follow victory, and that a wealthy enemy is the prize even for a victor, however poor.

His Cursor vocibus instinctos milites in proelium ducit. Dextro ipse cornu consistit, sinistro praefecit magistrum equitum. Simul est concursum, ingens fuit cum hoste certamen, non segnius inter dictatorem et magistrum equitum ab utra parte victoria inciperet.

With these words Cursor leads the soldiers, urged on, into battle. He himself took his stand on the right wing; over the left he put the master of the horse in command. At once they clashed; the struggle with the enemy was immense; nor was there a less eager contest between the dictator and the master of the horse as to from which side victory would begin.

Prior forte Iunius commovit hostem, laevo dextrum cornu, sacratos more Samnitium milites eoque candida veste et paribus candore armis insignes; eos se Orco mactare Iunius dictitans, cum intulisset signa, turbavit ordines et haud dubie impulit aciem. Quod ubi sensit dictator, "ab laevone cornu victoria incipiet" inquit "et dextrum cornu, dictatoris acies, alienam pugnam sequetur, non partem maximam victoriae trahet?" Concitat milites; nec peditum virtuti equites aut legatorum studia ducibus cedunt. M. Valerius a dextro, P. Decius ab laevo cornu, ambo consulares, ad equites in cornibus positos evehuntur adhortatique eos, ut partem secum capesserent decoris, in transversa latera hostium incurrunt.

By chance Junius was the first to stir the enemy, the left wing against the right wing, the soldiers consecrated after the custom of the Samnites and therefore distinguished by a white garment and arms equal in whiteness; declaring that he was sacrificing them to Orcus, Junius, when he had borne in the standards, threw their ranks into confusion and without doubt drove the battle line. When the dictator perceived this, he said, “from the left wing victory will begin; and will the right wing, the dictator’s battle line, follow another’s fight and not draw to itself the greatest share of the victory?” He spurs on the soldiers; nor do the horsemen yield to the valor of the foot-soldiers, nor the zeal of the legates to the leaders. M. Valerius from the right, P. Decius from the left wing—both consulars—ride out to the horsemen posted on the wings and, after exhorting them to take a share of the honor with them, charge into the crosswise flanks of the enemy.

Is novus additus terror cum ex parte utraque circumvasisset aciem et ad terrorem hostium legiones Romanae redintegrato clamore intulissent gradum, tum fuga ab Samnitibus coepta. Iam strage hominum armorumque insignium campi repleri; ac primo pavidos Samnites castra sua accepere, deinde ne ea quidem retenta; captis direptisque ante noctem iniectus ignis.

That fresh terror being added, when from either side it had hemmed in the battle line and the Roman legions, with the clamor renewed, had advanced to strike terror in the enemy, then flight began among the Samnites. Already the fields were being filled with the slaughter of men and with arms and insignia; and at first the panic-stricken Samnites took refuge in their camp, then not even that was held; once it had been captured and plundered, before night fire was thrown in.

Dictator ex senatus consulto triumphavit, cuius triumpho longe maximam speciem captiva arma praebuere. Tantum magnificentiae visum in his, ut aurata scuta dominis argentariarum ad forum ornandum dividerentur. Inde natum initium dicitur fori ornandi ab aedilibus cum tensae ducerentur.

The dictator, by decree of the senate, celebrated a triumph, in which the captured arms supplied by far the greatest spectacle. So great a magnificence was seen in these, that gilded shields were distributed by the owners of the bankers’ stalls to adorn the Forum. From that, it is said, there arose the beginning of the Forum’s being adorned by the aediles when the tensae (sacred cars) were led.

Et Romani quidem ad honorem deum insignibus armis hostium usi sunt: Campani ad superbiam et odio Samnitium gladiatores, quod spectaculum inter epulas erat, eo ornatu armarunt Samnitiumque nomine compellarunt. Eodem anno cum reliquiis Etruscorum ad Perusiam, quae et ipsa indutiarum fidem ruperat, Fabius consul nec dubia nec difficili victoria dimicat. Ipsum oppidum—nam ad moenia victor accessit—cepisset, ni legati dedentes urbem exissent.

And the Romans indeed used the enemy’s distinguished arms to the honor of the gods; the Campanians, out of pride and in hatred of the Samnites, armed gladiators—which spectacle was during banquets—with that adornment, and addressed them by the name “Samnites.” In the same year, with the remnants of the Etruscans at Perusia—which had itself broken the faith of the truces—the consul Fabius fights with a victory neither doubtful nor difficult. The town itself—for as victor he approached the walls—he would have taken, had not envoys come out surrendering the city.

Praesidio Perusiae imposito, legationibus Etruriae amicitiam petentibus prae se Romam ad senatum missis consul praestantiore etiam quam dictator victoria triumphans urbem est invectus; quin etiam devictorum Samnitium decus magna ex parte ad legatos, P. Decium et M. Valerium, est versum, quos populos proximis comitiis ingenti consensu consulem alterum, alterum praetorem declaravit.

After a garrison had been posted in Perusia, and with the embassies of Etruria seeking friendship sent on ahead to Rome to the senate, the consul, triumphing with a victory even more outstanding than the dictator’s, was borne into the city; indeed, even the glory of the conquered Samnites was, in great part, transferred to the legates, P. Decius and M. Valerius, whom the people at the next elections, by vast consensus, declared the one consul, the other praetor.

[41] Fabio ob egregie perdomitam Etruriam continuatur consulatus; Decio collega datur. Valerius praetor quartum creatus. Consules partiti provincias; Etruria Decio, Samnium Fabio evenit.

[41] To Fabius, on account of Etruria thoroughly subdued in outstanding fashion, the consulship is continued; Decius is given as colleague. Valerius is created praetor for the fourth time. The consuls divided the provinces; Etruria fell to Decius, Samnium to Fabius.

Profectus ad Nuceriam Alfaternam, cum pacem petentes, quod uti ea cum daretur noluissent, aspernatus esset, oppugnando ad deditionem subegit. Cum Samnitibus acie dimicatum. Haud magno certamine hostes victi; neque eius pugnae memoria tradita foret, ni Marsi eo primum proelio cum Romanis bellassent.

Having set out to Nuceria Alfaterna, when he had spurned those seeking peace—because they had not wished to make use of it when it was granted—he compelled them to surrender by assault. A pitched battle was fought with the Samnites. The enemies were defeated with no great contest; nor would the memory of that fight have been handed down, had not the Marsi in that battle for the first time waged war with the Romans.

Secuti Marsorum defectionem Paeligni eandem fortunam habuerunt. Decio quoque, alteri consuli, secunda belli fortuna erat. Tarquiniensem metu subegerat frumentum exercitui praebere atque indutias in quadraginta annos petere.

The Paeligni, following the defection of the Marsi, had the same fortune. Decius also, the other consul, had favorable fortune in war. He had, by fear, compelled the Tarquinian people to furnish grain to the army and to seek a truce for forty years.

Volsiniensium castella aliquot vi cepit; quaedam ex his diruit ne receptaculo hostibus essent; circumferendoque passim bello tantum terrorem sui fecit ut nomen omne Etruscum foedus ab consule peteret. Ac de eo quidem nihil impetratum; indutiae annuae datae. Stipendium exercitu Romano ab hoste in eum annum pensum et binae tunicae in militem exactae; ea merces indutiarum fuit.

He took several of the Volsinian strongholds by force; some of these he razed, lest they be a refuge for the enemies; and by carrying war around everywhere he created such a terror of himself that the whole Etruscan name sought a treaty from the consul. And of that, indeed, nothing was obtained; a one-year truce was granted. Pay for the Roman army was weighed out by the enemy for that year, and two tunics per soldier were exacted; that was the price of the truce.

Tranquillas res iam <in> Etruscis turbavit repentina defectio Umbrorum, gentis integrae a cladibus belli, nisi quod transitum exercitus ager senserat. Ii concitata omni iuventute sua et magna parte Etruscorum ad rebellionem compulsa tantum exercitum fecerant ut relicto post se in Etruria Decio ad oppugnandam inde Romam ituros, magnifice de se ac contemptim de Romanis loquentes, iactarent. Quod inceptum eorum ubi ad Decium consulem perlatum est, ad urbem ex Etruria magnis itineribus pergit et in agro Pupiniensi ad famam intentus hostium consedit.

The now tranquil situation among the Etruscans was disturbed by the sudden defection of the Umbrians, a people intact from the disasters of war, except that their land had felt the passage of an army. They, with all their youth roused and a great part of the Etruscans compelled to rebellion, had made so great an army that, leaving Decius behind them in Etruria, they boasted that they would go from there to assault Rome, speaking magnificently of themselves and contemptuously of the Romans. When this undertaking of theirs was reported to the consul Decius, he made for the city from Etruria by forced marches and encamped in the Pupinian field, intent upon the reports of the enemy.

Nec Romae spernebatur Umbrorum bellum; et ipsae minae metum fecerant expertis Gallica clade quam intutam urbem incolerent. Itaque legati ad Fabium consulem missi sunt, ut, si quid laxamenti a bello Samnitium esset, in Umbriam propere exercitum duceret. Dicto paruit consul magnisque itineribus ad Meuaniam, ubi tum copiae Umbrorum erant, perrexit.

Nor at Rome was the war of the Umbrians being scorned; and the threats themselves had caused fear in men experienced in the Gallic disaster, as to how unsafe a city they inhabited. Therefore legates were sent to the consul Fabius, that, if there were any respite from the war of the Samnites, he should lead the army swiftly into Umbria. The consul obeyed the order and advanced by forced marches to Mevania, where at that time the forces of the Umbrians were.

Repens adventus consulis, quem procul Umbria in Samnio bello alio occupatum crediderant, ita exterruit Umbros ut alii recedendum ad urbes munitas, quidam omittendum bellum censerent; plaga una—Materinam ipsi appellant—non continuit modo ceteros in armis sed confestim ad certamen egit. Castra vallantem Fabium adorti sunt. Quos ubi effusos ruere in munimenta consul vidit, revocatos milites ab opere, prout loci natura tempusque patiebatur, ita instruxit; cohortatusque praedicatione vera qua in Tuscis, qua in Samnio partorum decorum, exiguam appendicem Etrusci belli conficere iubet et vocis impiae poenas expetere, qua se urbem Romanam oppugnaturos minati sunt.

The sudden arrival of the consul, whom they had believed to be occupied with another war far from Umbria in Samnium, so terrified the Umbrians that some thought there must be a withdrawal to fortified cities, while certain men judged the war should be omitted; one district—they themselves call it the Materina—not only kept the rest in arms but drove them forthwith to a contest. They attacked Fabius while he was palisading the camp. When the consul saw them, poured out, rushing upon the muniments, after recalling the soldiers from the work, he drew them up as the nature of the place and the time permitted; and, having exhorted them with a true proclamation of the honors won both among the Tuscans and in Samnium, he bids them finish off a slight appendage of the Etruscan war and exact penalties for the impious utterance with which they threatened that they would assault the Roman city.

Haec tanta sunt alacritate militum audita ut clamor sua sponte ortus loquentem interpellaverit ducem. Ante imperium deinde concentu tubarum ac cornuum cursu effuso in hostem feruntur. Non tamquam in viros aut armatos incurrunt; mirabilia dictu, signa primo eripi coepta signiferis, deinde ipsi signiferi trahi ad consulem armatique milites ex acie in aciem transferri et, sicubi est certamen, scutis magis quam gladiis geritur res; umbonibus incussaque ala sternuntur hostes.

These things were heard with such alacrity by the soldiers that a clamor, arising of its own accord, interrupted the leader as he spoke. Then, before the command, at the concert of trumpets and horns, they are borne at a headlong run against the enemy. They do not charge as though upon men or armed men; marvels to say, the standards first began to be snatched from the standard-bearers, then the standard-bearers themselves to be dragged to the consul, and armed soldiers to be transferred from battle-line to battle-line; and, wherever there is a contest, the affair is conducted with shields rather than with swords; by the bosses and by a driven-in wing the enemies are laid low.

Plus capitur hominum quam caeditur atque una vox ponere arma iubentium per totam fertur aciem. Itaque inter ipsum certamen facta deditio est a primis auctoribus belli. Postero insequentibusque diebus et ceteri Umbrorum populi deduntur: Ocriculani sponsione in amicitiam accepti.

More men were captured than cut down, and a single cry to lay down arms swept through the whole battle line. Accordingly, in the very midst of the contest surrender was made by the first authors of the war. On the next and the following days the other Umbrian peoples too surrendered: the Ocriculani, by a sponsion, were received into friendship.

[42] Fabius, alienae sortis victor belli, in suam provinciam exercitum reduxit. Itaque ei ob res tam feliciter gestas, sicut priore anno populus continuaverat consulatum, ita senatus in insequentem annum, quo Ap. Claudius L. Volumnius consules fuerunt, prorogavit maxime Appio adversante imperium.

[42] Fabius, victor of a war of another’s lot, led the army back into his own province. And so to him, on account of deeds conducted so felicitously, just as in the previous year the people had continued the consulship, so the Senate prorogated the imperium into the following year, in which Appius Claudius and Lucius Volumnius were consuls, with Appius especially opposing.

Appium censorem petisse consulatum comitiaque eius ab L. Furio tribuno plebis interpellata, donec se censura abdicarit, in quibusdam annalibus invenio. Creatus consul, cum collegae novum bellum, Sallentini hostes decernerentur, Romae mansit ut urbanis artibus opes augeret quando belli decus penes alios esset.

I find in certain annals that Appius, while censor, sought the consulship, and that his comitia were obstructed by L. Furius, tribune of the plebs, until he should abdicate the censorship. Having been created consul, when a new war—namely the Sallentini as enemies—was assigned to his colleague, he remained at Rome to augment his resources by urban arts, since the glory of war was in the hands of others.

Volumnium provinciae haud paenituit. Multa secunda proelia fecit; aliquot urbes hostium vi cepit. Praedae erat largitor et benignitatem per se gratam comitate adiuvabat militemque his artibus fecerat et periculi et laboris avidum.

Volumnius had no cause to repent of his province. He fought many successful engagements; he took several enemy cities by force. He was a liberal dispenser of booty, and he seconded a benignity, pleasing in itself, with affability, and by these arts he had made the soldiery avid for both peril and labor.

Q. Fabius pro consule ad urbem Allifas cum Samnitium exercitu signis conlatis confligit. Minime ambigua res fuit; fusi hostes atque in castra compulsi; nec castra forent retenta, ni exiguum superfuisset diei; ante noctem tamen sunt circumsessa et nocte custodita ne quis elabi posset. Postero die vixdum luce certa deditio fieri coepta et pacti qui Samnitium forent ut cum singulis vestimentis emitterentur; ii omnes sub iugum missi.

Q. Fabius, as proconsul, at the city of Allifae engaged, with standards joined, against the army of the Samnites. The affair was by no means ambiguous: the enemies were routed and driven into their camp; nor would the camp have been held, had not a small remnant of the day been left; before night, however, it was invested and during the night guarded so that no one could slip away. On the next day, when scarcely the light was sure, surrender began to be made, and those of the Samnites bargained that they should be let go with a single garment each; all of them were sent under the yoke.

Sociis Samnitium nihil cautum; ad septem milia sub corona veniere. Qui se civem Hernicum dixerat seorsus in custodia habitus; eos omnes Fabius Romam ad senatum misit; et cum quaesitum esset dilectu an voluntarii pro Samnitibus adversus Romanos bellassent, per Latinos populos custodiendi dantur, iussique eam integram rem novi consules P. Cornelius Aruina Q. Marcius Tremulus—hi enim iam creati erant—ad senatum referre. Id aegre passi Hernici; concilium populorum omnium habentibus Anagninis in circo quem Maritimum vocant, praeter Aletrinatem Ferentinatemque et Verulanum omnes Hernici nominis populo Romano bellum indixerunt.

SAMNITES’ allies had nothing stipulated for them; about seven thousand came under the garland (i.e., were sold at auction). Whoever said he was a Hernican citizen was kept apart in custody; Fabius sent them all to Rome to the senate; and when it was inquired whether by levy or as volunteers they had waged war for the Samnites against the Romans, they were handed over to be guarded among the Latin peoples, and the new consuls P. Cornelius Arvina and Q. Marcius Tremulus—these, indeed, had already been elected—were ordered to report that matter intact to the senate. The Hernici took this ill; with the Anagnini holding an assembly of all the peoples in the circus which they call the Maritimus, all of the Hernican name, except the Aletrinate, the Ferentinate, and Verulanum, declared war upon the Roman People.

[43] In Samnio quoque, quia decesserat inde Fabius, novi motus exorti. Calatia et Sora praesidiaque quae in his Romana erant expugnata et in captivorum corpora militum foede saevitum. Itaque eo P. Cornelius cum exercitu missus.

[43] In Samnium likewise, because Fabius had departed from there, new commotions arose. Calatia and Sora, and the Roman garrisons that were in them, were taken by storm, and foully they raged against the bodies of captured soldiers. Accordingly, thither P. Cornelius was sent with an army.

Marcio novi hostes—iam enim Anagninis Hernicisque aliis bellum iussum erat—decernuntur. Primo ita omnia opportuna loca hostes inter consulum castra inter ceperunt ut peruadere expeditus nuntius non posset et per aliquot dies incerti rerum omnium suspensique de statu alterius uterque consul ageret, Romamque is metus manaret, adeo ut omnes iuniores sacramento adigerentur atque ad subita rerum duo iusti scriberentur exercitus. Ceterum Hernicum bellum nequaquam pro praesenti terrore ac vetusta gentis gloria fuit: nihil usquam dictu dignum ausi, trinis castris intra paucos dies exuti, triginta dierum indutias ita ut ad senatum Romam legatos mitterent pacti sunt bimestri stipendio frumentoque et singulis in militem tunicis.

New enemies are decreed to Marcius—now, in fact, war had been ordered against the Anagnines and certain of the Hernici. At first the enemies so seized all the opportune positions between the camps of the consuls that a light-footed messenger could not get through, and for several days each consul conducted himself uncertain in all things and in suspense about the condition of the other; and this fear spread to Rome, to such a degree that all the younger men were put under the military sacrament, and two regular armies were enrolled for sudden emergencies. However, the Hernican war was by no means equal to the present terror and the ancient glory of the nation: they dared nothing anywhere worth the telling, and, driven out of their three camps within a few days, they bargained for a truce of 30 days on these terms: that they would send legates to the Senate at Rome, with two months’ stipend and grain, and with one tunic for each soldier.

Ab senatu ad Marcium reiecti, cui senatus consulto permissum de Hernicis erat; isque eam gentem in deditionem accepit.

Referred by the Senate to Marcius, to whom by a senatorial decree the matter concerning the Hernici had been permitted; and he received that nation into surrender.

Et in Samnio alter consul superior viribus, locis impeditior erat. Omnia itinera obsaepserant hostes saltusque pervios ceperant ne qua subvehi commeatus possent; neque eos, cum cottidie signa in aciem consul proferret, elicere ad certamen poterat, satisque apparebat neque Samnitem certamen praesens nec Romanum dilationem belli laturum. Adventus Marci, qui Hernicis subactis maturavit collegae venire auxilio, moram certaminis hosti exemit.

And in Samnium the other consul was superior in strength, but was more hindered by the terrain. The enemies had blocked all the roads and had seized the passable defiles, so that no supplies could be brought up; nor could he, though the consul daily brought the standards into line of battle, draw them out to an engagement, and it was quite apparent that neither the Samnite would bear a present contest nor the Roman a postponement of the war. The arrival of Marcius, who, the Hernici subdued, hastened to come to his colleague with aid, took from the enemy the delay of battle.

Nam ut qui ne alteri quidem exercitui se ad certamen credidissent pares, coniungi utique passi duos consulares exercitus nihil crederent superesse spei, advenientem incomposito agmine Marcium adgrediuntur. Raptim conlatae sarcinae in medium et, prout tempus patiebatur, instructa acies. Clamor primum in stativa perlatus, dein conspectus procul puluis tumultum apud alterum consulem in castris fecit; isque confestim arma capere iussis raptimque eductis in aciem militibus transversam hostium aciem atque alio certamine occupatam invadit, clamitans summum flagitium fore, si alterum exercitum utriusque victoriae compotem sinerent fieri nec ad se sui belli vindicarent decus.

For since they, who had not believed themselves equal for a contest even to the other army, and had of course, by allowing the two consular armies to be conjoined, judged that nothing of hope remained, they attack Marcius as he was approaching with an unformed column. The packs were hastily heaped into the middle, and, as time permitted, the battle-line was arrayed. A clamor, first carried to the standing-camp, then a cloud of dust seen from afar, created tumult in the camp with the other consul; and he, having at once ordered arms to be taken up and the soldiers to be quickly led out into line, assails the enemy’s battle-line on the flank, it being occupied with another combat, shouting that it would be the highest disgrace if they allowed the other army to become in possession of both victories and did not vindicate to themselves the honor of their own war.

Qua impetum dederat, perrumpit aciemque per mediam in castra hostium tendit et vacua defensoribus capit atque incendit. Quae ubi flagrantia Marcianus miles conspexit et hostes respexere, tum passim fuga coepta Samnitium fieri; sed omnia obtinet caedes nec in ullam partem tutum perfugium est.

There, where he had delivered the assault, he breaks through, and through the middle of the battle-line he makes for the enemy’s camp and, empty of defenders, he seizes it and sets it ablaze. When the soldiers of Marcius saw these things flaming, and the enemies looked back, then on every side flight of the Samnites began; but carnage prevails everywhere, nor is there safe refuge in any direction.

Iam triginta milibus hostium caesis signum receptui consules dederant colligebantque in unum copias invicem inter se gratantes, cum repente visae procul hostium novae cohortes, quae in supplementum scriptae fuerant, integravere caedem. In quas nec iussu consulum nec signo accepto victores vadunt, malo tirocinio imbuendum Samnitem clamitantes. Indulgent consules legionum ardori, ut qui probe scirent novum militem hostium inter perculsos fuga veteranos ne temptando quidem satis certamini fore.

Now, after 30,000 of the enemy had been slain, the consuls had given the signal for recall and were gathering the forces into one, congratulating one another in turn among themselves, when suddenly new cohorts of the enemy were seen afar, which had been enrolled as a supplement, and they renewed the slaughter. Against them the victors go, neither by order of the consuls nor with a signal received, shouting that the Samnite must be imbued with a bad apprenticeship. The consuls indulge the ardor of the legions, as men who well knew that the enemy’s new soldiery, amid veterans panic-struck and in flight, would not, even by attempting it, be sufficient for battle.

Nec eos opinio fefellit: omnes Samnitium copiae, veteres novaeque, montes proximos fuga capiunt. Eo et Romana erigitur acies, nec quicquam satis tuti loci victis est et de iugis, quae ceperant, funduntur; iamque una voce omnes pacem petebant. Tum trium mensum frumento imperato et annuo stipendio ac singulis in militem tunicis ad senatum pacis oratores missi.

Nor did their expectation deceive them: all the forces of the Samnites, old and new, seize the nearest mountains in flight. Thither also the Roman battle-line is drawn up, and there is no place safe enough for the vanquished, and from the ridges which they had taken they are poured down; and now with one voice all were seeking peace. Then, grain for three months being imposed, and an annual stipend, and tunics—one for each soldier—envoys to sue for peace were sent to the senate.

Cornelius in Samnio relictus: Marcius de Hernicis triumphans in urbem rediit statuaque equestris in foro decreta est, quae ante templum Castoris posita est. Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati Verulano Ferentinati, quia maluerunt quam civitatem, suae leges redditae conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum. Anagninis quique arma Romanis intulerant civitas sine suffragii latione data: concilia conubiaque adempta et magistratibus praeter quam sacrorum curatione interdictum.

Cornelius was left in Samnium: Marcius, triumphing over the Hernici, returned into the city, and an equestrian statue was decreed in the forum, which was set up before the Temple of Castor. To three peoples of the Hernici—the Aletrinate, Verulanian, and Ferentinate—because they preferred their own laws rather than citizenship, their own laws were restored, and intermarriage among themselves, which for some time they alone of the Hernici had, was permitted. To the Anagnini and to all who had borne arms against the Romans, citizenship without the right of suffrage was granted: councils and intermarriages were taken away, and their magistrates were prohibited from anything except the care of sacred rites.

Eodem anno aedes Salutis a C. Iunio Bubulco censore locata est, quam consul bello Samnitium vouerat. Ab eodem collegaque eius M. Valerio Maximo viae per agros publica impensa factae. Et cum Carthaginiensibus eodem anno foedus tertio renovatum legatisque eorum, qui ad id venerant, comiter munera missa.

In the same year the temple of Salus was let out on contract by Gaius Junius Bubulcus, censor, which he had vowed as consul in the Samnite war. By the same man and by his colleague, Marcus Valerius Maximus, roads through the countryside were made at public expense. And with the Carthaginians, in the same year, the treaty was renewed for the third time, and to their envoys, who had come for that purpose, gifts were courteously sent.

[44] Dictatorem idem annus habuit P. Cornelium Scipionem cum magistro equitum P. Decio Mure. Ab his, propter quae creati erant, comitia consularia habita, quia neuter consulum potuerat bello abesse. Creati consules L. Postumius Ti. Minucius.

[44] The same year had as dictator Publius Cornelius Scipio, with Publius Decius Mus as master of the horse. By these men, for the purposes on account of which they had been appointed, the consular elections were held, because neither of the consuls had been able to be absent from the war. Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Minucius were elected consuls.

Hos consules Piso Q. Fabio et P. Decio suggerit biennio exempto, quo Claudium Volumniumque et Cornelium cum Marcio consules factos tradidimus. Memoriane fugerit in annalibus digerendis an consulto binos consules, falsos ratus, transcenderit, incertum est.

Piso supplies these consuls as Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius, with a biennium removed, during which we have recorded that Claudius and Volumnius, and Cornelius with Marcius, were made consuls. Whether in arranging the annals his memory failed him, or whether he deliberately overstepped the pair of consuls, judging them spurious, is uncertain.

Eodem anno in campum Stellatem agri Campani Samnitium incursiones factae. Itaque ambo consules in Samnium missi cum diversas regiones, Tifernum Postumius, Bovianum Minucius petisset, Postumi prius ductu ad Tifernum pugnatum. Alii haud dubie Samnites victos ac viginti milia hominum capta tradunt, alii Marte aequo discessum et Postumium metum simulantem nocturno itinere clam in montes copias abduxisse, hostes secutos duo milia inde locis munitis et ipsos consedisse.

In the same year incursions of the Samnites were made into the Stellate plain of the Campanian territory. Therefore both consuls were sent into Samnium, since they sought different regions—Postumius Tifernum, Minucius Bovianum—and under the leadership of Postumius a battle was first fought at Tifernum. Some, without doubt, report that the Samnites were conquered and twenty thousand men captured; others that the combat was drawn, and that Postumius, simulating fear, by a nocturnal march secretly led off his forces into the mountains; the enemies having followed, two miles from there they too encamped in fortified positions.

Consul ut stativa tuta copiosaque—et ita erant—petisse videretur, postquam et munimentis castra firmavit et omni apparatu rerum utilium instruxit, relicto firmo praesidio de vigilia tertia, qua duci proxime potest, expeditas legiones ad collegam, et ipsum adversus alios sedentem, ducit. Ibi auctore Postumio Minucius cum hostibus signa confert; et cum anceps proelium in multum diei processisset, tum Postumius integris legionibus defessam iam aciem hostium improuiso invadit. Itaque cum lassitudo ac volnera fugam quoque praepedissent, occidione occisi hostes, signa unum et viginti capta, atque inde ad castra Postumi perrectum.

So that the consul might seem to have sought safe and plentiful stationary quarters—and so they were—after he both strengthened the camp with defenses and equipped it with every apparatus of useful things, leaving a strong garrison, at the third watch, at the earliest time one can march, he leads out the unencumbered legions to his colleague, himself encamped opposite other foes. There, with Postumius as author, Minucius closes with the enemy; and when the battle, in suspense, had drawn on through much of the day, then Postumius, with his legions intact, unexpectedly assails the enemy’s line, now wearied. And so, since fatigue and wounds had even hampered flight, the foes were cut down in a massacre, twenty-one standards were captured, and from there they marched to the camp of Postumius.

Ibi duo victores exercitus perculsum iam fama hostem adorti fundunt fugantque; signa militaria sex et viginti capta et imperator Samnitium Statius Gellius multique alii mortales et castra utraque capta. Et Bovianum urbs postero die coepta oppugnari brevi capitur magnaque gloria rerum gestarum consules triumpharunt. Minucium consulem, cum volnere gravi relatum in castra, mortuum quidam auctores sunt, et M. Fulvium in locum eius consulem suffectum et ab eo, cum ad exercitum Minuci missus esset, Bovianum captum.

There the two victorious armies, assailing an enemy already stricken by report, rout and put him to flight; twenty-six military standards were captured, and Statius Gellius, the general of the Samnites, with many other men, and both camps were taken. And the city of Bovianum, begun to be assaulted on the following day, is quickly taken; and with great glory of deeds done the consuls celebrated a triumph. Some authorities say that the consul Minucius, when carried back to camp with a grave wound, died; and that M. Fulvius was appointed consul in his place, and that by him, when he had been sent to Minucius’s army, Bovianum was captured.

Eo anno Sora Arpinum Cesennia recepta ab Samnitibus; Herculis magnum simulacrum in Capitolio positum dedicatumque.

In that year Sora, Arpinum, and Cesennia were recovered from the Samnites; a great simulacrum of Hercules was placed on the Capitol and dedicated.

[45] P. Sulpicio Saverrione P. Sempronio Sopho consulibus Samnites, seu finem seu dilationem belli quaerentes, legatos de pace Romam misere. Quibus suppliciter agentibus responsum est, nisi saepe bellum parantes pacem petissent Samnites, oratione ultro citro habita de pace transigi potuisse: nunc, quando verba vana ad id locorum fuerint, rebus standum esse. P. Sempronium consulem cum exercitu brevi in Samnio fore; eum, ad bellum pacemne inclinent animi, falli non posse; comperta omnia senatui relaturum; decedentem ex Samnio consulem legati sequerentur.

[45] In the consulship of P. Sulpicius Saverrio and P. Sempronius Sophus, the Samnites, seeking either an end or a delay of the war, sent envoys to Rome about peace. To them, pleading suppliantly, the answer was given that, had the Samnites not often sought peace while preparing for war, a settlement concerning peace could have been transacted after speech exchanged to and fro; now, since words had been empty up to that point, one must stand by deeds. P. Sempronius the consul would shortly be in Samnium with an army; he, whether minds incline to war or to peace, could not be deceived; he would report all findings to the Senate; the envoys should follow the consul as he departed from Samnium.

Eo anno cum pacatum Samnium exercitus Romanus benigne praebito commeatu peragrasset, foedus antiquum Samnitibus redditum.

In that year, when peaceful Samnium had been traversed by the Roman army, with provisions kindly provided, the ancient treaty was restored to the Samnites.

Ad Aequos inde, veteres hostes, ceterum per multos annos sub specie infidae pacis quietos, versa arma Romana, quod incolumi Hernico nomine missitaverant simul cum iis Samniti auxilia et post Hernicos subactos universa prope gens sine dissimulatione consilii publici ad hostes desciverat; et postquam icto Romae cum Samnitibus foedere fetiales venerant res repetitum, temptationem aiebant esse ut terrore incusso belli Romanos se fieri paterentur; quod quanto opere optandum foret, Hernicos docuisse, cum quibus licuerit suas leges Romanae civitati praeoptaverint; quibus legendi quid mallent copia non fuerit, pro poena necessariam civitatem fore. Ob haec volgo in conciliis iactata populus Romanus bellum fieri Aequis iussit; consulesque ambo ad novum profecti bellum quattuor milia a castris hostium consederunt.

Thence against the Aequi, ancient enemies, but for many years quiet under the show of a faithless peace, the Roman arms were turned, because, while the Hernican name was intact, they had been dispatching auxiliaries together with them to the Samnites, and after the Hernici were subdued, almost the whole nation, without dissembling the public policy, had defected to the enemies; and after a treaty had been struck at Rome with the Samnites, when the fetials had come to demand restitution, they said it was a trial to see whether, with the terror of war inflicted, they would allow themselves to become Roman; how greatly to be desired that would be, the Hernici had taught, who, when it was permitted, preferred their own laws to the Roman civitas; for those to whom there would not be the opportunity of choosing what they preferred, citizenship would be a necessary punishment. On account of these things bandied about everywhere in the assemblies, the Roman people ordered war to be made upon the Aequi; and both consuls, having set out for the new war, encamped four miles from the enemy’s camp.

Aequorum exercitus, ut qui suo nomine permultos annos imbelles egissent, tumultuario similis sine ducibus certis, sine imperio trepidare. Alius exeundum in aciem, alii castra tuenda censent: movet plerosque vastatio futura agrorum ac deinceps cum levibus praesidiis urbium relictarum excidia. Itaque postquam inter multas sententias una, quae omissa cura communium ad respectum suarum quemque rerum vertit, est audita, ut prima vigilia diversi e castris ad deportanda omnia tuendosque moenibus <se> in urbes abirent, cuncti eam sententiam ingenti adsensu accepere.

The army of the Aequi, as men who under their own name had for very many years conducted themselves unwarlike, like a tumultuary rabble, without fixed leaders, without command, were in a panic. One side opines that they must go out into the battle line, others that the camp must be defended: what moves most is the ravaging soon to come of the fields and, thereafter, the destruction of the cities left with light garrisons. And so, after among many opinions one was heard which, setting aside concern for the commonwealth, turned each man’s regard to his own affairs—namely, that at the first watch they should disperse from the camp in different directions to carry off everything and to withdraw into the cities to defend themselves by the walls—all accepted that opinion with immense assent.

Palatis hostibus per agros prima luce Romani signis prolatis in acie consistunt et, ubi nemo obvius ibat, pleno gradu ad castra hostium tendunt; ceterum postquam ibi neque stationes pro portis nec quemquam in vallo nec fremitum consuetum castrorum animadverterunt, insolito silentio moti metu insidiarum subsistunt. Transgressi deinde vallum cum deserta omnia invenissent pergunt hostem vestigiis sequi; sed vestigia in omnes aeque ferentia partes, ut in dilapsis passim, primo errorem faciebant. Post per exploratores compertis hostium consiliis, ad singulas urbes circumferendo bello unum et triginta oppida intra dies quinquaginta, omnia oppugnando, ceperunt; quorum pleraque diruta atque incensa nomenque Aequorum prope ad internecionem deletum.

With the enemy scattered through the fields, at first light the Romans, the standards brought forth, took their stand in battle line; and, when no one came to meet them, they made for the enemy’s camp at full pace. But after they noticed there neither pickets before the gates nor anyone on the rampart nor the customary murmur of a camp, moved by the unusual silence they halted for fear of an ambush. Then, crossing the rampart, when they found everything deserted, they proceeded to follow the enemy by their tracks; but the tracks, leading equally in all directions, as happens when men have dispersed everywhere, at first caused confusion. Afterwards, once the enemy’s counsels had been discovered through scouts, by carrying the war around to each city they captured thirty-one towns within fifty days, all by assault; the greater part of these were demolished and set on fire, and the name of the Aequians was almost erased to extermination.

De Aequis triumphatum; exemploque eorum clades fuit, ut Marrucini Marsi Paeligni Frentani mitterent Romam oratores pacis petendae amicitiaeque. His populis foedus petentibus datum.

A triumph was celebrated over the Aequi; and their defeat served as an example, so that the Marrucini, Marsi, Paeligni, and Frentani sent envoys to Rome to seek peace and friendship. To these peoples seeking a treaty, it was granted.

[46] Eodem anno Cn. Flavius Cn. Filius scriba, patre libertino humili fortuna ortus, ceterum callidus vir et facundus, aedilis curulis fuit. Invenio in quibusdam annalibus, cum appareret aedilibus fierique se pro tribu aedilem videret neque accipi nomen quia scriptum faceret, tabulam posuisse et iurasse se scriptum non facturum; quem aliquanto ante desisse scriptum facere arguit Macer Licinius tribunatu ante gesto triumviratibusque, nocturno altero, altero coloniae deducendae. Ceterum, id quod haud discrepat, contumacia adversus contemnentes humilitatem suam nobiles certavit; civile ius, repositum in penetralibus pontificum, euolgavit fastosque circa forum in albo proposuit, ut quando lege agi posset sciretur; aedem Concordiae in area Volcani summa invidia nobilium dedicavit; coactusque consensu populi Cornelius Barbatus pontifex maximus verba praeire, cum more maiorum negaret nisi consulem aut imperatorem posse templum dedicare.

[46] In the same year Gnaeus Flavius, son of Gnaeus, a scribe—sprung from a freedman father and low fortune, but a shrewd and eloquent man—was curule aedile. I find in certain annals that, when he was serving as an apparitor to the aediles and saw himself being elected aedile by his tribe, and his name was not being accepted because he practiced the trade of a scribe, he set up a tablet and swore that he would not practice scribing. Macer Licinius, however, argues that he had stopped scribing somewhat earlier, the tribunate having already been held and the triumvirates too—one the nocturnal board, the other for leading out a colony. But, what is not in dispute, by obstinacy he contended against the nobles who despised his lowliness: he published the civil law, which had been stored away in the inner sanctums of the pontiffs, and he posted the Fasti on a whitened board around the Forum, so that it might be known when one could proceed by law; he dedicated the Temple of Concord in the Area of Vulcan, to the utmost envy of the nobles; and Cornelius Barbatus, the pontifex maximus, was compelled by the consensus of the people to prompt the words, although by ancestral custom he declared that no one except a consul or an imperator could dedicate a temple.

Itaque ex auctoritate senatus latum ad populum est ne quis templum aramue iniussu senatus aut tribunorum plebei partis maioris dedicaret.—haud memorabilem rem per se, nisi documentum sit adversus superbiam nobilium plebeiae libertatis, referam. Ad collegam aegrum visendi causa Flavius cum venisset consensuque nobilium adulescentium, qui ibi adsidebant, adsurrectum ei non esset, curulem adferri sellam eo iussit ac sede honoris sui anxios invidia inimicos spectavit.—ceterum Flavium dixerat aedilem forensis factio, Ap. Claudi censura vires nacta, qui senatum primus libertinorum filiis lectis inquinaverat et, posteaquam eam lectionem nemo ratam habuit nec in curia adeptus erat quas petierat opes urbanas, humilibus per omnes tribus divisis forum et campum corrupit; tantumque Flavi comitia indignitatis habuerunt ut plerique nobilium anulos aureos et phaleras deponerent. Ex eo tempore in duas partes discessit civitas; aliud integer populus, fautor et cultor bonorum, aliud forensis factio tenebat, donec Q. Fabius et P. Decius censores facti et Fabius simul concordiae causa, simul ne humillimorum in manu comitia essent, omnem forensem turbam excretam in quattuor tribus coniecit urbanasque eas appellavit.

Therefore, by authority of the senate it was carried to the people that no one should dedicate a temple or an altar without the order of the senate or of the tribunes of the plebs of the greater part.—I will relate a thing not memorable in itself, unless it be a proof against the arrogance of the nobles of plebeian liberty. When Flavius had come to visit his sick colleague, and, by the agreement of the noble youths who were sitting there, no one had risen for him, he ordered a curule chair to be brought in there, and from the seat of his honor he gazed upon his enemies, anxious with envy.—Moreover, the forum faction had declared Flavius aedile, having got strength from the censorship of Ap. Claudius, who first had polluted the senate by selecting the sons of freedmen; and, after no one held that selection valid and he had not attained in the curia the urban powers he had sought, with the lowly divided through all the tribes he corrupted the forum and the Campus; and Flavius’s election had so much of indignity that very many of the nobles laid down their gold rings and phalerae. From that time the commonwealth parted into two factions; one part was held by the sound people, a favorer and cultivator of the good, the other by the forum faction, until Q. Fabius and P. Decius were made censors, and Fabius, both for the sake of concord and lest the assemblies be in the hands of the very humblest, cast the whole sifted-off forum rabble into four tribes and called them the urban ones.

Adeoque eam rem acceptam gratis animis ferunt ut Maximi cognomen, quod tot victoriis non pepererat hac ordinum temperatione pareret. Ab eodem institutum dicitur ut equites idibus Quinctilibus transveherentur.

And they report that measure as accepted with grateful minds to such a degree that the cognomen Maximus, which so many victories had not produced, he obtained by this temperation of the orders. It is said that by the same man it was instituted that the equites be ridden across on the Ides of Quinctilis.