William of Tyre•HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM
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Dum igitur Tancredus ita in Cilicia viriliter cuncta sibi subjiceret, et major exercitus apud Maresiam jam pervenisset, praedictus Balduinus viso fratre, cujus gratia ad exercitum redierat, ejusque cognita convalescentia, rursum aestuat; et Tancredi succensus stimulis et virtutis ejus quae publice praedicabatur aemulus, socios colligit; et rursum egredi et casus experiri recentes proponit. Audientes vero qui ab eo super hoc sollicitabantur, quanta adversus dominum Tancredum apud Tarsum Ciliciae, de majore confisus comitatu, intumuisset malitia, cum eo proficisci verebantur; abominabilis enim factus erat pene omnibus, illa ejus culpa id exigente. Et nisi domini ducis obstitisset reverentia, Boamundus et sui impunitam non reliquissent, quam Tancredo intulerat injuriam.
While therefore Tancred so manfully subjected all things to himself in Cilicia, and the main army had already arrived at Maresia, the aforesaid Balduin, having seen his brother — for whose sake he had returned to the army — and having learned of his recovery, burned again; and Tancred, kindled by stings and a rival of that virtue of his which was publicly extolled, gathered companions; and again resolved to go forth and to trial fresh fortunes. But those who were anxious about this on his account, hearing how great a malice, trusting in the larger accompanying force, had swollen up against Lord Tancred at Tarsus in Cilicia, feared to set out with him; for he had become detestable to almost all, that fault of his making it so. And if reverence for the lord duke had not opposed them, Boamundus and his men would not have left unpunished the injury which Tancred had inflicted.
Whence it came about that he found few companions of that way. Upon this, being severely reproved by his brother, a servant of God, he acknowledged the guilt with all humility and promised a condign satisfaction to the noble man for the thing committed; and since, beyond custom, he had erred more by another’s suggestion than by his own impulse, he obtained indulgence and reconciled to himself the goodwill of all. For he was otherwise in every respect commendable, and no further talk of that kind was heard concerning him.
Moreover there was to this same man a certain noble Armenian, by name Pancratius, whom, having slipped from the prison of the lord emperor, he had made a familiar at Nicaea, and had always held as a companion of the road; and this same man was valiant in arms, but of perverse faith and overly crafty. He urged Lord Baldwin almost hourly, more insistently, that, the militia being taken up, he should set out with him into the region which he could more easily occupy with few. Finally, with two hundred horsemen and no small number of people associated to him, Pancratius aforesaid as leader, setting out into the northern part, he entered a very opulent region.
The inhabitants of that aforesaid region were of Christian profession, and worshippers of the true God, excepting a few who dwelt in the garrisons, whom he handled as he pleased alongside the faithful people and those to whom it was forbidden to serve as soldiers. Therefore, having entered the region, with the local Christian cultors abhorring the rule of the infidels and surrendering the garrisons to him, within a few days as far as the great river Euphrates he possessed the whole region. And his name became so formidable to the surrounding enemies that, the fortresses even being abandoned of their own accord, they put themselves to flight with no one pursuing them.
But to the faithful who had received him there came so great a virtus from his presence, and from that virtus a fiducia, that, as is read in the prophet: One would rout ten, and two rout ten thousand (Deut. 32, 30). Nor did the common folk alone thus cleave to him in mind, but the Christian principes who were in those parts, having been allied with the same, cooperating toward the purpose, with shared viribus and impensis devotedly offered themselves in obedient services.
Post haec, diebus aliquot evolutis, egrediens fama, magnifici viri nomen et opera longe lateque per adjacentes divulgabat provincias; strenuitatem, fidem et constantiam animi praedicans commendabilem. Exiit ergo sermo iste ad cives Edessanos, et universam eorum, rumore crebrescente, implevit urbem; quod talis tantusque princeps de exercitu Christianorum advenerat, qui jugum servitutis eorum penitus posset dissolvere, et eos restituere libertati. Unde tam qui civitati praeerant quam majores natu, penes quos universa civitatis illius residebat auctoritas, missa legatione, litteris et viva voce, eum ad se satagunt evocari.
After these things, with several days having run their course, rumor going forth spread the name and deeds of the magnificent man far and wide through the adjacent provinces; proclaiming his commendable strenuity, faith, and constancy of mind. This report therefore went out to the citizens of Edessa, and, the rumor growing more frequent, filled their entire city; that so great and such a prince from the army of the Christians had arrived, who could utterly break the yoke of their servitude and restore them to liberty. Wherefore both those who ruled the city and the elders in whom the authority of that whole city resided, having sent a legation, with letters and by viva voce, earnestly sought to have him summoned to them.
Edessa is a noble metropolis of Mesopotamia, otherwise called Rhages. This is the city to which Tobias the elder sent his younger son Tobias, that he might demand from Gabelus, his kinsman, ten talents of silver which he had lent him while he was still an infant. The citizens of this place immediately after the Lord’s Passion received the salutary doctrine of Christ through Thaddaeus the apostle: deemed worthy in all things by the apostle’s preaching and by the very letter of the Saviour which he sent in answering their king Abgar, as is found in the first ecclesiastical history which Eusebius of Caesarea wrote.
In which, as they had received from the beginning and from the times of the apostles, persevering in the sincerity of their faith, they suffered the yoke of the infidels up to that point, in that they were annually compelled to pay tributes and vectigalia (public dues); they were also forced by almost continual exactions to redeem their vineyards and fields and any estates situated outside. Yet no one within the city presumed to dwell except a faithful person. For this city alone among all the cities of that region, remaining in its native ingenuousness unblemished by the infidels who had long since occupied the surrounding provinces, had neither been subjugated nor had it endured any inhabitant of another profession; but those living outside, in neighboring towns and in border garrisons, brought such great troubles upon the aforesaid citizens that it was not permitted them to go forth from the city, nor to conduct their affairs outside.
A certain man of Greek nation presided over this city, much spent with old age, lacking children of either sex, who, from the time when the whole province had been subjected to the Constantinopolitan rule, had been sent to that same city as governor; and when the Turks came before his term of office had expired, forced by necessity to delay, he continued his jurisdiction—neither able himself to return to his own affairs, nor the people by administration compelling him to yield. He was, however, an ineffectual prelate, unable to drive off troubles from his subjects or to procure any tranquillity. Therefore the citizens, meeting together among themselves with his knowledge and goodwill, as we have said, sent legates to Lord Baldwin, that he might apply some remedy to their afflictions.
Who, at the understood request of the people and of the elders, having held counsel with his men, consented; and preparing for the journey, with only eighty horsemen crossed the Euphrates, leaving the rest of his comitatus through the arces and municipia which the lord had assigned him, on this side of the Euphrates for guard. Moreover the Turci who dwelt beyond the Euphrates, having foreknown his advent, had prepared ambushes for him; and there was on the road a town over which presided a certain Armenius, into which, that he might be able to avert the pretended ambuscades, he betook himself, being received kindly and hospitably by the dominus of the place. But when he had rested there for two days, not daring to proceed, the Turci who for two days had lurked there in ambush, growing impatient of the longer delay, with banners raised before the aforesaid town, and with stronger turmas suddenly stood forth, violently carrying off the prey which they found in the adjacent pastures.
Our men, however, since they were unequal both in number and in strength, not daring to march out against them, kept themselves within the town. At last on the third day, those men having departed and returned to their homes, Baldwin, pursuing the journey he had begun, reached Edessa, where he was met by the aforesaid leader of the city, the whole clergy and people going out to meet him with trumpets and drums, likewise with hymns and spiritual songs, and, having been much anticipated in honour, was received with the goodwill of all.
At vero dux qui eum citari fecerat, apud se tacitus considerans honorem et gratiam, quam advenienti populus exhibuerat, invidere coepit, et a pactorum tenore quae prius proposuerat, resilire. Cum enim ad hoc eum evocasset, ut universorum bonorum, vectigalium et tributorum, quae civitas habebat, eum in vita sua decrevisset ex aequo fore participem, et post ejus obitum cuncta ex integro possessurum, mutato proposito, coepit offerre: Quod si urbi et civibus suis vellet contra Turcorum importunitates ministrare subsidium, et arcere violentiam, ipse juxta boni viri arbitrium, honestam annuatim laboris recompensationem designaret. Quod dominus Balduinus omnino respuens, ut tanquam gregarius aliquis apud eum stipendia mereret, ad reditum se parabat; cum ecce cives, eo cognito, ad eumdem ducem properant, monentes et instantes attentius, quatenus tantum principem tamque eorum libertati necessarium, nullatenus abire patiatur; sed juxta priorem tenorem pactorum eum sibi obliget, ut de caetero tam ipse quam universa civitas optata quiete perfruatur. Videns autem dux unanimem plebis et majorum instantiam, et fervorem dilectionis quam erga eum conceperant, reniti, et eorum obviare postulationibus periculosum ducens, invitus licet, et suspectum ejus habens introitum, tamen assensum praestitit; et sub quodam colore, cumulatae recompensationis, eo in filium adoptato, praesentibus civibus, quandiu viveret, omnium bonorum ex aequo, solemniter contulit participium; et post ejus obitum, ex integro successionem.
But the duke who had caused him to be summoned, silently considering the honor and grace which the people had shown to the newcomer, began to envy him, and to withdraw from the tenor of the pacts which he had formerly proposed. For when he had summoned him for this purpose, that he should be in his lifetime an equal sharer of all the goods, revenues, and tributes which the city had, and that after his death he would possess everything anew, having changed his purpose he began to offer: That if he wished to render aid to the city and its citizens against the outrages of the Turks, and to curb violence, he would, according to the judgment of a good man, assign an honest annual recompense for the labor. Which Lord Balduinus altogether rejecting, as if to serve as some common soldier under him for wages, prepared to return; when, behold, the citizens, this becoming known to them, hastened to that same duke, warning and more closely urging that he by no means permit so great a prince, so necessary to their liberty, to depart; but that he bind himself to them according to the former tenor of the pacts, so that henceforth both he himself and the whole city might enjoy the desired peace. The duke, seeing the unanimous insistence of the people and elders, and the warmth of affection which they had conceived toward him, though reluctant and deeming his acceding to their petitions perilous, and holding his entrance therein suspicious, nevertheless granted assent; and under a certain pretext of a lump recompense, in the presence of the citizens, solemnly conferred on him, adopted as his son, while he should live, an equal share of all goods; and after his death, the succession in full.
The people, moreover, rejoiced, putting their whole hope of liberty in him. From that day, relying on Lord Baldwin’s protection, they, recalling more freely than usual the injuries they had suffered from the duke, kept in mind the determination that they would be avenged whenever occasion and a fitting time should present themselves — which subsequent events of the matter most plainly declared.
Erat autem juxta eos antiquissima civitas et munita supra modum, Samosatum nomine, cui praeerat vir infidelis, natione Turcus, Balduc nomine, in armis strenuus, sed subdolus et nequam. Hic praedictos cives multis afficiebat molestiis, tributa et agrorum vectigalia, et angarias multiplices eis ingeminans; et pro his omnibus eorum liberos habebat obsides, quibus nullam impendens humanitatem, in luto et latere sibi servire compellebat. Pro quibus molestiis cives universi ad domini Balduini provoluti genua, orant unanimiter, et cum lacrymis implorare satagunt quatenus ab illius vexatione eos protegere dignetur; et ita efficere, ut liberos suos, qui ab eo detinebantur inviti, possent recipere.
Near them, moreover, was an ancient and exceedingly fortified city called Samosatum, over which presided an unfaithful man, of Turkish nation, named Balduc, vigorous in arms but sly and nefarious. He afflicted the aforesaid citizens with many molestations: tributes and agrarian vectigalia, and he increased upon them manifold angariae; and for all these burdens he held their children as hostages, to whom, showing no humanity, he compelled service to himself in mud and brickwork. Because of these vexations the whole body of citizens fell prostrate on their knees before Lord Baldwin, they prayed unanimously, and strove with tears to implore that he would deign to protect them from that man’s oppression; and to accomplish that they might recover their children, who were detained by him against their will.
He, however, wishing to grant their first petition more kindly and thereby to earn for himself a greater grace of the people, having summoned the populace and called them to arms, came with a strong hand to the aforesaid place, where, after for several days attacking the city with frequent assaults and great persistence, and the Turks who were within resisting stoutly and relying on the strength of the fortification, seeing that he made no progress, left seventy soldiers in a nearby somewhat fortified spot, who should without intermission deny the Samosatans rest and continually contrive ambushes, and himself returned to Edessa. But when the citizens saw that lord Balduinus was a vigorous man and prospering in all things, and deeming it unseemly that he who was worthy, as liberator of the city and founder of its peace, should possess everything and dispose of all things at his will, should have an equal in the city in a useless man, they summoned Constantinus, a noble and powerful man who held very strong garrisons in the neighboring mountains, and by common council proposed that, their leader being killed, they should constitute lord Balduinus their leader and singular prince. For the citizens, demanding retribution for his merits, hated him; for he was said to afflict them with many calumnies, violently extorting gold and silver and whatever valuables from them; and if anyone tried to resist, he forthwith, upon payment, raised up Turkish enmities and hatred against him, so that they feared not only the carrying off of vineyards and gardens and things apt to be set on fire, but also the seizure of flocks and herds; indeed they were oftentimes put in peril of life.
Convenientes igitur ad invicem, horum malorum memores et videntes quod major ad diu desideratam libertatem obtinendam, per hospitem susceptum pateret via, ex condicto ad arma convolant; et turrim in qua domicilium habebat, multa impugnant instantia, proterva animositate diruere satagentes. Videns autem plebis fervorem, et pro meritis adversus se indignationem conceptam, accito domino Balduino, pro vita sollicitus, rogat, ut effusis thesauris, pro ejus salute ad populum intercedat. Ille autem, cum bona fide civium ab eo vellet propulsare injurias et ab illo proposito cohibere, videns quod non proficeret, sed magis et magis irritaretur populus, reversus ad ducem, monet et hortatur attentius, quatenus quocunque modo vitae consulat et saluti.
Therefore meeting one another, mindful of these evils and seeing that a way to obtain the greater, long-desired liberty lay open through the guest received, by a prearranged signal they rush to arms; and they attack the tower in which he had his dwelling with many assaults pressing, striving to overthrow it with insolent boldness. But seeing the fervor of the people, and the indignation conceived against him on account of his deeds, he, anxious for his life, summons Lord Balduin and begs that, the treasures being proffered, he intercede with the people for his safety. He, however, since in good faith he wished to repel the citizens’ injuries from him and to restrain them from that purpose, seeing that this did not profit but that the people were the more and more provoked, returned to the duke, and warned and urged him more closely to take counsel for his life and safety by whatever means he could.
He, however, in the manner of one desperate, seeking a remedy where there was none, letting himself down by a rope through a window, even laid himself down; but before he reached the ground he died, pierced by a thousand arrows. They, dragging him dead and breathless through the street, having cut off his head, scarcely satisfied the indignation conceived against him. On the next day they, Baldwin being unwilling and resisting, set him over themselves as lord, having produced oaths in person for the keeping of fidelity; and solemnly introducing him, and with all glory into the garrison of the city, they handed over to him all the treasures and countless riches which he had gathered from many earlier times, the whole city having been established in tranquillity.
Balduc, whom we said presided over the city of Samosata, seeing that Balduinus from day to day advancing was subduing the whole region to himself, offered the aforesaid city for sale at the price of ten thousand gold coins. Lord Balduinus, however, after much deliberation, seeing the strength of the place and that it could not easily be overcome by force, accepted the city and the hostages of its citizens with much glory, the infinite sum of money having been paid. Hereupon he first won so great a favour among the Edessan citizens toward himself that they held him now not only as lord but as father, ready to contend to death for his safety and glory.
Erat in eadem provincia civitas, Sororgia nomine, infidelibus eodem modo referta habitatoribus, Edessanis in vicino constituta, cui praeerat quidam Turcorum satrapa, Balac nomine. Hic etiam praedictis civibus, multas inferebat injurias et continuis vexabat molestiis: pro quo etiam domino Balduino supplicantes Edessani, facile obtinent, ut congregato exercitu, urbem praedictam obsideret. Unde factum est, ut statuta die illuc proficiscens, desiderium populi manciparet effectui, civitatem obsidens.
There was in the same province a city, named Sororgia, inhabited in like manner full of infidels, situated near the Edessans, over which presided a certain satrap of the Turks, named Balac. He also was inflicting many injuries on the aforesaid citizens and was constantly vexing them with troublesome persecutions; for which reason the Edessans, supplicating Lord Baldwin on their behalf, easily obtained that he, having gathered an army, should besiege the aforesaid city. Wherefore it came to pass that, setting out on the appointed day, he made the people’s desire into effect, besieging the city.
Having placed camps and siege-machines in a ring and arranged suitable provisions, he began to assault the city more boldly. But the citizens, seeing the men’s constancy and distrustful of their own strength, struck with excessive fear, sent a delegation to him and obtained peace on the condition that, the city being surrendered, their lives and safety should be preserved. The city having been taken, and its garrison left behind, with from his own comitatus sufficient men assigned to its custody, and one of them appointed praefect to manage affairs there, and the citizens compelled to pay an imposed tribute annually, he returned to Edessa with great glory.
And it came about that, through the siege of this city, the communication from Antioch to Edessa lay open to those wishing to pass. For in the middle of the route, set between the aforesaid city and the Euphrates, there previously stood an impediment to those desiring to cross. These things having been said concerning Lord Baldwin, let us return to those matters remaining to be told about the greater army.
Interea dum circa partes Edessanas trans Euphratem dominus ita desudat Balduinus, major exercitus, ut praemissum est, per abrupta montium et vallium devexa, Maresiam usque pervenerat. Erat autem praedicta civitas Christianos habens habitatores, paucis exceptis qui in praesidio civitatis morabantur, caeteros pro libero detractantes arbitrio. Hi vero audito nostrorum adventu, perterriti, clam aufugerant, urbem solis fidelibus relinquentes; ad quam postquam Deo devotus pervenit exercitus, ante urbis moenia, in pascuis virentibus castrametati sunt, violentiam inferri civibus omnino prohibentes.
Meanwhile, while Balduinus, lord and commander of the greater army, as has been said, labored so sweating over the Euphrates near the regions of Edessa that by the steep descents of mountains and valleys he had reached as far as Maresia. The aforesaid city had Christian inhabitants, except for a few who lived in the city's garrison, the others adhering to another faith by their own free choice. These, however, when they heard of the arrival of our men, terrified, fled secretly, leaving the city to the faithful alone; and when the army, devoted to God, arrived there, they encamped before the city's walls in green pastures, wholly forbidding any violence to be inflicted upon the citizens.
Whence it came to pass that an abundance of merchandise was supplied there with all tranquillity. And having learned from a faithful report of the locals that nearby there lay another certain city, overflowing with all goods and far more fertile than the rest, which was held by the Turks, called Artasia; thither, with all speed and by common counsel, the count of the Flemings, Robert, setting out with certain nobles taken with him, namely Robert of Roset and Goscelone, son of Conon, count of Monteacuto, departed with 1,000 loricati; and arriving there, at once beleaguered it with siege. The Turks, however, relying on the strength of the place, having abandoned the city, withdrew into the citadel for defence.
But the Armenians and other loyal inhabitants of that same city, learning that those who had arrived in so great a flash of arms were from the army which they had long and with much desire awaited, and, raised by the hope of liberty, seized arms; and against the Turks, who had oppressed them for many seasons with violent domination, they turned their swords. And it came to pass that, suddenly slaying them all, they cast their heads outside; and with the gates open they devoutly invited the faithful who were outside into the city for hospitality; and by the full laws of hospitality they furnished to them and to their horses what was necessary. This city, moreover, which is called Calquis by another name, is, like the aforesaid Maresia, one of the suffragan cities which bear a relationship of subjection to the throne of Antioch.
It lies, moreover, fifteen miles from Antioch. This news, therefore, spread far and wide through the region and roused the Antiochene citizens to take up arms; and to prepare for the destruction of those who had gathered at Artasia and, by killing its citizens, had seized the city. Chosen, then, from those who had assembled at Antioch for the tutelage of that same city, numbering roughly 10,000, they hastened thither with all speed.
As they approached that place, having sent forward thirty light-armed horsemen who had very swift horses, the rest remained left behind in a hidden place for an ambush. Those therefore who had been sent on, as it were scouts, to invite our men to pursue them incautiously, began before the city Artasia to scatter about far too freely, as if about to drive off plunder. But our men who were in the city, not being able to bear their arrogance and their excessively free sallies, eagerly ran to arms; and, pursuing them somewhat rashly, fell upon the ambushes which had been carefully placed: those, coming out of their lairs, strove to cut our men off from the city, so that, fleeing to it, they could not find refuge against the greater forces rushing in.
Our men, however, by the Lord as author, repelling them manfully from themselves, safe and uninjured, with their whole retinue withdrew beneath the aforementioned city. And seeing that it was not easy to win the city so suddenly for themselves, they set it round with a siege. And when they had stormed the city the whole day, and, those inside resisting manfully, made no headway; and hearing also that a larger army was approaching, whose coming it was too perilous to await, guided by sounder counsel they returned to Antioch; the bridge, however, which lay between, having been barricaded by the soldiers.
The Count therefore, with those who were with him, anxiously kept the city which the Lord had bestowed on him until the arrival of the greater army. But meanwhile a youth endowed with eminent character, Goscelo, son of Lord Conon, Count of Monteacuto, seized by a severe sickness, died: there he was delivered to burial with honorable funeral rites.
Vix circa auroram, Turci qui ab Antiochia venerant, discesserant ab Artasia, cum ecce nuntiatur, majorem exercitum ejusdem civitatis fines ingressum, non longe ab urbe castra locasse. Dumque pro fratribus qui apud Artasiam obsidionem pati dicebantur, debitam gerunt sollicitudinem, de communi consilio mille et quingentos in subsidium eorum loricatos dirigunt, praecipientes ut si ad urbem, obsidione soluta, liberum possent accessum habere, relictis custodibus, qui ad urbis defensionem sufficere possent, dominus comes Flandrensis et alii nobiles, qui cum eo ibidem erant, ad exercitum redeant. Redierat etiam dominus Tancredus, eamdem mandati formam suscipiens, a Cilicia, ubi regionem universam suae mancipaverat ditioni.
Scarcely at dawn, the Turks who had come from Antioch had departed from Artasia, when behold it was reported that a larger army of the same city had entered the borders and had encamped not far from the town. And while they showed due solicitude for the brothers who were said to be suffering siege at Artasia, by common counsel they dispatched 1,500 cuirassed men in aid of them, directing that, if, the siege being lifted, they could have free access to the city, leaving behind guards who might suffice for the city's defense, the lord Count of Flanders and the other nobles who were there with him should return to the army. Lord Tancred had also returned, assuming the same form of command, from Cilicia, where he had subjected the whole region to his dominion.
Others had likewise returned, nevertheless, who, scattered all around, had been swept up in various pursuits: Baldwin, lord and the duke’s brother, alone excepted, who in the regions about Edessa, day by day, by the Lord’s prior mercy, advanced more and more. Thus, the army being restored and the detachments recollected, they enjoin by an edict as if by law that henceforth no one, unless commanded, presume to separate from the army. Having broken camp therefore, they directed their forces toward Antioch, following the shortcuts of the roads.
And because a river lay in the middle of the road, and they had heard that over the river a very strongly fortified bridge stood, fearing that the army might there sustain some impediment, they ordered Lord Robert, duke of the Normans, with his comitatus to go before and to scout the routes, so that if any difficulty should occur he might make it known to the following legions, and render the princes more instructed about it. Before his army went, as it were, the primicers of the legions, bearing standards, noble and illustrious men, and commendable in the use of arms: Lord Eurardus de Pusato, Rogerus de Barnavilla. Separated therefore from the army, the lord count with his cohorts, and leading the larger preceding forces, came to the aforesaid bridge.
There was moreover a stone bridge, having very well-fortified towers on each front of solid workmanship, as indeed the whole bridge was constructed: in which one hundred brave men, stout in arms, having the bow as habitual equipment and skilled in shooting, were appointed to its custody, and to keep those wishing to cross from the fords and approach of the river violently at bay. Furthermore seven hundred horsemen had come from Antioch, who, stationed on the further bank of that same river, had preoccupied the fords, intending insofar as lay in their power wholly to prevent our passage. The river, moreover, over which the aforesaid bridge is laid, is called Orontes, in the common tongue Fer, which flowing from that place by Antioch thence descends to the sea.
Certain men are wont to dream that this Farfar is the river of Damascus; but we have ascertained that those who assert this are led astray by error. For Farfar and Albana, drawing their origin from Lebanon, flowing through the Damascene plain beside the city itself, hasten eastward, where they are said to fail away in a sandy solitude; the Orontes, however, having its first source beside Heliopolis (which is called by another name Malbec), descends to the sea, passing by Caesarea and the aforesaid Antioch into the Mediterranean. Therefore when the Count of the Normans came to the bridge, he was by his expeditions prevented from crossing, both by those who were in the towers above the bridge and also by those who had occupied the farther bank of the river: and there arose a very fierce conflict, while our men violently strove to cross the river; and the enemies wholly opposed those wishing to cross and kept them from the fords, assailing them with a shower of loosed arrows.
While on this both sides were sweating the more fiercely, behold a greater army was approaching. And when it was learned that the comes and those who had gone before him were being detained about the bridge, engaged in battle, they quicken their march to bring help to their laboring comrades, and, with the enemies excluded, to prepare the passage for themselves unimpeded. After, therefore, the whole legions had arrived, warned by proclamation and by lituuses, they seize arms, and pressing on with all their strength, violently occupy the bridge, the enemies being turned to flight.
But those others who, because of the narrowness of the place beside the bridge, could not fight there, so that meanwhile they should not lie idle, finding a ford crossed the river and, with the enemies driven off, took possession of the further bank. Therefore, the whole army being transferred, with wagons and vehicles and every kind of baggage, on this side of the river, encamped in pasture-lands and wide green places, six or five miles distant from the city. On the following day, advancing again, and following the royal road between the mountains and the river, they placed their camp before the city within one mile.
Est autem Antiochia civitas gloriosa et nobilis, tertium, vel potius secundum (nam de hoc maxima quaestio est) post urbem Romam dignitatis gradum sortita: omnium provinciarum quas tractus continet Orientalis, princeps et moderatrix. Haec priscis temporibus dicta est Reblata, ad quam Sedechias rex Juda cum filiis ante Nabuchodonosor Babyloniorum regem deductus est, ubi in patris praesentia filios ejus occidi praecepit, et ipsum consequenter oculis privari. Hanc, post mortem Alexandri Macedonis, Antiochus, qui post eum regni ejus partem obtinuit, turribus et muro validissimo circumdatam, et in statum reparatam meliorem, de nomine suo vocari praecepit Antiochiam, regni sui caput constituens, et in ea sibi et successoribus ejus, in perpetuum, domicilium ordinans familiare.
Antiochia is a glorious and noble city, having obtained the third, or rather the second (for on this there is great dispute) rank of dignity after the city of Rome: the chief and mistress of all the provinces which the Eastern tract contains. In ancient times it was called Reblata, to which King Sedechias of Juda was led with his sons before Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians, where, in the presence of the father, he commanded that his sons be killed, and that he himself thereafter be deprived of sight. After the death of Alexander of Macedon, Antiochus, who obtained a part of his kingdom, caused this city, encircled with very strong towers and a wall and restored to a better condition, to be called Antiochia from his own name, making it the capital of his realm and establishing in it for himself and his successors a perpetual familiar domicile.
In this city the prince of the apostles obtained the sacerdotal chair, and was the first to discharge pontifical dignity; the venerable man Theophilus, who was most powerful in that same city, dedicating a basilica in his own house. To whom Luke, drawing his origin from the same city, writes both his Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles; who also, as the seventh in the order of bishops, succeeded blessed Peter in the same Church. In this place likewise the first assembly of the faithful was held, in which the name Christians was bestowed.
Previously, those who followed the doctrine of Christ were called Nazarenes; afterwards, however, from the name derived from Christ and by the authority of that synod, they were called Christians, the faithful of all. Hence also, because it received the Apostle who preached freely and without difficulty, it unanimously turned to the faith of Christ; and the name, which like a poured-on ointment spreads far and wide, it first found and taught; the name assigned to it is new, and it was called Theopolis; so that that which had formerly borne the name of a wicked and impious man would thenceforth be called the domicile and city of him who had called it to the faith, receiving due reward from the Lord for this, namely that she who had been mistress of a former error and had ruled many provinces under her sway should afterward, in the way of the Lord and with an honourable discipline of morals, nonetheless possess the same suffragans. For the patriarch of that same God‑beloved city is said to have 20 provinces in his jurisdiction, of which 14 have each a metropolitan with their suffragans; the six remaining are under two primates, commonly called Catholici; one is Aniensis, the other Hirinopolitanus, which is Baldacensis; with their suffragans they are thus disposed.
Which all by one name, namely the Orient, are called, as is gathered from the Council of Constantinople, which runs thus: But let the bishops of the Orient have the care of the whole Orient, the honour of the primacy of the Church of Antioch being preserved, which is contained in the canons of the Nicene synod.
Sita est autem in provincia, cui nomen Syriaceles, quae Majoris Syriae pars esse dignoscitur, commodissimam et amoenam habens positionem. Protenditur vallibus, agrum habens optimum et glebam uberem, rivis et Tontibus tota pene irrigua, amoenitate singularis, inter medium montium ab oriente in partes declivis occiduas; longitudinem habens quasi ad milliaria quadraginta; latitudinem vero, pro diversitate locorum, sex vel quatuor. In superiore sui parte lacum ex adjacentibus collectum fontibus habens, piscosum maxime, a fluvio qui vallem percurrit ad mare secus urbem defluens, spatio unius distans milliarii, unde rivus egreditur, qui postmodum in eumdem fluvium inferius circa urbem derivatur.
It is situated, moreover, in the province called Syriaceles, which is reckoned a part of Greater Syria, having a most commodious and pleasant position. It stretches out with valleys, possessing an excellent field and fertile soil, almost wholly irrigated by rivers and springs, of singular pleasantness, sloping westward from the middle of the mountains toward the east; its length is about forty miles; its breadth, however, according to the diversity of places, six or four. In its upper part it has a lake collected from adjacent springs, very full of fish, and is distant one mile from the river that runs through the valley and flows to the sea beside the city, whence issues a little stream which afterwards is led into that same river below around the city.
The mountains, moreover, that gird it on both sides, although very lofty, yet let forth sweet and pellucid waters; and up to their highest summits, on their slopes and flanks, they afford a remarkable suitability for agriculture. That which is to the south of them, as also the river that flows past the same city, is called Orontes, according to Hieronymus, who says that Antioch stands between the river Orontes and the promontory Orontes; a part of which stretches downward along the sea into an immense height, claiming for itself a special name, and in common speech is called Mount Parlier; some reckon this to be Parnassus, dedicated to Bacchus and Apollo; to which opinion the spring Daphne, which some regard as the Castalian, seems to lend support, according to the ancient tenor of the tales, sacred to the Muses and famous in the gymnasia of the philosophers; which is said to have its source at the roots of that same mountain, in the place called Scala Boamundi, near the aforesaid city. But this opinion is far from the truth.
Hic autem juxta Solinum, Cassius appellatur, de quo in Polyhistoris sui capitulo quadragesimo primo, sic ait: Juxta Seleuciam Cassius mons est, Antiochiae proximus; cujus e vertice vigilia noctis adhuc quarta, globus solis conspicitur, et brevi corporis circumactu, radiis caliginem dissipantibus, illinc nox, illinc dies cernitur. Sed ne te Seleuciae nomen decipiat aequivocum, noveris duas esse urbes, quarum utraque dicitur Seleucia. Prima, quae Isauriae metropolis est, quae ab Antiochia plus quam dierum quinque distat itinere; et altera quae Antiochiae proxima; vix ab ea milliaribus distat decem, juxta fauces Orontis fluminis; qui locus hodie Portus Sancti Simeonis dicitur. Fons autem supradictus, Daphnis dicitur, et Castalius, ubi fanum fuisse dicitur Apollini dedicatum, quod gentilis superstitio frequentare consueverat, ut inde reportaret oracula et super ambiguis quaestionibus responsa.
But here, according to Solinus, it is called Cassius, of whom in the forty-first chapter of his Polyhistor he says thus: Near Seleucia there is a Cassius mountain, close to Antioch; from whose summit at the fourth watch of the night the globe of the sun is still visible, and, with a brief circuit of the body, the rays dispersing the darkness, thence night is seen on one side, day on the other. But lest the name Seleucia deceive you equivocally, know that there are two cities, each called Seleucia. The first is the metropolis of Isauria, which is more than five days’ journey from Antioch; and the other which is nearest Antioch; it is scarcely ten miles distant from it, beside the narrows of the river Orontes; that place is today called the Port of Saint Simeon. The aforesaid spring is called Daphnis, and Castalius, where a shrine said to have been dedicated to Apollo stood, which pagan superstition was wont to frequent, so that it carried back oracles and responses upon ambiguous questions.
That place Julian the Apostate, after he turned away from Christ and the doctrine of piety, while he was staying in the Antiochene regions, intending to go to the Persians in order to consult Apollo there, frequented; according to what Theodoret asserts in the 31st chapter of his Tripartite History he says thus: Therefore when Julian at Python Daphne sought responses about the victory of the Parthian war; and when he questioned him about the proximity of the body of the martyr Babylas, he ordered that his corpse be removed. The same thing is stated even more plainly a little later in the tenth of the Ecclesiastical History in this manner: Julian gave another sign of his frenzy and levity; for when Daphnis, in the suburb of Antioch by the Castalian spring, was asking of Apollo and received no answers to what he asked, and when he inquired of the priests of the daemon the causes of the silence; they say the tomb of the martyr Babylas stands nearby, and therefore the responses are not given. Since although the aforesaid spring is called Castalian, it is not to be understood as that Castalian which by another name is called Pegasaeus, Caballinus and Aganippe; for that one is read to be in the afore‑mentioned Aonia, according to the words of Solinus, which are as follows: Thebes is the place of Helicon, Cytheron a glade, the river Ismenus, the springs Arethusa and Hypodice, Salmacis, Dirce; but before all Aganippe and Hippocrene. Since the first finder of letters discovered them by equestrian arrangement, while he searches what places they inhabit, the license of the poets was inflamed, so that he scattered both alike, and that which was open was attributed to the hoof of the winged horse; and that the draught would by inspiration make literature. But that mountain which is to the north, in the common and customary speech is called Mount Black of the Mountains, seems a fertile and rich mountain, irrigated with springs and streams, offering in its woods and pastures many conveniences to its inhabitants, where in ancient times many monasteries of religious men are handed down to have been; and even up to the present it cherishes and nourishes many venerable places fearing God. Through the middle of this valley, moreover, the river, of which we made mention above, draws its streams even to the sea.
In that mountain, however, which is nearer and more sloping toward the south, between the mountain and the river a city is established, so that walls taking their beginning from the higher parts of the mountain, led down along the mountain’s declivity to the river, enclose a very large space beneath them, encompassing both the mountainside and the plain that stretches from the foot of the mountain to the river. Within the circuit of the walls are shut up two wondrously tall mountains; on the summit of one of these, which appears the more prominent, is situated a most strongly fortified and impregnable praesidium; the two are separated from one another by a very deep but narrow valley, through which a torrent let down from the mountains enters and, flowing through the middle of the city toward the river, supplies many conveniences to the citizens. Moreover in the same city there are several springs, among which the principal is that at the Eastern Gate, called Saint Paul’s; and also the spring of Daphnidis, situated three or four miles from the city, is brought in artificially by little channels and by an aqueduct, and at appointed hours supplies water to many places in ample measure.
There are moreover walls both on the mountains, on the slope, and on the plain, built of very solid work, very compact and having a proportionable height: surrounded at equal intervals by frequent towers, most fit for defence. In the lower western part, about the newest quarters of the city, the river comes so near the walls and the mountain that the bridge by which one crosses is continued with the city gate and the wall. As to the city’s length, some reckon it at 2, others indeed at 3 miles.
Hujus autem tam egregiae civitatis dominus erat quidam Acxiamus nomine, natione Turcus, qui de familia fuerat magni et potentissimi principis soldani Persarum, de quo superius fecimus mentionem, Belfetoh videlicet, qui universas illas provincias suo violenter subjugaverat imperio; tandem vero subactis populis et nationibus, volens ad propria redire, nepotibus suis ac vernaculis, universas quas sibi vindicaverat, distribuit provincias, ut tantorum beneficiorum memores, perpetuo sibi fidelitatis nexu tenerentur obligati. In qua distributione, Solimanno ejus nepoti, ut praediximus, Nicea cum adjacentibus provinciis collocata est. Cuidam vero alteri ejus nepoti, Ducac nomine, urbem contulit Damascenam cum urbibus suffraganeis et adjacentibus regionibus, quorum utrique Soldanatus et nomen contulit et dignitatem; Solimanno, quia cum Graecis limitans, imperii Constantinopolitani, perpetua, et sine intermissione patiebatur certamina; Ducac vero, cum Aegyptiis, quorum praedicto Soldano suspectum erat incrementum et vires formidabiles, jugem et pene continuum habebat conflictum et guerram pertinacem.
The lord of this so excellent a city was a certain man named Acxiamus, by nation a Turk, who had been of the family of the great and most powerful prince, the soldan of the Persians, of whom we made mention above, namely Belfetoh, who had violently subjected all those provinces to his rule; finally, with peoples and nations subdued, wishing to return to his own, he distributed to his nephews and native retainers all the provinces which he had claimed for himself, that, mindful of such great benefits, they might be bound to him by a perpetual tie of fidelity. In that distribution, to his nephew Solimannus, as we have said, Nicaea with the neighboring provinces was assigned. To another of his nephews, named Ducac, however, he conferred the city of Damascus with its suffragan towns and adjacent regions, to each of whom he conferred both the name and dignity of Soldanate; Solimannus, because bordering the Greeks, the empire of Constantinople, endured perpetual and uninterrupted contests; Ducac, on the other hand, with the Egyptians, whose increase and formidable forces were suspected by the aforesaid Soldan, had a continuous and almost unceasing struggle and pertinacious war.
To a certain servant of his, named Assungur, who was the father of Sanguin and the grandfather of Noradin, he bestowed the very famous city Alapia. To this same man, of whom we speak, Acxianus likewise granted the city Antioch with modest boundaries by the same liberality. For as far as Laodicea of Syria the Egyptian caliph possessed all those regions.
He therefore, hearing that so great an army of faithful princes was coming, sent frequent messengers, both by mouth and by letter, and solicited all the princes of the whole Orient; most especially the Caliph of Baghdad, and the outstanding and mightier than all others soldan of the Persians. And it was quite easy and convenient for him to persuade them to what he demanded; for they had been forewarned long before of our coming, and concerning their number and invincible valour Solimannus, who by the very experience of events and hidden knowledge had observed them, had rendered them the more informed by a faithful account. Each therefore presses on with many urgent prayers, and with abundant tears they demand aid; this one, that he might avenge the wrong done to him; that one, that he might make his country safe from their assault, and repel their violence from himself.
They therefore promise him hands and the succor he begs: which afterward, as the thing itself showed, they fulfilled with faithful performance. Acxianus, however, meantime anxious about the coming of our men, with as much diligence as he could, gathers and leads forces from the neighbouring provinces and adjacent cities; and, awaiting the siege day by day, collects supplies of victuals and provisions, assembles arms: he urges the citizens, with ardent zeal, to bring in material for constructing engines of various sorts, iron, steel, and other things that are necessary to supply the usual needs of such matters; who, contesting for the public state and the ward of the city, press on with all diligence they can, so that nothing of the things that besieged citizens are wont to find for consolation may be lacking. Thus they scour the region and spoil the suburbs; drawing off grain, wine, oil, and other necessities of life, also flocks and herds, they heap the city with necessities, sharing with much foresight and no small labour against the importunities of the arriving enemies.
Many nobles and great men had convened from all the regions which that same army had passed through, fleeing before the face of our men, who, because of the fortification and strength of the place — which seemed moreover insuperable without some summons — had brought themselves, with the sole hope of obtaining safety, into that same city. Whence, the number being increased, it was said that in the city there were, both from the citizens and from the gathered auxiliaries, 6 or 7 thousand horsemen; and the forces of foot-soldiers ready for battle were said to exceed in sum 15 or 20 thousand.
Videntes ergo nostri civitatem in vicino constitutam, antequam ad civitatem accederent, convenerunt ad invicem, super instanti facto deliberationem habituri. Erant enim de principibus nonnulli qui, propter instantem hiemem, urbis differre obsidionem usque ad veris initium persuadere conabantur, allegantes quod exercitus per urbes et castella divisus erat, qui non facile ante veris initium posset revocari. Dicebatur praeterea, quod imperator Constantinopolitanus eis infinitas mitteret copias in subsidium; et quod etiam de partibus transalpinis recens iterum adveniret exercitus: quorum utrumque oportere exspectare, ut multiplicatis viribus, facilius possent obtinere propositum. Interim vero per partes divisum, per loca opulentiora hiemandi gratia dirigendum exercitum, ut vere redeunte, et reparatis viribus, et equis pabulo refocillatis, fortiores iterum ad debita possent opera consurgere. Aliis vero longe videbatur expedientius, ut statim et subito urbs obsidione vallaretur, ne datis induciis eam cives communire possent diligentius; et vocati ad eorum subsidium, colligendi majores copias, ferias haberent ampliores. In hac igitur tanta deliberatione ea pars obtinuit, quae operi protinus insistendum, moram esse periculosam, et expeditionis vires non esse ab invicem separandas allegabant.
Seeing then our men the city set nearby, before they approached the city they gathered together one with another, to hold a deliberation about the pressing matter. For there were some of the chiefs who, on account of the urgent winter, were trying to persuade that the siege of the city be deferred until the beginning of spring, alleging that the army was divided through towns and fortresses, which could not easily be recalled before the beginning of spring. It was said moreover, that the Constantinopolitan emperor would send them innumerable forces as a relief; and that also fresh armies would again arrive from the transalpine regions: that it was necessary to await either of these, so that, with forces multiplied, they could more easily achieve their purpose. Meanwhile, the army should be divided into detachments and directed to the richer places for the sake of wintering, so that on the return of spring, with their strength restored and their horses refreshed by forage, they might more stoutly rise again to the due works. To others it seemed far more expedient that at once and immediately the city be invested with siege, lest, if terms were given, the citizens might the more diligently fortify it; and, the summons having called to their aid, larger forces for assembling might have broader pauses. In this great deliberation therefore that party prevailed which contended that work should be pressed on at once, that delay was dangerous, and that the forces of the expedition ought not be separated from one another.
It was therefore agreed by common counsel that they should unanimously approach the city and invest it with a siege: whence it came about that, their camps being struck, they, approaching the city in the month of October, on the 18th day of the month, halted before the city and encamped. And although the number of our men who could draw the sword was said to be about 300,000, women and little ones excepted, yet they were not able to surround the city on all sides with camps; for, excepting the mountains which, as we said before, closed off their walls, round which it was not attempted to place camps, the portion of the city that extends from the foot of the mountain to the river in a more level place could not be held in a continuous siege all together. Thus on the arrival of our men and the disposition of the camps, although our army approached with great clamour and the shrill blare of horns, and the neighing of horses, and the crash of arms, and a confused shouting that seemed to be raised up to the stars, yet the whole day, and for several following days, the city rested in such deep silence that no sound or clatter was heard from it; and as was rightly believed it was empty of defenders, although it abounded in many supplies both of provisions and of excellently armed bands of soldiers.
Erant itaque in ea civitatis parte, quae in plano sita est, portarum aditus quinque. In plaga enim superiore, quae ad orientem respicit, erat porta una, quae hodie dicitur Sancti Pauli; eo quod monasterio ejusdem apostoli, in clivo montis posito; sit subjecta. Secunda vero eidem e regione opposita, tantum ab ea distans, quantum in longum civitas porrigitur universa, porta est occidentalis, quae hodie S. Georgii dicitur; eo quod ejusdem martyris basilicae sit vicina.
There were therefore in that part of the city which is situated on the plain five approaches of gates. In the upper quarter, which looks to the east, there was one gate, which today is called Saint Paul’s; because the monastery of that same apostle, set upon the slope of the hill, is attached to it. The second, however, opposite to it from the same region, distant from it as far as the city extends in length, is the western gate, which today is called St. George’s; because it is near the basilica of that martyr.
On the northern side, however, there were three gates that opened onto the river: the upper gate is called Canis, having a bridge before it, by which the marsh, bordering the walls, is crossed; the second, today called the Ducis gate, — both of which are separated from one another by about the space of one mile by the river. The third gate is called Pontis, because there is the bridge by which the river is crossed; for from the aforesaid Ducis gate, which is the middle one, as far as this that is the last on that side, the river abuts the walls so that henceforth it runs continuous with the walls and does not depart from the city. Therefore they left this one, and that which is called S. Georgii, unbesieged, since an army could not reach either of them except by the river being crossed, the remaining three above being enclosed with siegeworks.
Therefore Lord Boamund besieged the upper gate, with those who from the beginning had followed his camp: around him, on the lower side, Robert, count of the Normans, Robert, count of the Flemings, Stephen likewise count of the Blesensi, and Lord Hugo the Great; these had continued their camps with their Normans, Franks and Bretons from the camp of Lord Boamund up to the Gate of the Dog. Around that same gate Lord Raymond, count of Toulouse, and the bishop of Puy, with other nobles who had followed their camp, and with an infinite multitude of Gascons, Provençals and Burgundians, had encamped, occupying all the space up to the next gate. About that same gate Duke Godfrey with his brother Eustace and Baldwin of Hem, Rainard of Toul, Conon of Montaigu, famous and illustrious counts and other nobles who had followed his camp from the beginning, with Lotharingians, Frisians, Swabians, Saxons, Franconians and Bavarians, placed their camps, occupying the remaining parts almost as far as the Bridge Gate: standing, as it were, in a triangle between the city and the river now adjoining it, and the camps of the other princes.
There were, moreover, in the aforesaid region orchards which, our men felling them entirely, wove barricades for themselves and bound rails to their horses therefrom. The citizens who from the towers and walls through lattices beheld the camp therefore wondered at the gleam of arms, the diligent zeal of the works, the manner of hosting, the disposition of the camps and the formidable multitude, suspicious both in force and in number; and while they compared present times with former, setting the present distress against the peaceful state of things that had gone before, fearing for their wives and children, for their paternal household gods, and, what is chief for mortals, for their liberty, they reckoned happy those whom friendly death had taken away from such great perils — to whom death had granted an end so that they might not be swept up in so many calamities. Suspended therefore from day to day, they awaited the assault on their ruin and on the city; as if holding it certain that without the ruin of the city and the shipwreck of its liberty such a siege could not be raised, which with all its strength labored toward that very end.
Igitur qui in castris erant, ut equis pabulum, sibique necessariam procurarent alimoniam, trans fluvium de necessitate egredi consueverant, et procedere longius aliquantulum. Cumque saepe ac saepius illuc properantes cum omni incolumitate reverterentur indemnes; civibus adhuc infra urbem se cohibentibus, nec praesumentibus adhuc exterius evagari; pro consuetudine sibi fecerant, fluvium saepius in die transire: idque cum multa fiebat difficultate; nam invadabilis erat fluvius, et natando transire oportebat. Quod compertum habentes qui in civitate erant, plerumque palam, sed clam frequentius, per pontem flumine transmisso, nostris incaute discurrentibus, et gratia quaerendi necessaria, dispersis ab invicem, caedem inferebant et vulnera: ea maxime freti fiducia, quod non poterant facilem habere ad castra reditum, fluvio impedimentum ministrante.
Therefore those who were in the camp, that they might seek fodder for the horses and procure necessary sustenance for themselves, were accustomed of necessity to go across the river, and to advance a little farther. And since they very often, hurrying thither, returned again with all safety unhurt; while the citizens keeping themselves still within the city, and not yet daring to range abroad; by habit they had made for themselves to cross the river more often during the day: and this was done with much difficulty; for the river was impassable, and it was necessary to cross by swimming. Those who were in the city, having learned this, for the most part openly, but more often secretly, after a bridge had been put over the river, fell upon our men carelessly scattering and seeking the favor of obtaining necessities, and, being dispersed from one another, inflicted slaughter and wounds: chiefly relying on that confidence, because they could not have an easy return to the camp, the river supplying an impediment.
In the same fashion those in the camps, although they perceived their own men being ill‑treated before them, could not readily afford the wished‑for succour to their people: whence it seemed wholly expedient to the leaders that they should there raise a bridge of whatever material, by which they could more easily encounter the enemy’s ambushes; and more briefly take their men back, those desiring to return to the camps; and so that there would not be wanting also to their infantry, called up for their needs and especially desiring to descend as far as the sea, a shorter and unobstructed way. Therefore, having found several ships, both in the river and in the upper lake, and having bound them to one another with a fitting joining; having laid beams upon them and timber appropriate to that purpose, they wove wicker crates over the top, so that, many wishing to pass abreast in a single front, it would afford a solid capacity in itself. Whence, that done, the people gained a greater convenience.
That wooden bridge, however, stood at a distance of about one mile from the stone bridge contiguous to the city; and it was placed beside the lord duke’s camp, on the side opposite the gate which had been assigned to that same duke for its guard; that gate, too, even to this day is called the Gate of the Duke by him to whom it had been entrusted, so that his camp lay, without interval between them, within the aforesaid gate and the newly constructed bridge, occupying the middle. And not only by the above-mentioned bridge and the gate adjoining it did dangers press upon our men; but also by the upper one, which was third from that, which even to this day is called the Gate of the Dog, many perils befell our people. For there was, as we have said before, a stone bridge there over a certain marsh contiguous to the city, which was formed both from the spring that is in the eastern gate of St. Paul and from the continued flow of other streams and rivulets.
Through this bridge, therefore, into the camp of the lord Count of Toulouse, to whom that gate by chance had been assigned for guard, nocturnal eruptions (sallies) took place; and by day likewise, sudden assaults at times. For with the gate open they poured in a sudden hail of arrows; and with many of his retinue wounded or slain, hoping in this thing — that they could be pursued only across the bridge — after the attack made and the slaughter perpetrated, immediately returning across the bridge to the gate they withdrew within the city unharmed. Hence it came about that the aforesaid count and the bishop of Podiensis, and other nobles who had encamped in that quarter, suffered a greater loss of horses, and many far greater losses in horses and mules, than the legions of other princes.
Comes igitur et reverendus episcopus, tanta suorum non ferentes aequanimiter dispendia, convocantes suos, praecipiunt ut, malleis et instrumentis repertis ferreis, omnes unanimiter ad praedicti pontis dissolutionem se praepararent: factumque est ita ut, die quadam, loricati, cassidibus tecti et clypeis, ad pontem convenientes, praedictum cum multa instantia pontem dissolvere conarentur; sed, resistente plurimum operis soliditate omni ferro duriore, et civibus sagittarum immissione et contorsione lapidum, eorum laborem impedientibus, videntes quod non proficerent, ab incepto destiterunt. Mutato igitur consilio, machinam decernunt e regione contra pontem erigendam, de qua per introductorum sollicitudinem et instantiam armatorum, civium irruptiones cohiberentur. Comportata igitur competente et pro votis materia, et artificibus convocatis, subito et infra paucos dies suis absoluta partibus et diligentius completa, cum multo labore et eam trahentium periculo, ante pontem in modum excelsae turris erecta est, et domino comiti ad custodiam deputata.
The count therefore and the reverend bishop, not bearing so great losses of their men with equanimity, calling together their own, command that, with hammers and iron instruments found, all unanimously prepare themselves for the demolition of the aforesaid bridge: and it came to pass that, on a certain day, loricati, covered with helmets and shields, assembling at the bridge, they strove with much urgency to dismantle the said bridge; but, the solidity of the work resisting with iron harder than all, and the citizens, by the sending of arrows and the hurling of stones, impeding their labor, seeing that they made no progress, ceased from the undertaking. The counsel therefore changed, they decide to erect from the region a machina against the bridge to be raised, by which, through the solicitude of the introducers and the insistence of the armed, the incursions of the citizens might be restrained. Accordingly, with suitable material brought together and as desired, and artificers summoned, suddenly and within a few days, its parts completed and more diligently finished, with much toil and the danger of those who dragged it, it was erected before the bridge in the manner of a lofty tower, and assigned to the custody of the lord count.
But when the citizens saw the machine near the wall, they hastened thither with all speed; and directing at the machine throwing-engines and torsion-engines again, by the frequent turning of the winches they hastened to weaken it. Those also stationed on the towers and on the wall, with arrows and every sort of missile, more boldly, at those who were in the machine and standing about it, strove to keep them off the bridge. And while those above the wall pressed on from every side and hurled more frequently, so that by the showering of arrows and the frequency of missiles they had driven our men somewhat away from them, others, the gate being opened, rushing out with great force, violently seized the bridge; and carrying the matter out hand-to-hand with swords, they came to the machine, and having expelled those who had been appointed to its guard, set the machine on fire, and straightway reduced it to glowing embers.
Our leaders, however, seeing that even thus they did not fully prevail against those molestations which were being brought through that gate, on the following day set up three throwing-machines, so that at least by their continual casting and the hurling of stones they might weaken the walls and the gate, and be able to prevent the citizens’ exit through it. And it came to pass that so long as the machines continued in throwing, no one dared to go out through that gate; but when they relaxed their effort, the citizens again returned to their accustomed sallies, inflicting many annoyances on the camp nearby. Therefore our men, seeing that even thus they did not succeed, by the counsel of certain ones, bringing across the bridge rocks of enormous size, which could scarcely be rolled by hands in a hundred, and timbers of surpassing bulk, in the force of a thousand cuirassed men, the whole army protecting them, placed against the gate, piling up so great a heap of them beforehand that thereafter the gate would be uselessly open to the citizens, a rampart of millstones hindering their attempts.
Factum est autem die quadam quod de nostro exercitu viri, tam ex equitibus quam ex peditibus, numero trecenti, nostrum pontem pabulandi gratia transeuntes, coeperunt per regionem, more suo, ut sibi quaererent necessaria, dispergi. Morem autem fecerat, et pro consuetudine induxerat, tum necessitas importuna, tum id etiam quod frequentius ab illis partibus, licet secum plura comportarent necessaria, redierant indemnes: unde sibi quamdam incautam nimis pollicebantur securitatem, abitrantes quod se perpetuo in hujusmodi continuarent successus, nec se, sicut in bellicis solet fieri negotiis, casus sinister interponeret. Quos ex urbe contuentes, egressi in majore multitudine cives, per pontem transeuntes lapideum, ad eos quos incautius deambulantes viderant, sub omni celeritate contendunt: in quos irruentes subito, pluribus ex eis interfectis, reliquos in fugam vertunt.
It happened one day that from our army men, both of the horse and of the foot, to the number of 300, crossing our bridge for the sake of foraging, began to disperse through the region, after their custom, to seek necessary things for themselves. For they had made a practice of it, and had introduced it by habit, by reason both of pressing necessity and of the fact that more often from those parts, although they carried back with them more provisions, they had returned unharmed: whence they promised themselves a certain too-great security, thinking that such successes would continue always, and that chance would not interpose against them, as it is wont to do in military affairs. The citizens, having sallied forth from the city and looking upon them, crossing the stone bridge in greater numbers, hastened with all speed to those whom they had seen walking too carelessly: and, suddenly falling upon them, killing many, turned the rest to flight.
Who, while hastening to take up position at the bridge of ships as if into camp, the first occupying the bridge, many of them wishing to cross by the ford, found death in the waves in which they thought to find safety. Others likewise, nevertheless, from the bridge, though unwilling, being pressed by the throng were borne headlong into the channel; whom for the most part the violence of the waters overwhelmed and, rolled together, dragged into the deep, greedily swallowing, what afterwards refused to give back. When this became known to our men, some thousands of cuirassed men running to arms, the river having been crossed, met the enemies returning with slaughter and exulting over the spoils: whom up to the city's bridge, inflicting a most grievous slaughter upon them, they pursued with great persistence.
But when the citizens, seeing the slaughter and wounds of their own and pitying the failing, with the gate opened and in a great multitude and with audacity greater than usual, crossed the stone bridge; and, that they might procure needed succor for their own, rushing more boldly upon our men, at first resisting stoutly, finally, overpowered by force of the multitude, they put them to flight, and did not cease to pursue them even to the bridge made up of ships: in which action very many of our footsoldiers fell by the sword, and many more were drowned in the river. As for the horsemen, while they were pressed more closely upon the bridge, the enemy, pursuing them in flight, were hurled headlong from the bridge into the river, and with horse, lorics, helmets and shields they afterwards ceased to appear, choked by the whirlpool of the waters. Thus our army suffered no lighter siege than those who were in the city: for, restrained both by the citizens, whom our departure could not but reveal, and by the foreign enemies, who were hiding in the woods and mountains, feigning ambushes against our men and often rejoicing over our men’s plight, they were not daring to go forth beyond the camp, or to roam farther in search of victuals; nor was the delay itself safe even within the camps, all fearing lest the vast multitude of enemies, which was said to be gathering from many places, should suddenly fall upon them; so that to a prudent man it could rightly become doubtful which was more to be feared, or which condition were better, that of the besieged or of those who seemed to endure the siege.
Referre casus singulos, qui in tanta obsidione et tanto continuo tempore per loca varia diebus pene singulis accidebant, longum esset enumerare, et historiae compendio, quod studiose quaerimus, valde contrarium: unde, omissis specialibus, generalia prosequamur. Inter hos igitur assidui Martis eventus varios, cum jam quasi in mensem tertium protracta esset obsidio, coepit in castris victus deficere, et prae alimentorum inopia exercitus laborare. Cum enim ab initio maximam rerum necessariarum habuissent opulentiam, et equis eorum non deessent pabula, more imprudentium arbitrati sunt, quod se in eodem statu deberent continuare tempora, nihil sibi facientes reliquum; sed concessa abutentes ubertate, infra paucos dies quae ad multos sufficere poterant, si congruo dispensarentur moderamine, profligabant victualia.
To relate the individual happenings, which in so great a siege and for so continuous a time, through various places, occurred on nearly every day, would be long to enumerate, and by the compendium of history, which we diligently seek, very contrary: whence, omitting particulars, let us pursue the generalities. Among these therefore, the various continuations of war, when the siege had already been drawn out, as it were, into a third month, began provisions to fail in the camp, and the army to suffer from a lack of food. For although from the beginning they had had an abundance of the necessities of things, and fodder was not wanting for their horses, in the folly of the imprudent they judged that they ought to remain in the same condition through the seasons, making no provision for the future; but, abusing the abundance granted, within a few days they squandered victuals that might have sufficed many, if they had been distributed with fitting moderation.
There was no bound in the camp, nor frugality friendly to the prudent; but everywhere luxury, everywhere superfluity: and not only in those things pertaining to men's food, but also in the fodder of beasts and in the provender of horses, every limit had utterly failed: whence it came to pass that the army was reduced to so great a want that, with famine growing, almost the whole people perished. They were therefore gathered together one with another, having sworn between themselves that in equal portions and in good faith all things that should come from profit would be shared: bands of three or four hundred would go forth together, ranging over the entire region, that they might procure sustenance for themselves by any means. These, holding such a plan at first, before the townspeople had grown accustomed to sally out against them and to set ambushes, and while the suburbs far and wide overflowed with flocks and herds, with grain, wine, and other abundant foods, returned with much booty, rich spoils, and great store of victual from whence the aforesaid opulence had been in the camps.
But now, the neighboring districts having been exhausted, and the Turks, who had before been cowed by fear, having regained strength and with recovered courage defended their own places, either returned entirely empty; or, as happened more often, with everyone slain there remained no one to report to the camp even of their destruction. Therefore famine and starvation strengthened day by day; so that bread was scarcely to be found for two solidi, which sufficed for one person for a single meal in the day. An ox or heifer, which at the outset had been given for five solidi, was sold for two marks; a lamb or kid, which had been wont to be sold for three or four denarii, was hardly found and was sold for five or six solidi.
Moreover, for a horse even eight barely sufficient solidi could be provided for necessary food through the night: whence it came about that those who had led along with them more than seventy thousand horses scarcely had two thousand in the camp, the rest consumed by hunger and cold; and those who seemed to remain, wasting away daily from inanition and enfeebled by the violence of the cold, gradually failed. The tents and pavilions of the camps had moreover rotted, so that many who still had sustenance were compelled, consumed by the severity of the cold, to breathe out their lives. So great was the overflowing of waters and the intemperance of rains, that both food and clothes rotted, and there was no place where they could set either heads or the necessary furniture in dry shelter.
So great a pestilence had therefore oppressed the legions in the camps that there was now no place left for burial, now the rites of funeral ceremonies were denied. If any, however, still seemed to have any vigor in them, that they themselves might not likewise be consumed by the same danger, secretly withdrew either into the borders of Edessa to Lord Baldwin, or into Cilicia to those who governed the cities there, or to any other places which had already come into the power of our men. Thus with these departing, others consumed by sickness and famine, others likewise slain by the sword, the army was so reduced that scarcely half of it appeared to remain.
Videntes igitur Deo devoti principes afflictionem populi et molestias quibus incessanter premebantur, compassione liquefientes et pereuntis exercitus dolore tabidi, convenerunt ad invicem, sicut et frequenter facere consueverant, deliberationem habituri, quomodo et quale tantis malis possent adhibere remedium. Tandemque post multas diversi generis opiniones, visum est expedientius, ut quidam de magnatibus, assumpta secum exercitus parte, hostium terras ingrederentur, ut inde sibi praedam et victui deferrent necessaria; alii vero medio tempore in castris residentes, cum omni sollicitudine exercitum tuerentur. Factumque est ita ut domino Boamundo, et comiti Flandrensi id muneris injungeretur, domino comite Tolosano et episcopo Podiense ad custodiam castrorum derelictis.
Therefore the princes devoted to God, seeing the affliction of the people and the hardships by which they were incessantly pressed, melting with compassion and sickened by the sorrow of the perishing army, met together, as they were frequently wont to do, to hold a deliberation how and what remedy they could apply to so great evils. And at length, after many opinions of diverse kinds, it seemed more expedient that some of the magnates, having taken with them part of the army, should enter the lands of the enemy, that thence they might bring back plunder and those necessities for victuals; others, meanwhile, remaining in the camp, should guard the army with all solicitude. And it came to pass that this duty was laid upon Lord Boamund and the Count of Flanders, Lord Count of Toulouse and the bishop of Puy being left to the custody of the camps.
For the Count of the Normans was absent, and the duke of Lorraine, lord Godefrid, lying abed, was grievously troubled by sickness. Having therefore taken up troops both from the horse and from the number of foot that were assembling, and such as the wearied army could furnish, he set forth into the lands of the enemy. The citizens therefore, hearing that Boamund and the Count of Flanders had departed, that the Count of the Normans was away, and that the duke was infirm, seizing an opportunity from the moment and, from both causes, bolder than usual, resolved by common counsel to rush upon our camps, and not to neglect the chance which the absence of the princes seemed to offer.
Having been summoned, therefore, from the whole city with an all‑manner multitude, they assemble at the Gate of the Bridge; and with the approach opened, some by the bridge, others by the ford which lay below, eagerly crossing, strove to break into the camp. The Count, however, meeting them with a certain band of cavalry, after slaying two of them, forced the rest to withdraw within the city. It happened moreover in that clash that our horsemen pursued a certain vacant horse, whose master they had thrown to the ground, in order to capture it.
Seeing which, the unhappy and indiscreet populace, having supposed that our horsemen were fleeing through fear, likewise gave themselves to flight, and, pressing together from fear upon one another, were providing to themselves the cause of death. The citizens therefore, seeing that our men fled with no one pursuing, went forth again over the bridge, pressing so upon the fugitives that, from the stone bridge as far as the naval bridge, attacking our men, they wrought very great slaughter among them: for our men, crowding upon one another and blocking the way, were in part by the sword, in part by the river, fifteen of the horsemen and twenty of the foot consumed. By this success the enemies were greatly elated and withdrew into the city with glory.
At vero praedicti principes, dominus Boamundus et Flandrensium comes, qui de communi consilio pabulatum exierant, ut castrorum, victu lato, relevarent inopiam, cum suis cohortibus hostium regionem ingressi, hunc nostrorum casum quocunque modo, factis felicioribus recompensaverunt: nam, expugnata hostium villa quadam bonis omnibus referta, Boamundus ad partes varias exploratores direxerat, ut de statu regionis eum redeuntes instruerent, et praedam, si possent, congregarent ampliorem. Factum est autem ut quidam ex eis revertentes, Turcorum multitudinem in proximo constitutam renuntiarent, contra quam dominum Flandrensem cum honesto dirigens comitatu, ipse cum majoribus copiis subsequebatur, quasi opem, si deficeret, collaturus. Ille vero, sicut vir strenuus erat et magnificus, in hostes animosius irruens, non prius ad Boamundum rediit quam caeteris in fugam versis, centum ex eis gladio peremit.
But indeed the aforementioned princes, lord Boamund and the Count of Flanders, who had gone out to forage by common counsel, in order to relieve the camp’s want with plentiful victuals, having entered the enemy’s region with their cohorts, in one way or another made amends for this mischance of ours by more fortunate deeds: for, after an enemy villa, filled with all goods, had been stormed, Boamund had sent scouts in various directions that, returning, they might inform him of the state of the region and, if they could, gather together a larger booty. It happened, however, that some of them, on their return, reported a multitude of Turks posted nearby, against which the Count of Flanders, guiding an honourable retinue, advanced, and Boamund himself followed with greater forces, as if to lend help should it be needed. He, moreover, being a valiant and splendid man, rushing more boldly upon the enemies, did not return to Boamund until, the rest having been put to flight, he had slain one hundred of them with the sword.
And while the victor was returning to the main forces, behold other scouts, much braver, from another quarter reported that enemy ranks were approaching; against whom, with forces multiplied and his comitatus increased, the same Flandrensis directed himself; he himself, however, followed behind with the remaining part of the troops, to descend as a reserve if there were need. It therefore happened by the Lord’s prior mercy that, the enemies being hemmed in at certain narrow places, when he saw that they had no practice of fighting except by swords — not by arrows nor by bow — they turned to flight; whom, pursuing for about two miles, they wrought a very great slaughter upon. Hence, returning with the trophy, with horses and mules and abundant spoils, and with the manifold prey which they had gathered from the whole region, they brought themselves into camp safe and unharmed.
Interea de partibus Romaniae rumor quidam moerore plenus et anxietate, universorum corda perculerat, et praesentibus miseriis adjecerat cumulum tristiorem. Dicebatur enim, et vere sic erat, quod quidam homo nobilis et potens, Danorum regis filius, Sueno nomine, vir genere, moribus et forma conspicuus et illustris, ejusdem peregrinationis accensus desiderio, mille quingentos optime armatos ejusdem nationis juvenes secum trahens, in subsidium nostris, et ad praesentem properabat obsidionem. Hic de regno patris tardior egressus, plurimum acceleraverat, ut se praecedentibus cum omni suo comitatu adjungeret legionibus; sed causis praepeditus familiaribus, non potuit assequi quod optaverat.
Meanwhile a certain rumor from the parts of Romania, full of sorrow and anxiety, struck the hearts of all, and had added a sorrier accumulation to the present miseries. For it was said, and truly so it was, that a certain noble and powerful man, the son of the king of the Danes, by the name Sueno, a man conspicuous and illustrious in lineage, manners and appearance, kindled by the desire of the same pilgrimage, drawing with him fifteen hundred well‑armed youths of the same nation, was hastening to our aid and to the present siege. He, having departed later from his father’s kingdom, had quickened exceedingly in order to join the legions that went before with all his retinue; but, hindered by domestic causes, he could not attain what he had hoped.
Drawing off his bands apart, therefore, he had set out alone without the company of any other princes, and following the road of others he had reached Constantinople, where he had been treated quite honorably by the emperor; and having arrived safely at Nicaea, he descended with his whole retinue into the parts of Romania hastening to the army. And while he was encamped between the towns of Finiminis and Terma, and was somewhat less on his guard, the Turks, rushing upon him secretly and by night with enormous forces, were slain in the very camp by the sword; yet, having been forewarned by the noise of those coming, they hastened to arms but from too near a distance; where, before the enemies could more fully receive their array, they were overwhelmed by a sudden multitude and almost all fell; nevertheless, resisting long and manfully so that they should not seem to have yielded their lives in vain, they left behind to the enemies a bloody victory.
Tatinus etiam, de quo et supra fecimus mentionem, imperatoris apocrisiarius, qui quasi pro duce itineris ab eodem imperatore nostrorum exercitui fuerat adjunctus, et usque in praesentem diem nostras secutus fuerat legiones, videns molestias quibus premebatur exercitus, timensque, sicuti et timidus erat, ne principes possent in proposito perseverare, et populus una die sub hostium gladiis contereretur universus, ad conventum accedens principum, persuadere coepit cum multa instantia, ut soluta obsidione ad urbes et finitima praesidia, universus se transferret exercitus, ubi et vitae necessaria possent abundantius reperire, et Antiochenis frequentes inferre molestias, quousque domini imperatoris exercitus, quem ex diversis nationibus, ad infinita contraxerat millia, ut eis subsidium ministraret, circa veris adveniret initium. Adjiciebat etiam quod, quia laboribus eorum ab initio communicare decreverat, et tam prosperitatis quam adversorum se optabat habere consortium, majorem se ob communem gratiam et publicam utilitatem velle laborem assumere; videlicet ut ad imperatorem directo festinet itinere, exercitum maturare compellat, et de universis citra urbem finibus, victui necessaria faciat comportari. Cujus mentem, licet nostri principes extunc et ab initio subdolam cognovissent et fallacem, tamen illius verbo, nemo se obvium dedit, nec fuit quisquam qui ejus se moliminibus opponeret. Tunc, ut quocunque colore fraudem suam palliaret et commentum, tentoria reliquit, et ex plurima parte familiam; aut eorum negligens salutem, aut in occulto significans, ut ad locum destinatum die stastatuta eum sequerentur. Abiit ergo, quasi in proximo rediturus: qui postea non comparuit vir infidelis et nequam, morti perpetuae tradendus.
Tatinus also, of whom we made mention above, the imperial apocrisiarius, who, as if for the leader of the journey, had been attached by the same emperor to our army, and had followed our legions even to the present day, seeing the hardships by which the army was pressed, and fearing, as he was timid, that the commanders might persevere in their design and that the people might be altogether crushed in one day by the enemies’ swords, approaching the assembly of the chiefs, began to persuade with much urgency, that with the siege lifted the entire army should withdraw to the cities and neighbouring garrisons, where the necessities of life could be found more abundantly, and should inflict frequent troubles on the Antiochenes, until the lord emperor’s army, which he had gathered from diverse nations into countless thousands to furnish them aid, should around the vernal season arrive. He added also that, because he had resolved from the beginning to share their labours, and to have fellowship both in prosperity and in adversity, he wished to take on the greater toil for the common grace and public utility; namely, that he would hasten directly to the emperor by forced march, compel the army to speed, and cause provisions necessary for sustenance to be brought together from all places within the city’s bounds. Although our chiefs from the outset had known his mind to be deceitful and treacherous, yet at his word no one opposed him, nor was there any who withstood his endeavors. Then, to cloak and colour his fraud by whatever pretense and device, he left his tents and for the most part his household; either neglecting their safety, or secretly implying that they should follow him to the place appointed on the day set. He departed therefore, as if soon to return: that unfaithful and wicked man afterwards did not appear, but was delivered over to perpetual death.
He therefore left behind a pernicious example: for from that day whoever could secretly withdraw from the camps entered into a hidden flight, forgetful of their oaths and of the public profession which they had conceived from the beginning with ardent vows. Hunger, however, meanwhile grew strong, and the commanders could not, being present, apply any remedy to so great an evil. For although two and two, from the chosen chiefs, with great forces in alternation, oftentimes entered the regions of the enemy and more often returned victorious to their own, yet they brought back neither spoils nor necessities for sustenance.
The enemies, when the army learned by rumour of those who were wont to sally forth for the sake of depredation, removed their greges and armenta, and whatever other animals they held in peculia, to impervious mountains and more remote places, where access was not open to our men, and for those who might reach them it would not even be easy to carry off the praedas.
Per idem tempus, cum circa exercitum de die in diem fames, et ex fame lues, et alia increbrescerent pericula, videntes seniores populi, et qui sensus habebant magis exercitatos, peccata hominum id exigere, et Dominum ad iracundiam provocatum, merito haec flagella populo durae cervicis infligere; convenientes ad invicem, et Domini timorem habentes prae oculis, anxie deliberare coeperunt quomodo commissa celeri poenitudine diluentes, et pro culpis praeteritis condigne satisfacientes, et similia inpostorum praecaventes, indignationem Domini sibi possent reddere placabilem. Factum est igitur de mandato et auctoritate domini Podiensis episcopi, qui legatione sedis apostolicae fungebatur, et aliorum Deo amabilium pontificum, consentientibus et idipsum fieri summopere postulantibus principibus laicis et universo exercitu: indictum est triduanum jejunium, ut afflictis corporibus, animae ad orationem possent consurgere fortiores. Quo cum omni devotione expleto, decernunt pariter, fatuas ac leves mulierculas ab exercitu sequestrare, adulteria et omne fornicationis genus sub poena mortis inhibentes, comessationes et ebrietates, et periculosum alearum ludum, incauta juramenta, in pondere et mensura fraudem, et omnem circumventionem, furtum et rapinam interdicentes.
At the same time, while around the army from day to day famine, and from famine pestilence, and other dangers were increasing, the elders of the people, and those whose senses were more exercised, seeing that the sins of men demanded this and that the Lord, provoked to wrath, was rightly inflicting these scourges on a people of hard neck; having convened together and holding the fear of the Lord before their eyes, they anxiously began to deliberate how, by washing away the committed sins with swift punishment, and by making due satisfaction for past faults, and by guarding against similar future transgressions, they might render the Lord’s indignation placable toward them. It was therefore done by the command and authority of the Lord Bishop of Podiensis, who was acting by the legation of the Apostolic See, and by other bishops beloved of God, with the consent of and the very great request therefor from the lay princes and the whole army: a three-day fast was proclaimed, so that, with bodies afflicted, souls could arise the more strong for prayer. When this was completed with all devotion, they likewise decreed to separate foolish and frivolous young women from the army, forbidding adultery and every kind of fornication under penalty of death, banishing feasts and drunkenness, the dangerous game of dice, rash oaths, fraud in weight and measure, and every deceit, theft, and robbery.
By these decrees, and with the connivance strengthening all things, they also appointed certain judges over the cognizance of all these matters, to whom they conferred full authority both of cognizing and of animadversion. Yet afterwards certain violators of these sanctions were found; to whom, by the aforesaid judges, being solemnly accused and convicted, a punishment was inflicted, according to the severity of the laws and in proportion to the measure of the guilt, which deterred others from committing like offences. And it came to pass, by the superabundant grace of the Lord, that, the people being recalled to the fruits of a better life, the sterner wrath of the Lord abated in part.
Immediately Lord Godfrey, who was as it were the single pillar of the whole army, began to recover fully from the severe sickness by which he had long been plagued, occasioned by the wound that a bear at Antioch of Pisidia had inflicted on him; whence the entire army received very great consolation for its affliction.
Rumor interea, et fama celebris jam universum repleverat Orientem, sed nec etiam austri regna et exteras nationes intactas reliquerat, tantas Christianorum advenisse copias, et urbem in manu valida obsedisse Antiochenam. Unde regum quisque pro suo statu sollicitus, exploratores ad nostrum dirigebant exercitum, ut per eos de moribus et virtute et proposito tantae multitudinis redderentur prudentiores: eratque tanta in castris eorum copia, ut pene singulis diebus, aliis abeuntibus, his qui eos miserant, statum exercitus nuntiaturi, recentes eisdem conditionibus advenirent. Nec erat difficile hujusmodi hominibus inter nostros latere, cum linguarum habentes commercium, alii Graecos, alii Surianos, alii Armenios se esse confingerent, et verborum idiomate, et moribus, et habitu talium personas exprimerent.
Rumor meanwhile, and widespread fame already filled the whole Orient; nor had the southern realms and foreign nations remained untouched by it, that so great forces of the Christians had arrived and had besieged the city of Antioch with a strong hand. Wherefore each of the kings, solicitous for his own state, sent scouts toward our army, that through them they might be made wiser about the customs, the courage, and the purpose of so great a multitude: and there was so great a multitude of them in their camps that almost every day, as some departed to report to those who had sent them the condition of the army, new men arriving in the same condition came. Nor was it difficult for men of this sort to hide among our people, since they had commerce of tongues; some pretended to be Greeks, others Syrians, others Armenians, and in speech, in manners, and in dress they fashioned the personae of such.
Moreover, that the welfare of the republic be consulted about, the princes, meeting together, began to deliberate what ought to be done. And seeing that such scouts were not easily expelled from the camps, since they were thoroughly indistinguishable from the aforementioned nations in tongue, customs, and dress, meanwhile, until a fuller plan were resolved about what should be decreed against them, they judged it best to communicate their counsels to a few, lest spread among many they might even reach those who would betray them to the enemies to the prejudice of the Christian populace.
And since they could devise nothing else further against the wickedness of such men, the lord Boamund, as he was of a perspicacious genius and abounded in the keenness of mind, is said to have told the princes: Brothers and lords, cast all this solicitude upon us. For we, by the aid of the Lord, will find a remedy suitable to this disease. Thus, the council of the princes broken up, each returned to his own camp. Boamund, mindful of his promise, about the first dimness of night, while others in the camp were busied in the usual manner with preparations for the supper, ordered some Turks whom he held in chains to be led out, and delivering them to the executioners, commanded them to be slain; and, a plentiful fire being set beneath, as if for the needs of the supper, he commanded them to be carefully roasted and more diligently prepared, instructing his men that if they were asked by anyone what kind of supper this was meant to be, they should say what?
they answered: That which had been agreed among the princes, that whoever thereafter should be taken from the enemies or their scouts, all should be compelled to pay for their meals out of the food of both princes and people themselves in like manner. Those who were on the expedition, therefore, hearing that such matters were being discussed in the camp of lord Boamund, amazed at the novelty, ran together there all of them. This done, those who were scouts in the army, deterred, thinking the decree to be serious and without pretence, drew a clear argument from what had happened: and fearing lest anything similar should befall them, they went out from the camp and returned to their own homes, saying to those who had sent them: For this people, of whatever nations, surpasses even beasts in savagery: to them it is not enough to plunder cities, fortresses, and every manner of the enemies’ substance; but to bind them in chains, to torment them more cruelly after the fashion of enemies, or at least to kill them, unless also they fill their bellies with their flesh, and with fat they fatt en the bellies of their enemies. Thus that talk went out to the most remote parts of the East; and it alarmed not only neighboring but far-placed nations. The whole city too trembled, struck with terror at the novelty and bitterness of the word.
Porro Aegyptius calypha, inter caeteros infidelium principes, divitiis et militia potentissimus, nuntios suos ad nostros direxerat principes, cujus legationis causa haec erat. A multis retro temporibus vetus odium et graves inimicitiae inter Orientales et Aegyptios ex dissimilitudine superstitionis eorum, et contrariis dogmatibus ortae fuerant, et usque in praesens, tractu continuo, inexorabiliter deductae ita ut praedicta regna mutuis congressionibus plerumque collisa, fines suos contra se porrigere, et terminos alternatim protelare certatim contenderent, sicut in primo hujus operis libro dictum est diligentius. Factis vero nunc his, nunc illis, pro temporum differentia et sucessuum varietate superioribus, regna quoque suscipiebant incrementa, ita ut quidquid uni accideret, toti alterum decessisse videretur.
Moreover the Egyptian calipha, among the other princes of the infidels, most potent in riches and in militia, had sent his envoys to our princes; the cause of that legation was this. From many past times an old hatred and grave inimicalities between the Orientals and the Egyptians had arisen from the dissimilarity of their superstition and from contrary dogmas, and even up to the present, by continuous course and inexorable drift, so that the aforesaid kingdoms, often clashing in mutual encounters, extended their borders toward one another and strove to push their frontiers forward alternately, as was set forth more fully in the first book of this work. And with deeds now on this side, now on that, by reason of differences of time and the variety of succeeding fortunes among the foregoing, the kingdoms likewise received increments, so that whatever befell one it seemed the other had wholly lost.
At the same time the Egyptian prince possessed, from the bounds of Egypt as far as Laodicea of Syria, all the regions that a journey of 30 days would traverse. The Persians’ soldan, meanwhile, had, shortly before our arrival, claimed Antioch for himself, contiguous to the borders of the Egyptian realms; and, as we have said, had occupied all the regions as far as the Hellespont. Therefore the Egyptian, holding the increase of the Persians or Turks to be suspect, rejoiced greatly over this: because, with Nicaea lost, Soliman and his men were said to have been ill-treated, and because our men had encamped a siege around Antioch; reckoning the Turks’ loss as his profit, and their troubles as the highest tranquillity for himself and his own.
Fearing therefore that our men might fail from the undertaking and, overcome by the long duration of the labor, be wearied, he dispatched familiar envoys taken from his household, who should urge our princes to continue the siege; and promising his aid and assistance, should win the princes’ hearts to himself and bind them by pacts and friendship. Who, faithfully executing their lord’s command, embarked and came into our camp, greatly anxious about all those things that had been enjoined. These men, although they had been received by our princes quite hospitably and honorably and were often admitted to their conference to report the injunctions, yet, admiring our forbearance, strength and sort of arms, and the patience of our toil, regarded as suspect the forces of so vast a multitude, foreboding what would be; for that which he fraudulently plotted to bring about by supplanting others, he was afterward compelled to experience himself.
For with the Antiochene city conquered and restored to the Christian faith and to its former liberty, whatever the faithful people today hold from that same city, as far as the river of Egypt which borders Gaza, a journey of fifteen days, he has powerfully reclaimed for himself all from its violent domination, by the grace of almighty God.