Historia Augusta: Clodius Albinus

I. 1 Uno eodemque prope tempore post Pertinacem, qui auctore Albino interemptus est, Iulianus a senatu Romae, Septimius Severus ab exercitu in Syria, Pescennius Niger in Oriente, Clodius Albinus in Gallia imperatores appellati. 2 Et Clodium quidem Herodianus dicit Severi Caesarem fuisse. Sed cum alter alterum indignaretur imperare nec Galli ferre possent aut Germaniciani exercitus, quod et ipsi suum specialem principem haberent, undique cuncta turbata sunt.

1. 1 At nearly one and the same time after Pertinax—who was slain at Albinus’s instigation—Julianus was named emperor by the senate at Rome, Septimius Severus by the army in Syria, Pescennius Niger in the East, Clodius Albinus in Gaul. 2 And Herodian indeed says that Clodius was Severus’s Caesar. But since each was indignant that the other should rule, and the Gauls or the Germanician armies could not endure it—for they too had their own special princeps—on every side all things were thrown into turmoil.

3 Fuit autem Clodius Albinus familia nobili, Hadrumetinus tamen ex Africa. 4 Quare sortem illam, quae Severum laudatum in Pescennii vita diximus, ad se traherat, nolens intellegi "pessimus Albus", quod eodem versu continebatur, quo et Severi laus et adprobatio Nigri Pescennii. 5 Sed priusquam vel de vita eius vel de morte dissero, etiam hoc discendum est, quod eum nobilem fecit.

3 Clodius Albinus was, moreover, of a noble family, yet a Hadrumetine from Africa. 4 Therefore he had drawn to himself that lot which, in the life of Pescennius, we said praised Severus, not wishing “pessimus Albus” (“the worst Albus/White”) to be understood—since it was contained in the same verse in which both the praise of Severus and the approbation of Pescennius Niger were contained. 5 But before I discourse either about his life or about his death, this too must be learned, that which made him noble.

II. 1 Nam ad hunc eundem quondam Commodus, cum [eum] successorem Albino daret, litteras dederat, quibus iusserat, ut Caesar esset. exemplum indidi : "Imperator Commodus Clodio Albino. Alias ad te publice de successione atque honore tuo misi, sed hanc familiarem et domesticam, omnem, ut vides, mea manu scriptam, qua tibi do facultatem, ut, si necessitas fuerit, ad milites prodeas et tibi Caesareanum nomen adsumas.

2. 1 For to this same man once Commodus, when he was making him successor, had given letters, in which he had ordered that he should be Caesar. I have inserted a copy : "Emperor Commodus to Clodius Albinus. At other times I have sent to you publicly about your succession and your honor, but this one is familiar and domestic, all, as you see, written by my own hand, whereby I give you the faculty that, if necessity should arise, you may go forth to the soldiers and assume for yourself the Caesarean name."

3 Audio enim et Septimium Severum et Nonium Marcum male de me apud milites loqui, ut sibi parent stationis Augustae procurationem. 4 Habebis praeterea, cum id feceris, dandi stipendii usque ad tres aureos liberam potestatem, quia et super hoc ad procuratores meos litteras misi, quas ipse signatas excipies signo Amazonio et, cum opus fuerit, rationalibus dabis, ne te non audiant, cum de aerario volueris imperare. 5 Sane ut tibi insigne aliquod imperialis maiestatis accedat, iam habebis utendi coccini pallii facultatem vel me praesente et ad me et cum mecum fueris, habiturus et purpuram sed sine auro, quia ita et proavus meus Verus, qui puer vita functus, ab Hadriano, qui eum adoptavit, accepit."

3 For I hear that both Septimius Severus and Nonius Marcus speak ill of me among the soldiers, so that the procuratorship of the Augustan station may obey them. 4 You will have, moreover, when you have done this, free authority for giving the stipend up to three aurei, since about this too I have sent letters to my procurators, which you yourself will receive, sealed with the Amazonian sign, and, when need shall arise, you shall deliver to the Rationales, so that they may not fail to heed you when you wish to command concerning the aerarium (treasury). 5 Indeed, that some insignia of imperial majesty may accrue to you, you shall now have the faculty of using the scarlet cloak even in my presence, both when you come to me and when you are with me, and you shall have the purple as well, but without gold, because thus too my great‑grandfather Verus—who ended his life a boy—received it from Hadrian, who adopted him."

III. 1 His litteris acceptis [Albinus] facere id, quod iubebat, noluit, videns Commodum propter mores suos, quibus rem pub. perdiderat et se dedecoraverat, quandocumque feriendum et timens, ne ipse pariter occideretur.

3. 1 Having received these letters, [Albinus] was unwilling to do that which he ordered, seeing that Commodus, on account of his own mores, by which he had ruined the republic and had dishonored himself, was liable to be struck down at any time, and fearing lest he himself likewise be killed.

2 Extat denique illius contio, qua, cum accepit imperium et quidem Severi, ut quidam, voluntate firmatum, huius rei memoriam facit. 3 Cuius hoc exemplum est : " Invitum me, conmilitiones, ductum ad imperium etiam illud probat, quod Commodum donantem me Caesareano nomine contempsi; sed et vestrae voluntati et Severi Augusti parendum est, quia credo sub homine optimo et viro forti posse benerem p. regi." 4 Nec negari potest, quod etiam Marius Maximus dicit, hunc animum Severo primum fuisse, ut si quid ei contingeret, Pescennium Nigrum et Clodium Albinum sibi substitueret. 5 Sed postea et filiis iam maiusculis studens et Albini amori invidens sententiam mutasse atque illorum utrumque bello oppressisse, maxume precibus uxoris adductus.

2 There survives, finally, his address, in which, when he accepted the imperium and indeed, as some say, confirmed by the will of Severus, he makes mention in memory of this matter. 3 Of which this is the example : "That I was led unwilling, fellow-soldiers, to the imperium is proved even by this, that I despised Commodus when he was bestowing on me the Caesarean name; but both your will and that of Severus Augustus must be obeyed, since I believe that under the best man and a brave man the commonwealth can be well ruled." 4 Nor can it be denied, as even Marius Maximus says, that this was Severus’s intention at first, that, if anything should befall him, he would substitute for himself Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus. 5 But afterwards, both favoring his sons now rather grown and envying the love for Albinus, he changed his opinion and oppressed each of those men by war, being led to it chiefly by the prayers of his wife.

6 Denique Severus eum et consulem designavit, quod utique nisi de optimo viro non fecisset, homo in legendis magistritibus diligens.

6 Finally Severus even designated him consul, which assuredly he would not have done except for a most excellent man, being a man diligent in selecting magistrates.

IV. 1 Sed ut ad eum redeam, fuit, ut dixi, Albinus Hadrumetinus oriundo, sed nobilis apud suos et originem a Romanis familiis trahens, Postumiorum scilicet et Albinorum et Ceioniorum. 2 Quae familia hodie quoque, Constantine maxime, nobilissima est et per te aucta et augenda, quae per Gallienum et Gordianos plurimum crevit. 3 Hic tamen natus lare modico, patrimonio pertenui, parentibus sanctis, patre Ceionio Postumo, matre Aurelia Messalina, primus suis parentibus fuit.

4. 1 But to return to him, Albinus was, as I said, by origin of Hadrumetum, but noble among his own and drawing his descent from Roman families—namely the Postumii and the Albini and the Ceionii. 2 Which family even today, most especially, Constantine, is most noble and by you increased and to be increased, which under Gallienus and the Gordians grew very greatly. 3 He, however, born in a modest home, with a very slender patrimony, of upright parents—his father Ceionius Postumus, his mother Aurelia Messalina—was the first-born to his parents.

4 Cum exceptus utero, quod contra consuetudinem puerorum, qui nascunturet solent rubere, esset candidissimus, Albinus est dictus. 5 Quod verum esse patris epistula ad Aelium Bassianum tunc proconsulem Africae data designat, adfinem, quantum videtur, eorum ipsorum. 6 Epistula Ceioni Postumi ad Aelium Bassianum : " Filius mihi natus est VII.

4 When, received from the womb, because, contrary to the custom of children who are born and are wont to be ruddy, he was very white, he was called Albinus. 5 That this is true is designated by a letter of his father given to Aelius Bassianus, then proconsul of Africa, a kinsman, so far as it seems, of those very ones. 6 Letter of Ceionius Postumus to Aelius Bassianus: " A son has been born to me 7.

kal. Decembres, ita candidus statim toto corpore, ut linteamen, quo exceptus est, vinceret. 7 Quare susceptum eum Albinorum familiae, quae mihi tecum communis est, dedi, Albini nomine inposito.

on December 1, so candid immediately in his whole body that he surpassed the linen cloth in which he was received. 7 Wherefore, once he was taken up, I gave him to the family of the Albinī— which is common to me with you— the name Albinus being imposed.

Fac, ut rem publicam et te et nos, ut facis, diligas."

See to it that you love the Republic and yourself and us, as you do."

V. 1 Hic ergo omnem pueritiam in Africa transegit, eruditus litteris Graecis ac Latinis mediocriter, quod esset animi iam inde militaris et superbi. 2 Nam fertur in scolis saepissime cantasse inter puerulos :

5. 1 Therefore he spent all his boyhood in Africa, educated in Greek and Latin letters to a moderate degree, since from then he was of a military and proud spirit. 2 For it is reported that in the schools he most frequently used to sing among the little boys:

Arma amens capio, nec sat rationis in armis

Mad I seize arms, nor is there enough reason in arms

repetens :

repeating:

arma amens capio.

mad, I seize arms.

3 Huic multa imperii signa, cum esset natus, facta dicuntur; nam et bos albus purpureis ad plenum colorem cornibus natus est, quod mirandum fuit cum cornibus [tum colore]. 4 Quae tamen in templo Apollinis Cumani ab eodem posita iam tribuno diu fuisse dicuntur, quod, cum illic sortem de fato suo tolleret, his versibus eidem dicitur esse responsum :

3 To this man many signs of imperium are said to have occurred when he was born; for even a white bull was born with horns purple to a full color, which was a marvel both in respect to the horns [and in respect to the color]. 4 These things, however, are said to have been for a long time in the temple of Apollo at Cumae, having been set there by the same man when already a tribune, because, when there he drew a lot about his own fate, it is said that this was the response to him in these verses:

Hic rem Romanam magno turbante tumultu
sistet eques, sternet Poenos Gallumque rebellem.

This horseman will steady the Roman state while a great tumult is disturbing it,
he will lay low the Punics and the rebellious Gaul.

5 Et in Gallia quidem eum multas gentes domuisse constat. Ipse autem suspicabatur de Severo sibi praedictum "sternet Poenos", quod Septimius Afer esset. Fuit et aliud signum futuri imperii.

5 And indeed in Gaul it is agreed that he subdued many nations. He himself, however, suspected that “he will lay low the Punics” had been foretold to him with reference to Severus, since Septimius was an African. There was also another sign of his future imperial power.

6 Nam cum Caesareana familia hoc speciale habuerit, ut parvuli domus eius in testudineis alveis lavarentur, nato infantulo testudo ingens patri eius munere piscatoris adlata est : 7 quod ille homo litteratus omen accipiens et testudinem libenter accepit et eam curari iussit atque infantulo ad excaldationes pueriles dicari, nobilitandum etiam hinc sperans. 8 Cum rarum esset aquilas in his locis videri, in quibus natus est Albinus, septima eius die hora convivii, quod celebritati pueri deputabatur, cum ei fierent nomina, septem aquilae parvulae denidis adlatae sunt et quasi ad iocum circa cunas pueri constitutae: ne hoc omen pater abnuit, iussit aquilas ali et diligenter curari. 9 Accessit omen, quod, cum pueri eius familiae russulis fasciolis inligarentur, quod forte lotae atque udae essent russulae fasciolae, quas mater praegnas paraverat, purpurea matris [fascea] inligatus est fascea: unde illi ioco nutricis etiam Porfyri nomen inditum est.

6 For since the Caesarean family had this special practice, that the little ones of his house were bathed in tortoise-shell basins, when the little infant was born a huge tortoise was brought to his father as a gift by a fisherman: 7 which he, a learned man, taking as an omen, both gladly received the tortoise and ordered it to be cared for, and dedicated it for the boy’s warming-baths, hoping even from this to have him made notable. 8 Since it was rare for eagles to be seen in those places in which Albinus was born, on his seventh day, at the hour of the banquet which was assigned to the boy’s celebration, when names were being given to him, seven tiny downy eagles were brought in and, as if for a jest, were set around the boy’s cradle: nor did the father refuse this omen; he ordered the eagles to be fed and carefully tended. 9 An omen was added, that, since the boys of his family were bound with little russet swaddling-bands, because by chance the russet little bands which the pregnant mother had prepared had been washed and were wet, he was swaddled with a purple band of his mother’s [fascea]: whence, by the nurse’s joke, the name Porphyry was also given to him.

10 Haec atque alia signa imperii futuri fuere. quae qui volet nosse, Aelium Cordum legat, qui frivola super huius modi ominibus cuncta persequitur.

10 These and other signs of a future empire were. which whoever wishes to know, let him read Aelius Cordus, who pursues all the frivolities about omens of this kind to the full.

VI. 1 Adulescens igitur statim se ad militiam contulit atque Antoninis per Lollium Serenum et Baebium Maecianum et Ceionium Postumianum suos adfines innotuit. 2 Egit tribunus equites Dalmatas; egit et legionem quartanorum et primanorum; Bithynicos exercitus eo tempore, quod Avidius rebellabat, fideliter tenuit. 3 Dein per Commodum ad Galliam translatus, in qua fusis gentibus Transrenanis celebre nomen suum et apud Romanos et apud barbaros fecit.

6. 1 Therefore, as a youth he immediately betook himself to militia and made himself known to the Antonines through Lollius Serenus and Baebius Maecianus and Ceionius Postumianus, his affines. 2 He served as tribune of the Dalmatian horse; he also led the legion of the Quartani and the Primani; he faithfully held the Bithynian forces at that time, when Avidius was rebelling. 3 Then, through Commodus, he was transferred to Gaul, where, the Trans-Rhenan peoples routed, he made his name celebrated both among Romans and among barbarians.

4 Quibus rebus accensus Commodus Caesareanum ei nomen obtulit et dandi stipendii facultatem et pallii coccini utendi. 5 Quibus omnibus ille prudenter abstinuit dicens Commodum quaerere, qui aut cum eo perirent, aut quos cum causa ipse posset occidere. 6 Quaesturae gratia illi facta est.

4 Kindled by these deeds, Commodus offered him the Caesarean name, and the faculty of giving stipend (pay), and the use of a scarlet pallium (cloak). 5 From all of which he prudently abstained, saying that Commodus was seeking men who either would perish with him, or those whom he himself could with cause kill. 6 The favor of a quaestorship was granted to him.

Qua concessa aedilis non amplius quam decem diebus fuit, quod ad exercitum festino mitteretur. 7 Dein praeturam egit sub Commodo famosissimam. Nam eiusdem ludis Commodus et in foro et in theatro pugnas exhibuisse perhibetur.

With this granted, he was aedile for no more than ten days, because he was being sent in haste to the army. 7 Then he held the praetorship under Commodus, most notorious. For at those same games Commodus is reported to have exhibited fights both in the forum and in the theater.

8 Consul a Severo declaratus est eo tempore, quo illum sibi paraverat cum Pescennio subrogaret.

8 He was declared consul by Severus at that time, when he had prepared him for himself, to subrogate him together with Pescennius.

VII. 1 Ad imperium venit natu iam grandior et maior Pescennio Nigro, ut Severus ipse in vita sua loquitur. 2 Sed victo Pescennio, cum et filiis suis imperium servare cuperet et ingentem senatus amorem circa Clodium Albinum videret, quod esset viranti quae familiae, litteras ad eum per quosdam summi amoris ac summae adfectionis misit, quibus hortabatur, ut, quoniam occisus esset Pescennius Niger, ipse cum eo fideliter rem p. regeret.

7. 1 he came to the imperial power already rather advanced in age and older than Pescennius Niger, as Severus himself says in his own life. 2 But when Pescennius had been defeated, since he wished to preserve the imperial power for his sons as well and saw the vast love of the senate toward Clodius Albinus, because he was a man of an ancient family, he sent to him letters, through certain persons, of utmost love and highest affection, in which he urged that, since Pescennius Niger had been slain, he himself should, with him, faithfully administer the republic.

Quarum exemplum hoc esse Cordus ostendit : 3 "Imperator Severus Augustus Clodio Albino Caesari, fratri amantissimo et desiderantissimo, salutem. 4 Victo Pescennio litteras Romam dedimus, quas senatus tui amantissimus libenter accepit. Te quaeso, ut eo animo rem p. regas, quo dilectus es frater animi mei, frater imperii.

Of which Cordus shows this to be the example: 3 "Emperor Severus Augustus to Clodius Albinus Caesar, a most beloved and most longed-for brother, greetings. 4 With Pescennius conquered, we have sent letters to Rome, which your most loving senate gladly received. I beg you to govern the commonwealth with that spirit with which you are cherished—brother of my soul, brother of the imperium.

5 Bassianus et Geta te salutant. Iulia nostra et te et sororem salutat. Infantulo tuo - Pescennio Princo munera digna suo loco tuoque mittemus.

5 Bassianus and Geta salute you. Our Julia salutes both you and your sister. To your little infant — to Pescennius Princus — we will send gifts worthy of his place and of yours.

6 Tu velim exercitus rei p. ac nobis retentes, mi unanime, mi carissime, mi amantissime."

6 You, please, keep the armies for the Republic and for us, my of-one-mind, my dearest, my most loving."

VIII. 1 Et has quidem litteras missis stipatoribus fidelissimis dedit, quibus praecepit, ut epistolam publice darent, postea vero dicerent se velle pleraque occulte suggerere, quae ad res bellicas pertinerent et ad secreta castrorum atque aulicam fidem; ubi vero in secretum venissent quasi mandata dicturi, quinque validissimi eum interimerent gladiolis infra vestem latentibus. 2 Nec illorum quidem fides defuit; nam cum ad Albinum venissent et epistolam dedissent, qua lecta cum dicerent quaedam secretius suggerenda et locum se motum ab omnibus arbitris postularent, et cum omnino neminem paterentur ad porticum longissimam cum Albino progredi ea specie, ne mandata proderentur, Albinus intellexit insidias.

8. 1 And indeed he gave these letters, with the most faithful bodyguards having been sent, to whom he ordered that they should give the epistle publicly, but afterward should say that they wished to suggest very many things secretly, which pertained to warlike matters and to the secrets of the camp and to courtly faith; but when they had come into a private place as if about to speak mandates, five very strong men were to kill him with small swords hidden beneath the garment. 2 Nor indeed did their faith fail; for when they had come to Albinus and had given the epistle, which, having been read, when they said that certain things were to be suggested more secretly and demanded a place removed from all arbiters, and when they allowed absolutely no one to advance with Albinus to the very long portico under that pretext, lest the mandates be betrayed, Albinus understood the ambush.

3 Denique indulgens suspicionibus eos tormentis dedit. Qui diu primo pernegarunt, sed postea victi necessitate confessi sunt ea, quae Severus isdem praeceperat. 4 Tunc iam proditis rebus et apertis insidiis ea, quae suspicabatur, Albinus clara esse intellegens exercitu ingenti collecto contra Severum atque eius duces venit.

3 Finally, indulging his suspicions, he gave them over to torments. They for a long time at first utterly denied, but afterward, overcome by necessity, confessed those things which the same Severus had ordered. 4 Then, with the matters now betrayed and the ambushes laid open, Albinus, understanding that the things he suspected were plain, with a huge army gathered came against Severus and his commanders.

IX. 1 Et primo quidem conflictu habito contra duces Severi potior fuit, post autem Severus ipse, cum id egisset apud senatum, ut hostis iudicaretur Albinus, contra eum profectus acerrime fortissimeque pugnavit in Gallia non sine varietate fortunae. 2 Denique cum sollicitus augures consuleret, responsum illi est, ut dicit Marius Maximus, venturum quidem in potestatem eius Albinum, sed non vivum nec mortuum. Quod et factum est.

9. 1 And in the first conflict, held against the duces of Severus, he was the stronger; but afterward Severus himself, when he had transacted with the senate that Albinus be judged an enemy, set out against him and fought in Gaul most fiercely and most bravely, not without a variety of fortune. 2 Finally, when, anxious, he consulted the augurs, the response was given to him, as Marius Maximus says, that Albinus would indeed come into his power, but neither alive nor dead. And so it came to pass.

3 Nam cum ultimo proelio commissum esset, innumeris suorum caesis, plurimis fugatis, multis etiam deditis Albinus fugit et, ut multi dicunt, se ipse percussit, ut alii, servo suo percussus semivivus ad Severum deductus est - unde confirmatum est augurium, quod fuerat ante praedictum -, multi praeterea dicunt, a militibus, qui eius nece a Severo gratiam requirebant. 5 Fuit Albino unus, ut aliqui dicunt, filius; Maximus dicit, duo. Quibus primum veniam dedit, postea vero eos cum matre percussit et in profluentem abici iussit.

3 For when it came to the final battle, with countless of his men cut down, very many put to flight, and many even surrendering, Albinus fled and, as many say, struck himself; as others say, struck by his own slave, half-alive he was led to Severus—whence the augury, which had been before foretold, was confirmed; many moreover say that he was killed by soldiers who were seeking favor from Severus by his death. 5 Albinus had, as some say, one son; Maximus says two. To whom he first granted pardon, but afterwards he struck them with their mother and ordered them to be thrown into the current.

6 Caput eius excisum pilo circumtulit Romamque misit litteris ad senatum datis, quibus insultavit, quod Albinum tantopere dilexissent, ut eius adfines et fratrem praecipue ingenti honore cumularent. 7 Iacuisse ante praetorium Severi Albini corpus per dies plurimos dicitur usque ad fetorem, Ianiatumque a canibus in profluentem abiectum est.

6 He carried the cut-off head on a pike around and sent it to Rome, with letters given to the senate in which he taunted them, because they had loved Albinus so greatly that they heaped his in‑laws and especially his brother with enormous honor. 7 It is said that Albinus’s body lay before the praetorium of Severus for very many days, until it stank, and, torn to pieces by dogs, it was thrown into the outflow.

X. 1 De moribus eius varia dicuntur. Et Severus quidem ipse haec de eodem loquitur, ut eum dicat turpem, malitiosum, improbum, inhonestum, cupidum, luxuriosum. 2 Sed haec belli tempore vel post bellum, quando ei iam de hoste credi non poterat, 3 cum et ipse ad eum quasi ad amicissimum frequentes miserit litteras et multi de Albino bene senserint et Severus ipse Caesarem suum eundem appellari voluerit et, cum de successore cogitaret, hunc primum habuerit ante oculos.

10. 1 About his morals various things are said. And Severus indeed himself speaks thus about the same, so that he calls him base, malicious, depraved, dishonorable, covetous, luxurious. 2 But these things were said in time of war or after the war, when he could no longer be believed regarding an enemy, 3 since he himself had sent frequent letters to him as if to a most intimate friend, and many thought well of Albinus, and Severus himself wished that the same be called his Caesar, and, when he was considering a successor, he had this man first before his eyes.

4 Extant praeterea Marci epistolae de hoc eodem, quae testimonium et virtutum eius ferant et morum. 5 Quarum unam inserere ad praefectos datam super eius nomine absurdum non fuit. 6 "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus praefectis suis salutem.

4 Moreover, the epistles of Marcus about this same man are extant, which bear testimony both to his virtues and to his morals. 5 Of which it was not absurd to insert one, given to the prefects, concerning his name. 6 "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus sends greeting to his prefects.

Albino ex familia Ceioniorum, Afro quidem homini sed non multa ex Afris habenti, Plautilli genero, duas cohortes alares regendas dedi. 7 Est homo exercitatus, vita tristis, gravis moribus. puto eum rebus castrensibus profuturum, certe offuturum [non] esse [non] satis novi.

To Albinus, from the family of the Ceionii, indeed an African man but not having many things from the Africans, the son-in-law of Plautillus, I have given two wing‑cohorts to be governed. 7 He is a well‑trained man, of a somber life, grave in morals. i think him likely to be beneficial in camp‑matters; certainly, that he would [not] be a hindrance I do [not] know well enough.

8 Huic salarium duplex decrevi, vestem militarem simplicem, sed loci sui, stipendium quadruplum. Hunc vos adhortamini, ut se rei p. ostentet, habiturus praemium quod merebitur." 9 Est et alia epistula, qua idem Marcus Avidii Cassi temporibus de hoc eodem scripsit, cuius exemplum hoc est : 10 "Laudanda est Albini constantia, qui graviter deficientes exercitus tenuit, cum ad Avidium Cassium confugerent. Et nisi hic fuisset, omnes fecissent.

8 To him I have decreed a double salary, simple military garb, but suited to his station, a quadruple stipend. Do you encourage this man, that he may display himself to the Republic, about to have the reward which he will merit." 9 There is also another letter, in which the same Marcus wrote about this same man in the times of Avidius Cassius, of which the exemplar is this : 10 "Albinus’s constancy is to be praised, who held fast the armies grievously failing, when they were fleeing for refuge to Avidius Cassius. And if this man had not been there, all would have done so.

11 Habemus igitur virum dignum consulatu, quem sufficiam in locum Cassi Papiri, qui mihi exanimis prope iam nuntiatus est. 12 Quod interim a te publicari nolo, ne aut ad ipsum Papirium aut ad eius affectus perveniat nosque videamur in locum viventis consulem subrogasse."

11 We therefore have a man worthy of the consulship, whom I will appoint in the place of Cassius Papirius, who has been reported to me as already nearly lifeless. 12 This, meanwhile, I do not wish to be made public by you, lest it reach either Papirius himself or those devoted to him, and we seem to have substituted a consul in the place of a living man."

XI. 1 Et istae igitur epistulae constantem virum Albinum fuisse indicant, et illud praecipue, quod ad eas civitates instaurandas, quas Niger adtriverat, pecuniam misit, quo facilius sibi earum accolas conciliaret. 2 Gulosum eum Cordus, qui talia persequitur in suis voluminibus, fuisse dicit, et ita quidem ut pomorum tantum hauserit, quantum ratio humana non patitur. 3 Nam et quigentas ficus passarias, quas Graeci callistruthias vocant, ieiunum comedissa dicit et centum persica Campana et melones Ostienses decem et uvarum Labicanarum pondo viginti et ficadulas centum et ostrea quadringenta.

11. 1 Therefore these letters too indicate that Albinus was a constant man, and especially this: that he sent money to re‑establish those cities which Niger had worn down, in order the more easily to conciliate their inhabitants to himself. 2 Cordus, who pursues such matters in his volumes, says that he was gluttonous, and indeed to such a degree that he drained down as many fruits as human reason does not allow. 3 For he says that, fasting, he ate 500 dried figs, which the Greeks call “callistruthiae,” and 100 Campanian peaches, and 10 Ostian melons, and 20 pounds of Labican grapes, and 100 fig‑peckers, and 400 oysters.

4 Vini sane parcum fuisse dicit, quod Severus negat, qui eum adserit ebrium etiam in bello fuisse. 5 Cum suis ei numquam convenit vel propter vinulentiam, ut dicit Severus, vel propter morum [vi] acrimoniam. 6 Uxori odiosissimus fuit, servis iniustus, atrox circa militem, nam saepe etiam ordinarios centuriones, ubi causae qualitas non postulavit, in crucem sustulit.

4 He says that he was indeed sparing of wine, which Severus denies, who asserts that he was drunk even in war. 5 He never got along with his own, either on account of vinolence, as Severus says, or on account of the acrimony of [vi] morals. 6 He was most odious to his wife, unjust to his slaves, atrocious toward the soldier; for often even ordinary centurions, when the quality of the case did not demand it, he raised to the cross.

Verberavit certe virgis saepissime neque umquam delictis pepercit. 7 In vestitu nitidissimus fuit, in convivio sordidissimus et soli studens copiae, mulierarius inter primos amatores, aversae Veneris semper ignarus et talium persecutor, agri colendi peritissimus, ita ut etiam Georgica scripserit. 8 Milesias nonnulli eiusdem esse dicunt, quarum fama non ignobilis habetur, quamvis mediocriter scriptae sint.

He certainly flogged with rods most very often and never at any time spared delicts. 7 In dress he was most neat, at table most sordid, and studious only of abundance; a womanizer among the foremost lovers, always ignorant of reversed Venus and a persecutor of such; most skilled in the cultivation of fields, so that he even wrote Georgics. 8 Some say the Milesian tales (Milesiae) are his as well, whose fame is held not inglorious, although they are written rather middling.

XII. 1 A senatu tantum amatus est, quantum nemo principum, in odium speciatim Severi, quem vehementer ob crudelitatem oderant senatores. 2 Denique victo eo plurimi senatores a Severo interfecti sunt, qui eius partium vel vere fuerant vel esse videbantur.

12. 1 He was loved by the senate as much as no one of the princes, in specific hatred of Severus, whom the senators vehemently hated on account of his cruelty. 2 Finally, with him conquered, very many senators were slain by Severus, who either had truly been of his party or seemed to be.

3 Denique cum apud Lugdunum eundem interfecisset, statim litteras requiri iussit, ut inveniret vel ad quos ipse scripsisset, vel qui ad eum rescripsissent, omnesque illos, quorum epistolas repperit, hostes iudicari a senatu fecit; 4 nec his pepercit, sed et ipsos interemit et bona eorum proposuit atque in aerarium publicum rettulit. 5 Extat epistola Severi, quae ostendit animum suum, missa ad senatum, cuius hoc exemplum est : 6 "Nihil mihi gravius potest evenire, p. c., quam ut vestrum iudicium Albinus haberet potius quam Severus. 7 Ego frumenta rei p. detuli, ego multa bella pro re p. gessi, ego populo Romano tantum olei detuli, quantum rerum natura vix habuit.

3 Finally, when he had killed that same man at Lugdunum, he immediately ordered letters to be sought, so that he might find either those to whom he himself had written, or those who had written back to him, and he caused all those, whose epistles he found, to be judged enemies by the senate; 4 nor did he spare these, but he slew them as well and put up their goods and transferred them into the public treasury. 5 There exists an epistle of Severus, which shows his mind, sent to the senate, of which this is the example: 6 "Nothing more grievous can befall me, Conscript Fathers, than that Albinus should have your judgment rather than Severus. 7 I brought grain to the commonwealth, I waged many wars on behalf of the commonwealth, I brought to the Roman people so much oil as the nature of things scarcely contained.

Ego interfecto Pescennio Nigro vos a malis tyrannicis liberavi. 8 Magnam sane mihi reddidistis vicem, magnam gratiam: unum ex Afris et quidem Hadrumetinis, fingentem, quod de Ceioniorum stemmate sanguinem duceret, usque adeo extulistis, ut eum principem habere velletis me principe, salvis liberis meis. 9 Defuitne quaeso tanto senatu, quem amare deberetis, qui vos amaret?

I, Pescennius Niger having been slain, freed you from tyrannical evils. 8 You have indeed rendered to me great return, great gratitude: one of the Africans, and indeed a Hadrumetine, pretending that he derived blood from the lineage of the Ceionii, you exalted to such a degree that you wished to have him as emperor while I was emperor, with my children preserved. 9 Was there lacking, I ask, in so great a senate—whom you ought to love—one who would love you?

Huius fratrem honoribus extulistis, ab hoc consulatus, ab hoc praeturas, ab hoc speratis cuiusvis magistratus insignia. 10 Non eam gratiam mihi redditis quam maiores vestri contra Pisonianam factionem, quam item pro Traiano, quam nuper contra Avidium Cassium praestiterunt : fictum illum et ad omnia mendaciorum genera paratum, qui nobilitatem quoque mentitus est, mihi praeposuistis. 11 Quin etiam audiendus in senatu fuit Statilius Corfulenus, qui honores Albino et eius fratri decernendos ducebat, cui hoc superfuit, ut de me ille decerneret homo nobilis et triumphum.

You have exalted this man’s brother with honors; from this man you expect consulships, from this man praetorships, from this man the insignia of any magistracy. 10 You do not render to me such gratitude as your elders displayed against the Pisonian faction, as likewise on behalf of Trajan, as recently against Avidius Cassius : that counterfeit and ready for every kind of mendacity, who even feigned nobility, you have preferred to me. 11 Nay more, Statilius Corfulenus had to be listened to in the senate, who was bringing forward that honors be decreed to Albinus and his brother, for whom this was left over—that that noble man should even decree concerning me, and a triumph.

12 Maior fuit dolor, quod illum pro litterato laudandum plerique duxistis, cum ille neniis quibusdam anilibus occupatus inter Milesias Punicas Apulei sui et ludicra litteraria consenesceret." 13 Hinc apparet, quanta severitate factionem vel Pescennianam vel Clodianam vindicaverit. 14 Quae quidem omnia in vita eius posita sunt. Quae qui diligentius scire velit, legat Marium Maximum de Latinis scriptoribus, de Graecis scriptoribus Herodianum, qui ad fidem pleraque dixerunt.

12 The greater grief was that most of you judged that he should be praised as a literate man, while he, occupied with certain anile ditties, was growing old among the Punic Milesian tales of his own Apuleius and literary playthings." 13 Hence it appears with what severity he punished the faction either Pescennian or Clodian. 14 All these things, indeed, are set down in his Life. Whoever should wish to know them more diligently, let him read Marius Maximus among Latin writers, and among Greek writers Herodian, who have told most things with credibility.

XIII. 1 Fuit statura procerus, capillo renodi et crispo, fronte lata, candore mirabili et [stupendo], ut plerique putent, quod ex eo nomen acceperit, voce muliebri et prope ad eunuchorum sonum, motu facili, iracundiam gravi, furore tristissimo, in luxurie varius, nam saepe appetens vini, frequenter abstinens, 2 armorum sciens, prorsus ut non male sui temporis Catilina diceretur. 3 Non ab re esse credimus causas ostendere, quibus amorem senatus Clodius Albinus meruerit: 4 cum Brittannicos exercitus regeret iussu Commodi atque illum interemptum adhuc falso comperisset, cum sibi ab ipso Commodo Caesareanum nomen esset delatum, processit ad milites et hac contione usus est : 5 "Si senatus p. R. suum illud vetus haberet imperium nec in unius potestate res tanta consisteret, non ad Vitellios neque ad Nerones neque ad Domitianos publica fata venissent.

13. 1 He was tall in stature, with hair sleek and crisped, a broad forehead, with a marvelous and [stupendous] whiteness, such that many suppose that from this he received his name, with a womanish voice and almost to the sound of eunuchs, with easy movement, a grave irascibility, a most grim fury, in luxury variable—for often appetent of wine, frequently abstinent, 2 skilled in arms, altogether so that he might not ill be called the Catiline of his time. 3 We believe it is not out of place to show the causes by which Clodius Albinus merited the love of the senate: 4 while he was governing the British armies by order of Commodus and had learned, though falsely as yet, that that man had been slain, when by Commodus himself the Caesar-name had been offered to him, he went forth to the soldiers and used this harangue: 5 "If the senate and People of Rome had that old power of theirs, and so great a matter did not consist in the power of one man, public destinies would not have come to the Vitellii nor to the Neros nor to the Domitians."

[essent] in imperio consulari nostrae illae gentes Ceioniorum, Albinorum, Postumiorum, de quibus patres vestri, qui et ipsi ab avis suis audierant, multa didicerunt. 6 Et certe Africam Romano imperio senatus adiunxit, Galliam [senatus addidit], senatus sebegit Hispanias, orientalibus populis senatus dedit leges, Parthos temptavit senatus; subegisset, nisi tam avarum principem Romano exercitui fortuna rei p. tunc dixisset. 7 Brittanias Caesar subegit, certe senator nondum tamen dictator.

[there would be] in consular imperium those our clans of the Ceionii, the Albini, the Postumii, about whom your fathers, who themselves had heard from their grandfathers, learned many things. 6 And certainly the senate adjoined Africa to the Roman imperium, the senate [added] Gaul, the senate subdued the Spains, to the oriental peoples the senate gave laws, the senate attempted the Parthians; it would have subdued them, if fortune of the commonwealth had not then assigned to the Roman army so greedy a prince. 7 Caesar subdued the Britains, assuredly as a senator, yet not yet as a dictator.

Hic ipse Commodus quanto melior fuisset, si timuisset senatum? 8 Et usque ad Neronem quidem senatus auctoritas valuit, qui sordidum et inpurum principem damnare non timuit, cum sententiae in eum dictae sint, qui vitae necisque potestatem atque imperium tunc tenebat. 9 Quare, conmilitones, ego Caesareanum nomen, quod mihi Commodus detulit, nolo.

This very Commodus, how much better would he have been, if he had feared the senate? 8 And indeed down to Nero the authority of the senate prevailed, which did not fear to condemn a sordid and impure princeps, when sentences were pronounced against him who then held the power of life and death and the imperium. 9 Therefore, fellow-soldiers, I do not want the Caesarean name which Commodus conferred upon me.

di faxint, ut ne alii quidem velint. 10 Senatus imperet, provincias dividat, senatus nos consules faciat. Et quid dico senatus?

May the gods grant it, that not even others should wish it. 10 Let the Senate command, let it divide the provinces, let the Senate make us consuls. And what am I saying “the Senate”?

Vos ipsi et patres vestri; eritis enim ipsi senatores."

You yourselves and your fathers; for you yourselves will be senators."

XIV. 1 Haec contio vivo adhuc Commodo Romam delata est. Quae Commodum in Albinum exasperavit, statimque successorem misit Iunium Severum, unum ex contubernalibus suis.

14. 1 This assembly was conveyed to Rome while Commodus was still alive. Which exasperated Commodus against Albinus, and immediately he sent as successor Iunius Severus, one of his tent-companions.

2 Senatui autem tantum placuit, ut miris adclamationibus absentem eum ornaret et vivo Commodo et deinceps interempto, ita ut nonnulli etiam Pertinaci auctores fuerint, ut eum sibi socium adscisceret, [et] apud Iulianum de occidendo Pertinace ipsius plurimum auctoritas valuerit. 3 Ut autem hoc verum intellegatur, epistolam Commodi ad praef. praet.

2 To the Senate, moreover, it was so pleasing that they adorned him, absent, with wondrous acclamations both with Commodus alive and thereafter when he had been slain, such that some were even advisers to Pertinax that he should adopt him as colleague to himself; [and] with Julianus, concerning the killing of Pertinax, his very authority prevailed most. 3 But that this may be understood as true, there is the letter of Commodus to the praetorian prefect.

suos datam inserui, qua de occidendo Albino significavit suam mentem : 4 "Aurelius Commodus praefectis salutem. Audisse vos credoprimum fictum esse, quod ego meorum consilio interfectus essem, deinde contionem Clodii Albini apud milites meos habitam, qui semultum senatui commendat, idque, quantum videmus, non frustra. 5 Nam qui principem unum in re p. negat esse debere quique adserit a senatu oportere totam rem p. regi, is senatum sibi petit imperium.

I inserted a letter, given to his own, in which he signified his mind about killing Albinus: 4 "Aurelius Commodus sends greeting to the prefects. I believe you have heard, first, that it was fabricated that I had been slain by the counsel of my own men; then, of the assembly of Clodius Albinus held among my soldiers, who commends himself much to the senate—and this, so far as we see, not in vain. 5 For the man who denies that there ought to be one princeps in the republic and who asserts that the whole republic ought to be ruled by the senate, that man seeks, for himself, the imperium through the senate."

Cavete igitur diligentissime; iam enim hominem scitis vobis, militibus populoque vitandum." Has litteras cum Pertinax invenisset, in Albini odium publicavit. Quare Albinus occidendi Pertinacis Iuliano auctor fuit.

“Beware therefore most diligently; for now you know the man is to be avoided by you, by the soldiers and by the people.” When Pertinax had found these letters, he published them to stir up hatred against Albinus. Wherefore Albinus was to Julianus the instigator for killing Pertinax.