William of Tyre: HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM

CAPUT PRIMUM. Rainaldus de Castellione, princeps Antiochenus, patriarcham Antiochenum ignominiose tractat; ille in regnum confugit. Oritur fames valida super terram.

CHAPTER ONE. Reynald of Châtillon, Prince of Antioch, treats the Antiochene patriarch ignominiously; he takes refuge in the kingdom. A strong famine arises over the land.

Interea Rainaldus de Castellione, qui domini Raimundi, principis Antiocheni viduam duxerat, de quo facto superius diximus, videns quia domino patriarchae factum non multum placuerat ab initio, et adhuc in eodem perseverabat, suspectas ejus omnes habebat vias. Ille autem tanquam vir et ditissimus et potens, et supremae auctoritatis, libere satis, tam de ejus persona, quam de ejus actibus, tum in secreto, tum in publico saepius loquebatur. Erant autem nonnulli, sicut in talibus frequenter solet contingere, qui hujusmodi verba, odiorum fomitem quarentes, reportabant: unde motus in indignationem et iram inexorabilem princeps, domino patriarchae violentas injecit manus; et ausu diabolico captum, in castellum quod civitati Antiochenae supereminet, ignominiose deduci fecit; quodque satis videtur abominabile, sacerdotem longaevum, Petri apostolorum Principis successorem, virum aegrotativum, et pene perpetuo infirmantem, nudo capite et melle delibuto, per diem aestivum in sole ferventissimo compulit sedere, nemine contra solis importunitatem praebente remedium, vel gratia pietatis muscas abigente.

Meanwhile Reynald of Châtillon, who had taken to wife the widow of Lord Raymond, Prince of Antioch—about which deed we have spoken above—seeing that the thing had not much pleased the lord patriarch from the beginning, and that he still persevered in the same, held all his courses suspect. But he, as a man both very rich and powerful and of supreme authority, spoke quite freely, both about his person and about his acts, both in secret and in public, and rather often. There were, moreover, some—as in such matters it frequently is wont to happen—who, seeking the tinder of hatreds, reported such words; whereupon the prince, moved to indignation and inexorable wrath, laid violent hands upon the lord patriarch; and, with diabolic daring, having seized him, caused him to be ignominiously led away into the castle that overhangs the city of Antioch; and—what seems sufficiently abominable—he compelled a long-aged priest, the successor of Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, a sickly man and almost perpetually ailing, with head bare and smeared with honey, to sit through a summer day in the most burning sun, no one affording any remedy against the importunity of the sun, nor, for the sake of piety, driving away the flies.

Hoc audiens dominus rex Hierosolymorum, in stuporem raptus, viri dementis admirans insaniam, et prae admiratione in se ipso deficiens, missis venerabilibus nuntiis, domino Frederico Acconense episcopo, domino Radulpho ejus cancellario, per eos litteras dirigit, et auctoritate regia praedictum dementem corripit, et a perpetrata redire monet insania. Ille autem, visis nuntiis et regiis perlectis apicibus, postquam eum multis affecerat contumeliis, remisit liberum; bona etiam quae ab eo et suis violenter rapuerat plene restitutit. Tandem vero dominus patriarcha Antiochenam deserens dioecesim, in regnum se contulit Hierosolymorum.

Hearing this, the lord king of Jerusalem, carried away into stupor, marveling at the insanity of the demented man, and from astonishment failing within himself, sent venerable envoys—Lord Frederick, the bishop of Acre, and Lord Ralph, his chancellor—through whom he dispatches letters, and by royal authority rebukes the aforesaid demented one, and admonishes him to return from the insanity he had perpetrated. But he, the envoys having been seen and the royal letters read through, after he had afflicted him with many insults, sent him away free; he also fully restored the goods which he had violently seized from him and his men. At length indeed the lord patriarch, deserting the Antiochene diocese, betook himself to the kingdom of Jerusalem.

Ubi a domino rege et ejus matre discretissima, domino quoque patriarcha et regni universis episcopis benigne habitus, per aliquot mansit annos.

There, kindly received by the lord king and his most discreet mother, and also by the lord patriarch and all the bishops of the kingdom, he remained for several years.

Facta est autem anno sequenti fames valida super universam terram; et iratus nobis Dominus, omne firmamentum panis contrivit, ita ut tritici modius aureis quatuor venderetur. Quod nisi fuisset frumenti copia, quae in urbe Ascalonitana, ea devicta, inventa est, fame regionem oppugnante, populus pene deperisset universus. Sequentibus tamen annis, ex quo regio Ascalonae adjacens, quae annis quinquaginta metu hostilitatis inculta jacuerat, postquam agricolarum curam sensit, et populus regionis, metu hostium propulsato, libere terram exercere potuit, tanta universum regnum replevit ubertate, ut omne quod effluxerat tempus, habita comparatione ad praesens, jejunum et sterile merito quis posset appellare.

But in the following year a strong famine came upon the whole land; and the Lord, angered at us, broke all the staff of bread, so that a modius of wheat was sold for four gold coins. And if there had not been a supply of grain which, the city of Ascalon having been subdued, was found in it, with famine besieging the region, nearly the whole people would have perished. In the years that followed, however, from the time when the region adjacent to Ascalon—which for fifty years had lain untilled for fear of hostility—after it felt the care of the farmers, and the people of the region, the fear of the enemies having been driven back, could freely work the soil, it filled the whole kingdom with such abundance that all the time which had flowed past, in comparison with the present, one might rightly call lean and sterile.

Diu enim culturae nescia, vomeris usum non sustinens, integris in se subsistens viribus, postquam rusticam sensit adesse sollicitudinem, credita semina, cum fenore multiplici et fructu sexagesimo reportavit.

For a long time indeed, unknowing of cultivation, not sustaining the use of the plowshare, subsisting in itself with its forces intact, after it sensed rustic solicitude to be present, it returned the seeds entrusted, with multiple interest and a sixtyfold fruit.

CAPUT II. Defuncto Anastasio, substituitur ei Adrianus. Imperator Fredericus Romae coronatur. Inter papam et regem Siciliae Willelmum graves oriuntur inimicitiae.

CHAPTER 2. With Anastasius deceased, Adrian is substituted in his place. Emperor Frederick is crowned at Rome. Between the pope and William, king of Sicily, serious enmities arise.

Dum haec in partibus geruntur Orientalibus, Romae defuncto Domino Anastasio papa quarto, substitutus est ei dominus Adrianus tertius; hic Anglicus natione, de castello Sancti Albani, apud Avinionem civitatem Provinciae, in Arelatensi dioecesi, abbas fuit canonicorum Regularium in ecclesia Sancti Rufi; unde ad Ecclesiam Romanam a domino bonae memoriae Eugenio vocatus, in episcopum Albanensem ordinatus est, Nicolaus nomine. Hic, defuncto domino Anastasio, qui praedicto domino Eugenio successerat, de Norwegia, Occidentali et ultima provincia, ad quam missus fuerat ab eodem legatus, electioni interfuit, et a clero et populo unanimiter electus est, et Adrianus appellatus.

While these things were being conducted in the Eastern parts, at Rome, Lord Pope Anastasius IV having died, Lord Adrian III was substituted for him; he, English by nation, from the castle of Saint Alban, at Avignon, a city of Provence, in the diocese of Arles, was abbot of the Canons Regular in the church of Saint Rufus; whence, having been called to the Roman Church by Lord Eugenius of good memory, he was ordained bishop of Albano, Nicholas by name. He, when Lord Anastasius—who had succeeded the aforesaid Lord Eugenius—had died, from Norway, a Western and farthest province, to which he had been sent as legate by the same, took part in the election, and was unanimously elected by the clergy and the people, and was called Adrian.

Contigit autem eodem anno, quod dominus Fredericus Teutonicorum rex, nondum tamen imperator, in Italiam cum infinita suorum manu descenderat, et Dertona, una ex urbibus Lombardiae, quam diu obsederat, subacta, Romam venire et ibi coronari disposuerat. His autem diebus, inter dominum papam Adrianum (de quo praediximus) et regem Siciliae dominum Willelmum, domini Rogerii bonae memoriae filium, graves ex causis quibusdam ortae erant inimicitiae: ita quod usque ad odium manifestum et guerram noxiam prodierat res, ita ut sententiam excommunicationis dominus papa in eum jacularetur. Dominus tamen Fredericus, de quo praediximus, propositum urgens, accelerato itinere, infra paucos dies de Lombardia Romam venerat, ita ut subitus ejus adventus domino papae et universae Ecclesiae Romanae suspectus esset admodum.

It came to pass, moreover, in the same year, that lord Frederick, king of the Teutons, not yet however emperor, had descended into Italy with an innumerable band of his men, and, Dertona, one of the cities of Lombardy, which he had besieged for a long time, having been subdued, he had arranged to come to Rome and there to be crowned. But in those days, between lord Pope Adrian (of whom we spoke above) and the lord William, king of Sicily, son of lord Roger of good memory, grave enmities had arisen from certain causes: so that the matter had proceeded even to manifest hatred and harmful war, so that the lord pope hurled the sentence of excommunication against him. Lord Frederick, however, of whom we spoke above, pressing his plan, with accelerated journey, within a few days had come to Rome from Lombardy, so that his sudden advent was very much suspect to the lord pope and to the whole Roman Church.

Tandem per internuntios pacis ordinatores, interpositis conditionibus solitis, in ecclesia beati Petri solemniter et ex more VI Kal. Julias coronatus est, et Augustus appellatus: inde subsecuto triduo, ambo sub civitate Tiburtina, in loco qui dicitur ad pontem Lucanum, festo die Sanctorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, hic imperiali schemate decoratus, ille summi pontificatus singularia habens insignia, junctis agminibus, exsultantibus clero et populo processerunt laureati. Unde post diei festi consummationem, in bona pace divisi ab invicem, dominus imperator ad partes properavit Anconitanas, quo eum imperii cura trahebat, domino papa circa partes Romanas, in montanis urbibus moram faciente.

At length, through go-betweens, arrangers of peace, with the usual conditions interposed, in the church of the blessed Peter he was solemnly and according to custom crowned on June 26, and called Augustus; then, after a three-day interval, both, beneath the city of Tibur, at the place called at the Lucanian Bridge, on the feast day of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, the one adorned with the imperial scheme (regalia), the other having the singular insignia of the supreme pontificate, with their battle-lines joined, with clergy and people exultant, advanced laureled. Whence, after the consummation of the feast-day, separated from one another in good peace, the lord emperor hastened to the Anconitan parts, whither the care of the empire drew him, while the lord pope, about the Roman parts, made a stay in the mountain cities.

Interea rex Siciliae Beneventanam urbem Ecclesiae Romanae familiare domicilium, principibus suis mandat obsideri, et urgentissimis angustiis ejus praecipit arctari habitatores. Quod verbum dominus papa moleste ferens supra modum, vicem ei aequa lance volens refundere, principes proprios contra eum nititur armare; nec in ea parte fraudatus est a desiderio suo. Nam potentissimum regni sui comitem, ejusdem regis amitae filium, Robertum videlicet de Bassavilla, cum multis aliis viris nobilibus, quibus auxilium consiliumque Romanae Ecclesiae perpetuo non defuturum pollicebatur, contra eum insurgere persuasit.

Meanwhile the king of Sicily orders his princes to besiege the city of Benevento, the Roman Church’s familiar domicile, and commands that its inhabitants be constrained by the most urgent straits. This word the lord pope, taking ill beyond measure, wishing to requite him with an equal scale, strives to arm his own princes against him; nor in that matter was he defrauded of his desire. For he persuaded the most powerful count of his realm, the son of that same king’s aunt—namely Robert of Bassavilla—together with many other noble men, to rise against him, promising them that the aid and counsel of the Roman Church would never be lacking.

Exsules quoque, quos tam ipse quam pater ejus de regno ejiciens, bonis fecerat extorres paternis, viros inclytos et potentes, dominum videlicet Robertum de Surrento, principem Capuanum, comitem quoque Andream de Rapacanina, et alios multos, exhortationibus suis provocaverat, ut in regnum redirent et ad jure haereditario sibi debitas accederent possessiones, Romanam Ecclesiam in perpetuum eis non defuturam, in verbo pontificali spondens eis firmissime. Utrumque nihilominus imperatorem, Romanorum videlicet et Constantinopolitanum, alterum ore ad os et manifeste, qui adhuc erat in Italia; alterum vero per litteras, sed occulte, ad occupandum Siculi regnum sollicitat.

Exiles also, whom both he himself and his father, casting out from the kingdom, had made destitute of their paternal goods—men renowned and potent, to wit lord Robert of Sorrento, the prince of Capua, and also count Andrew of Rapacanina, and many others—he had provoked by his exhortations to return into the kingdom and to attain the possessions owed to them by hereditary right, pledging to them most firmly, on pontifical word, that the Roman Church would not fail them in perpetuity. Nevertheless, he solicits both emperors, namely the Roman and the Constantinopolitan—the one face to face and openly, who was still in Italy; but the other by letters, yet covertly—to occupy the Sicilian kingdom.

CAPUT III. Inter dominum patriarcham et fratres Hospitalis quaestiones suscitantur de decimis, et quibusdam injuriis, quae ab Ecclesiis eis inferebantur.

CHAPTER 3. Between the lord patriarch and the brothers of the Hospital questions arise about tithes, and about certain injuries which were being inflicted on them by the Churches.

Sic igitur dum in Italia turbantur tam Ecclesiae quam regni Siculi negotia, non fuit quoque tractus Orientalis noster absque turba. Nam per idem tempus, urbe Ascalonitana divino favore Christianis restituta, cum regni satis prospere procederent negotia, laetis frugibus, coepit inimicus homo superseminare zizania, et a Domino praestitae invidere tranquillitati. Raimundus enim magister domus Hospitalis, una cum fratribus suis, eodem spiritu repletis, licet alias vir religiosus et timens Deum crederetur, tam domino patriarchae quam caeteris Ecclesiarum praelatis, multas tam super parochiali jure quam super jure decimationum, coeperunt inferre molestias; nam a suis episcopis excommunicatos vel nominatim interdictos, et ob scelera sua separatos ab Ecclesia, ad divinorum celebrationem, passim et sine delectu recipiebant; aegrotis eisdem et viaticum et supremam unctionem, mortuis vero sepulturam non negabant.

Thus therefore, while in Italy the affairs both of the Church and of the kingdom of Sicily were being disturbed, neither was our Eastern tract without a tumult. For at the same time, the city of Ascalon having been restored to the Christians by divine favor, when the affairs of the kingdom were proceeding quite prosperously, with glad harvests, the enemy man began to oversow tares, and to envy the tranquility bestowed by the Lord. For Raymond, master of the House of the Hospital, together with his brothers, filled with the same spirit, although otherwise he was believed to be a religious man and fearing God, began to inflict many annoyances both upon the lord patriarch and upon the other prelates of the Churches, as much concerning parochial right as concerning the right of tithes; for those excommunicated by their own bishops or interdicted by name, and separated from the Church on account of their crimes, they were receiving everywhere and without discrimination to the celebration of the divine rites; to these same sick they did not deny either the viaticum or the supreme unction, and to the dead they did not deny burial.

Ob enormia vero commissa, si quando silentium ecclesiis universis, vel alicujus civitatis, vel cujuslibet municipii imponebatur, hi primum et campanarum pulsatione, et vociferatione solito majore interdictos populos ad divina vocabant, ut oblationes et caeteras obventiones matricibus ecclesiis debitas, ipsi haberent, et aliis lugentibus, soli ipsi laetarentur: obliti illius verbi egregii praedicatoris: Gaudete cum gaudentibus; et flete cum flentibus (Rom. XII, 15). Sacerdotes suos, nec admittentes juxta sanctorum antiquam sanctionem decretorum, locorum episcopis praesentabant, ut cum eorum conscientia in suis dioecesibus divina celebrarent; nec abjicientes, sive juste sive injuste, hoc notum faciebant episcopis. De praediis autem suis, et universis reditibus, quocunque jure ad eos devolutis, omnino decimas dare negabant.

But indeed, on account of the enormous offenses committed, if ever silence was imposed upon all the churches, or upon some city, or upon any municipality, these men were the first, both by the ringing of bells and by vociferation louder than usual, to call the peoples under interdict to the divine offices, in order that they themselves might have the oblations and the other obventions owed to the mother churches, and while the others mourned, they alone might rejoice: forgetful of that word of the distinguished preacher: Rejoice with those who rejoice; and weep with those who weep (Rom. 12, 15). Their priests they did not present, for admission according to the ancient sanction of the holy decrees, to the bishops of the places, so that, with their conscience, they might celebrate the divine offices in their dioceses; nor, when deposing them, whether justly or unjustly, did they make this known to the bishops. As for their estates, moreover, and all revenues, devolved to them by whatever right, they altogether refused to give tithes.

Haec omnium querela adversus eos pontificum; haec jactura omnibus cathedralibus Ecclesiis, ubique ab eis irrogabatur; specialiter autem domino patriarchae, et sanctae Hierosolymorum Ecclesiae, hanc Christianis omnibus odibilem inferebant injuriam; nam ante sanctae Resurrectionis ecclesiae januas, in ipsius contemptum et contumeliam Ecclesiae, aedificia coeperunt erigere multo sumptuosiora et sublimiora plurimum, quam illa habet ecclesia, quae Domini salvatoris in cruce dependentis pretioso dedicata est sanguine, et ei post crucis patibulum in se ipsa gratissimam praestitit sepulturam. Insuper quotiescunque de more dominus patriarcha, ut ad populum loqueretur, ad locum in quo mundi Salvator pro salute nostra pependit, et totius orbis celebrata et apud cum copiosa redemptio, ascendebat, ipsi ut ejus actibus et dispensationi sibi creditae aliquod praestarent impedimentum, pulsatis campanis tot [et] tantis, et [tam] studiose, et tam diu [contendebant], ut nec domini patriarchae sermo sufficeret ad clamandum, nec populus eum, licet multum laborantem, audire merebatur; cumque super hujusmodi temeritate saepius conquereretur dominus patriarcha ad cives, et eorum praesentibus argumentis, deprehenderetur malitia, conventi a pluribus, incorrigibiles inventi sunt, comminantes etiam se aliquando graviora molituros. Quod et factum est; nam etiam usque ad eam temeritatem, ausu diabolico et spiritu furoris concepto, pervenerunt ut, armis correptis, tanquam in domum alicujus gregarii irrumperent in praedictam Deo amabilem ecclesiam, et sagittas tanquam in speluncam latronum jacularentur multas, quas postmodum collectas et redactas in manipulum, ante locum Calvariae, ubi crucifixus est Dominus, fune dependentes, et nos ipsi vidimus, et alii viderunt infiniti.

This was the complaint of all the pontiffs against them; this loss was everywhere being inflicted by them upon all cathedral Churches; but especially upon the lord patriarch and the holy Church of Jerusalem they were bringing in this injury hateful to all Christians; for before the doors of the church of the Holy Resurrection, in contempt of it and in contumely of the Church, they began to raise buildings far more sumptuous and very much loftier than that church which was dedicated by the precious blood of the Lord Savior hanging on the cross, and after the gibbet of the cross rendered to him within itself a most grateful sepulture. Moreover, whenever, as was customary, the lord patriarch, in order to speak to the people, went up to the place in which the Savior of the world hung for our salvation, and where the redemption of the whole world was celebrated and made abundant with him, they, so that they might offer some impediment to his acts and to the dispensation entrusted to him, with the bells having been rung, with so many [and] such great peals, [and so] assiduously, and for so long did [they contend], that neither did the lord patriarch’s discourse suffice by shouting, nor did the people, though he labored much, obtain to hear him; and although the lord patriarch would complain often to the citizens about such rashness, and when the proofs were laid before them their malice was detected, when summoned by many they were found incorrigible, even threatening that they would at some time undertake more grievous things. Which also came to pass; for they even advanced to such rashness, with diabolic daring and a spirit of fury conceived, that, having seized arms, as though into the house of some common man they broke in upon the aforesaid church beloved of God, and hurled many arrows into it as into a den of robbers; which, afterwards gathered and reduced into a sheaf, hanging by a rope before the place of Calvary, where the Lord was crucified, both we ourselves saw, and countless others saw.

Hujus autem tanti mali primitivam originem Romana Ecclesia, licet fortasse nesciens, nec multo ponderans libramine, quid ab ea peteretur, diligenter considerantibus videtur intulisse; nam locum praedictum, a domini patriarchae Hierosolymitani jurisdictione, cui diu et merito subjacuerat, emancipavit indebite, ut nec ad Deum, timorem, nec ad homines, nisi quos timent, habeant reverentiam. Nec tamen omnes uno judicio et sublata discretionis differentia, in hanc, Deo odibilem et vitiorum matrem omnium, involvimus superbiam, credentes vix posse contingere, ut in tanto corpore omnes eodem gradiantur itinere et sit nulla differentia meritorum. Ut autem, ex quam modico jactu seminis, tantum locus memoratus coeperit incrementum, quamque indebite contra Dei cclesias Erecalcitraverit et usque hodie recalcitrare non desinat, sumpto aliquantulum altius exordio, praesenti duximus mandandum historiae, veritatis regulam omnino, auctore Domino, non praetermittentes.

However, the Roman Church seems, to those considering diligently, to have introduced the primitive origin of this so great evil, albeit perhaps unknowing, and not weighing with much balance what was being asked of it; for it unduly emancipated the aforesaid place from the jurisdiction of the lord Patriarch of Jerusalem, to which it had long and deservedly been subject, so that they have reverence neither toward God, in fear, nor toward men, except those whom they fear. Nor yet do we, by a single judgment and with the distinction of discretion removed, involve all in this pride—hateful to God and the mother of all vices—believing it can scarcely occur that in so great a body all should walk the same way and there be no difference of merits. But in order that it may be shown how, from so small a casting of seed, the aforesaid place began so great an increase, and how unduly it has kicked back against the Churches of God and does not cease to kick back even to this day, taking a somewhat higher exordium, we have judged it to be committed to the present history, by no means omitting the rule of truth, with the Lord as author.

CAPUT IV. Describitur unde habuit ortum et initium domus Hospitalis.

CHAPTER 4. It is described whence the House of the Hospital had its origin and beginning.

Regno Hierosolymorum cum universa Syria et Aegypto, cum adjacentibus provinciis, peccatis nostris exigentibus, in manus hostium nominis et fidei Christianae, secundum quod antiquae tradunt historiae, devolutis: quod tempore domini Heraclii Romanorum imperatoris, invalescentibus contra eum Arabiae populis, certum est accidisse; non defuerunt de Occidentalibus multi, qui loca sancta, licet in hostium potestate redacta, aut devotionis, aut commerciorum, aut utriusque gratia, visitarent aliquoties. Inter eos autem qui negotiationis obtentu, de Occidentalibus per illa saecula, loca praedicta adire tentaverunt, fuerunt viri de Italia, qui ab urbe quam incolunt dicuntur Amalfitani. Est autem Amalfia civitas inter mare et montes eminentissimos constituta, ab Oriente habens urbem nobilissimam Salernum, vix septem milliaribus marino ab ea distantem itinere; ab occidente vero Surrentum et Neapolim Vergilianam; ab austro vero Siciliam, ducentis milliaribus, plus minusve modico, remotam, Tyrrheno mari interjacente.

When the kingdom of Jerusalem with the whole of Syria and Egypt, with the adjacent provinces, our sins requiring it, had been devolved into the hands of the enemies of the Christian name and faith—according as ancient histories hand down—which is certain to have happened in the time of the lord Heraclius, emperor of the Romans, when the peoples of Arabia were gaining strength against him; there did not fail to be many from the West who would visit the holy places, though reduced to the power of the enemies, either for the sake of devotion, or of commerce, or of both, from time to time. Among those, moreover, who under the pretext of trade from the West in those ages attempted to approach the aforesaid places, there were men from Italy, who from the city they inhabit are called Amalfitans. Now Amalfi is a city set between the sea and very lofty mountains, having to the East the most noble city Salerno, scarcely seven miles distant from it by a maritime journey; to the West indeed Sorrento and Vergilian Naples; and to the South Sicily, removed by two hundred miles, more or less by a little, with the Tyrrhenian Sea lying between.

Hujus regionis habitatores, ut praediximus, primi merces peregrinas, et quas Oriens prius non noverat, ad supranominatas partes lucri faciendi gratia inferre tentaverunt; unde et optimas conditiones apud illarum partium praesides, pro rebus necessariis quas inferebant, et sine difficultate accessum, et populi nihilominus gratiam merebantur. Possidebat illis diebus princeps Aegyptius universas maritimas regiones, a Gabulo civitate, sita in littore maris juxta Laodiciam Syriae, usque in Alexandriam, quae est novissima civitas Aegypti. Et per praesides singulis civitatibus deputatos, imperium suum late reddebat formidabile.

The inhabitants of this region, as we have said above, were the first to attempt to bring into the above-named parts, for the sake of making profit, foreign wares and those which the East had not previously known; whence also they earned the best terms with the presidents of those parts for the necessary things which they brought in, and access without difficulty, and likewise the favor of the people. In those days the Egyptian prince possessed all the maritime regions, from the city of Gabulum, situated on the shore of the sea near Laodicea of Syria, as far as Alexandria, which is the farthest city of Egypt. And through presidents appointed to each city, he rendered his dominion widely formidable.

Praedicti vero Amalfitani tam regis quam principum suorum plenam habentes gratiam, loca universa, quasi negotiatores et tractatores utilium, tanquam merces circumferendo, confidenter poterant circumire; unde et traditionum paternarum non immemores et fidei Christianae, loca sancta, quoties opportunitas dabatur, visitabant; non habentes autem in eadem urbe familiare domicilium, ubi moram possent facere aliquantulum, sicut in urbibus habebant maritimis, congregatis de suo populo, quotquot ad opus conceptum poterant convocare, calipham Aegyptium adeunt, et obtenta familiarium ejus gratia, petitionem suam scripto porrigunt, et votis consone recipiunt impetratum.

But the aforesaid Amalfitans, having the full favor both of the king and of their own princes, could confidently go about all the places, as negotiators and traffickers in useful things, as it were by carrying wares around; whence also, not unmindful of paternal traditions and of the Christian faith, they visited the holy places as often as opportunity was given. Not having, however, in that same city a household domicile where they could make a stay for a little while, as they had in the maritime cities, they, having gathered from their own people as many as they could summon for the conceived work, approach the Egyptian Caliph; and, the favor of his familiars obtained, they present their petition in writing, and, consonant with their wishes, receive the grant requested.

CAPUT V. Quomodo Aegyptius calipha ad petitionem Amalphitanorum, locum eis designari praecipit, ubi Ecclesiam aedificent.

CHAPTER 5. How the Egyptian caliph, at the petition of the Amalfitans, orders that a place be designated for them where they may build a Church.

Scribitur ergo Hierosolymorum praesidi, ut viris Amalfitanis, amicis, et utilium introductoribus, locus Hierosolymis juxta eorum desiderium, in ea parte quam Christiani habitant, ad construendum ibi domicilium, quale voluerint, designetur amplissimus. Erat autem civitas, sicut et hodie est, in quatuor partes pene divisa aequaliter, ex quibus sola quarta, in qua Sepulcrum Dominicum situm est, fidelibus concessa erat ad habitandum; reliquas autem cum Templo Domini, soli infideles habebant domesticas. Designatur ergo eis de mandato principis, qui sufficiens videbatur ad construenda necessaria locus, sumptaque a negotiatoribus quasi per symbolum pecunia, ante januam ecclesiae Dominicae Resurrectionis, quantum vix lapidis jactus est, monasterium erigunt, in honore sanctae et gloriosae Dei genitricis, perpetuaeque virginis Mariae, simul cum et iis officinis, quae ad usus monachorum et suae gentis hospitum susceptionem, poterant aliquam praestare commoditatem.

Therefore a letter is written to the prefect of Jerusalem, that for the Amalfitan men—friends and introducers of useful things—a very ample place in Jerusalem, according to their desire, in that part which the Christians inhabit, be designated for constructing there a domicile of whatever sort they may wish. Now the city, as even today it is, was almost equally divided into four parts, of which only the fourth, in which the Lord’s Sepulcher is situated, had been granted to the faithful to dwell; but the remaining parts, together with the Temple of the Lord, only the unfaithful held as domestic quarters. Therefore, by the prince’s mandate, a place is designated to them which seemed sufficient for constructing the necessities; and, taking money from the merchants as a kind of token, they erect a monastery before the door of the church of the Lord’s Resurrection, at a distance scarcely a stone’s throw, in honor of the holy and glorious Mother of God, and perpetual virgin Mary, together also with those offices (workrooms) which could afford some convenience for the uses of the monks and for the reception of guests of their own nation.

Quo facto de partibus suis tam monachos quam abbatem transferentes, locum regulariter instituunt, et Domino conversatione sancta reddunt placabilem. Et quoniam viri Latini erant, et qui locum fundaverant, et qui in religione conservabant, idcirco ab ea die usque in praesens, locus ille monasterium de Latina dicitur. Accedebant etiam per illa nihilominus tempora, ut loca deoscularentur venerabilia, sanctae viduae et continentes, quae timoris oblitae feminei, et periculorum, quae multiplicia occurrebant, non habentes formidinem; quibus advenientibus, cum non esset intra septa monasterii, ubi colligerentur honeste, congrua satis provisione procuratum est ab eisdem sanctis viris, qui locum fundaverunt ut, advenientibus devotis feminis, non deesset seorsum oratorium, domus familiaris et locus in diversorio.

This having been done, transferring from their own parts both monks and the abbot, they regularly institute the place, and by holy conversation render the Lord placable. And since they were Latin men, both those who had founded the place and those who preserved it in religion, therefore from that day even to the present, that place is called the monastery of the Latina. There were also coming in those times nonetheless, to kiss the venerable places, holy widows and continent women, who, forgetful of womanly fear and of the dangers which occurred in manifold ways, had no dread; and when these arrived, since there was not within the enclosures of the monastery where they might be gathered becomingly, by a provision quite congruous it was procured by those same holy men who founded the place that, for devout women on their arrival, there should not be lacking a separate oratory, a domestic house, and a place in a hostel.

Tandemque, divina favente clementia, ordinatum est ibi monasteriolum in honore piae peccatricis, Mariae videlicet Magdalenae; et sorores sub certo numero, ad obsequium adventantium mulierum constitutae. Confluebant etiam per illa periculosa tempora nonnulli ex aliis gentibus, tam nobiles quam secundae classis homines, quibus quoniam ad sanctam civitatem non nisi per terras hostium erat accessus, de suis viaticulis cum ad urbem pervenissent, omnino non fiebat residuum; sed miseros et inopes ante civitatis portam, tam diu cum summo labore, fame, siti et nuditate exspectare oportebat, quousque, dato aureo numismate, urbem eis licebat introire. Ingressis autem et locis sanctis ex ordine peragratis, non erat eis vel ad unum diem refectionis spes ulla, nisi quantum eis de praedicto monasterio fraterne ministrabatur; nam omnes alii civitatis habitatores Sarraceni erant et infideles, excepto domino patriarcha, et clero et popello misero Surianorum; qui diebus singulis tot angariis, parangariis, et sordidorum munerum praestationibus vexabantur, ut vix sibi, in suprema paupertate constitutis, in continuo timore mortis, liceret respirare.

And at length, with divine clemency favoring, a little monastery was ordained there in honor of the pious sinner, Mary, namely Magdalene; and sisters under a fixed number were appointed for the service of women arriving. There were also, through those perilous times, some flowing together from other gentes, both nobles and men of the second class, for whom, since access to the holy city was only through the lands of the enemies, when they had come to the city, from their viaticum there was left no residue at all; but it behooved the wretched and destitute to wait before the city’s gate, so long, with utmost toil, hunger, thirst, and nakedness, until, a golden numism being given, it was permitted them to enter the city. But when they had entered and traversed the holy places in order, there was for them no hope of refection even for a single day, except insofar as there was ministered to them fraternally from the aforesaid monastery; for all the other inhabitants of the city were Saracens and infidels, except the lord patriarch, and the clergy, and the poor little populace of the Syrians; who day by day were harassed by so many angaries, parangaries, and exactions of sordid services, that scarcely, being set in extreme poverty, in continual fear of death, was it permitted them to draw breath.

Nostris ergo miseris, et ad supremum afflictis et egentibus, cum non esset qui tectum praeberet, procuratum est a beatissimis viris, qui monasterium Latinorum incolebant, ut misericorditer victui et tegumento detrahentes, ad opus talium, intra ambitum sibi designatum, xenodochium erigerent, ubi tales sanos vel aegrotantes colligerent, ne de nocte per vias reperti jugularentur; et in eodem loco congregatis, de reliquiis fragmentorum utriusque monasterii, tam virorum quam mulierum, ad quotidianam sustentationem qualemqualem, aliquid ministraretur. Erexerunt etiam in eodem loco altare in honore beati Joannis Eleymon. Hic vir Deo placens et per omnia commendabilis, natione fuit Cyprius; tandem suffragantibus meritis, factus est Alexandrinus patriarcha, vir in operibus pietatis singulariter excellens, cujus pia studia et liberales eleemosynas in perpetuum enarrabit omnis ecclesia sanctorum.

To our own wretched folk, afflicted to the utmost and in need, since there was no one to provide a roof, it was provided by the most blessed men who inhabited the monastery of the Latins that, mercifully subtracting from sustenance and covering, for the work of such people they should erect, within the circuit assigned to themselves, a xenodochium, where they might gather such persons, healthy or sick, lest, found by night in the streets, they be slaughtered; and, when they were congregated in the same place, from the remnants and fragments of both monasteries, of men as well as of women, something might be ministered for a daily subsistence of whatever sort. They also set up in the same place an altar in honor of blessed John the Eleemon (the Almsgiver). This man, pleasing to God and in all things commendable, was by nation a Cypriot; at length, his merits giving support, he was made patriarch of Alexandria, a man singularly excelling in works of piety, whose pious endeavors and liberal alms the whole church of the saints will recount forever.

Unde et a sanctis Patribus vocatus est Eleymon, quod interpretatur misericors. Huic autem loco venerabili, quod ita charitative se porrigebat ad homines, neque redditus erant, neque possessiones; sed praedicti Amalfitani annis singulis, tam qui domi erant, quam qui negotiationes sequebantur, collecta inter se quasi per symbolum pecunia, per eos qui Hierosolymam proficiscebantur, abbati, qui pro tempore ibi erat, offerebant, ut inde fratribus et sororibus ad victum et tegumen provideretur et de residuo fieret advenientibus Christicolis in xenodochio aliqua misericordia. Ita ergo per multorum annorum curricula, quousque placuit summo rerum opifici, civitatem illam, quam proprio cruore mundaverat, a superstitionibus gentilium purgare, sub iis conditionibus mansit locus ille. Adveniente namque Christiano populo et principibus a Deo protectis, quibus regnum illud Salvator tradi voluit, in monasterio feminarum inventa est, abbatissae fungens officio, quaedam Deo devota et sancta mulier, Agnes nomine, nobilis secundum carnem, natione Romana; quae etiam postquam civitas restituta est fidei Christianae, per aliquot vixit annos; et in xenodochio similiter repertus est quidam Geraldus, vir probatae conversationis, qui pauperibus in eodem loco tempore hostilitatis, de mandato abbatis et monachorum, multo tempore devote servierat; cui postea successit Raimundus iste, de quo nobis sermo est in praesenti.

Whence also he was called by the holy Fathers Eleymon, which is interpreted merciful. But to this venerable place, which thus stretched itself out charitably toward men, there were neither revenues nor possessions; rather, the aforesaid Amalfitans each year—both those who were at home and those who pursued trade—money collected among themselves, as if by a contribution, through those who were setting out for Jerusalem, used to offer to the abbot who was there for the time, so that from it provision might be made for the brothers and sisters for food and covering, and from the remainder some mercy might be shown to the Christ-worshipers arriving in the xenodochium. Thus therefore through the courses of many years, until it pleased the highest Maker of things to purge that city, which he had cleansed with his own blood, from the superstitions of the pagans, that place remained under those conditions. For when the Christian people arrived, and the princes protected by God, to whom the Savior willed that that kingdom be handed over, in the monastery of women there was found, fulfilling the office of abbess, a certain woman devoted to God and holy, Agnes by name, noble according to the flesh, Roman by nation; who also, after the city was restored to the Christian faith, lived for several years; and in the xenodochium likewise there was found a certain Gerald, a man of proved conduct, who had long served devoutly the poor in the same place in the time of hostility, by the mandate of the abbot and the monks; to whom afterward there succeeded this Raymond, of whom we are speaking at present.

CAPUT VI. Patriarcha cum plurima parte episcoporum orientalium, Romam proficiscitur, ad Adrianum papam.

CHAPTER 6. The Patriarch, with a very great part of the eastern bishops, sets out to Rome, to pope Adrian.

Sic ergo de tam modico incrementum habentes, praedictae domus fratres, prius a jurisdictione se subtraxerunt abbatis; deinde multiplicatis in immensum divitiis, per Ecclesiam Romanam a manu et potestate domini patriarchae sunt emancipati; qua perniciosa libertate impetrata, nullam prorsus ecclesiarum praelatis deinceps exhibentes reverentiam, decimas sibi ex quibuscunque praediis ad se quocunque jure devolutis, penitus negant. Hoc exemplo multa de iis locis, quae dicuntur venerabilia, tam monasteria quam xenodochia, quibus Ecclesiae de mera liberalitate et solitae pietatis officio prima praestiterunt fundamina et ad optata perduxerunt incrementa, tandem ex adipe recalcitrantes, ab uberibus piae matris, quibus ab initio quasi modo geniti infantes lacte pasti et solido pro tempore cibo saginati, divisi sunt, ita ut merito de eis conqueri possit Ecclesia: Filios enutrivi et exaltavi; ipsi autem spreverunt me (Isa. I, 2). Parcat eis Dominus et ad cor redire concedat, ut matri suae, quam dereliquerunt, discant servire in timore; et illi etiam amplius indulgeat, quae cum haberet centum oves, unicam vidit pauperis, et invidit; cui a Domino dicitur: Occidisti, et possedisti (III Reg.

Thus then, having growth from so small a beginning, the brothers of the aforesaid house first withdrew themselves from the abbot’s jurisdiction; then, their riches multiplied to the immeasurable, through the Roman Church they were emancipated from the hand and power of the lord patriarch; and, this pernicious liberty having been obtained, thereafter showing no reverence at all to the prelates of churches, they utterly deny, for themselves, tithes on whatever estates have devolved to them under whatever right. By this example, many of those places which are called venerable, both monasteries and xenodochia, for which the Churches, out of sheer liberality and the duty of their accustomed piety, furnished the first foundations and brought them to the desired increase, at length, grown fat, kicking back, have been sundered from the breasts of their pious mother, by whose milk they were fed from the beginning as newborn infants and in due season were fattened with solid food, so that the Church may with justice complain concerning them: I have nourished sons and exalted them; but they themselves have despised me (Isa. 1, 2). May the Lord spare them and grant them to return to their heart, that they may learn to serve in fear their mother whom they abandoned; and may He also grant further indulgence to her who, when she had a hundred sheep, looked upon the poor man’s single one and envied; to whom it is said by the Lord: You have killed, and have taken possession (3 Kings

XXI, 19). Vae illi, quicunque sit ille, quia juxta judicium prophetae, vir sanguinum est (II Reg. XVI, 8). Postquam ergo saepe ac saepius, tam dominus patriarcha quam reliqui ecclesiarum praelati apud eosdem fratres sua jura reposcendo non proficiebant, ut praemisimus, ad Romani pontificis hinc inde processum est auditorium. Assumens ergo sibi dominus patriarcha, licet longaevus esset et fere centenarius, de ecclesiarum praelatis dominum Petrum Tyrensem archiepiscopum et de suffraganeis ejus dominum Fredericum Acconensem episcopum, dominum Amalricum Sidoniensem episcopum, dominum quoque Balduinum Caesariensem archiepiscopum, dominum Constantinum Liddensem episcopum, dominum Renerum Sebastenum episcopum, dominum Herbertum Tiberiadensem episcopum, vernalis temporis gratia respirante, cum primum mare flatibus exagitatum hibernis, spirante Favonio, coepit se reddere placabilius, iter aggressi, auctore Domino, Hydruntum Apuliae urbem maritimam prospero cursu attigerunt.

21, 19). Woe to him, whoever he may be, because, according to the judgment of the prophet, he is a man of blood (2 Kings 16, 8). After therefore, often and more often, both the lord patriarch and the remaining prelates of the churches, in reclaiming their rights with those same brothers, were not making progress, as we have premised, recourse from both sides was had to the audience of the Roman pontiff. Accordingly the lord patriarch, although he was long-lived and nearly a centenarian, taking to himself from the prelates of the churches Lord Peter, archbishop of Tyre, and from his suffragans Lord Frederick, bishop of Acre, Lord Amalric, bishop of Sidon, and also Lord Baldwin, archbishop of Caesarea, Lord Constantine, bishop of Lydda, Lord Rener, bishop of Sebaste, Lord Herbert, bishop of Tiberias, the grace of springtime breathing, when the sea, shaken by winter blasts, with Favonius breathing, began to render itself more placid, having set out on the journey, with the Lord as author, reached Hydruntum, the maritime city of Apulia, with a prosperous course.

CAPUT VII. Imperator Constantinopolitanus, consentiente papa, Apuliam invadit. Dominus patriarcha cum suis ad curiam pervenit.

CHAPTER 7. The Constantinopolitan Emperor, with the pope consenting, invades Apulia. The lord patriarch with his retinue arrives at the curia.

Interea, dum pontifices Orientis una cum domino patriarcha fines attigissent Apuliae, ut praemisimus, Constantinopolitanus imperator verbum domini papae secutus, immissis de principibus suis, cum infinita pecunia, consentientibus illarum partium proceribus, regionem violenter invaserat, ita ut postquam dominus patriarcha cum suis ab Hydrunto usque Brundusium pervenisset, domini imperatoris familia urbem praedictam, tradentibus eam civibus, jam recepisset in suam, solo praesidio civitatis in quo pauci erant, in fidelitate domini regis perseverante. Comes quoque Robertus, de quo superius fecimus mentionem, cum iis qui partes suas, tam regis odio quam ejus gratia sequebantur, Tarentum, Barum, egregias metropoles, et omnem maritimam regionem usque ad regni terminos violenter occupaverat. Praedicti vero magni et inclyti viri, Robertus princeps Capuanus et comes Andreas, universam Campaniam, quae vulgari appellatione dicitur terra Laboris, usque Salernum, et usque Neapolim, et usque ad Sanctum Germanum, sibi vindicaverant; eratque tota regio in tanto motu, ut nusquam quies, nusquam securitas esset transire volentibus.

Meanwhile, while the pontiffs of the East together with the lord patriarch had reached the borders of Apulia, as we have premised, the Constantinopolitan emperor, following the word of the lord pope, having sent in some of his princes with boundless money, the nobles of those parts consenting, had violently invaded the region, such that, after the lord patriarch with his men had come from Hydruntum as far as Brundusium, the lord emperor’s household, the citizens handing it over, had already received the aforesaid city into his own control, the garrison alone of the city—in which there were few—persevering in the fidelity of the lord king. Count Robert also, of whom we made mention above, together with those who followed his party, both from hatred of the king and for his favor, had violently occupied Tarentum, Barum, illustrious metropolises, and the whole maritime region up to the borders of the kingdom. But the aforesaid great and renowned men, Robert prince of Capua and Count Andrew, had claimed for themselves the whole of Campania, which in the vulgar appellation is called the Land of Labor, as far as Salernum, and as far as Neapolis, and as far as Saint Germanus; and the whole region was in such commotion that there was nowhere rest, nowhere security for those wishing to pass through.

Romanorum etiam imperator, dominus Fredericus, circa partes Aconitanas cum exercitibus suis moram faciens, tantam in legionibus, quas in Italiam introduxerat, cladem patiebatur ut, deficientibus majoribus et nobilioribus imperii principibus, vix decimus superesset: unde eos qui supererant, ad propria redire volentes, cohibere non valens, ipse quoque ad reditum, licet invitus accingebatur. Multa enim supererant negotia, et maxime contra eumdem Siculum regem, quae ejus exigebant praesentiam.

Also the emperor of the Romans, Lord Frederick, lingering with his armies around the Aconitan regions, was suffering such a disaster among the legions which he had introduced into Italy that, with the greater and more noble princes of the empire failing, scarcely a tenth survived; whence, being unable to restrain those who survived and wished to return to their own homes, he too, though unwilling, girded himself for return. For many affairs remained, and most of all against that same Sicilian king, which demanded his presence.

Dominus porro patriarcha cum sui consortibus itineris anxie deliberabat, qua via ad dominum papam in tanto tumultu posset accedere; undique enim praelia, undique seditiones omnem videbantur aditum praeclusisse. Ansquetinus quoque, quidam regis Siciliae cancellarius, urbem obsederat Beneventanam, nuntiis domini patriarchae, qui ad hoc missi fuerant, ut ei a praedicto cancellario ducatum implorarent, omnino negans per partes illas transitum, quae tamen via multo caeteris erat compendiosior. Tandemque habito quorumdam prudentum consilio, viam maritimam secutus, cum omni comitatu suo Anconam pervenit; missis inde ex latere suo quibusdam episcopis, qui dominum imperatorem Romanorum, jam ut praediximus, ad propria redeuntem, verbis illius salutarent, et pro negotiis ejus ad dominum papam litteras obtinerent imperiales.

Moreover the lord patriarch, with the companions of his journey, was anxiously deliberating by what way he might be able to approach the lord pope amid so great a tumult; for on all sides battles, on all sides seditions seemed to have blocked every access. Ansquetinus also, a certain chancellor of the king of Sicily, had besieged the Beneventan city, utterly denying passage through those parts to the envoys of the lord patriarch, who had been sent for this purpose, that they might implore from the aforesaid chancellor a safe-conduct; which route, however, was by much shorter than the others. And at length, counsel of certain prudent men having been taken, following the maritime way, he came with all his retinue to Ancona; and from there he sent from his side certain bishops, who should salute in his words the lord emperor of the Romans, now, as we have said, returning to his own, and should obtain imperial letters to the lord pope on behalf of his affairs.

Quod et factum est, licet ipse urbem Senogallias et Pisaurum jam pertransiisset, pro redeundo sollicitus. At vero dominus patriarcha cum suo comitatu Romam versus iter dirigens, dominum papam a civitate Narniensi egressum, quasi fugientem persequebatur. Tandem Romam veniens, ibique per dies aliquot facta mora, cum ei nuntiatum esset dominum papam apud urbem Ferentinam gressum fixisse, illuc incunctanter properat ut de negotio pro quo venerat experiri tentaret.

And so it was done, although he himself had already passed through the city of Senigallia and Pesaro, solicitous for returning. But indeed the lord patriarch, directing his journey toward Rome, was pursuing, as if fleeing, the lord pope who had gone out from the city of Narni. At length coming to Rome, and having made a delay there for several days, when it was announced to him that the lord pope had fixed his step at the city of Ferentino, he hastens thither without delay, that he might attempt to make trial concerning the business for which he had come.

Dicebant quidam dominum papam, ut eum taedio afficeret et gravaret sumptibus, eum studiose declinare; nam muneribus infinitis corruptus, in partem Hospitalariorum dicebatur se dedisse proclivem, qui jam ad eum multo ante praevenerant. Alii dicebant, urbis Beneventanae gratia, quae obsidione claudebatur, ut diximus, eum tam maturato advenisse itinere. Illud tamen erat evidens, favorem suum et familiarium suorum, Hospitalariis nimis familiariter indulsisse; dominum vero patriarcham cum suis, quasi adulterinos filios, fastu quodam et indignatione a se repellere, quasi indignos.

Some said that the lord pope, in order to afflict him with tedium and to burden him with expenses, was studiously avoiding him; for, corrupted by infinite gifts, he was said to have given himself, with a proclivity, to the party of the Hospitallers, who had long before anticipated him by arriving first to him. Others said that, for the sake of the city of Benevento, which, as we said, was enclosed by a siege, he had come by so hastened a journey. That, however, was evident: he had too familiarly indulged his favor and that of his familiars to the Hospitallers; but the lord patriarch with his own, as if adulterine sons, he repelled from himself with a certain haughtiness and indignation, as unworthy.

CAPUT VIII. Adrianus papa Beneventum properat; patriarcha illuc festinat, proponit actiones; sed corrupta muneribus curia, justitiam opprimit. Revertitur infecto negotio patriarcha.

CHAPTER 8. Pope Adrian hastens to Benevento; the patriarch hastens thither, proposes actions; but the curia, corrupted by gifts, oppresses justice. The patriarch returns with the business unaccomplished.

Postquam igitur ad praedictam urbem pervenit, obtulit se de more apostolicis conspectibus; ubi et male receptus, et pejus habitus, invitis ex plurima parte cardinalibus, certum de domini papae mentis conceptu et habitudine reportavit argumentum. Ille tamen quorumdam prudentum amicorum suorum fretus consilio, totum hoc dissimulans, sicut homo severus erat, dominum papam frequentabat, diebus festis assiduus erat in consistorio, episcoporum suorum coetu venerabiliter circumseptus; cui etiam advocatorum turba, quoties opus erat, jugis assistebat, officium adimplere parata. Data igitur utrisque partibus audientia, cum jam per dies multos utrinque inutiliter esset decertatum, videns dominus patriarcha, et per quosdam familiares amicos suos intelligens, quod non proficeret, sumpta licentia, conditionem referens deteriorem, confusione indutus et reverentia, aggressus est ad propria redire.

After he accordingly reached the aforesaid city, he presented himself, as was the custom, to the apostolic presence; where, both ill received and worse treated, with the cardinals for the most part unwilling, he brought back sure evidence of the lord pope’s mind—its conception and habitude. He, however, relying on the counsel of certain prudent friends of his, dissembling all this, as he was a severe man, frequented the lord pope; on feast days he was assiduous in the consistory, reverently surrounded by the gathering of his bishops; to whom also a throng of advocates, as often as there was need, stood by continually, ready to fulfill their office. Therefore, an audience having been granted to both parties, when now for many days on both sides there had been contention to no purpose, seeing, and through certain familiar friends of his understanding, that he was not making progress, leave having been taken, bringing back a worse condition, clothed with confusion and with reverence, he set about to return to his own.

De tanta autem cardinalium turba, vix reperti sunt duo vel tres, dominus videlicet Octavianus, dominus Joannes de Sancto Martino, qui ejusdem domini patriarchae, dum esset Tyrensis archiepiscopus, archidiaconus fuerat, qui Christum sequentes, ejus ministrum in causa sua pie vellent vovere. Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secuti sunt vias Balaam, filii Bosor. Dominus vero papa urgentibus eum curis domesticis, transcursa Campania Beneventum pervenit.

But out of so great a throng of cardinals, scarcely two or three were found—namely Lord Octavian and Lord John of Saint Martin, who, when that same lord patriarch was archbishop of Tyre, had been his archdeacon—who, following Christ, would piously wish to devote themselves as his minister in his cause. All the others, going after gifts, followed the ways of Balaam, son of Bosor. But the lord pope, his domestic cares pressing him, having traversed Campania, arrived at Benevento.

Interea rex Siciliae, dominus Willelmus, audiens et crebris edoctus legationibus, quod in partibus Apuliae, comes Robertus de Bassavilla, una cum Graecis regionem occupassent violenter; in Campania vero princeps Capuanus, et comes Andreas late sua diffunderent imperia, dominus quoque papa in Beneventum se receperat, unde omnibus praedictis vires et animos ministrabat, congregatis ex universa Sicilia et Calabria militaribus copiis, cum ingentibus expeditionibus in Apuliam pervenit. Ubi statim circa Brundusium, fugiente comite Roberto, primo Marte Graecorum fudit copias; et attrito penitus eorum exercitu, duces eorum captos, vinculis mancipavit. Cazas quoque, quas intulerant, valde multiplices, suis intulit tam potenter quam feliciter vestiariis: inde recepta universa regione, quae ab eo defecerat et populis gratia restituta, Beneventum obsidet; ubi tantis tam dominum papam cum suis cardinalibus, quam cives universos affecit molestiis, ut et victus deficeret et de salute redderet valde sollicitos: ubi nuntiis intercurrentibus, quibusdam occultis conditionibus, reformata est pax inter eos, exclusis omnibus illis a foedere, qui domini papae suasionibus, tantis se laboribus immerserunt et periculis.

Meanwhile the king of Sicily, lord William, hearing and by frequent embassies being informed, that in the parts of Apulia Count Robert of Bassavilla, together with the Greeks, had violently occupied the region; but in Campania the Prince of Capua and Count Andrew were widely spreading their dominions, and the lord pope likewise had withdrawn to Benevento, whence he was supplying strength and spirit to all the aforesaid, having gathered military forces from all Sicily and Calabria, arrived in Apulia with huge expeditions. There at once around Brundisium, Count Robert taking flight, in the first battle against the Greeks he routed their forces; and with their army utterly worn down, he consigned their leaders, captured, to chains. The treasures also, which they had brought in, very manifold, he conveyed as powerfully as successfully to his own wardrobes: then, the whole region which had defected from him being recovered, and favor restored to the peoples, he besieges Benevento; where he afflicted with such troubles both the lord pope with his cardinals and all the citizens, that provisions failed and made them very anxious about their safety: where, messengers running between, by certain hidden conditions, peace was re-formed between them, all those being excluded from the covenant who, by the lord pope’s persuasions, had plunged themselves into such labors and perils.

Videntes ergo praedicti nobiles viri, quod contra spem accidisset eis, et quod dominus papa, non obtenta eis domini regis gratia, pacem sibi et Romanae Ecclesiae, illis exclusis fecerat, solliciti pro se, anxie coeperunt disquirere, quonam pacto possent, sani et incolumes, extra regnum se facere. Comes itaque Robertus et Andreas, cum quibusdam aliis nobilibus viris in Lombardiam properantes, ad dominum imperatorem se contulerunt. Princeps vero Capuanus, caeteris infelicior, dum Garilianum navigio transire parat, a suis vectoribus, cum suos jam praemisisset et ipse cum paucis in ripa citeriore jamjam transiturus exspectaret, captus est; et regis fidelibus traditus, in Siciliam deductus est, ubi continuo carcere et caecitate violenter inducta, miserabiliter vitam finivit.

Therefore, seeing that it had befallen them contrary to hope, and that the lord pope, the favor of the lord king not having been obtained for them, had made peace for himself and for the Roman Church, with them excluded, the aforesaid noble men, solicitous for themselves, anxiously began to inquire by what pact they might be able, safe and unscathed, to make their way outside the kingdom. Count Robert and Andreas, therefore, hastening with certain other noble men into Lombardy, betook themselves to the lord emperor. But the Prince of Capua, more ill-fated than the rest, while he was preparing to cross the Garigliano by boat, after he had already sent his men ahead and he himself with a few on the nearer bank, just about to cross, was awaiting, was seized by his boatmen; and handed over to the king’s faithful, he was led to Sicily, where, with immediate imprisonment and with blindness violently inflicted, he miserably ended his life.

CAPUT IX. In Aegypto tumultus excitatur civilis; fugit soldanus ab eis, et occiditur a nostris; capitur ejus filius Nosceradinus.

CHAPTER 9. In Egypt a civil tumult is stirred up; the sultan flees from them, and is slain by our men; his son Nosceradinus is captured.

Per idem tempus, regno Hierosolymorum satis prospere per Dei misericordiam se habente, contigit regiones ei adjacentes ex utroque latere, quasi inopinato miserabiliter concuti. Nam Aegyptiorum quidam potentissimus, soldanatus agens officium, dominum regionis, calipham videlicet, quem Aegyptii pro summo numine colere solent et venerari, accedens ad eum familiariter, tanquam negotiorum ejus domesticus procurator, in secretiore palatii cubiculo fraudulenter occidit: hoc autem ea intentione dicitur fecisse, ut filium suum Noseredinum in calipham erigeret, et in regni administratione, filio praesidente, sine cura et sollicitudine perseveraret. Arbitratus est autem per dies aliquot rem posse occultari, quousque recepto palatio majore et thesauris occupatis ex integro, coetuque amicorum et familiarium convocato, volentibus ei hoc quod egerat ad mortem imputare, resistere posset.

At the same time, the kingdom of Jerusalem being in a sufficiently prosperous state by God’s mercy, it befell that the regions adjacent to it on either side were, as if unlooked-for, pitiably shaken. For a certain most powerful Egyptian, performing the office of the sultanate, drawing near to the lord of the region, to wit the caliph, whom the Egyptians are wont to worship and venerate as the highest numen, approached him familiarly, as the domestic procurator of his affairs, and in a more secret chamber of the palace treacherously slew him: but he is said to have done this with this intention, that he might raise his son Noseredinus as caliph, and, in the administration of the kingdom, the son presiding, he might continue without care and solicitude. He supposed, moreover, that for several days the matter could be concealed, until, the greater palace having been repossessed and the treasuries wholly seized anew, and a gathering of friends and familiars having been convoked, he might be able to resist those who were willing to impute to him unto death what he had done.

Sed res longe aliter accidit. Nam modico interjecto tempore, scelus commissum innotuit, et omnis populus a maximo usque ad minimum, tanquam vir unus, conveniens, domum illius, in quam se, perpetrato homicidio, contulerat, undique vallantes, ad poenas una voce virum sanguinum exigunt, qui domino regionis ausu nefario mortem intulerat. Dumque instant protervius, videns aliam salutis non superesse viam, thesauros aperiens, aurum, gemmas, et quaecunque habebat desiderabilia per fenestras vociferanti projicit populo, ut, dum in colligendo esset sollicitior, ipse quocunque modo ad iter se praepararet.

But the matter fell out far otherwise. For after a little interval of time, the crime committed became known, and all the people, from the greatest to the least, assembling as one man, surrounding on all sides the house of that fellow, into which he had betaken himself after perpetrating the homicide, with one voice they demand penalties for the man of blood, who by nefarious daring had brought death upon the lord of the region. And while they press more insolently, seeing that no other way of safety remained, opening the treasures, he throws out through the windows to the shouting people gold, gems, and whatever desirable things he had, in order that, while they were the more intent on gathering, he himself might somehow prepare himself for a journey.

Quid plura? Egressus cum honesto filiorum ac nepotum comitatu, invitis eis qui eum obsederant, iter arripit versus solitudinem, Damascum, ut dicebatur, profecturus; illi autem nihilo segnius eum insectantes, impedire laborabant. At vero filius ejus primogenitus, et alii de famili viri prudentes et in armis strenui, eos a se longius arcentes, sustinebant impetus et ad suos propius accedere non permittebant.

What more? Having gone out with an honorable retinue of sons and grandsons, against the will of those who had besieged him, he takes the road toward the wilderness, intending, as was said, to set out for Damascus; but they, pursuing him none the less zealously, labored to impede him. But indeed his firstborn son, and other men of the household, prudent and strenuous in arms, driving them farther away from themselves, withstood the attacks and did not permit them to come nearer to their own.

Interdum etiam et vasa aurea sive argentea, vestesque pretiosas, et holoserica aestimationis non modicae, post se relinquebant ex industria, ut eis properantibus moras innecterent, et pro dividendis quae colligebant, materiam inferrent contentionis. Tandem videntes Aegyptii se non posse proficere, infecto negotio, domum sunt reversi; ille vero profectus, dum fatorum se putat subductum esse insidiis, dum securo graditur itinere, nihil superesse difficultatis arbitrans, dum Scyllam fugit, decidit in Charybdim. Nostri enim, audito ejus transitu, casu praestruentes insidias, in eis more nocere volentium, absque strepitu latebant: ille ex improviso in praedictas irruens insidias, primis congressionibus est confossus lethaliter, ibique statim gladio vitam finivit.

Meanwhile they also left behind on purpose golden or silver vessels, and precious garments, and holoseric goods of no small valuation, so as to weave delays for those hurrying after them, and to furnish matter of contention over dividing what they were collecting. At length the Egyptians, seeing that they could not make progress, with the business unfinished, returned home; but he, having set out, while he thinks himself withdrawn from the ambushes of the fates, while he walks the road securely, supposing nothing of difficulty to remain, while he flees Scylla, falls into Charybdis. For our men, having heard of his passage, by chance prearranging ambushes, lay hidden in them, after the manner of those wishing to harm, without noise: he, unexpectedly rushing into the aforesaid ambushes, in the first encounters was run through lethally, and there immediately by the sword ended his life.

Erat autem nobili viro nomen Habeis, filius vero ejus Noseredinus, et omnis omnino familia, et universae illae divitiae, quas secum ex Aegypto detulerant, in manus hostium tradita sunt. Sic ergo opimis onusti spoliis, et qualia orbis noster prius non audierat, subfarcinati, praedam more solito dividentes, ad propria sunt reversi. Accidit autem quod inter caeteros qui eidem negotio interfuerant, fratres militiae Templi plures habuerunt milites; et potiores reportaverunt, pro numero militum, manubiarum et praedae portiones.

Now the noble man’s name was Habeis, and his son’s indeed Noseredinus; and the whole family without exception, and all those riches which they had brought with them from Egypt, were handed over into the enemies’ hands. Thus then, laden with opulent spoils, crammed with such as our world had not previously heard of, dividing the booty in the customary manner, they returned to their own. It happened, moreover, that among the others who had taken part in the same business, the brothers of the Militia of the Temple had more soldiers; and they carried off larger portions of the spoils and booty, in proportion to the number of soldiers.

Cecidit enim eis in sortem praeter caetera in funiculo distributionis, praedicti nobilis viri filius Noseradinus, vir audacissimus, rei militaris singularem apud Aegyptios habens experientiam; cujus etiam nomen populis illius regionis esset formidabile, aspectus vero terrorem incutiens, sine consolatione. Hunc porro, cum diebus multis praedicti fratres habuissent in vinculis, et avidissime petens in Christo regenerari, litteras jam didicisset Romanas, prima fidei Christianae rudimenta edoctus, pro sexaginta millibus aureorum Aegyptiis eum ad mortem postulantibus vendiderunt. Traditum autem vinctum manibus et pedibus catenis ferreis, in cavea ferrea camelis imponentes, in Aegyptum deduxerunt, ubi inhumanis desideriis suis satisfacientes, eum mordicitus decerpentes, in frusta minutissim conciderunt.

For it fell to them by lot, besides the rest, in the cord of distribution, the son of the aforesaid noble man, Noseradinus, a most audacious man, having singular experience of the military art among the Egyptians; whose very name would be formidable to the peoples of that region, and whose aspect, moreover, infusing terror, without consolation. This man, then, when for many days the aforesaid brothers had held him in chains, and he, most eagerly seeking to be regenerated in Christ, had already learned the Roman letters, having been taught the first rudiments of the Christian faith, they sold for 60,000 pieces of gold to the Egyptians who were demanding him unto death. And having been handed over, bound hand and foot with iron chains, placing him in an iron cage upon camels, they led him down into Egypt, where, satisfying their inhuman desires, tearing him by bites, they cut him into the minutest fragments.

CAPUT X. Princeps Rainaldus insulam Cyprum occupat, et ejus habitatores spoliat violenter.

CHAPTER 10. Prince Rainald seizes the island Cyprus, and violently despoils its inhabitants.

Anno sequente idem Rainaldus de Castellione, princeps Antiochenus, consilio perversorum, quorum maxime studio regebatur, piaculare iterum committens flagitium, Cyprum insulam nobis vicinam, populis refertam fidelibus, regno nostro utilem, et amicam semper, immissis hostiliter legionibus, violenter occupavit. Causa autem hujus tam abominandae invasionis videbatur haec esse: in partibus Ciliciae circa Tarsum, erat quidam nobilis et potentissimus Armenus, nomine Toros, qui domini imperatoris gratiam, ejus efficiente inconstantia, frequentius demerebatur et incurrebat offensam. Confisus enim de eo quod ab imperio remotus erat plurimum, et quod in montibus arduis habebat domicilia, per plana Ciliciae praedam agebat et manubias, non veritus terram domini sui, modis quibus poterat, damnificare et imperii fidelibus cujuscunque conditionis graves et indebitas inferre molestias.

In the following year the same Reynald of Châtillon, the prince of Antioch, by the counsel of the perverse, by whose zeal he was chiefly governed, committing anew a piacular outrage, violently occupied the island of Cyprus, near to us, filled with faithful peoples, useful to our kingdom and always friendly, having hostilely sent in legions. But the cause of this so abominable invasion seemed to be this: in the parts of Cilicia around Tarsus there was a certain noble and most powerful Armenian, by name Thoros, who, his inconstancy bringing it about, was more frequently deprived of the lord emperor’s favor and incurred his displeasure. For, trusting in the fact that he was very far removed from the empire, and that he had dwellings in lofty mountains, he drove prey and spoils through the plains of Cilicia, not fearing to damage the land of his lord, in whatever ways he could, and to inflict upon the faithful of the empire, of whatever condition, grave and undue molestations.

Audiens hoc imperator, scripsit praedicto Rainaldo, quatenus convocata militia, praedictum Toros a suis arceret finibus, et Cilicum sibi subjectorum possessiones ab ejus incursionibus redderet securas; quod si ad opus complendum pecunia esset necessaria, ipse de thesauris suis tempore opportuno mitteret sufficientem. Factum est ergo quod, congregatis militaribus copiis, ut imperialibus deserviret mandatis, in Ciliciam ingressus, praedictum Toros expulit et exercitum ejus usque ad supremam internecionem delevit. Exspectans ergo honestam Rainaldus pro tanto facto retributionem, videbatur ei differri plurimum, unde morae impatiens, ad praedictum maleficium convolavit.

Hearing this, the emperor wrote to the aforesaid Rainald, that, the militia having been convoked, he should ward off the aforesaid Toros from his borders, and render the possessions of the Cilicians subject to him secure from his incursions; and that if money were necessary for the work to be completed, he himself would send sufficient from his treasuries at an opportune time. Therefore it was done that, the military forces having been gathered to serve the imperial mandates, having entered Cilicia, he expelled the aforesaid Toros and destroyed his army unto utter extermination. Rainald then, awaiting an honorable retribution for so great a deed, seemed to himself to be put off very much; wherefore, impatient of delay, he rushed to the aforesaid maleficium.

Erant autem insulani a quibusdam de nostris diligenter praemoniti: unde et de tota insula vires contraxerant, qualesquales; sed ingrediens praedictus princeps Rainaldus, eorum statim fudit exercitum; et universas eorum eatenus contrivit copias, ut deinceps nec unus inveniretur, qui contra eum manum auderet erigere. Habens igitur liberos per totam insulam discursus, urbes contrivit, dejecit oppida, monasteria tam virorum quam feminarum impudenter confregit, expositis ludibrio sanctimonialibus et virginibus tenellis; nam auri et argenti, et vestium pretiosarum non erat numerus, neque finis; sed amittendi haec populo, comparatione laesae pudicitiae, quasi stercora reputabantur. Sic ergo per dies aliquot per totam debacchantes regionem, dum non esset qui resisteret, aetati non parcunt, vel sexui, conditionum quoque nullam habentes differentiam.

However, the islanders had been diligently premonished by certain of our own; whence also they had contracted forces from the whole island, such as they were; but upon entering, the aforesaid prince Rainald straightway routed their army; and he so crushed all their forces up to that point that thereafter not one was found who would dare to raise a hand against him. Having, therefore, free courses through the whole island, he shattered cities, cast down towns, shamelessly broke the monasteries both of men and of women, the nuns and tender virgins being exposed to mockery; for of gold and silver, and of precious garments there was no number, nor limit; but the loss of these things to the people, in comparison with violated pudicity, was reckoned as dung. Thus then, for several days raging through the whole region, while there was none to resist, they spared neither age nor sex, having likewise no distinction of conditions.

Tandem comportatis undecunque spoliis et manubiarum infinitate omnimodarum, ad mare se recipiunt, et inde praeparatis navigiis, in partes descenderunt Antiochenas, profligatis intra modicum tempus, quas male acquisierant divitiis, juxta id quod proverbialiter dici solet: Non habet eventus sordida praeda bonos.

At length, with spoils brought together from everywhere and an infinitude of plunder of every kind, they withdraw to the sea, and from there, the ships having been prepared, they descended into the Antiochene parts, having squandered within a little time the riches which they had ill acquired, according to what is proverbially wont to be said: Sordid booty does not have good outcomes.

CAPUT XI. Rex contra pacta et pacis foedus, quod cum eis pepigerat, Turcos et Arabes in silva capit Paneadense.

CHAPTER 11. The King, against the pacts and the treaty of peace which he had concluded with them, captures Turks and Arabs in the Paneas forest.

Per idem tempus, convenerat praeter solitum multitudo inaudita Arabum et Turcomannorum, qui nihilominus in tentoriis habitant, et de fructu animalium vitam solent, sicut Arabes, propagare, in silva quae Paneadensi adjacet civitati, et ab ea hodie cognomen ducit vulgare; nam antiquitus, tam quae ad septentrionem quam quae ad austrum protenditur, quaeque ipsum Libanum protegit, omnis silva saltus Libani dicebatur, unde et de Salomone legitur, quod in ea sumptuosi operis et mirabilis aedificii domum construxit, quae dicta est domus saltus Libani. Nunc autem ab urbe, ut praediximus, proxima, silva cognominatur universa. In hanc praenominati populi, impetrata tamen prius domini regis gratia et pace solemniter concessa, animalia introduxerant, equosque maxime, ad numerum infinitum, pascuorum sequentes commoditatem.

At the same time there had assembled, beyond the usual, an unheard-of multitude of Arabs and Turcomans, who nevertheless dwell in tents, and are wont, like the Arabs, to propagate their life from the produce of their animals, in the forest which adjoins the Paneadensian city and from it today takes its common cognomen; for in antiquity the whole woodland, both that which stretches to the north and that which to the south, and which shelters Lebanon itself, was called the Forest of Lebanon, whence also it is read of Solomon that in it he built a house of costly workmanship and wondrous construction, which is called the House of the Forest of Lebanon. Now, however, from the city nearest, as we said above, the whole forest is surnamed. Into this the aforesaid peoples—having first obtained the lord king’s favor and peace solemnly granted—had driven in their animals, and especially horses, to an innumerable number, following the convenience of the pastures.

Accesserunt porro ad dominum regem viri impii, filii Belial, Domini timorem prae oculis non habentes; suggesseruntque ei, et in malitia sua facilius involverunt, persuadentes ut prodigus fidei, et immemor foederis quod cum eis pepigerat, subito in praedictos viros, qui pabulandi gratia tam greges in silvam, quam armenta induxerant, irruptionem faceret; et tam eos quam eorum pecualia, suis daret ad praedam: quo et factum est. Rex enim aere gravatus alieno et multis obligatus debitis, cum non haberet unde creditoribus satisfacere posset, proclivius, ad hoc ut quocunque modo se expediret, patulam pravis incentoribus aurem praebuit, et eorum acquievit suggestionibus; nam post consilium abiens impiorum, convocata militia, repente irruit super eos, incautosque et nihil tale verentes reperiens, hostiliter circa eos versatus, suis exposuit in direptionem; qui enim ex eis aut equorum usi velocitate, fuga saluti consulere potuerunt; aut silvarum latebris hostem declinare, ipsa necessitate docente, satagerunt, vitae reservati sunt: reliquis omnibus aut occisis gladio, aut durae servituti mancipatis. Facta est igitur manubiarum et praedae tanta et tam inaudita multitudo, ut par ei in nostris regionibus non dicatur fuisse.

Moreover there drew near to the lord king impious men, sons of Belial, not having the fear of the Lord before their eyes; and they suggested to him, and more easily entangled him in their malice, persuading him that, prodigal of good faith and unmindful of the covenant which he had struck with them, he should suddenly make an irruption upon the aforesaid men, who for the sake of foraging had brought both flocks into the forest and herds, and that he should give both them and their livestock to his own for prey: and so it was done. For the king, weighed down by another’s money and bound by many debts, since he had not the means whereby he could satisfy his creditors, more readily, that he might in any way extricate himself, lent a wide-open ear to wicked instigators, and acquiesced in their suggestions; for, departing after the counsel of the impious, the soldiery having been convoked, he suddenly rushed upon them, and finding them off their guard and fearing nothing of the sort, behaving hostilely among them, he exposed them to the depredation of his own; those of them who either, using the speed of their horses, were able by flight to look to their safety, or strove, necessity itself teaching them, to avoid the enemy in the hiding-places of the woods, were preserved alive: all the rest were either slain by the sword, or delivered over to hard servitude. Therefore there was made such and so unheard-of a multitude of spoils and booty, that it is said there has not been its equal in our regions.

Cuivis de popularibus et de plebeis, equorum in sortem ceciderat numerus maximus; nec tamen nostris ad aliquem gloriae vel laudis propagandae titulum ascribi potest, cum pacis violatores et effractores foederis, homines incautos, de regis gratia praesumentes, dum non esset qui eis resisteret, male pro arbitrio tractaverunt. Sed justus retributor Dominus, Deus ultionum, non diu passus est nos tam turpibus emolumentis laetari; sed significans quod etiam infidelibus fidei tenor observandus sit illibatus, in nostram confusionem, et commissi criminis poenam adducens cum eo ultionem, pro omnibus peccatis nostris reddidit duplicia, et multiplicato fenore, intulit confusionem, sicuti in sequentibus dicetur.

To any one of the populace and of the plebeians, a very great number of horses had fallen by lot; nor yet can any title of glory or of praise to be spread be ascribed to our men, since, violators of peace and breakers of the covenant, presuming upon the king’s favor, while there was no one to resist them, they treated the unwary men badly at their pleasure. But the Lord, a just retributor, the God of vengeances, did not suffer us long to rejoice in such shameful emoluments; rather, signifying that even toward unbelievers the tenor of faith ought to be observed unsullied, to our confusion, and bringing with it vengeance as the penalty for the crime committed, he rendered double for all our sins, and with interest multiplied he brought in confusion, as will be said in what follows.

CAPUT XII. Henfredus constabularius urbem Paneadensem pro parte dimidia, Hospitalariis concedit; capitur a Noradino subsidium quod inferebatur, et civitas obsidetur.

CHAPTER 12. Humphrey the constable grants the city of Paneas in a half share to the Hospitallers; the relief that was being brought is captured by Nuradin, and the city is besieged.

Nihilominus etiam per eosdem dies, Henfredus de Torono, regius constabularius, cum saepe dictam urbem Paneadem, quae ejus erat haereditaria possessio, sumptibus et cura continua fatigatus, jam solus commode regere et conservare non posset, de consensu domini regis, cum fratribus Hospitalis ex aequo dividit, ita ut totius civitatis et suburbanorum omnium fratres praedicti habentes dimidium, impensas tam utiles quam necessarias ex dimidio ministrarent, civitatis pro parte altera debitam gerentes sollicitudinem. Erat autem civitas in confinio hostium posita, eisque valde contermina, ita ut nulli, nisi in manu forti, aut clandestino nimis itinere accedenti, accessus vel discessus inde posset esse, nisi cum periculo. Factum est autem, postquam praedicti fratres civitatem inde suam pro parte susceperunt, ut congregatis alimentorum, armorum, virorum copiis, locum certa die diligentius communire curarent: collectoque maximo ad propositum sufficiente camelorum, et omnimodorum animalium ad sarcinas deputandorum comitatu, simul et militia, quae omnem illam expeditionem violenter in urbem introducerent, ad locum accedebant, urbem ad multa sequentia tempora necessariis communituri.

Nevertheless, also during those same days, Henfredus of Toron, the royal constable, since the oft-mentioned city Paneas, which was his hereditary possession, burdened by expenses and continual care, he could no longer alone conveniently rule and preserve, by the consent of the lord king, divided equally with the brothers of the Hospital, so that the aforesaid brothers, holding the half of the whole city and of all its suburbs, should furnish from their half the expenses both useful and necessary, bearing the due solicitude for the city for the other part. Now the city was situated on the frontier of the enemy, and very contiguous to them, so that for no one approaching, unless with a strong hand, or by a very clandestine route, could there be access to or departure from it, except with danger. It came to pass, however, after the aforesaid brothers took over their share of the city from there, that, provisions of food, arms, and men having been gathered, they took care on a set day to fortify the place more diligently: and, a very great convoy, sufficient for the purpose, of camels and of all kinds of animals appointed for packs having been collected, together with soldiery who would force that whole expedition into the city, they were approaching the place, about to supply the city with necessaries for many subsequent times.

Dumque proficiscendo cum omnibus impedimentis suis urbi appropinquarent, ecce hostes, eorum adventu praecognito, eis occurrentes, instantes gladiis, caesis ex eis quam pluribus, agmen dissolvunt, caeteris autem fuga vitae et saluti consulentibus, sarcinas occupant; qui effugere nequeunt, hostium instantia praeventi, aut gladiis intereunt, aut vinculis mancipantur. Sicque quae pro instruenda civitate congesta fuerant, in ejus laesionem hostibus sunt concessa. Saepe autem nominati fratres, similium casuum formidantes dispendia, a pactis resilientes prius placitis, urbem cum suis tam oneribus quam emolumentis, domino constabulario resignaverunt.

And while, as they were setting out with all their baggage-train, they were approaching the city, behold, the enemies, their arrival having been foreknown, meeting them and pressing on with swords, after cutting down very many of them, break up the column; but the rest, providing for life and safety by flight, they seize the packs; those who cannot escape, forestalled by the enemy’s pressure, either perish by the sword or are consigned to chains. And thus the things that had been heaped up for equipping the city were, to its detriment, conceded to the enemies. But the oft-named brothers, fearing the losses of similar cases, recoiling from the pacts previously agreed, resigned the city, with its burdens as well as its emoluments, to the lord constable.

Nec mora, sumpta ex tempore opportunitate, Noradinus, ex praedicto successu factus elatior, apposuit eamdem urbem, casu praedicto consternatam, obsidere: convocataque militia et machinis comportatis, ex improviso ante urbem consistens, locatis agminibus per gyrum, eam vallat obsidione. Erat autem in parte civitatis praesidium, munitum admodum armis, viris, et pro temporis articulo, victualibus; in quo poterat esse civibus secundum capta urbe refugium. Tamen praesumentes de civitatis munimine, et quod similia saepius fuerant in ea perpessi, urbem tueri, atque pro ea viriliter stare decreverunt; potuissentque, votis consone, eam conservasse intemeratam, nisi de se praesumentes, coepissent incautius negotiari.

Nor was there delay: seizing the opportunity of the moment, Noradinus, made more elated by the aforesaid success, set himself to besiege that same city, consternated by the aforesaid mishap; and, the militia convoked and the siege-machines conveyed, taking his stand unlooked-for before the city, with the battle-lines posted all around, he girds it with a siege. Now there was in a part of the city a garrison, very much fortified with arms, men, and, for the juncture of time, victuals; in which there could be for the citizens, if the city were captured, a refuge. Yet, presuming upon the city’s muniment, and because they had very often endured like things within it, they resolved to defend the city and to stand manfully for it; and they could, in consonance with their vows, have preserved it inviolate, had they not, presuming upon themselves, begun to negotiate their affairs more incautiously.

At vero Noradinus machinis et tormentis instans jaculatoriis, sagittariorum quoque continua et indeficiente utens opera, obsessis requiem negat, et fatigatos multipliciter diu noctuque sine intermissione compellit ad defectum. Interemptis enim pluribus, sauciis quoque lethaliter nonnullis, pauci erant, qui defensionis officium exsequerentur; quod nisi ipse constabularius cum filio, paternae probitatis aemulatore praecipuo, quorum uterque tanquam pro haereditate propria familiarius et certatim stare parati, alios suo exemplo ad resistendum animarent, laboris immensitate superati, et impugnantium viribus impares procul dubio defecissent; sed revocabat eos, ut praediximus, dominorum praesentia; et eorum virtus indeficiens, ad animandum alios efficax, vires reparabat labentes et ad dimicandum reddebat fortiores. Dumque die quadam hostes solito instarent acrius, accidit ut qui in urbe erant, aperta porta, ut cum hostibus committerent, egrederentur; dumque incircumspecte se congressionibus offerunt, hostium in se irritant multitudinem; quos, dum in se irruunt, ferre non valentes, in urbem se tentant recipere.

But in truth Nur ad-Din, pressing with engines and projectile artillery, and also employing the continuous and unfailing service of archers, denies the besieged any respite, and, wearied in many ways, compels them without intermission by day and by night toward collapse. For with many slain, and some also mortally wounded, there were few who carried out the office of defense; and if the constable himself had not, together with his son—the chief emulator of his father’s probity—each of whom, as though for his own inheritance, familiarly and in rivalry were ready to stand, heartened others to resist by their example, they would without doubt have failed, overborne by the immensity of the toil and unequal to the strength of the assailants; but the presence of their lords, as we have said, recalled them; and their indefectible valor, effective for animating others, restored failing forces and made them stronger for combat. And while on a certain day the enemies pressed more sharply than usual, it happened that those who were in the city, the gate having been opened, went out to engage with the foe; and while they incautiously offer themselves to encounters, they provoke against themselves the multitude of the enemy; whom, when they rush upon them, being unable to withstand, they attempt to take themselves back into the city.

Factumque est ut, cum prae ingredientium tumultu porta claudi non posset, hostes promiscue cum civibus ingressi sint, cum tanto numero ut, obtenta violenter civitate, non sine periculo et multorum strage, nostros in praesidium ingredi cogerent violenter. Nuntiatur interea domino regi, quod praedicta civitas tantas a Noradino patiebatur angustias, et quod ad supremum pene sit inclinata defectum: unde collectis, quas pro tempore habere potuit militaribus tam equitum quam peditum copiis, ad partes illas cum suis legionibus impiger convolat: propositum habens, aut obsidione urbem praedictam absolvere, aut Martios eventus, et belli fortunam cum Noradino experiri.

And it came about that, since by reason of the tumult of those entering the gate could not be shut, the enemies, promiscuously together with the citizens, entered, in such number that, the city having been seized violently, not without danger and the slaughter of many, they forced our men violently to enter the stronghold. Meanwhile it is reported to the lord king that the aforesaid city was suffering such straits from Noradin, and that it was bent almost to utter collapse; whereupon, the military forces of both horse and foot which he was able at the time to have being gathered, he, indefatigable, flies to those parts with his legions, having the purpose either to release the aforesaid city from the siege, or to put to the test the Martial outcomes and the fortune of war with Noradin.

CAPUT XIII. Rex illuc properans, obsidionem solvit; sed incaute rediens noster exercitus, hostium insidias in itinere patitur periculosas.

CHAPTER 13. The king, hastening thither, lifts the siege; but our army, returning incautiously, suffers dangerous ambushes of the enemy on the way.

Audiens igitur praefatus princeps quod ea intentione dominus rex adveniret, nolens se dubiis bellorum submittere casibus, soluta obsidione, prius tamen urbe, quam violenter expugnaverat, igni succens et suffossa, ad propria reversus est; suam tamen, quam semel collegerat, non passus ab invicem discedere militiam, sed eam secum detinens et ampliorem convocans, in nemoribus finitimis (quasi mentem habens praesagam) latebat in insidiis, rei exitum praestolaturus. Rex vero ad urbem accedens, et optatum obsessis praestitit solatium, et tam diu praesentem se exhibuit, quoadusque lapsa erigerentur, consolidarentur fracta, et civitas in pristinum, reparatis moenibus, reformaretur statum. Convocatis enim ex urbibus finitimis, et de regno universo caementariis, et quicunque architecturae aliquam habere videbantur experientiam, instantia diligenti turres ac moenia reparant, renovant antemuralia; et intra murorum ambitum civibus instaurant ex integro domicilia, et publicis aedificiis statum restituunt pristinum; quae omnia Noradinus eo tempore, quo eam obtinuerat, funditus dejecerat studiose, ut praediximus.

Hearing therefore that the lord king would come with that intention, the aforesaid prince, unwilling to submit himself to the dubious chances of wars, raised the siege, yet first, the city which he had violently stormed he set on fire and dug down, and returned to his own; yet he did not allow the soldiery which he had once gathered to depart from one another, but, detaining it with him and convoking a larger force, he lay hidden in ambush in the neighboring woods (as though he had a prescient mind), to await the outcome of the affair. The king, however, approaching the city, both furnished the desired solace to the besieged, and showed himself present so long until the fallen were raised, the broken consolidated, and the city, its walls repaired, was reformed to its former state. For, summoning from the neighboring cities and from the whole kingdom masons, and whoever seemed to have any experience of architecture, with diligent urgency they repair the towers and the walls, renew the antemuralia; and within the circuit of the walls they restore for the citizens dwellings afresh, and to the public buildings they restore their former condition; all which things Noradinus, at the time when he had held it, had zealously cast down to the foundations, as we have said before.

His ita peractis, arbitratus rex cum suis principibus, moram suam in urbe praedicta, civibus non multum deinceps esse necessariam; quippe restitutis jam in integrum universis, municipio quoque, armis, victu, hominibus quoque diligenter satis pro tempore communito: dimissis peditum manipulis, ipse cum solis equitum turmis Tiberiadem redire proposuit. Egressus ergo ex eadem urbe et in austrum iter dirigens, secus lacum, cui nomen Meleha, castrametatus est, ubi nocte illa longe aliter quam disciplina militaris exigeret, et imprudenter se habens, non observata castrorum lege, requievit exercitus. Solet enim usu inter homines evenire, ut in prosperis et pro voto successibus circumspecte minus se consueverint habere.

These things thus accomplished, the king, having judged with his princes that his stay in the aforesaid city would thenceforward not be much necessary for the citizens—since now all things had been restored in full, and the municipality also, with arms, victual, and men as well, had been diligently enough, for the time, made secure—having dismissed the maniples of foot, he himself with only the squadrons of horse proposed to return to Tiberias. Having gone out, therefore, from the same city and directing his march to the south, along the lake whose name is Meleha, he encamped, where that night, far otherwise than military discipline would require, and conducting himself imprudently, with the law of the camp not observed, the army took its rest. For it is wont, by usage, to happen among men, that in prosperous and according-to-wish successes they have been accustomed to carry themselves less circumspectly.

Nam miseris regulariter solet adesse solertia rebus. Unde fortasse dictum est: Cadent a latere tuo mille, sinistro videlicet; et decem millia a dextris tuis (Psal. XC, 7); plures enim, acti prosperis et successibus elati, solent in praeceps ruere: e diverso vero dispendiis et adversis casibus defatigati, propriis edocti periculis, didicerunt se in dubiis habere circumspectius; et semper timere fortunam, quam saepius experti sunt in suis negotiis amaram. Rex igitur mente recolens, quod tantum principem ab impugnatione urbis obsessae dimoverat, ratusque eum eum suis expeditionibus longius abiisse, nec facile in suam aut suorum injuriam iterum tot nationes in unum convenire posse arbitratus, imprudentius aliquantulum, et pro singulorum arbitrio indulgentius coepit se, ut praediximus, habere.

For resourcefulness is regularly wont to be present to miserable affairs. Hence perhaps it has been said: A thousand will fall at your side, namely on the left; and ten thousand at your right hand (Psalm 90, 7); for more men, driven by prosperities and exalted by successes, are accustomed to rush headlong: conversely, wearied by losses and adverse cases, taught by their own dangers, they have learned to conduct themselves more circumspectly in doubtful matters; and always to fear Fortune, whom they have more often experienced as bitter in their affairs. Therefore the king, recalling to mind that he had driven so great a prince from the assault of the besieged city, and supposing him to have gone farther off with his expeditions, and judging that so many nations could not easily again come together into one for injury to himself or his men, began, as we have said, to conduct himself somewhat more imprudently, and more indulgently according to each one’s discretion.

Nuntiatur porro hostibus in insidiis commorantibus, quod dimissis pedestribus alis domini regis exercitus, circa lacum Meleha secure nimis et imprudentius se haberet; quodque de principibus ejus nonnulli, Philippus videlicet Neapolitanus, et quidam alii cum suis comitatibus discessissent: videntes rem pro votis accidere, castra movent subito; et eorum prudentissimo principe rem (prout expedire noverat) accelerante, ad partes illas contendunt, et ad Jordanem, qui medius erat inter eos, usque perveniunt; quo transito, in eo loco qui vulgari appellatione vadum Jacob appellatur, cis Jordanem, qua regius exercitus crastina transiturus erat die, se locant in insidiis. At vero luce terris reddita, iterum ad proficiscendum noster exercitus, nocturnarum insidiarum nescius, et eorum quae ab hostibus interim praestructa fuerant ignarus, versus eas partes quas Turci clam occupaverant, iter arripiunt; dumque securi, et nihil prorsus sinistri formidantes proficiscuntur, ecce subito ex insidiis prodeunt, qui ad hoc specialiter convenerant, ut incautos aggrederentur; securisque, et nihil tale verentibus, strictis se offerunt gladiis, more hostium vulnera et mortem ministraturi. Nostri porro, licet sero, expergefacti, dimissis diversis confabulationibus, videntes rem agi serio, equos armaque corripiunt; sed antequam ad resistendum praeparari et convenire possent, ex ordine, dissoluta sunt (hostibus importune instantibus, et gladiis cominus strenue decertantibus) agmina, ita ut nusquam de nostris nisi paucissimi cohaererent.

It is further announced to the enemies lingering in ambush that, the infantry wings of the lord king’s army having been dismissed, around the Lake Meleha he was comporting himself far too securely and imprudently; and that of his princes some—namely Philip the Neapolitan—and certain others had departed with their retinues: seeing the matter fall out according to their wishes, they suddenly move camp; and their most prudent prince accelerating the matter (as he knew it to be expedient), they hasten to those parts, and they come as far as the Jordan, which was between them; this crossed, in the place which in the vulgar tongue is called the Ford of Jacob, on this side of the Jordan, where the royal army on the next day was going to cross, they place themselves in ambush. But, with the light given back to the lands, again for setting out our army, unaware of the nocturnal ambushes, and ignorant of the things meanwhile pre-structured by the enemies, toward those parts which the Turks had secretly occupied, take up the march; and while, secure and fearing utterly nothing sinister, they proceed, behold, suddenly there come forth from ambush those who had gathered especially for this, that they might assail the incautious; and upon men secure and fearing nothing of the sort, they present themselves with swords drawn, in the manner of enemies to dispense wounds and death. Our men, however, though late, awakened, dismissing their various confabulations, seeing the matter being done in earnest, seize horses and arms; but before they could be prepared and come together for resistance, in order the ranks were dissolved (the enemies pressing importunately, and contending stoutly with swords at close quarters), so that nowhere of our men did any save very few hold together.

CAPUT XIV. Rex apud castrum Saphet, fugiens de praelio, se recipit; prosternitur exercitus, et de principibus plurimis capiuntur.

CHAPTER 14. The King at the castle of Saphet, fleeing from the battle, retires; the army is prostrated, and very many of the princes are captured.

Rex autem cum paucis qui ei adhaeserant, videns acies dissolutas, confusum exercitum hostibus undique patere ad praedam; hostes undique invalescere, nostros vero jam non deficere, sed ab initio potius defecisse; ut saluti consuleret, prudenter subiit in montem qui vicinus erat: unde cum summis periculis hostes nunc a dextris nunc a sinistris, equi cui insidebat beneficio, declinans, in castrum cui Sephet nomen, quod in eodem monte situm erat, vix et cum multa difficultate se recepit. Capta est illa die de principibus nostris maxima multitudo, caesi vero pauci; nam omnes indifferenter, tam qui rei militaris dicebantur habere prudentiam, et usum praecipuum, quam gregarii, hostibus tanquam vilia mancipia ignominiosae servitutis jugum, et perpetuae infamiae notam non abhorrentes, ut miserae vitae consulerent, sine contradictione se tradebant. Captus est inter caeteros ibi vir nobilis et inclytus, dominus Hugo de Ibelim; Oddo quoque de Sancto Amando, regius marescalcus, Joannes Gotmanus, Rohardus Joppensis, et Ballianus frater ejus: Bertrandus de Blanquefort, magister militiae Templi, vir religiosus et timens Deum, et alii multi, quorum nomina non tenemus.

The king, however, with the few who had adhered to him, seeing the battle-lines dissolved, the army in confusion lying open to the foe on every side for plunder; the enemies waxing strong everywhere, while our men indeed were now not failing, but rather had failed from the outset; that he might consult for safety, prudently betook himself up a mountain which was nearby: whence, with utmost perils, now from the right, now from the left, by the benefit of the horse upon which he sat, turning aside the foes, he withdrew into the castle named Sephet, which was situated on the same mountain, scarcely and with much difficulty. On that day a very great multitude of our princes was taken, but few were slain; for all alike—both those who were said to have prudence in the military art and chief experience, and the rank-and-file—delivered themselves without contradiction to the enemies, as if cheap chattels, not shrinking from the yoke of ignominious servitude and the mark of perpetual infamy, that they might consult for a wretched life. Taken there among the rest was a noble and renowned man, Lord Hugh of Ibelin; likewise Odo of Saint-Amand, the royal marshal; John Gotman; Rohard of Jaffa; and Balian his brother; Bertrand of Blanquefort, Master of the militia of the Temple, a religious man and one who fears God; and many others, whose names we do not hold.

Refudit nobis Dominus juxta meritum viarum nostrarum fructum; et qui innocentes et de nostra praesumentes fide, spretis humanitatis legibus, oppresseramus indebite, aequa lance pensam reportavimus confusionem. Dati sunt enim inclyti nostri, gentibus in opprobrium; et hostium expositi ludibrio, peccatis nostris exigentibus, traditi sunt in commotionem capitis in populis (Psal. XLIII, 16); zelus Domini exercituum fecit haec (Isa.

The Lord has paid back to us, according to the desert of our ways, the fruit; and we—who, spurning the laws of humanity, had unjustly oppressed the innocent and those presuming upon our pledged faith—have received disgrace weighed out in an even balance. For our illustrious men have been given, to the nations for reproach; and, exposed to the mockery of the enemies, our sins demanding it, they have been delivered to a shaking of the head among the peoples (Psal. 43, 16); the zeal of the Lord of hosts has done these things (Isa.

IX, 7). Bene tamen et misericorditer, non oblitus misereri, nec continens in ira sua misericordias suas, nobiscum fecit; providens ut regem salvum faceret, qui si illa die defecisset, regnum omne procul dubio in supremum, quod Deus avertit, descendisset periculum. In milite enim, quantumvis eximio, unius sors est; in rege vero, universorum periculum; quod satis attendit diligenter qui pro rege sollicitus erat, David fidelis, dicens: Domine, salvum fac regem (Psal. XIX, 10). Rumor interim de rege varius longe lateque regionem pro ea sollicitam afficiebat, dicentibus aliis, quia gladiis confossus interierat; aliis, quod inter concaptivos vinctus, hostibus id ignorantibus, abductus erat; aliis, quod divina eum protegente clementia illaesum, bellicis tumultibus se subduxerat.

9, 7). Yet well and mercifully, not forgetful to have mercy, nor restraining his mercies in his wrath, he dealt with us; providing to make the king safe, who, if he had failed that day, the whole kingdom without doubt would have descended into the utmost peril—which God averted. For in a soldier, however choice, it is the lot of one; but in a king, the peril of all; which he who was solicitous for the king, faithful David, duly considered, saying: O Lord, save the king (Psalm 19, 10). Meanwhile a various rumor about the king was affecting far and wide the region, anxious on his account, some saying that, pierced through by swords, he had perished; others, that, bound among the fellow-captives, the enemies not knowing it, he had been abducted; others, that, divine clemency protecting him, unharmed, he had withdrawn himself from the warlike tumults.

Anxie ergo nimis, et quasi mater unicum habens filium, piam pro eo gerit plebs universa sollicitudinem; et dum ignorat quid circa eum geratur, quidquid deterius accidere potest, id eum passum affectuosissime compatiens suspicatur. Ipse vero, regione ab hostibus aliquantulum expedita, cum paucis admodum, qui cum eo in praedictum oppidum se contulerant, adjunctis sibi nonnullis qui casu de hesternis evaserant periculis, ad Acconensem properans urbem, cum plausu populi et exsultatione non modica, quasi redivivus exceptus est. Factum est hoc anno regni domini Balduini quarto decimo, mense Junio, XIII Kal.

Therefore, exceedingly anxious, and as a mother having an only son, the whole populace bears pious solicitude for him; and while it does not know what is being done concerning him, most affectionately, sympathizing, it suspects that whatever worse can befall, that he has suffered it. He himself, however, the region being somewhat cleared of enemies, with very few who had betaken themselves with him into the aforesaid town, certain others also being added to him who by chance had escaped the perils of yesterday, hastening to the city of Acre, was received, with the applause of the people and with no small exultation, as if reborn. This came to pass in the 14th year of the reign of lord Baldwin, in the month of June, on the 13th Kalends.

Julii.

of July.

CAPUT XV. Noradinus iterum Paneadem obsidet, sed rege rursum occurrente non proficit.

CHAPTER 15. Noradin again besieges Paneas, but with the king again coming out to meet him, he does not succeed.

Noradinus vero, sicut erat vir strenuus, et successus suos continuare impiger, transcursis universis regionibus, et praedis hinc inde comportatis, factus locupletior; convocatis iterum militaribus copiis; et lege edictali ex Damasco et omnibus finibus ejus, accitis amplioribus, adjicit iterum ut Paneadem obsideret; nihil minus suspicans quam quod per regem vel ejus principes, quorum vires attriverat, obsessis ministraretur subsidium. Locata igitur secundum propositum, circa saepedictam urbem obsidione, more iterum hostili, machinis frequentibus et ordine congruo dispositis, turres concutit, moenia debilitat, et crebra sagittariorum opera, et telorum instar grandinis immissione, eos qui intus se receperant, vices prohibet exercere resistentis. Cives autem loci illius, memores quomodo in proxime praeterita obsidione, civitatem tueri cupientes, in proposito defecerant, praevenire cupientes, in praesidium sponte se receperant universi.

But Noradin, as he was a strenuous man and un-sluggish to continue his successes, after running through all the regions and carrying off plunder hither and yon, becoming more opulent; the military forces again having been convoked; and, by an edictal law, larger contingents having been called in from Damascus and all its borders; he adds again that he should besiege Paneas; suspecting nothing less than that aid would be supplied to the besieged by the king or by his princes, whose forces he had worn down. Therefore, the siege having been placed, according to his plan, around the oft-said city, in hostile fashion again, with engines frequent and set in a fitting order, he shakes the towers, weakens the walls, and by the frequent work of the archers, and by the sending in of missiles like hail, he prevents those who had taken refuge inside from in their turn doing the part of resistance. The citizens, however, of that place, mindful how in the siege lately past, wishing to defend the city, they had failed in their purpose, wishing to forestall it, had all of them voluntarily withdrawn into the stronghold.

Praefecerat autem eidem loco et curam supremam tradiderat constabularius, abiens, et aliis tractus negotiis, cuidam consanguineo suo, Guidoni videlicet de Scandalione, rei militaris experientissimo; sed modicae fidei, et Deum prorsus ignoranti. Is cum mandantis intuitu, tum praetextu propriae existimationis, ne quos in rebus bellicis egregie gestis titulos offuscaret, verbo simul et exemplo alios ad resistendum animabat; nec defuturum in proximo subsidium, et perennem gloriam bene merentibus certius promittens: unde erat, quod omnes quasi pro re propria dimicantes, stupendos se et admirabiles, pro indeficientibus vigiliis et continuis laboribus, hostibus darent. Qui nihilominus, omnino resistentibus omnino adversari parati, sine intermissione molestias inferunt; et majores habentes numeros, qui alternatim sibi succedere praecipiebantur, eos qui unde vires repararent, penitus non habebant, ad defectum, anxietatibus quotidianis compellebant.

The constable, however, as he departed and was drawn to other business, had set over that same place and had entrusted the supreme care to a certain kinsman of his, namely Guy of Scandalion, most experienced in the military art, but of scant faith and wholly ignorant of God. He, both out of regard for the one who had commissioned him and under the pretext of his own estimation, lest he should overshadow any titles won by deeds excellently performed in war, encouraged others to resist both by word and by example; and he promised more surely that succor would not be lacking shortly, and perennial glory to the well‑deserving: whence it came about that all, as if fighting for their own affair, made themselves to the enemy stupendous and admirable for their unflagging vigils and continual labors. They, nevertheless, fully prepared to oppose men resisting to the uttermost, inflicted harassments without intermission; and, having larger numbers, who were ordered to relieve one another by turns, they drove those who had absolutely no means whence to repair their strength to collapse, by daily vexations.

Nuntiatur interea domino regi, sed et principes qui residui erant in regno non latebat quantis anxietatibus, qui in civitate obsessi erant, premerentur. Unde missis legationibus tam ad principem Antiochenum, quam ad Tripolitanum comitem, ut, mora postposita, ad subveniendum maturarent; rex vero, quod residuum erat in regno militiae missis convocat praeconibus; et accidit, Divinitate propitia, ut intra paucos dies, et exspectato citius, uterque praedictorum illustrium, cum honesto comitatu, regiis se castris, sub Castello novo, in loco qui dicitur Nigraguarda, unde civitatem obsessam erat cominus intueri se intulerint. Audiens ergo Noradinus, quod principes praedicti cum domino rege convenerant et in procinctu erant, ut ad urbem accedere; sicuti vir providus erat et in negotiis suis circumspectissimus, licet oppidum jam ex partibus pluribus effregisset, et jam obsessis nulla spes esset resistendi, tamen bellorum declinans insidias et casus praeliorum ancipites obsidione soluta, in ulteriores sui regni partes se contulit.

Meanwhile it is announced to the lord king, nor was it hidden from the princes who were remaining in the kingdom, with what anxieties those who were besieged in the city were being pressed. Whence, legations having been sent both to the prince of Antioch and to the count of Tripoli, that, delay set aside, they should make haste to bring succor; the king, moreover, heralds being sent, summons what soldiery remained in the kingdom; and it befell, with Divinity propitious, that within a few days, and sooner than was expected, both of the aforesaid illustrious men, with an honorable retinue, presented themselves at the royal camp, beneath New Castle, at the place which is called Nigraguarda, whence the besieged city could be viewed from close at hand. Hearing, therefore, that the aforesaid princes had come together with the lord king and were in battle array to approach the city; inasmuch as he was a provident man and most circumspect in his affairs, although he had already broken the town in several parts, and now there was no hope for the besieged of resisting, nevertheless, shunning the snares of wars and the doubtful chances of battles, with the siege lifted, he withdrew into the further parts of his own realm.

CAPUT XVI. Comes Flandrensium Theodericus applicat. Mittuntur nuntii Constantinopolim, qui domino regi uxorem petant.

CHAPTER 16. Theodoric, Count of the Flemings, arrives. Envoys are sent to Constantinople to seek a wife for the lord king.

Cum haec igitur in regno ita varie multipliciterque geruntur, et captivatis nostris ex maxima parte principibus, regnum in desolatione jaceret, accidit, divina nos respiciente clementia, comitem Flandrensium, dominum Theodoricum, inclytum et magnificum virum, cujus introitus in regno saepefuerat utilis et necessarius, cum uxore Sibylla, quae domini regis ex patre soror era t, in portu Berytensium applicuisse; cujus adventum, tanta mentis exsultatione universus suscepit populus, ut jam quasi praesagire videretur, regni pressuras importabiles, ejus et suorum introitu, ex parte plurima relevandas fore; nec fraudati sunt a desiderio suo, qui pro regni tranquillitate erant pie solliciti. Nam statim post ejus ingressum, adfuit magni consilii Angelus, qui nostrorum vias dirigens ad regni compendia et Christiani gloriam nominis, eos misericorditer praecessit, sicut consequenter dicetur. Interea tamen videntes regni principes, tam ecclesiastici quam saeculares, quod rex virilem jam nactus aetatem, sine conjuge hactenus fuerat, et pro liberis solliciti, prout oportebat, ut ei filius tanquam haeres legitimus in regnum succederet, consuluerunt in medium, ut regi liberos non habenti, in honesto matrimonio provideatur.

Therefore, while these things in the kingdom were being conducted so variously and manifoldly, and with our princes for the greatest part taken captive, the kingdom lay in desolation, it befell, with divine clemency looking upon us, that the count of the Flemings, lord Theodoric, a renowned and magnificent man, whose entrance into the kingdom had often been useful and necessary, together with his wife Sibylla, who was the lord king’s sister on the father’s side t, in the harbor of the Berytans made land; whose arrival the whole people received with such exultation of mind, that now they seemed as it were to fore-see that the unbearable pressures of the kingdom, by his and his men’s entry, would for the most part be relieved; nor were they defrauded of their desire, who were piously solicitous for the tranquility of the kingdom. For immediately after his ingress, there was at hand an Angel of great counsel, who, directing the ways of our men toward the advantages of the kingdom and the glory of the Christian name, mercifully went before them, as will be told in what follows. Meanwhile, however, the princes of the kingdom, both ecclesiastical and secular, seeing that the king, having now attained manly age, had hitherto been without a spouse, and being anxious for offspring, as was fitting, that a son might succeed to the kingdom as his legitimate heir, took counsel in common that for the king not having children, provision should be made for him in an honorable marriage.

Tandem post multas deliberationum partes, multiplici concurrente ratione visum est omnibus expedientius esse, cum domino Constantinopolitano imperatore, super hujusmodi negotio verbum tentare; tum quia nobilium virginum et proxima consanguinitate junctarum, in palatio suo non deerat ei copia; tum quia princeps potentissimus et inter mortales locupletior, de suis copiis, nostram, qua regnum maxime laborabat, poterat relevare inopiam et tenuitatem mutata conditione reddere superabundantem. Missi sunt ergo de communi consensu, ad explendum, auctore Domino, quod conceperant, Attardus Nazaraenus episcopus, dominus quoque Henfredus de Torono, regius constabularius; qui dispositis pro tempore rebus mare ingressi, navigio illuc iter arripuerunt,

At length, after many parts of deliberations, with manifold reason concurring, it seemed to all more expedient to attempt a word with the lord the Constantinopolitan emperor about a business of this kind; both because in his palace there was no lack of a supply of noble maidens joined by nearest consanguinity, and because, being a most powerful prince and more opulent among mortals, from his resources he could relieve our lack, wherein the kingdom especially labored, and by a changed condition render our poverty superabundant. Therefore by common consent there were sent, to fulfill—by the Lord as author—what they had conceived: Attardus, bishop of Nazareth, and likewise lord Humphrey of Toron, the royal constable; who, matters for the time being having been arranged, having put to sea, by ship took their journey thither,

CAPUT XVII. Rex cum universis regni viribus et comite Flandrensium Antiochiam properat. Noradinus desperatam incurrit aegritudinem.

CHAPTER 17. The king, with all the forces of the kingdom and the Count of the Flemings, hastens to Antioch. Noradinus falls into a desperate sickness.

Interea ne tanti principis totque nobilium fortiumque qui cum eo venerant, deses et sine fructu jaceret adventus, adjiciunt de communi consilio, divina eis aspirante gratia, cum omnibus militaribus copiis ad partes se transferre Antiochenas; significatoque eo ipso, tam domino principi quam domino comiti Tripolitano, suggeritur utrique familiarius, ut certa die praeparatam habeat uterque eorum militiam, ut subitus in terras hostium, die condicta, eorum possit esse introitus. Factum est autem, praevio coelesti favore, quod in Tripolitanis partibus, in eo loco qui vulgo appellatur La Boquea, licet ex partibus diversis, convenerunt unanimes. Inde hostium fines ordinatis agminibus violenter sunt ingressi.

Meanwhile, lest the arrival of so great a prince and of so many nobles and men of prowess who had come with him should lie idle and fruitless, they add by common counsel, divine grace breathing upon them, to transfer themselves with all their military forces to the Antiochene parts; and with this very plan made known both to the lord prince and to the lord count of Tripoli, it is suggested to each more intimately that on a fixed day each have his soldiery prepared, so that on the appointed day a sudden entry into the lands of the enemy might be theirs. And it came to pass, with heavenly favor going before, that in the Tripolitan regions, in that place which is commonly called La Boquea, although from diverse quarters, they met of one mind. Thence, with their columns ordered, they forcefully entered the borders of the enemy.

Sed tamen prima fronte, non multo laetati sunt successu; nam hostium oppidum, cui vulgaris appellatio est castrum Rugium, multa expugnantes instantia, penitus non profecerunt. Sed debile principium melior fortuna secuta est; suggerente enim domino Rainaldo Antiochenorum principe, et ad id obtinendum plurimum pro viribus elaborante, universi principes qui convenerant, cum suis expeditionibus ad partes Antiochenas auspiciis se dirigunt felicioribus. Quo cum pervenissent, eis in civitate praedicta, dum deliberant quid pro tempore sit expedientius, moram facientibus: ecce gratissimi rumoris nuntius regem adit et principes, certo certius asserens quod Noradinus hostium nostrorum potentissimus, qui juxta castrum Nepam cum multa militia castra locaverat, aut mortuus erat, aut in incurabilem et desperatam deciderat aegritudinem.

Yet at first blush they were not much gladdened by success; for though they pressed with much storming effort a town of the enemy, whose common appellation is the castle Rugium, they did not advance at all. But a weak beginning was followed by better fortune; for the lord Reynald, Prince of Antioch, suggesting it, and laboring very greatly to the utmost of his powers to obtain it, all the princes who had assembled, with their expeditions, directed themselves to the Antiochene parts under happier auspices. When they had come there, they lingering in the aforesaid city while they deliberate what is most expedient for the time: behold, a messenger of most welcome rumor approaches the king and the princes, asserting more than certain that Noradin, the most powerful of our enemies, who had pitched his camp near the castle Nepa with much soldiery, was either dead, or had fallen into an incurable and desperate sickness.

In argumentum autem suae assertionis allegabat, quod pridie castra ejus adeo turbata viderat, ut servos ejus et maxime familiares, resque domesticas passim et sine delectu diripere volentibus, data esse ad praedam assereret; et cum ejulatu et fletu maximo, et cum intimi doloris evidentibus argumentis, soluta agmina, et confusum exercitum, ad partes diversas secessisse. Erat autem vero consentaneum, quod praedictus nuntius attulerat; nam in aegritudinem inciderat desperatissimam, ita ut extra ordinem solutis agminibus rapinae in exercitu impune fierent, et nullius cohiberetur violentia, sicut apud eos, defuncto domino, solet accidere. Ipse autem in lectica, quasi membris officia negantibus, corpore impotens, per manus fidelium suorum usque Halapiam delatus est.

In proof, moreover, of his assertion he alleged that on the previous day he had seen his camp so thrown into turmoil that he asserted it had been given over to booty, with his slaves and especially his familiars, and the household goods, to those wishing to plunder them everywhere and without selection; and that, with wailing and the greatest weeping, and with evident proofs of inmost pain, the ranks dissolved, and the army, in confusion, had withdrawn to diverse quarters. And in fact what the aforesaid messenger brought was consonant with the truth; for he had fallen into a most desperate sickness, so that, out of order, with the formations loosened, plunderings in the army were being carried out with impunity, and no one’s violence was being restrained, as among them, when the lord is deceased, is wont to happen. But he himself, in a litter, as if his limbs were denying their offices, powerless in body, was borne by the hands of his faithful as far as Aleppo.

Comperto igitur nostri rerum statu, videntesque omnia ad propositum cooperari, communi voto et approbato consilio, nuntios ad potentissimum Armenicorum principem dominum Toros dirigunt, rogantes intime, et modis quibus possunt id persuadere laborantes ut, omni excusatione postposita, cum militaribus auxiliis, Antiochiae cum eis adesse procuret et tam fructuosi laboris tantis principibus se dignetur adhibere consortem. Ille vero suscepta legatione gavisus, sicut vir impiger erat et strenuus, convocatis suorum ingentibus copiis, maturato itinere, Antiochiam pervenit; quo recepto, nostri gaudentes plurimum, eductis expeditionibus urbem egressi, versus Caesaram castra dirigunt.

Therefore, having learned the state of our affairs, and seeing that all things cooperated with the plan, by common vote and approved counsel they send envoys to the most powerful prince of the Armenians, Lord Toros, begging intimately and striving by whatever means they can to persuade him that, every excuse set aside, he should procure to be present at Antioch with them with military auxiliaries, and deign to add himself as a consort to such great princes in so fruitful a labor. He, indeed, rejoicing in the embassy received, as he was an energetic and strenuous man, having convened vast forces of his own and with the march hastened, arrived at Antioch; upon whose reception, our men rejoicing greatly, with the expeditions drawn out, went forth from the city and directed their camp toward Caesara.

CAPUT XVIII. Obsidetur Caesarea, et post modicum violenter effringitur.

CHAPTER 18. Caesarea is besieged, and after a short while it is violently broken open.

Est autem Caesara civitas, super Orontem fluvium, qui Antiochiam praeterlabitur, sita; hanc vulgari appellatione quidam Caesaream appellant et putant eam esse, quae est Cappadociae metropolis eximia; cui beatus et egregius doctor praefuit Basilius; sed a vero, qui hoc credunt, exorbitant. Nam praedicta metropolis ab Antiochia distat plus quam itinere dierum quindecim, vel circa id. Haec autem est in Syria Celes, quae alia provincia est, a Cappadociana dioecesi multis mediis provinciis disjuncta; nec Caesarea dicitur, sed potius Caesara; una de suffraganeis urbibus Antiocheni patriarchatus. Est autem civitas satis commode sita, cujus pars inferior in plano jacet, superior vero in sui fastigio praesidium habet munitissimum, longum satis, sed angustum admodum; cui ex altera parte civitas, ex altera fluvius, praeter naturalem munitionem, robur praestant et accessum reddunt impervium.

Now Caesara is a city situated upon the river Orontes, which flows past Antioch; some, by common appellation, call it Caesarea and think it to be that distinguished metropolis of Cappadocia over which the blessed and eminent doctor Basil presided; but they who believe this swerve from the truth. For the aforesaid metropolis is more than a journey of fifteen days from Antioch, or thereabouts. This city, however, is in Coele‑Syria, which is another province, separated from the Cappadocian diocese by many intervening provinces; nor is it called Caesarea, but rather Caesara, one of the suffragan cities of the patriarchate of Antioch. Moreover, it is a city quite conveniently situated, whose lower part lies on the plain, while the upper on its summit has a most strongly fortified stronghold, sufficiently long but very narrow; to which, on one side the city, on the other the river, besides its natural fortification, lend strength and render access impervious.

Ad quam nostri, ordinatis juxta rei militaris disciplinam agminibus, accedentes, urbem primo adventu, locatis ordine congruo singulorum principum agminibus, obsidione claudunt. Obsessa igitur civitate et civibus hostium metu infra urbem collectis, rex et qui deforis castra locaverant, locatis machinis et jaculatoriis instrumentis, urbem non cessant molestiis quibus possunt, opera continua et continuis laboribus fatigare. Certant principes quisque pro sua portione, quae ab initio sorte obtigerat, suos invitando et pollicendo praemia, urbem vehementius impugnare; dumque certatim priores urbem effringere cupiunt; dum quisque sibi palmam de prima irruptione vindicare quaerit, tantam civibus inferunt molestiam, ut ex parte qualibet, mortem sibi arbitrentur imminere.

To this place our men, approaching with their columns arrayed according to the discipline of the military art, on their first arrival, with the columns of each of the princes set in fitting order, close the city with a siege. The city therefore being besieged, and the citizens, through fear of the enemy, gathered within the walls, the king and those who had pitched their camp outside, having set up machines and iaculatory instruments, do not cease to weary the city with whatever annoyances they can, by continuous works and continual labors. The princes vie, each for his own portion which from the beginning had fallen to him by lot, by urging their men and promising rewards, to assail the city more vehemently; and while, in rivalry, they desire to be the first to break the city open, while each seeks to vindicate for himself the palm of the first irruption, they inflict such vexation on the citizens that from every quarter they suppose death to be impending over them.

Erant enim cives loci illius rerum militarium expertes, negotiationi dantes operam; praeterea et praesentis casus ignari, nihil minus unquam quam obsidionem formidabant, praesumentes et de domini sui, quem sospitem arbitrabantur, potentia, et de loci munitione. Erant ergo ad hujusmodi portanda onera, propter praedicta, impares; et assultus continuos simul et Martios congressus ferre non valentes. Factum est igitur ut, post dies aliquot deficientibus omnino civibus, ad impugnantium jugem instantiam effractis moenibus irruerint nostri in urbem mediam; et capta violenter civitate, oppidanis in praesidium se recipientibus, tradita sunt eis quaecunque in inferioris civitatis parte erant residua et omnia indifferenter sunt ad praedam concessa; usi ergo pro arbitrio et civium domiciliis, et quae in eis reperta sunt per dies aliquot.

For the citizens of that place were unskilled in military matters, giving their effort to commerce; moreover, ignorant of the present crisis, they feared nothing less than a siege, presuming both upon the power of their lord, whom they supposed to be safe and sound, and upon the fortification of the place. Therefore they were unequal to bearing burdens of this sort, for the reasons stated, and were not able to endure continuous assaults and martial encounters alike. It thus came to pass that, after a few days, the citizens being altogether spent, under the unremitting pressure of the assailants, the walls having been broken, our men rushed into the middle city; and, the city having been violently seized, the townsmen withdrawing into the stronghold, whatever remained in the lower part of the city was handed over to them, and everything without distinction was given over to plunder; accordingly they used at their discretion both the citizens’ domiciles, and the things found in them, for several days.

Cum satis in expedito videretur esse, ut et praesidium nihilominus cum omnibus qui evadendi gratia in illud se receperant, si debita adhiberetur instantia, facilius occuparetur, orta est inter principes nostros, frivola satis, sed tamen multum noxia contentio. Dominus enim rex, volens patriae saluti consulere, videns quia dominus comes Flandrensium cum militibus, tum pecunia sufficienter instructus, locum poterat contra hostium vires et insidias indemnem conservare, ei civitatem ab initio destinaverat; eaque intentione et praesidium instantius decreverat impugnare, ut utrumque receptum domino comiti traderet conservandum et jure perpetuo haereditarioque nihilominus possidendum assignaret. Hoc autem cum caeteris principibus valde videretur idoneum, et ad hoc gratuito unanimiter convenirent assensu, princeps Rainaldus ambages intexuit, dicens: Urbem illam cum suis pertinentiis ab initio haereditatis Antiocheni principis portionem esse; ideoque oportere ut quicunque eam possideat, Antiocheno principi fidelitatem exhibeat. Comes autem supradictus pro eadem possessione domino regi fidelitatem devote paratus erat exhibere; principi autem Antiocheno, sive domino Rainaldo, qui in praesenti administrabat principatum, sive adolescenti Boamundo, qui in proximo sperabatur princeps futurus, omnino se exhibiturum negabat, asserens Se nunquam nisi regibus fidelitatem exhibuisse. Orta ergo, peccatis nostris exigentibus, super hujusmodi quaestione, inter principes controversia, neglecto negotio, quod utile plurimum, et ad obtinendum facile imminebat, suffarcinati spoliis et praeda usque ad satietatem onusti, Antiochiam cum suis legionibus reversi sunt.

When it seemed to be sufficiently in readiness that the garrison nonetheless, together with all who had betaken themselves into it for the sake of escaping, might, if due urgency were applied, be more easily occupied, there arose among our princes a contention quite frivolous, yet very harmful. For the lord king, wishing to consult the salvation of the fatherland, seeing that the lord Count of the Flemings, sufficiently furnished both with soldiers and with money, could keep the place unharmed against the forces and ambushes of the enemy, had from the beginning destined the city for him; and with this intention he had decreed to assail the garrison the more insistently, to the end that he might hand over both, once taken, to the lord count to be conserved, and might assign them to be possessed by perpetual and hereditary right. But when this seemed very fitting to the other princes, and they unanimously concurred in this with gratuitous assent, Prince Rainald wove evasions, saying: That city, with its appurtenances, from the beginning of the inheritance is a portion of the Prince of Antioch; and therefore it is proper that whoever should possess it should exhibit fealty to the Prince of Antioch. The aforesaid count, however, was devoutly prepared to render fealty to the lord king for the same possession; but to the Prince of Antioch—whether to Lord Rainald, who at present administered the principality, or to the youth Bohemond, who was shortly hoped to be the future prince—he utterly denied that he would render it, asserting, He had never exhibited fealty except to kings. Therefore, a controversy having arisen, our sins demanding it, between the princes over a question of this sort, the business being neglected—which was exceedingly useful and lay ready to be easily obtained—stuffed with spoils and laden with booty even to satiety, they returned to Antioch with their legions.

CAPUT XIX. Noradini frater ad nos transit. Hierosolymitanus patriarcha Fulcherus moritur.

CHAPTER 19. Noradin’s brother crosses over to us. The Hierosolymitan Patriarch Fulk dies.

Spelunca trans Jordanem nostris restituitur. Rex in partibus Antiochenis castrum Harenc obsidet; et obsessum occupat.

The cave beyond the Jordan is restored to us. The king in the Antiochene regions besieges the castle of Harenc; and, once besieged, he occupies it.

Eodem tempore Noradini frater, Mirmiram, audito fratris defectu, credensque eum in fata concessisse, Halapiam pervenit, eamque tradentibus civibus, sine difficultate obtinuit; dumque circa praesidium vehementius instaret ut ei traderetur, cognito quia frater ejus adhuc viveret, solutis agminibus ab urbe discessit. Per idem tempus, dominus Fulcherus Hierosolymitanus patriarcha, Latinorum octavus, religiosus ac timens Deum, patriarchatus ejus anno duodecimo, XII Kal. Decembris, viam universae carnis ingressus est.

At the same time, Noradin’s brother, Mirmiram, having heard of his brother’s collapse and believing that he had departed to the fates, came to Aleppo, and, the citizens surrendering it, he obtained it without difficulty; and while he was pressing more vehemently around the stronghold that it be handed over to him, on learning that his brother was still alive, he disbanded his columns and withdrew from the city. About the same time, lord Fulcher, patriarch of Jerusalem, the eighth of the Latins, devout and God-fearing, in the twelfth year of his patriarchate, on 12 Kal. of December (November 20), entered upon the way of all flesh.

Eodem nihilominus tempore, studio et industria dominae Milisendis reginae, et opera eorum qui in regno residui erant, et maxime Balduini de Insula, cui dominus rex abiens curam regni commiserat, sollicitudine et vigilantia receptum est a nostris praesidium, trans Jordanem in finibus Galaad situm, spelunca videlicet munitissima, quam a nostris incaute se habentibus, paucis ante annis hostes fraudulenter subripuerant. Super quo missus ad dominum regem nuntius universas laetificavit cohortes, et audito successu, reddiderat hilariores.

At the same time nevertheless, by the zeal and industry of Lady Queen Melisende, and by the efforts of those who were remaining in the kingdom, and especially of Baldwin of the Island, to whom the lord king, departing, had entrusted the care of the kingdom, by solicitude and vigilance the stronghold was recovered by our people, situated beyond the Jordan in the borders of Gilead, namely a most strongly fortified cave, which, our men conducting themselves incautiously, a few years before the enemies had fraudulently filched away. Upon which, a messenger sent to the lord king gladdened all the cohorts, and, the success being heard, had rendered them more cheerful.

Interea principes nostri qui Antiochiae demorabantur, etsi prius apud Caesaram aliquantulum dissoni, ut praemisimus, inventi fuerant, habentes tandem, Domino largiente, unanimitatem spiritus, in vinculo pacis, iterum adjiciunt erigere se ad opus insigne aliquod et memoria dignum perpetua. Placuit enim omnibus et de communi processum est conniventia, ut castrum urbi Antiochiae vicinum, vix ab ea distans milliaribus duodecim, praedictae urbi damnosum valde, et cujus larga in suburbanis, quae vulgo casalia appellant, potestas et jurisdictio erat, obsideant. Factumque est ut in die Nativitatis Dominicae, universus circa praedictum municipium unanimiter se locaret exercitus.

Meanwhile our princes who were tarrying at Antioch, although earlier at Caesarea they had been found somewhat dissonant, as we have premised, at length, the Lord bestowing it, having unanimity of spirit in the bond of peace, again set themselves to rise up to some illustrious work and worthy of perpetual memory. For it pleased all, and by common connivance it was proceeded, that they should besiege a castle near the city of Antioch, scarcely distant from it by 12 miles, very harmful to the aforesaid city, and whose power and jurisdiction were ample in the suburbs, which in the common speech they call casalia. And it came to pass that on the day of the Lord’s Nativity, the whole army unanimously placed itself around the aforesaid town.

Noradinus autem ea quae eum occupaverat adhuc detinebatur aegritudine, ita ut ex omni Orientali tractu convocati prudentiores physici, adhibitis remediis quae illius infirmitas minus exaudire videbatur, de vita ejus desperarent penitus. Hoc autem nostris, favorabili coelestis numinis dispensatione, ad propositum maxime cooperari videbatur. Nam vix esse poterat ut, sospite praedicto principe et incolumitatis praerogativa gaudente, noster exercitus in regionibus ei subditis ita liberas ageret ferias.

Noradin, moreover, was still held by the sickness which had seized him, so that the more prudent physicians, summoned from the whole Oriental tract, after applying remedies which his infirmity seemed to heed but little, utterly despaired of his life. This, however, by the favorable dispensation of the celestial numen, seemed to cooperate most with our men’s purpose. For it could scarcely have been that, with the aforesaid prince being safe and rejoicing in the prerogative of incolumity, our army would range so freely in the regions subject to him.

Rex vero, et qui cum eo erant in praedicto exercitu, occasionem temporis ad suum trahentes compendium, tanto ferventius propositum urgent et coepto simul instant operi, quanto praedictum magnificum virum certo certius norunt non posse suis superesse negotiis. Municipio igitur praedicto in gyrum obsidione vallato, machinas erigunt, et ea parant instrumenta, quibus solent in praesidiis obsessi amplius molestari. Erat autem praedictum castrum in colle non multum sublimi situm, ita ut videretur agger, cui superpositum erat, comportaticius et manufactus.

The king, indeed, and those who were with him in the aforesaid army, drawing the opportunity of the time to their own profit, press their purpose so much the more fervently and at the same time urge on the work begun, in proportion as they know more and more certainly that the aforesaid magnificent man cannot survive to attend to his own affairs. Therefore, with the aforesaid municipium girdled in a ring by a siege, they raise engines, and prepare those instruments by which men besieged in garrisons are wont to be more grievously molested. Now the aforesaid castle was situated on a hill not very sublime, so that the agger, on which it was set, seemed to be of transported fill and manufactured.

Unde maximam dabant, qui in exercitu erant prudentiores, operam, ut scrophas materia competenti intexerent, in quibus libere delitescerent, qui ad suffodiendum aggerem introducerentur. Videbatur enim eis, nec erat a vero dissimile, quod aggere per occultos suffosso cuniculos, aedificiorum quae superposita erant, partem nonnullam corruere oporteret: crates quoque vimineas, scalas etiam mediae quantitatis, et omnia quae in hujusmodi solent usum praestare, maturato accelerant studio. Quibus cum omni diligentia praeparatis, manipulorum quoque pedestrium, turmarum primiceriis, equitumque magistratibus voce praeconia et secretioribus suggestionibus indicunt, omnes ut prompta opera et vigilantiore studio, ad molestandum obsessos operam darent.

Whence the more prudent who were in the army gave their utmost effort to weave “sows” of suitable timber, in which those who were to be brought in to undermine the rampart might freely lie concealed. For it seemed to them, nor was it unlike the truth, that if the rampart were honeycombed by hidden burrowing tunnels, some part of the buildings that had been set upon it ought to collapse. Wicker hurdles as well, ladders too of medium size, and all the things which in matters of this kind are wont to furnish service, they hasten to get ready with expedited zeal. With these prepared with all diligence, they also give orders, by a herald’s voice and by more secret suggestions, to the primicerii of the foot maniples, to the leaders of the squadrons, and to the officers of the cavalry, that all, with ready work and more wakeful zeal, should give effort to harass the besieged.

Sic igitur certis partibus singulis principibus designatis, quisque cum domesticis et familiaribus tanquam sibi soli universum incumberet negotium, instabat vehementius, et dum quisque optimos ostentare curat se habere satellites, tanta opus continuis assultibus et quotidianis congressionibus prosequuntur instantia, ut multorum opus dierum infra duos menses vigili sollicitudine complerent. Accidit sane quadam die quod machina jaculatoria, quae in praesidium diebus pene ac noctibus molares immittebat, casu in castri primicerium, et cui omnis commissa erat cura, decidit, subitoque oppressum, in fragmenta contrivit: quo defuncto, tanquam pastore percusso, dispersae sunt oves, et tanquam arena sine calce, sibi invicem non cohaerentes, destiterunt ab illa quam prius habuerant resistendi pertinacia. Nostri autem eo cognito, tanto coeperunt instare vehementius, quanto interiores eis videbantur ad resistendum esse remissiores; nec mora, paucis interjectis diebus missa ad dominum regem legatione, sub conditione ut liberum et tranquillum habeant exitum et cum rebus suis ad propria reditum, municipium domino regi restituunt, datis eis ducibus, qui eos sine molestia usque ad locum quem ipsi expetierant, securos perducerent.

Thus then, with certain parts assigned to individual princes, each man with his domestics and familiars, as though the whole business lay upon himself alone, pressed the matter more vehemently; and while each is careful to display that he has the best satellites, they prosecute the work with such continuous assaults and daily engagements, with such urgency, that a work of many days they completed within two months by wakeful solicitude. It happened indeed on a certain day that the throwing-engine, which into the stronghold by almost days and nights was launching mill-stones, by chance fell upon the primicerius of the castle, to whom all care had been committed, and, suddenly overwhelming him, crushed him into fragments; he being dead, as when the shepherd is struck, the sheep were scattered, and, like sand without lime, not cohering one with another, they ceased from that pertinacity of resistance which they had previously maintained. Our men, however, when this was known, began to press on so much the more vehemently, the more those within seemed to them the more remiss for resisting; and, without delay, a few days interposed, a legation being sent to the lord king, on condition that they should have free and tranquil exit and a return to their own with their goods, they restore the municipium to the lord king, guides being given to them to conduct them safe and without molestation as far as the place which they themselves had sought.

Sic ergo expugnato castro et domino principi, cujus jurisdictionis fuerat, resignato, felici clausula consummatis negotiis, Antiochiam sunt reversi, ubi valedicentes ab invicem, dominus rex, cum magnifico Flandrensium comite, in regnum est reversus, domino comite Tripolitano usque Tripolim eos officiosissime prosequente.

So then, with the fortress thus stormed and resigned to the lord prince, whose jurisdiction it had been, with a happy close, the business consummated, they returned to Antioch, where, bidding farewell to one another, the lord king, with the magnificent Count of the Flemings, returned into the kingdom, the lord Count of Tripoli most dutifully escorting them as far as Tripoli.

CAPUT XX. Hierosolymis Amalricus prior ecclesiae Dominici Sepulcri in patriarcham eligitur; de ejus electione inter episcopos oritur contentio.

CHAPTER 20. At Jerusalem Amalricus, prior of the church of the Lord’s Sepulchre, is elected as patriarch; concerning his election a contention arises among the bishops.

Per idem tempus, cum Hierosolymitana, mortuo domino Fulchero bonae memoriae, vacaret Ecclesia, contigit ecclesiarum praelatos Hierosolymam convenire, ut de substituendo tantae sedis antistite, secundum statuta canonum tractaretur. Factum est autem, ut dicitur, quod contra juris regulas, tam per interventum dominae Milisendis sorore quam domina Flandrensium comitissa Sibylla, domini regis itidem sorore, electus est dominus Amalricus, ecclesiae Dominici Sepulcri prior, natione Francus, de episcopatu Noviomensi, de oppido Neella, vir commode litteratus, sed simplex nimium et pene inutilis; promotus est autem, contradicentibus domino Hernesio Caesariensi archiepiscopo et domino Radulpho Bethlehemita episcopo, et appellationum voces exhibentibus. Tandem ille sede potitus, domino Frederico Acconensi episcopo negotium committit, qui ad Romanam accedens Ecclesiam, apud dominum Adrianum, qui tunc praeerat, absentibus adversariis, multa, ut dicitur, interveniente munificentia, eidem gratiam Romanae sedis obtinuit; et pallium, plenitudinem videlicet pontificalis officii, secum tulit rediens.

At the same time, when the Church of Jerusalem, with lord Fulk of good memory having died, lay vacant, it befell that the prelates of the churches convened at Jerusalem, so that, concerning the substituting of a prelate for so great a see, it might be treated according to the statutes of the canons. It came to pass, however, as it is said, that against the rules of law, both through the intervention of lady Melisende the sister and of lady Sibylla, countess of the Flemings, likewise the sister of the lord king, lord Amalric was elected, prior of the Church of the Lord’s Sepulcher, by nation a Frank, from the bishopric of Noyon, from the town of Neella, a man reasonably lettered, but overly simple and almost useless; he was, however, promoted, with lord Ernisius, archbishop of Caesarea, and lord Ralph, bishop of Bethlehem, contradicting and presenting voices of appeal. At length, having gained possession of the seat, he entrusts the business to lord Frederick, bishop of Acre, who, proceeding to the Roman Church, with lord Adrian, who then presided, the adversaries being absent, with much munificence, as it is said, intervening, obtained for him the favor of the Roman See; and the pallium—namely the plenitude of the pontifical office—he brought with him on returning.

CAPUT XXI. Noradinus in regione Suitae, speluncam obsidet nostram; rex occurrens obsidionem solvit; pugnat cum nostris Noradinus, et vincitur.

CHAPTER 21. Noradin in the region of Sueta besieges our cave; the king, coming up, raises the siege; Noradin fights with our men, and is conquered.

Convaluit interim medicorum diligentissima Noradinus cura, et domino rege in regnum reverso, ipse quoque sospitatem plenam adeptus, in partes se contulit Damascenas; ubi, ne otium tereret et a consueta diceretur destitisse vigilantia, aestate sequenti praesidium quoddam nostrum, in regione, quae dicitur Sueta, situm, congregato exercitu et ingentibus convocatis auxiliis repente obsidet. Erat autem praesidium spelunca, in latere cujusdam montis arduo et admodum devexo sita; ad quam non erat vel a superioribus vel ab inferioribus partibus accessus; sed ex solo latere, calle nimis angusto, et propter praecipitium imminens periculoso, ad eam veniebatur. Habebat autem interius mansiones et diversoria, quibus suis habitatoribus necessarias poterat praebere commoditates; sed nec etiam aquae vivae et indeficientis eis vena deerat, ut quantum loci patiebatur angustia, locus satis aptus et regioni plurimum utilis haberetur.

Meanwhile, by the most diligent care of the physicians, Noradin recovered; and the lord king having returned to the kingdom, he too, having attained complete health, betook himself to the Damascene parts; where, lest he waste leisure and be said to have ceased from his accustomed vigilance, in the following summer he suddenly besieges a certain stronghold of ours, situated in the region which is called Sueta, an army having been gathered and massive auxiliaries summoned. The stronghold, however, was a cave, set on the flank of a certain mountain, steep and very sloping; to which there was no access either from the upper parts or from the lower; but from a single side, by a path excessively narrow, and perilous because of an overhanging precipice, one came to it. It had, moreover, within dwellings and lodging-places, by which it could provide to its inhabitants the necessary conveniences; nor was a vein of living and unfailing water lacking to them, so that, in so far as the narrowness of the place allowed, the site was held to be quite apt and very useful to the region.

Quod postquam domino regi fida relatione compertum est, assumpto sibi domino comite Flandrensium et convocatis regni viribus, illuc cum omni celeritate contendit; jam enim qui intus erant, obsidionis onera ferre non valentes, conditiones interposuerant, quales necessitas extorquere solet; videlicet, quod nisi intra decem dies eis subsidium ministraretur, municipium pro certo deinceps resignarent. Porro id ipsum domino regi notum erat; unde et quantum poterat maturans subsidium, juxta Tiberiadem secus pontem, unde de lacu Genezar Jordanis fluenta se dividunt, cum exercitu suo castra locat. Audito igitur Noradinus nostrorum adventu, consilio tractus Syracuni principis militiae suae, viri strenui et de se plurimum praesumentis, soluta obsidione, cum suis expeditionibus nostris obviam se facit.

After this was ascertained by the lord king through a faithful report, taking to himself the lord Count of Flanders and summoning the forces of the realm, he hastened thither with all speed; for already those who were within, not able to bear the burdens of the siege, had put forward conditions such as necessity is wont to extort; namely, that unless relief were furnished to them within ten days, they would thenceforth assuredly surrender the stronghold. Moreover, this very thing was known to the lord king; wherefore, hastening the relief as much as he could, near Tiberias, beside the bridge where from Lake Gennesar the waters of the Jordan divide themselves, he pitches camp with his army. Therefore, upon hearing of our arrival, Noradinus, led by the counsel of Syracuni, the general of his soldiery, a strenuous man and one presuming much upon himself, having lifted the siege, with his forces goes to meet ours.

Rex vero audiens quod Noradinus occurrere proposuerat, in castra convocatis summe diluculo principibus, adorato suppliciter vivificae crucis ligno, quod dominus Petrus praedecessor noster, Tyrensis archiepiscopus, piae in Domino recordationis gestabat, de communi consensu, concurrente omnium favore gratissimo, bellum indicitur. Motis igitur expeditionibus et arrepto itinere, exsultantes animo, tanquam de victoria securi, ad locum properant, ubi hostium dicebatur esse exercitus; tandemque pro votis eos habentes in proximo, armati ad unguem, et instructis ordine militari cuneis, quos acies vocant, irruunt in hostes unanimiter, et gladiis instant atrocius, rem pro capite gerentes. Hostes vero nihilominus nostrorum impetus constantissime et imperterrite sustinentes, gladiis vices referunt; et resistendo viriliter, illatas injurias a se repellere contendunt animosius.

The king, indeed, hearing that Noradin had proposed to come to meet them, after the princes had been convoked in the camp at the very break of day, and after the wood of the life-giving Cross had been devoutly adored, which Lord Peter, our predecessor, archbishop of Tyre, of pious remembrance in the Lord, was bearing, by common consensus, with the most welcome favor of all concurring, war is declared. Therefore, the expeditions being set in motion and the march taken up, exulting in spirit, as though secure of victory, they hasten to the place where the army of the enemy was said to be; and at length, according to their wishes, having them near at hand, fully armed, and with wedges arrayed in military order, which they call battle-lines, they rush upon the foes unanimously, and press them more fiercely with swords, conducting the affair as for life itself. The enemies, however, no less, most steadfastly and undismayed sustaining the assaults of our men, repay in kind with swords; and by resisting manfully, they strive with more spirit to repel from themselves the injuries inflicted.

Tandem vero post varios eventus, nostris est divinitus concessa victoria, et hostibus non sine multa suorum strage in fugam conversis, rex cum suis victor campum obtinuit. Factum est autem hoc Idibus Juliis, anno regni ejus decimo quinto, in loco cui nomem Puthaha. Inde progressus, sicut necessarium videbatur, ad praesidium quod obsessum fuerat, cum universo contendit exercitu, ubi lapsa reparans, et locum armis, victu et viris prudentibus diligenter communiens, feliciter impleto proposito, soluto exercitu et ad propria dimisso, reversus est.

At length indeed, after various events, victory was divinely granted to our side, and the enemies, turned to flight not without a great slaughter of their own, the king with his men, as victor, held the field. Now this took place on the Ides of July, in the 15th year of his reign, in the place whose name is Puthaha. Thence advancing, as seemed necessary, he hastened with the whole army to the stronghold which had been besieged, where, repairing what had lapsed, and diligently fortifying the place with arms, victuals, and prudent men, his purpose happily fulfilled, the army being disbanded and dismissed to their own homes, he returned.

CAPUT XXII. Redeunt nuntii, qui Constantinopolim pro regio matrimonio missi fuerant; et regi uxorem ducunt, neptem imperatoris.

CHAPTER 22. The envoys return, who had been sent to Constantinople for the royal matrimony; and they lead a wife for the king, the emperor’s granddaughter.

Porro de nuntiis, unde superius fecimus mentionem, qui gratia conjugii domini regis Constantinopolim ierant, mortuus est dominus Attardus Nazarenus archiepiscopus, corpusque ejus ad propriam, studio et vigilantia suorum fidelium, delatum est ecclesiam. Cui successit dominus Letardus, ejusdem ecclesiae prior, vir mansuetus admodum, affabilis et benignus, qui hodie etiam eidem praeest Ecclesiae, vicesimum tertium habens in pontificatu annum. Qui autem de praedictis nuntiis superfuerunt, dominus videlicet Henfredus constabularius, Joscelinus quoque Piselius, et Willelmus de Barris, inclyti et nobiles viri, et in saecularibus exercitati admodum, pro injuncto sibi verbo, apud dominum imperatorem debita instantes diligentia, tandem post innumeras dilationes, et verborum aenigmata, qualia Graeci quaelibet cavillantes, perplexis ambagibus respondere solent, pro votis impetrant: et conditionibus interpositis, tam de dote quam de donatione propter nuptias, destinatur regi uxor virginum illustrissima, quae in sacris imperii penetralibus nutriebatur.

Furthermore, concerning the envoys of whom we made mention above, who had gone to Constantinople for the sake of the lord king’s conjugial alliance, the lord Attardus of Nazareth, archbishop, died, and his body, by the zeal and vigilance of his faithful men, was borne to his own church. Succeeding him was the lord Letardus, prior of the same church, a man very gentle, affable, and benign, who even today presides over the same Church, being in the twenty-third year of his pontificate. But of the aforesaid envoys those who survived—namely the lord Humphrey the constable, and also Joscelinus Piselius, and William of Barres, illustrious and noble men, and very much exercised in secular affairs—pressing with due diligence at the lord emperor’s court for the mandate laid upon them, at length, after innumerable delays and riddles of words, such as the Greeks, cavilling at anything whatsoever, are wont to answer with perplexing circumlocutions, obtain their desire: and, terms being interposed, as much concerning the dowry as concerning the donation on account of the nuptials, there is assigned to the king a wife, most illustrious among maidens, who was being nurtured in the sacred inner chambers of the empire.

Erat autem ejusdem domini imperatoris neptis, domini Isaaci fratris ejus natu se prioris filia, Theodora nomine, annum agens tertium decimum, formae venustate singulariter conspicua, vultus elegantia, et totius corporis habitudine intuentibus favorabilis. Dotis autem quantitas erat in centum millibus Hyperperorum, justi ponderis, exceptis decem aliis ejusdem monetae millibus, quos dominus imperator ad opus nuptialium expensarum liberaliter concessit: et excepto mundo virginali, in quo tam in auro quam in gemmis, vestibus et margaritis, tapetis et holosericis, vasis quoque pretiosis, quadraginta millia justa aestimatione poterant computari. Rex autem proprio scripto apud dominum imperatorem se obligans, quod quidquid ejus nuntii cum eo praecise firmarent, ratum esset habiturus, per legatos spondet firmissime, quatenus post ejus obitum urbem Acconensem cum omnibus ejus pertinentiis, tota vita sua nomine donationis propter nuptias cum omni tranquillitate, sine contradictione esset habitura.

Moreover, she was the niece of that same lord emperor, the daughter of Lord Isaac, his brother elder by birth, named Theodora, in her thirteenth year, singularly conspicuous for comeliness of form, for the elegance of her countenance, and for the build (habitus) of her whole body, pleasing to those who looked upon her. The quantity of the dowry was 100,000 hyperpera, of just weight, with the exception of another 10,000 of the same coin, which the lord emperor liberally granted for the purpose of nuptial expenses; and excepting the virginal trousseau (mundus virginalis), in which, in both gold and gems, garments and pearls, tapestries and holoserica, and also precious vessels, 40,000 could be computed by just estimation. The king, moreover, binding himself by his own writing before the lord emperor that whatever his envoys should precisely conclude with him he would hold as ratified, through the legates most firmly pledges that, after his death, she should have the city of Acre with all its appurtenances, for the whole of her life, in the name of a donatio propter nuptias, with all tranquility, without contradiction.

Peractis itaque et ad consonantiam redactis utrinque pactis, designatis eidem illustri puellae de majoribus imperii principibus paranymphis, qui ejus iter usque ad dominum regem comitarentur, cum regiis legatis iter arripit, in Syriam, ad maritum profectura. Accidit autem ut, Septembre proximo, cum omni comitatu suo sospes et incolumis apud Tyrum applicans, infra paucos dies Hierosolymis (ut regni obtinuerat consuetudo) consecrata, et regio insignita diademate, peractis solemniter nuptiis, viro tradita est. Et quoniam per idem tempus Hierosolymitanus electus consecrationis suae munus nondum obtinuerat, nec missi ab eo propriae causae patroni, a sede apostolica fuerant reversi: asciscitur de mandato regio Antiochenus patriarcha Aimericus, qui et reginae unctionis gratiam regiae conferret et conjugii usitata solemnia celebraret.

The pacts, therefore, having been completed and on both sides reduced to consonance, and paranymphs appointed for the same illustrious maiden from among the greater princes of the empire, who were to accompany her journey as far as the lord king, she sets out with the royal legates, bound for Syria, to go to her husband. Now it happened that, in the next September, arriving safe and sound with all her retinue and making land at Tyre, within a few days at Jerusalem (as the custom of the kingdom had obtained), having been consecrated and marked with the royal diadem, the nuptials having been solemnly performed, she was delivered to her husband. And since at that same time the Jerusalem elect had not yet obtained the boon of his consecration, nor had the patrons of his own cause, sent by him, returned from the Apostolic See, the patriarch of Antioch, Aimericus, is enlisted by royal mandate, to confer upon the queen the grace of royal unction and to celebrate the customary solemnities of the marriage.

Hic demum uxore traducta, omnem illam levitatem, qua usque ad illum diem justo amplius dicebatur laborasse, ita penitus deposuit, ut cum Apostolo videretur posse dicere: Cum essem parvulus, sapiebam ut parvulus, loquebar ut parvulus; ex quo autem factus sum vir, evacuavi quae sunt parvuli (I Cor. XIII, 11). Nam et uxorem postmodum commendabili dilexisse dicitur affectu, et tori fidem usque ad extremum ei creditur conservasse illibatam: postpositis itaque levibus actibus quasi mutatus ab illo, seria coepit amplecti, et attentius tractare salubria.

Here at last, with a wife taken, he so thoroughly laid aside all that levity, with which up to that day he was said to have labored more than was just, that he seemed able to say with the Apostle: When I was a child, I used to think as a child, I used to speak as a child; but from the time I became a man, I made void the things of a child (1 Cor. 13, 11). For he is said thereafter to have loved his wife with commendable affection, and he is believed to have kept for her, up to the end, the fidelity of the marriage-bed undefiled: the light pursuits therefore set aside, as if changed from that former self, he began to embrace serious things, and to handle more attentively what is salutary.

CAPUT XXIII. Imperator Constantinopolitanus Antiochiam venit; princeps Raynaldus de eo quod in Cyprios commiserat satisfaciens, ei reconciliatur.

CHAPTER 23. The Constantinopolitan Emperor came to Antioch; Prince Raynald, making satisfaction for that which he had committed against the Cypriots, is reconciled to him.

Eodem anno, dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus, convocatis pro imperiali magnificentia ex omnibus imperii finibus, militaribus copiis; et ingenti exercitu ex omnibus tribubus et populis et linguis et nationibus congregato, transito Hellesponto, in Syriam descendere proposuit; transcursisque mediis cum omni celeritate provinciis, ex improviso, ita ut vix cuipiam credibile videretur, cum exercitibus suis in Ciliciam, circa Decembris initium, subitus advenit. Hujus autem tam maturati itineris causa erat praecipua, quod quidam Armenorum potentissimus princeps, Toros nomine, de quo superius fecimus mentionem, universam Ciliciam, quae montibus, in quibus ille habebat castra munitissima, subjacebat, ab urbe murata usque ad extremum suburbium violenter occupavit, Tarsum videlicet primae et Anavarzan secundae Ciliciae metropoles; et alias civitates, Mamistram, Adamam, Sisium, ejectis inde imperialium negotiorum procuratoribus, in suam redegerat potestatem. Ut autem eum incautum posset opprimere, et iter acceleraverat, et occultaverat intentionem.

In the same year, the lord emperor of Constantinople, having convoked, in accordance with imperial magnificence, military forces from all the boundaries of the empire; and a huge army having been gathered from all tribes and peoples and tongues and nations, with the Hellespont crossed, purposed to descend into Syria; and, the intervening provinces having been sped through with all celerity, unexpectedly—such that it would scarcely seem credible to anyone—he came suddenly with his armies into Cilicia, about the beginning of December. Now the chief cause of this so hastened journey was that a certain most powerful prince of the Armenians, named Toros, of whom we made mention above, had violently occupied all Cilicia, which lay under the mountains in which he had very strongly fortified camps, from the walled city even to the farthest suburb—namely Tarsus, the metropolis of First Cilicia, and Anavarza, the metropolis of Second Cilicia—and other cities, Mamistra, Adana, Sis, having cast out from there the procurators of imperial affairs, he had reduced into his own power. And that he might be able to crush him unawares, he had both accelerated the march and concealed his intention.

Moverat eum etiam nihilominus et Cypriorum causa lugubris, et favore digna, in quos tanquam in hostes fidei et detestabiles parricidas, princeps Antiochenus, ut praemisimus, tam inhumane suam exercuerat tyrannidem. Tam subitus autem, ut praediximus, fuit imperialium exercituum adventus, ut praedictus Toros, qui Tarsi tunc morabatur, vix liberas ferias habuerit, ut ad montes vicinos, gratia salutis, se conferret, cum ecce legiones, et primi de exercitu campis jam infuderant se patentibus. Quo audito, princeps Antiochenus Rainaldus stimulis conscientiae agitatus, eo quod non multo ante ejus adventum tempore, in Cyprios innocentes et immeritos tanta desaevisset insania, et tam eis, eorumque uxoribus et liberis, Deo et hominibus abominabilem intulisset injuriam; timens ejus adventum, ne forte praedictorum vociferantium querulis vocibus excitus ad ulciscendas eorum injurias descendisset, coepit anxius deliberare, nunc secum, nunc si quos habebat magis familiares adhibitis, quid eum facere oporteret; et quo satisfactionis genere imperiali se posset de tanta offensa reconciliare amplitudini.

He was moved nevertheless also by the mournful cause of the Cypriots, and worthy of favor, against whom, as against enemies of the Faith and detestable parricides, the prince of Antioch, as we have premised, had so inhumanely exercised his tyranny. But so sudden, as we have foretold, was the arrival of the imperial armies, that the aforesaid Toros, who was then staying at Tarsus, scarcely had free leisure to betake himself to the neighboring mountains for the sake of safety, when lo, the legions, and the first of the army, had already poured themselves into the open plains. On hearing this, Rainald, the prince of Antioch, goaded by the stings of conscience, because not long before the time of his (the emperor’s) arrival he had raged with such insanity against the innocent and undeserving Cypriots, and had inflicted upon them and upon their wives and children an injury abominable to God and men; fearing his arrival, lest perhaps, roused by the querulous voices of the aforesaid crying out, he should descend to avenge their injuries, began anxiously to deliberate, now with himself, now by admitting such as he had more intimate, what it behooved him to do; and by what kind of satisfaction he might be able to reconcile himself for so great an offense to the imperial majesty.

Tantaque eum, ut dicitur, de domini imperatoris adventu formido corripuerat, ut nec domini regis, quem tamen in proximo venturum sperabat, vellet exspectare praesentiam; cum tamen certo certius nosse potuerat, ejus interventione et studio, et maxime novae affinitatis gratia, in causa praedicta, longe meliores se inventurum conditiones. Usus ergo domesticorum consilio, assumptis ex eis pro arbitrio nonnullis, domino quoque Girardo venerabili Laodicensium episcopo, sibi facto itineris consorte, in Ciliciam, ubi dominus imperator erat cum suis expeditionibus, obtenta tamen prius quorumdam familiarium domini imperatoris gratia, qui verbi hujus interpretes discurrebant, ad urbem Mamistram pervenit: ubi post multos circuitus, cum summa ignominia et populi nostri confusione imperiali reconciliatus est excellentiae. Nudis enim, ut dicitur, pedibus, indutus laneis manicis usque ad cubitum decurtatis, fune circa collum religato, gladium habens in manu nudum, quem mucrone tenens, cujus capulum domino imperatori porrigeret, coram universis legionibus, domino imperatori praesentatus est: ibique ante pedes ejus ad terram prostratus, tradito domino imperatori gladio, tam diu jacuit, quousque cunctis verteretur in nauseam, et Latinitatis gloriam verteret in opprobrium, et in delinquendo et satisfaciendo vehementissimus.

And so great, as it is said, a dread seized him at the lord emperor’s advent, that he was unwilling even to await the presence of the lord king, whom nevertheless he hoped would come shortly; although he might have known most certainly that, by his intervention and zeal, and especially by reason of the new affinity, in the aforesaid cause he would find conditions far better. Therefore, using the counsel of his domestics, and having taken from them at his discretion certain persons, and the lord also Girard, the venerable bishop of the Laodiceans, having made himself a companion for the journey, he came into Cilicia, where the lord emperor was with his expeditions, yet first having obtained the favor of certain familiars of the lord emperor, who were running about as interpreters of this matter, he reached the city of Mamistra: where, after many circuits, with the highest ignominy and to the confusion of our people, he was reconciled to the imperial Excellency. For, with bare feet, as it is said, clothed in woolen sleeves cut off up to the elbow, with a rope tied around his neck, having a sword naked in his hand, which, holding by the point, he might extend its hilt to the lord emperor, he was presented before the lord emperor in the presence of all the legions: and there, prostrate on the ground before his feet, having handed over the sword to the lord emperor, he lay so long until it turned to nausea for all, and turned the glory of Latinity into opprobrium—most vehement both in offending and in making satisfaction.

CAPUT XXIV. Rex ad partes illas properans, ab eodem imperatore honeste suscipitur, et infinita reportat munera.

CHAPTER 24. The king, hastening to those parts, is honorably received by the same emperor, and brings back countless gifts.

Dominus quoque Hierosolymorum rex, audito domini imperatoris adventu, assumpto sibi fratre et de regni principibus electissimo comitatu, relicto domino comite Flandriae, qui in proxime futuro transitu ad propria decreverat redire, versus Antiochiam festinus contendit: quo perveniens, nuntios ad dominum imperatorem, dominum videlicet Gaufridum abbatem Templi Domini, Graecae linguae habentem commercium, et nobilem virum dominum Joscelinum Pessel dirigit, debitae salutationis affatum per eos officiosissime dependens, et de ejus sciscitans beneplacito, utrum eum ad se velit accedere, et domini regis sibi habere praesentiam. Quibus datum est in responsis, ut regem moneant et invitent, ut ad eum venire non pigritetur. Insuper et de imperiali latere mittitur illustris apocrisiarius, qui et litteris et viva voce, tanquam imperii dilectissimum filium, regem sollicitet, ut ad eum accedere non recuset.

The lord king of Jerusalem also, on hearing of the lord emperor’s arrival, taking with him his brother and a most select retinue from the princes of the realm, leaving behind the lord Count of Flanders, who had resolved at the next crossing to return to his own, hastened toward Antioch; and on arriving there, he dispatches envoys to the lord emperor—namely lord Geoffrey, abbot of the Temple of the Lord, conversant with the Greek language, and the noble man lord Joscelin Pessel—most dutifully paying through them an address of due salutation, and inquiring his good pleasure, whether he wished him to come to him, and to have the presence of the lord king. To whom it was given in reply that they should advise and invite the king not to be slow to come to him. Moreover, from the imperial side there is sent an illustrious apocrisiary, who both by letters and by viva voce, as the most beloved son of the Empire, urges the king not to refuse to come to him.

Statuta ergo die, assumpto sibi egregiorum equitum selecto comitatu, illuc perveniens, honestissime susceptus est; nam statim in occursum ei ab eo diriguntur duo nepotes ejus, fratres uterini, Joannes videlicet Protosevasto et Alexius Protostrator, qui inter illustres sacri palatii primum obtinebant locum, cum maximo nobilium comitatu. Deinde ipsis eum ducentibus usque ad ostium tentorii, ubi dominus imperator cum suis illustribus residebat, cum multa gloria introductus, humanissime ab eo salutatus, et ad osculum pacis erectus, secus eum in sede honesta, humiliore tamen, locatus est. Ubi et ejus consortibus tam debitae salutationis affatu, quam pacis osculo ab eo humanissime honoratis, de incolumitate tam domini regis quam suorum, qui cum eo advenerant, diligenter quaerit; et vultum exhibens solito laetiorem, verbo et toto corporis gestu significat eorum se adventum gratissime suscepisse, et oblata tanti principis et suorum delectari praesentia.

Accordingly, the day having been appointed, having taken to himself a chosen retinue of select knights, arriving there, he was most honorably received; for straightway there are sent to meet him, by him, two of his nephews, uterine brothers—namely John the Protosevastos and Alexius the Protostrator—who among the illustres of the sacred palace were holding the first place, with a very great retinue of nobles. Then, they leading him to the doorway of the tent, where the lord emperor was sitting with his illustrious men, he was introduced with much glory, greeted most humanely by him, and raised to the kiss of peace; he was seated beside him on an honorable seat, though a lower one. There also, his companions having been very kindly honored by him both with the address of due salutation and with the kiss of peace, he inquires diligently about the safety both of the lord king and of those of his men who had come with him; and displaying a countenance more cheerful than usual, by word and by the entire gesture of his body he signifies that he has most gladly received their arrival, and that he delights in the proffered presence of so great a prince and of his men.

Crebris itaque collocutionibus tam secretis quam in coetu procerum, et grata circa dominum imperatorem conversatione per dies decem, quibus apud eum jugem se exhibuit, sicuti vir gratiosus erat, tantum domini imperatoris et principum suorum favorem meruit, et tanto charitatis vinculo eorum cordibus conglutinatus est, ut et viventem unice de caetero tanquam filium dilexerint, et defuncti, apud eos ejus memoria usque hodie non desinat esse in benedictione. Et ne apud dominum imperatorem mora ejus esset infructuosa, sicuti vir argumentosus erat, et oculum in saecularibus habens perspicacem; videns quod dominus imperator extra urbem castra locari praeceperat, ut contra praedictum Toros, quem odio persequebatur insatiabili, dirigeret exercitus, impetrata prius licentia, coepit tractare diligentius, quomodo praedictum principem domino imperatori reconciliare posset. Vocatoque eo et praesente constituto, resignatis praesidiis quae dominus imperator reposcebat, in gratiam eum restituit pleniorem; ita ut fidelitatem ligiam, per ejusdem domini regis interventionem, antequam ad propria reverteretur, manualiter eidem exhiberet.

Accordingly, by frequent colloquies, both secret and in the assembly of the nobles, and by agreeable conversation with the lord emperor for ten days, during which he showed himself constant in his presence—inasmuch as he was a gracious man—he deserved so much of the lord emperor’s and his princes’ favor, and was so conglutinated to their hearts by so great a bond of charity, that both while living they henceforth loved him uniquely as a son, and after his death his memory with them even to this day does not cease to be in benediction. And lest his stay with the lord emperor be unfruitful, since he was a man full of stratagems and having a perspicacious eye in secular matters, seeing that the lord emperor had ordered the camp to be pitched outside the city, that he might direct the army against the aforesaid Toros, whom he pursued with insatiable hatred—license first obtained—he began to negotiate more diligently how he might reconcile the aforesaid prince to the lord emperor. And he, being summoned and set in presence, the strongholds which the lord emperor was demanding having been resigned, he restored him to fuller grace; to wit, that liege fidelity, through the intervention of the same lord king, before he should return to his own, he should exhibit to him manually.

Tandem a domino imperatore, prout magnificentiam decebat imperatoriam, cum suis principibus donis uberioribus, et immensa munerum liberalitate cumulatus, prosequente eum universorum gratia, Antiochiam reversus est. Audivimus a quibusdam, omni exceptione majoribus et fide dignis, quod exceptis illis, quae ejus consortibus prodiga liberalitate contulerat, quae infinita credebantur, soli domino regi viginti duo millia hyperperorum, et tria millia marcarum argenti examinatissimi, exceptis vestibus et holosericis, et vasis pretiosis, dicebatur largitus. Antiochiam vero veniens, fratrem suum dominum Amalricum Joppensem et Ascalonitanum comitem, cum domino Hugone de Jebelino, qui nuperrime de hostium vinculis redemptus, postliminio reversus fuerat, ibidem reperit.

At length by the lord emperor, as befitted imperial magnificence, together with his princes, being heaped with more abundant gifts and with an immense liberality of presents, and with the favor of all attending him, he returned to Antioch. We have heard from certain persons above all exception and worthy of trust that, apart from those things which by prodigal liberality he had conferred upon his companions—which were believed to be without number—the lord king alone was said to have been granted 22,000 hyperpera and 3,000 marks of most refined silver, besides garments and holoserics and precious vessels. Coming in fact to Antioch, he there found his brother, Lord Amalric, Count of Joppa and Ascalon, together with Lord Hugh of Jebelino, who, most recently redeemed from the bonds of the enemy, had by postliminy returned.

Qui et ipsi dominum imperatorem adire cupientes, illucque postmodum profecti, ab eodem domino imperatore benigne suscepti, tractati honestius, de more imperiali, donis uberioribus honorati, gaudentes ad dominum regem remissi sunt.

Who also, they themselves desiring to approach the lord emperor, and afterwards having set out thither, were kindly received by that same lord emperor, treated more honorably, according to imperial custom, honored with more abundant gifts, and, rejoicing, were sent back to the lord king.

CAPUT XXV. Imperator Antiochiam ingreditur, in cives multam liberalitatem exercens; unde postmodum ad propria revertitur.

CHAPTER 25. The Emperor enters Antioch, exercising much liberality toward the citizens; whence thereafter he returns to his own domains.

Peracta igitur in Cilicia Dominicae Paschae solemnitate, transcursis diebus celebribus, versus Antiochiam exercitus dirigit, et legionibus usque urbem applicatis, pro foribus ejus astitit in infinita multitudine formidabilis; ubi dominus patriarcha cum universo clero et populo, cum textibus Evangeliorum et omnimodo ecclesiarum ornatu, obvius adfuit. Rex quoque, cum principe ejusdem loci, et Ascalonitano comite, cum universis tam regni quam Antiocheni principatus proceribus ei obviam exiens, cum summa gloria, imperiali diademate laureatum et Augustalibus decoratum insignibus, cum tubarum stridore et tympanorum strepitu, cum hymnis et canticis in urbem introducunt, et usque ad cathedralem ecclesiam, ad basilicam videlicet apostolorum principis, deinde ad palatium cum eadem patrum et plebis prosecutione deducunt. Ubi cum per aliquot dies balneis et caeteris corporalibus deliciis operam dedisset, effusa in populum civitatis, more solito, roga liberalissima, proposuit venandi gratia urbe exire; et ad loca venatui apta, gratia tollendi exire fastidii, dominum regem secum trahens, ejusdem operis consortem.

Therefore, with the solemnity of the Lord’s Pasch completed in Cilicia, the festal days having run their course, he directs the army toward Antioch; and, with the legions brought up as far as the city, he stood before its gates, formidable in an infinite multitude; where the lord patriarch with the entire clergy and people, with the texts of the Gospels and with every manner of the churches’ ornament, came to meet him. The King also, with the prince of that place and the Count of Ascalon, going out to meet him with all the nobles of both the kingdom and the Principality of Antioch, with the highest glory, laureled with the imperial diadem and adorned with Augustal insignia, with the blare of trumpets and the clatter of drums, with hymns and songs, bring him into the city, and they lead him as far as the cathedral church—namely, to the basilica of the prince of the apostles—and then to the palace, with the same escort of fathers and people. There, when for several days he had devoted himself to baths and other bodily delights, a most liberal donative, in the accustomed manner, having been poured out upon the people of the city, he proposed to go out of the city for the sake of hunting; and, to places apt for the chase, for the sake of removing tedium, drawing the lord king with him, a partner in the same undertaking.

Accidit autem ut, praedicto studio insistentes, die solemni Ascensionis Dominicae, dum saltus more circumeunt venatorio, rex equi cui insederat raptus impetu, per loca humilibus frutetis et sentibus obsita, casu raptus in praeceps et ad terram cum equo provolutus, brachium fregit; quod ut domino imperatori innotuit, ei multa humanitate compatiens, chirurgicorum implens officium, flexo ante eum genu, tanquam unus de popularibus operam ministrabat diligentem; ita ut cum indignatione stuperent et mirarentur ejus principes et consanguinei, quod majestatis oblitus imperatoriae, et Augustalem negligens dignitatem, regi se exhiberet ita devotum et familiarem, quod etiam eorum cuilibet videretur indignum. Redeuntes ergo inde ob casum qui acciderat Antiochiam, per dies singulos visitationis gratia dominum regem adibat, et cataplasmatibus innovatis cum unguentis necessariis fascia iterum diligenter involvebat; tanta circa eum cura sollicitus, qua majorem vix posset aegrotanti adhibere filio. Domino igitur rege plenam convalescentiam assecuto, praecipit imperator, et voce praeconia notum fieri mandat primiceriis legionum, ut certa die versus Halapiam acies dirigant et machinas cum bellicis instrumentis ante se faciant deportari; ipse vero cum domino rege et utriusque principibus, cum tubis et tympanis, et praeliorum incentoribus lituis, urbe postmodum egressus, in eo loco qui vulgo appellatur vadum Balenae, substitit, et exercitus universus.

It happened, moreover, that, pressing on with the aforesaid pursuit, on the solemn day of the Lord’s Ascension, while they were circling the woodland glades in the hunting manner, the king, the horse on which he sat having been seized by a rush, through places overgrown with low shrubs and brambles, being by chance carried headlong and rolled to the ground with the horse, broke his arm; and when this became known to the lord emperor, sympathizing with much humanity, fulfilling the office of surgeons, with knee bent before him, as one of the commoners he rendered diligent assistance; so that his princes and kinsmen were amazed with indignation and marveled that, forgetful of imperial majesty and neglecting the Augustal dignity, he should show himself to the king so devoted and familiar, which even to any one of them seemed unworthy. Therefore, returning thence on account of the mishap which had occurred, to Antioch, day by day for the sake of visitation he approached the lord king, and with cataplasms renewed, with the necessary unguents, he diligently wrapped again the bandage; so solicitous with such care toward him, than which he could hardly have applied a greater to a sick son. Accordingly, the lord king having attained full convalescence, the emperor orders, and by a herald’s voice commands it to be made known to the primicerii of the legions, that on a set day they should direct the battle-lines toward Aleppo, and cause the engines with the warlike instruments to be carried before them; but he himself, with the lord king and the princes of both, with trumpets and kettledrums, and with lituuses, the inciters of battles, having afterwards gone out of the city, halted in that place which is commonly called the Ford of the Whale, and the whole army likewise.

Inde missis nuntiis ad Noradinum, qui forte Halapiae tunc erat, obtinet per legatos, quemdam Bertrandum comitis Sancti Aegidii naturalem filium, cum quibusdam aliis concaptivis sibi dari. Ipse vero postmodum non multo interjecto temporis intervallo, revocantibus eum curis domesticis, ad propria reversus est. Rex etiam post domini imperatoris discessum, cum suis quos secum eduxerat, in regnum se recepit.

Thence, sending messengers to Noradinus, who by chance was then at Halapia, he obtains through the legates that a certain Bertrand, the natural son of the count of Saint Giles, together with certain other fellow-captives, be given to him. He himself thereafter, with not much interval of time interposed, his domestic cares recalling him, returned to his own. The king also, after the lord emperor’s departure, with his men whom he had led out with him, withdrew into his kingdom.

CAPUT XXVI. Adriano defuncto, in Ecclesia Romana schisma oritur periculosum.

CHAPTER 26. With Adrian deceased, a dangerous schism arises in the Roman Church.

Per idem tempus, domino Adriano papa apud Anagniam, urbem Campaniae, morbo squinanciae defuncto, corporeque ejus Romam translato et in basilica Beati Petri apostolorum principis honorifice sepulto, dum de substituendo pastore inter cardinales haberetur tractatus, sicut in talibus solet frequenter contingere, divisa sunt eligentium desideria; ita ut pars eligeret dominum Rolandum ejusdem ecclesiae presbyterum cardinalem, tituli Beati Marci, qui idem erat sedis apostolicae cancellarius, cui manus imponentes et ordinantes episcopum, Alexandrum appellaverunt. Alii vero dominum Octavianum, virum secundum carnem nobilem, ejusdem Ecclesiae presbyterum cardinalem tituli Sanctae Ceciliae trans Tiberim; cui etiam nihilominus manus imponentes, episcopum constituerunt, vocantes eum Victorem. Cujus schismatis occasione, universa Latinorum Ecclesia, peccatis nostris exigentibus, paulo minus habuit dividi et irrevocabiliter ab invicem separari, majoribus orbis principibus certatim partibus gratiam suam et favorem ministrantibus.

At the same time, lord Pope Hadrian having died at Anagni, a city of Campania, of the disease of quinsy, and his body having been transferred to Rome and honorably buried in the basilica of Blessed Peter, prince of the apostles, while a discussion was being held among the cardinals about appointing a successor pastor, as in such cases it is wont frequently to happen, the desires of the electors were divided; so that one party chose lord Roland, presbyter cardinal of the same Church, of the title of Blessed Mark, who was likewise chancellor of the apostolic see, upon whom, laying on hands and ordaining as bishop, they named him Alexander. But others chose lord Octavian, a man noble according to the flesh, presbyter cardinal of the same Church, of the title of Saint Cecilia across the Tiber; upon whom likewise laying on hands, they constituted him bishop, calling him Victor. On the occasion of this schism, the whole Church of the Latins, our sins demanding it, came little short of being divided and irrevocably separated from one another, the greater princes of the world vying to minister their grace and favor to the parties.

Tandem anno nono decimo, redeunte ad unitatem Ecclesiae domino Frederico Romanorum imperatore, qui parti oppositae auxilium suggerebat, et consilium; et domino Alexandro papae plena charitate reconciliato, reddita est pax Ecclesiae, et depulsis errorum tenebris, resplenduit tranquillitas, quasi stella matutina in medio nebulae.

At length, in the nineteenth year, with lord Frederick, emperor of the Romans, returning to the unity of the Church—who had been supplying aid to the opposing party, and counsel; and with lord Pope Alexander reconciled in full charity—peace was restored to the Church; and, the darknesses of errors being driven away, tranquility shone forth, like the morning star in the midst of the mist.

CAPUT XXVII. Noradinus Iconiensis soldani fines ingressus, partem ejus violenter occupat. Rex Damascenorum fines depopulatur.

CHAPTER 27. Noradin, having entered the borders of the sultan of Iconium, violently occupies a part of it. The king of the Damascenes lays waste the borders.

Interea Noradinus laetus admodum de imperatoris discessu, cujus adventus magnum, praesentia majorem ei terrorem incusserat, securus jam de caetero de tanti principis suspecta nimis potentia, videns etiam dominum regem ad propria reversum, occasionem se arbitratus reperisse, qualem a multis retro temporibus desideraverat; convocata ex universis finibus suis militia in terram soldani Iconiensis, quam sibi habebat conterminam, expeditiones dirigit, et urbem Mares, simul et oppida Cressum et Behetselin, in suam satagit redigere potestatem. Soldanus autem, ab illis remotus partibus, non facile suis poterat ministrare subsidium; unde et ea fiducia contra fortiorem se, hoc praesumpserat aggredi Noradinus. Cognito autem dominus rex, quod circa partes illas cum omnibus viribus suis detineretur occupatus, volens illius occupationes ad suum trahere compendium, sciens Damascenorum fines absque militarium virorum robore, hostium facile patere insidiis, congregato exercitu, regionem Damascenorum ingreditur, et cuncta pro arbitrio incendiis tradens et praedae, ab Offro, primae Arabiae famosa metropoli usque Damascum, nemine contradicente, libere contraducebat exercitum.

Meanwhile Nur al-Din, exceedingly glad at the emperor’s departure—whose arrival had inflicted on him great terror, greater by his very presence—now secure thereafter concerning the too-suspect potency of so great a prince, and seeing also that the lord king had returned to his own, judged that he had found an occasion such as he had long desired from many times past; having convoked from all his borders the militia, he directs expeditions into the land of the soldan of Iconium, which he had contiguous to himself, and he strives to bring the city Mares, together with the towns Cressum and Behetselin, under his own power. The soldan, however, being remote from those parts, could not easily minister subsidy to his men; whence also, with that confidence against one stronger than himself, Nur al-Din presumed to make this attack. But when the lord king learned that he was held occupied with all his forces in those regions, wishing to draw that one’s occupations to his own advantage, knowing that the borders of the Damascenes, lacking the strength of military men, lay easily open to the ambushes of enemies, he gathered an army, entered the region of the Damascenes, and, consigning everything at his pleasure to fires and to plunder, from Offro, the famous metropolis of First Arabia, as far as Damascus, with no one contradicting, he freely led his army through.

Erat autem Damasci quidam nobilis Negemedinus nomine, cui ob plurimam rerum saecularium quam habere dicebatur experientiam, negotiorum suorum curam commiserat, et urbem cum suis pertinentiis pro ejus arbitrio eidem tradiderat gubernandam. Hic videns dominum suum in regione remota magis occupatum negotiis, seque virorum militarium copias non habere, quibus regiis viribus posset resistere, tanquam vir providus, et instantia pericula a se quaerens propellere, oblatis quatuor millibus aureorum, pacem trium mensium postulat, et multiplicatis sibi data pecunia intercessoribus, impetrat postulatam, datis insuper sex gregariis militibus, quos in vinculis detinebat. Sic ergo regem cum suo exercitu a patria sua prudenter amovit.

Now at Damascus there was a certain nobleman named Negemedinus, to whom, on account of the very great experience in secular matters which he was said to possess, he had entrusted the care of his business affairs, and had delivered the city with its appurtenances to be governed by him at his discretion. This man, seeing his lord more occupied with business in a remote region, and that he did not have companies of military men with which he could withstand the royal forces, as a provident man, and seeking to drive away from himself the imminent dangers, upon offering four thousand gold pieces, asks for a peace of three months; and, by multiplying intercessors for himself with the money given, he obtains what he asked, six rank-and-file soldiers besides being handed over, whom he was detaining in chains. Thus then he prudently removed the king with his army from his own country.

Interea domina Milisendis regina, mulier provida, et supr sexum discreta femineum, quae regnum tam vivente marito, quam regnante filio, congruo moderamine annis triginta, et amplius, vires transcendens femineas rexerat, aegritudinem incidit incurabilem, de qua usque ad obitum salutem non recepit, licet utraque sororum ejus tam domina Tripolitana comitissa, quam domina abbatissa Sancti Lazari de Bethania, omnem circa eam impenderent diligentiam; et accitis medicorum undecunque peritissimis, remedia qualia videbantur necessaria, non cessarent ministrare; ipsa vero aliquantisper laesa memoria, corpore quasi consumpto, lecto decumbens, multo tempore, paucissimis ad eam reserato accessu, jacebat quasi dissoluta. Rex autem interim effluxo tempore, quod Negemendino Damascenorum procuratori constituerat, temporeque foederis quod initum fuerat decurso, Noradino adhuc circa partes praedictas, nondum completis negotiis occupato, hostium fines violenter ingreditur, et pro arbitrio regionem discurrens, praedas trahit libere, incendia procurat, manubias agit sine contradictore; et depopulata regione, effractis suburbanis, captivatis locorum incolis, iterum sospes ad propria reversus est.

Meanwhile Lady Milisendis the queen, a provident woman, and, beyond the feminine sex, discreet, who had ruled the kingdom, both while her husband was living and while her son was reigning, with fitting moderation for thirty years and more, transcending feminine powers, fell into an incurable sickness, from which she did not recover health up to her death, although both her sisters, both the Lady Countess of Tripoli and the Lady Abbess of Saint Lazarus of Bethany, expended every diligence about her; and, the most skilled of physicians having been called from wherever, they did not cease to administer remedies such as seemed necessary; but she herself, her memory somewhat impaired, her body as it were consumed, lying in bed, for a long time, with access to her opened to very few, lay as if dissolved. The king, meanwhile, when the time which he had set for Negemendinus, the procurator of the Damascenes, had elapsed, and the term of the covenant that had been entered upon had run its course, with Noradinus still occupied about the aforesaid regions, his affairs not yet completed, violently enters the borders of the enemy, and, running through the region at his pleasure, draws off booty freely, procures conflagrations, and works spoils without an opposer; and, the region laid waste, the suburbs broken open, the inhabitants of the places taken captive, he again, safe, returned to his own.

CAPUT XXVIII. Princeps Antiochenus Rainaldus ab hostibus capitur, et apud Halapiam vinculis mancipatur.

CHAPTER 28. The Prince of Antioch, Rainald, is captured by the enemies, and at Aleppo he is consigned to chains.

Non multo autem interjecto tempore, accidit quod princeps Antiochenus Rainaldus, cognito per exploratores, quod in partibus illis, quae et aliquando fuerant comitis Edessani, inter Maresiam et Tulupam absque militaribus viris, terra armentis et gregibus referta, locorum incolis armorum usum nescientibus, facile posset patere ad praedam; credulus aurem praebet dictis eorum facilem, et collecta ingenti militia, infaustis avibus iter aggreditur. Perveniensque ad loca praedicta, dictorum plenam invenit fidem; nam procul dubio armentorum et gregum stupendam reperit multitudinem; sed populus cujus haec erant, populus fidelis erat. Tota enim illa regio non nisi in praesidiis Turcos habet, paucos admodum, qui et praesidia tuentur, et rusticorum praestationes colligunt, dominis majoribus quorum procuratores sunt, conservandas.

Not much time having intervened, it happened that the prince of Antioch, Raynald, having learned through scouts that in those parts, which at one time had also belonged to the count of Edessa, between Maresia and Tulupa, with no men-at-arms, a land stuffed with herds and flocks, the inhabitants of the places not knowing the use of arms, could easily lie open to plunder, credulous he lends an easy ear to their words, and, a vast host having been gathered, under ill auspices he sets out on the march. And arriving at the aforesaid places, he found full confirmation of what had been said; for without doubt he discovered a stupendous multitude of herds and flocks; but the people to whom these belonged was a faithful people. For that whole region has Turks only in the garrisons, very few, who both keep the garrisons and collect the peasants’ prestations, to be kept for the greater lords whose procurators they are.

Suburbana autem soli Christiani, Suriani et Armeni inhabitant, et agriculturae operam dant, et rura colunt. Collecta igitur ex diversis partibus praeda et manubiis nemine prohibente comportatis, onusti spoliis et multimoda supellectile locupletati, sospites et cum omni tranquillitate revertebantur; cum ecce Megedin praefectus Halapiensis, Noradino familiaris, et fidei sinceritate conjunctissimus, assumpta sibi universae regionis expeditiore militia, ejus praecognito reditu, maturat ei exire obviam, ut sarcinis et praeda oneratos, aliquibus locorum angustiis, aut impeditos opprimeret, aut saltem impedimenta relinquere compelleret violenter. Factumque est, ut juxta prudentis viri conceptum, properantes illi obviam, ducibus itineris qui de exercitu principis advenerant, ad locum perveniunt destinatum, proximum satis regioni, ubi princeps cum universa praeda castra locaverat.

The suburban areas, however, are inhabited solely by Christians, Syrians, and Armenians, and they devote themselves to agriculture and till the fields. Therefore, the booty and spoils having been collected from diverse parts and, with no one forbidding, carried together, laden with plunder and enriched with multifarious household gear, they were returning safe and with all tranquility; when, lo, Megedin, the Aleppine prefect, a familiar of Nur al-Din and most closely joined to him by the sincerity of his fidelity, having taken to himself the more expeditious soldiery of the whole region, with his return foreknown, hastens to go out to meet him, so that, burdened with baggage and booty, he might either overwhelm them, impeded in some narrow places, or at least violently compel them to leave their baggage-train behind. And it came to pass that, according to the prudent man’s plan, hurrying to meet those men, with guides of the route who had come from the prince’s army, they reach the appointed place, quite near to the district, where the prince had pitched camp with all the booty.

Qui cognito hostium adventu, cum suis deliberat quid eum in praesenti necessitate oporteat facere; relictoque saniore consilio, videlicet ut praeda dimissa, expeditiores sine multa difficultate redirent ad propria; elegerunt ut, praedam et spolia non deserentes, cum hostibus, nisi per eos staret, strenue decertarent. Mane itaque facto et die jam aliquantulum adulta, concurrentibus agminibus pugna committitur, instantibus hostibus arcubus et gladiis, studio valde pertinaci. Nostri autem, etsi prima facie animum resistendi visi sunt habuisse, novissime tamen mente consternati, terga dederunt, fugam dimissis spoliis eligentes.

Who, upon learning of the enemies’ advent, deliberates with his own what it is fitting to do in the present necessity; and the sounder counsel having been left aside, namely that, the booty having been let go, the more unencumbered might return to their own without much difficulty, they chose rather, not deserting the booty and spoils, to fight it out strenuously with the enemy—unless it should rest with them to prevent it. Therefore, with morning come and the day already somewhat advanced, as the battle-lines ran together, battle is joined, the enemies pressing on with bows and swords, with a very pertinacious zeal. Our men, however, although at first sight they seemed to have had the spirit of resisting, at last, dismayed in mind, turned their backs, choosing flight, the spoils having been dropped.

Princeps autem, peccatis suis exigentibus, omnes quas commiserat impietates corporaliter luiturus, captus est et compedibus religatus, Halapiam cum aliis concaptivis, spectaculum factus populis infidelibus, cum summa ignominia deductus est. Factum est autem hoc anno regni domini Balduini decimo octavo, mense Novembre, IX Kal. Decembris, inter Cressum et Mares, in loco qui dicitur Commi.

However, the prince, his sins demanding it, about to pay corporally for all the impieties he had committed, was captured and bound in shackles, and to Aleppo, together with other fellow-captives, made a spectacle to the unbelieving peoples, he was led with the utmost ignominy. Now this came to pass in the 18th year of the reign of lord Baldwin, in the month of November, on the 9 Kalends of December (November 23), between Cressum and Mares, at the place which is called Commi.

CAPUT XXIX. Joannes quidam Romanae Ecclesiae presbyter cardinalis, in Syriam descendit legatus; de ejus susceptione inter episcopos oritur dissonantia. Amalrico Joppensi comiti, fratri regis, filius nascitur Balduinus.

CHAPTER 29. A certain John, a presbyter cardinal of the Roman Church, goes down into Syria as legate; about his reception among the bishops there arises dissonance. To Amalric, count of Joppa, the king’s brother, a son is born, Baldwin.

Per eosdem dies, quidam Joannes, vir admodum litteratus, Romanae Ecclesiae presbyter cardinalis, tituli Sanctorum Joannis et Pauli, missus a domino Alexandro papa ad partes orientales legatus, apud Biblium, cum quibusdam Januensibus applicuit. Volens igitur, impetrata licentia, tanquam legatus in regnum introire, praetentavit domini regis et aliorum regni principum, tam ecclesiasticorum quam saecularium mentes, quidnam de ejus ingressui sentirent. Divisus enim erat, ut praediximus, occasione schismatis oborti, pene orbis universus: aliis domino papae Alexandro, aliis parti oppositae faventibus.

During those same days, a certain John, a very learned man, a cardinal presbyter of the Roman Church, of the title of Saints John and Paul, sent by lord Pope Alexander as legate to the eastern parts, put in at Byblus with certain Genoese. Wishing therefore, having obtained leave, to enter the kingdom as legate, he tested the minds of the lord king and of the other princes of the realm, both ecclesiastical and secular, as to what they felt about his entry. For almost the whole world, as we have said above, was divided on the occasion of the schism that had arisen: some favoring lord Pope Alexander, others the opposing party.

Unde post multam deliberationem, mandatum est ei ex parte, ut subsisteret, nec in regnum praesumeret ingredi, quousque habit cum praelatis ecclesiarum et regni principibus pleniore deliberatione, ei de communi consilio mandaretur quid eum facere oporteret. Interim ergo convocatis apud Nazareth, tam domino patriarcha quam reliquis ecclesiarum praelatis, de principibus quoque nonnullis cum domino rege assistentibus, coeperunt deliberare quid in tanta ambiguitate facto esset expedientius. Omnes enim Orientis pontifices, de utroque patriarchatu, in neutram partium manifeste declinaverant, in occulto tamen, aliis huic, aliis illi suum favorem praestantibus.

Whence, after much deliberation, a mandate was given to him on their part that he should hold back, and should not presume to enter the kingdom, until, a fuller deliberation having been held with the prelates of the churches and the princes of the realm, it should be enjoined upon him by common counsel what he ought to do. Meanwhile, therefore, with both the lord patriarch and the other prelates of the churches convened at Nazareth, and with certain also of the princes standing by with the lord king, they began to deliberate what, in so great an ambiguity, would be most expedient to be done. For all the pontiffs of the East, from both patriarchates, had openly declined to neither party; in secret, however, some were granting their favor to this side, others to that.

Factum est autem, sicut in talibus solet contingere, quod dissentientes ab invicem, et votis eorum in plura distractis, alii dicerent quod dominus Alexander et ejus legatus susciperetur, utpote causam fovens potiorem; quorum princeps erat dominus Petrus, piae in Domino recordationis, praedecessor noster, Tyrensis archiepiscopus; alii e converso domini Victoris causam praeferentes, et eum semper regno amicum et tutorem fuisse asserentes, legatum nullo modo recipiendum esse censebant. Rex autem mediam quamdam viam sequens, cum suis principibus et de ecclesiarum praelatis quibusdam, timens ne episcopi inter se dividerentur et scinderetur Ecclesia, persuadebat neutram partium recipiendam esse; legato vero, si tanquam peregrinus, orationis gratia, absque insignibus legationis, ad loca sancta vellet accedere, dandam esse licentiam et concedendam libertatem moram in regno faciendi, usque ad primum transitum, extunc redeundum ei esse. Allegabat etiam, et dictorum suorum causam subjungebat et rationem, dicens: Schisma recens est; necdum orbi innotuit, uter eorum causam foveat potiorem; periculosum autem esse, in re dubia partem sibi ex sententia deligere, et de re incerta diffinitivam praecipitare sententiam.

It came to pass, however, as is wont to happen in such cases, that, disagreeing among themselves and their votes being drawn into several parts, some said that Lord Alexander and his legate should be received, as fostering the more potent cause; the chief of whom was Lord Peter, of pious remembrance in the Lord, our predecessor, archbishop of Tyre; others, conversely, preferring the cause of Lord Victor and asserting that he had always been a friend and protector of the kingdom, judged that the legate ought in no way to be received. The king, however, following a certain middle way, with his princes and with certain of the prelates of the churches, fearing lest the bishops be divided among themselves and the Church be rent, was persuading that neither party should be received; but that to the legate, if, as a pilgrim, for the sake of prayer, without the insignia of the legation, he wished to approach the holy places, license should be given and freedom granted to make a stay in the kingdom until the first passage, then thenceforth he must return. He was also alleging, and subjoining both the cause and the reason of his words, saying: The schism is recent; nor has it yet become known to the world which of them fosters the more potent cause; but it is perilous, in a doubtful matter, to choose a side for oneself by judgment, and to precipitate a definitive sentence concerning an uncertain matter.

Praeterea, nec legato opus esse in regno, qui ecclesias et monasteria gravet impensis, extorsionibus attenuet. Haec erat domini regis sententia; quae, licet utilior videretur, tamen praevaluit eorum sententia, qui legatum esse recipiendum asserebant. Vocatus igitur in regnum venit, multis quibus adventus ejus placuerat, postmodum onerosus. Per illud tempus natus est domino Amalrico, Joppensium comiti, ex Agnete fili comitis Edessani, filius, quem patris rogatu, rex de sacro fonte suscipiens, suum ei nomen imposuit; cumque ab eo jocose quaereretur Quidnam nepoti, et filio de sacro fonte suscepto donaret? respondit, sicuti homo jucundi et urbani sermonis erat: Regnum Hierosolymorum. Quod verbum quibusdam prudentibus, qui hoc audierant, altius descendit in pectus, notantes quod licet juvenis esset admodum, et uxor ejus adolescentula, praesagire videbatur, quod absque liberis foret ex hac luce subtrahendus: quod et factum est.

Moreover, that there was no need of a legate in the kingdom, who would burden the churches and monasteries with expenses and wear them down by extortions. This was the lord king’s opinion; which, although it seemed more expedient, yet the opinion of those prevailed who asserted that the legate ought to be received. Summoned, therefore, he came into the kingdom—afterwards burdensome to many to whom his arrival had been pleasing. About that time there was born to lord Amalric, count of Jaffa, from Agnes, daughter of the count of Edessa, a son, whom, at the father’s request, the king, receiving him from the sacred font, bestowed upon him his own name; and when he was jocularly asked by him, What gift he would give to his nephew, and to the son received from the sacred font? he replied, as he was a man of cheerful and urbane speech: the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Which word sank deeper into the breast of certain prudent men who had heard this, noting that although he was very young, and his wife a young girl, he seemed to forebode that he would be taken from this light without children—which is what happened.

CAPUT XXX. Rex ab Antiochenis vocatus, illuc properat; imperiales legati adsunt, uxorem domino suo, unam de consanguineis domini regis postulantes.

CHAPTER 30. The king, called by the Antiochenes, hastens thither; the imperial legates are present, requesting for their lord a wife, one from among the king’s blood-relations.

Capto igitur principe et Antiochena provincia rectoris solatio destituta, populus iterum regionis, timore et anxietate corripitur; et diebus singulis regionis desolationem, nisi Dominus eos custodiat, animis suspensis exspectat; tandemque visum est ad solitum recurrere auxilium, et ab eo contra mala imminentia petere solatium, unde sine repulsa saepius obtinuerant postulatum. Missa igitur legatione et adjunctis precibus lacrymosis, dominum Hierosolymorum regem suppliciter invitant, ut ad subveniendum genti desperatae, populo pereunti, honorem et gloriam ab hominibus, et a Domino praemia relaturus aeterna, venire non moretur. Rex autem miserabili regionis illius casu cognito, praedecessorum suorum vestigiis inhaerens, eorum anxietatibus compatiens, laborem devotus amplectitur; et assumpta secum honesta militia, ad partes accelerat Antiochenas, ubi cum omni gaudio et animorum exsultatione, ejus a patribus et plebe susceptus est adventus.

With the prince therefore taken, and the Antiochene province left destitute of the solace of a rector, the people of the region again are seized with fear and anxiety; and day by day, with spirits on tiptoe, they expect the desolation of the region, unless the Lord guard them; and at length it seemed good to resort to the accustomed aid, and from him to seek consolation against the imminent evils, from whom they had more than once obtained their petition without repulse. A legation therefore being sent, and tearful prayers adjoined, they humbly invite the lord king of Jerusalem, that, to succor a desperate race, a perishing people, he not delay to come, about to carry back honor and glory from men, and from the Lord eternal rewards. But the king, the pitiable case of that region learned, adhering to the footsteps of his predecessors, and sympathizing with their anxieties, devoutly embraces the labor; and, taking with him an honorable soldiery, hastens to the Antiochene parts, where with all joy and exultation of spirits his arrival was received by the fathers and the plebs.

Residens ergo in eadem civitate quantum temporis et loci deposcebat necessitas, negotiis principatus tanquam suis propriis exactissimam adhibet diligentiam; et regionis procuratione domino patriarchae ad tempus, usque dum redeat commissa, honestisque sumptibus dominae principissae constitutis, rerum domesticarum sollicitudine revocatus, reversus est ad propria. Porro domino rege in regnum reverso, ecce adsunt domini imperatoris Constantinopolitani, viri spectabiles, et in sacro palatio praeclari, legati imperiales, litteras cum aurea bulla, simul et verba secretiora ad dominum regem deferentes. Horum autem primus erat, vir illustris Gundostephanus, ejusdem domini imperatoris consanguineus: secundus erat maximus palatinorum interpretum, Triffillus, homo vafer et pro negotiis imperialibus valde sollicitus; qui, ut praediximus, sacros apices detulerunt, quorum tenor erat, ut in summa dicatur, talis: Noveris, nobis dilectissime et imperio nostro acceptissime, quod felix et inclytae in Domino recordationis Hirene, sacri imperii nostri consors, diem vitae clausit extremum, electis spiritibus socianda, unica nobis filia communis imperii haerede relicta.

Therefore, residing in the same city as long as the necessity of time and place demanded, he applies the most exact diligence to the affairs of the principate as though they were his own; and the administration of the region having been entrusted for a time to the lord patriarch, until he should return, and honorable expenses having been assigned to the lady princess, recalled by the solicitude of domestic matters, he returned to his own. Moreover, when the lord king had returned to the kingdom, behold, there are present the imperial legates of the lord emperor of Constantinople, distinguished men and eminent in the sacred palace, bringing letters with a golden seal, as well as more secret words, to the lord king. Of these, the first was the illustrious man Gundostephanus, a kinsman of the same lord emperor; the second was the chief of the palace interpreters, Triffillus, a wily man and very solicitous on behalf of imperial business; who, as we said above, brought the sacred rescripts, the tenor of which, to speak in sum, was as follows: Know, most beloved to us and most acceptable to our empire, that Irene, of happy and illustrious memory in the Lord, consort of our sacred empire, has closed the last day of life, to be joined to the elect spirits, our only daughter left as heiress of the common empire.

Nos autem de imperii successione solliciti et melioris sexus sobolem non habentes, de secundis votis cum illustribus sacri palatii diligentem saepius habuimus tractatum. Tandem de universorum principum favore et consensu placuit, ut de sanguine tuo, quem unice diligit nostrum imperium, nobis in consortium jungamus imperii; et utram consobrinarum tuarum seu illustris viri comitis Tripolitani sororem, seu magnifici viri principis Antiocheni germanam juniorem nobis elegeris, nos pro tua optione, sinceritati tuae omnem fidem habentes, eam nobis in tori sociam et imperii participem, auctore Domino, assumemus.

However, we, being solicitous about the succession of the empire and not having offspring of the better sex, have had frequent and diligent deliberation, concerning second nuptials, with the illustrious men of the sacred palace. At length, by the favor and consensus of all the princes, it pleased that, from your blood, which our empire uniquely cherishes, we join to us in consortium of the empire; and whichever of your cousins—either the sister of the illustrious man, the Count of Tripoli, or the younger full sister of the magnificent man, the Prince of Antioch—you shall have chosen for us, we, according to your option, placing all trust in your sincerity, will take her to us, with the Lord as author, as a partner of the couch and participant in the empire.

Cognita ergo rex domini imperatoris, tum ex ejus litteris, tum ex nuntiorum viva voce, intentione, spondet obsequium, operam promittit, et gratias multiplices imperatoriae solvit majestati, tum quia de sanguine ejus in tantam eminentiam sibi associare proposuit; tum quia ejus fidem commendans, in ejus ponit arbitrio, utram ipse delegerit, eam in tori participem et imperii consortem assumpturum.

Therefore, the king, the intention of the lord emperor having been learned—both from his letters and from the messengers’ living voice—pledges obedience, promises effort, and renders manifold thanks to the imperial majesty, both because he has proposed to associate to himself from his blood into so great an eminence; and because, commending his good faith, he places it in his discretion that, whichever he himself shall have chosen, him (the emperor) will take her as a partner of the bed and a consort of the empire.

CAPUT XXXI. Rex sororem comitis Tripolitani, virginem illustrem Milisendem nomine, ei deputat; sed post annum eam repudiat imperator, et uxorem ducit Mariam, principis Raimundi filiam.

CHAPTER 31. The king assigns to him the sister of the Count of Tripoli, an illustrious virgin named Milisende; but after a year the emperor repudiates her, and takes as wife Maria, the daughter of Prince Raymond.

Rex ergo habita deliberatione cum suis familiaribus, quid sibi et imperiali celsitudini, in praesenti facto magis conveniat, convocatis imperialibus nuntiis persuadet, et praecipit, quatenus Milisendem bonae indolis adolescentulam, domini comitis Tripolitani sororem, domino suo suscipiant in uxorem. Illi vero cum summa reverentia domini regis amplectentes verbum, praestiterunt assensum; contestantes tamen quod hoc ipsum domino imperatori per nuntios et litteras significari oporteret. Praeparantur interea virgini tanto culmini destinatae, a matre et amita, fratre et amicis omnibus, immensorum sumptuum ornamenta, et modum nescientia, supra vires regias; murenulae, inaures, spinteres et periscelidae, annuli, torques et coronae ex auro purissimo; vasa quoque argentea, immensi ponderis et magnitudinis; inauditae ad usum coquinae, escarum et potuum, et lavacrorum obsequium praeparantur, exceptis frenis, sellis, et ut breviter dicatur, omnimoda supellectile; quae omnia tam infinitis praeparabantur impensis, et tanto studio procurabantur, ut ipsa etiam opera suum praedicarent excessum et regium luxum facile superarent.

Therefore the king, having held deliberation with his familiars as to what in the present matter might more befit himself and the imperial celsitude, summoned the imperial envoys, persuades and enjoins that they should receive Milisende, a maiden of good disposition, sister of the lord Count of Tripoli, as wife for their lord. They, indeed, embracing the word of the lord king with the highest reverence, gave their assent; yet protesting that this very thing ought to be signified to the lord emperor by envoys and by letters. Meanwhile there are prepared for the maiden destined to so great a pinnacle, by her mother and her paternal aunt, her brother and all her friends, ornaments of immeasurable expense and knowing no measure, beyond royal means: little bracelets, earrings, armlets and ankle-bands, rings, torques and crowns of the purest gold; likewise silver vessels of immense weight and size; an unheard-of service for the use of the kitchen, of meats and drinks, and of baths is prepared, with bridles, saddles excepted, and, to speak briefly, every manner of furnishings; all which were being prepared at such infinite outlays and were being procured with such zeal, that the works themselves proclaimed their excess and easily outstripped royal luxury.

Interea, dum Graeci singula ad unguem perscrutantur et rimantur interius de moribus puellae, de occultarum corporis partium dispositione, dum nuntios frequentes ad imperatorem dirigunt et eorum praestolantur recursum, annus effluxit: quod valde moleste ferentes tam dominus rex et comes, quam reliqui ejusdem virginis cognati et amici, imperiales nuntios publice conveniunt, alterutrum duum proponentes. Ut aut praecise a verbo diu tractati desistant matrimonii, et expensas resarciant; aut desinant morarum perplexitates intexere, et consummato negotio juxta conventiones initas finem imponant. Comes autem multiplicibus gravabatur impendiis; nam et duodecim galeas fieri jusserat, et eas instruxerat usque ad plenum, quibus sororem usque ad maritum prosequi decreverat, et tam de principatu quam de regno omnes majores apud Tripolim convenerant, exspectantes dominae in proximo futurum exitum; quibus comes ex toto, aut ex parte plurima, providebat necessaria.

Meanwhile, while the Greeks examine each particular to the fingernail and pry inwardly about the girl’s morals, about the disposition of the hidden parts of the body, while they dispatch frequent messengers to the emperor and await their return, a year elapsed: which the lord king and the count, as well as the rest of that virgin’s kinsmen and friends, taking very grievously, publicly meet the imperial envoys, proposing one of two alternatives. Either that they peremptorily desist from the long-treated word of marriage and reimburse the expenses; or that they cease weaving the perplexities of delays, and, the business consummated according to the conventions entered into, set a term to it. The count moreover was burdened with manifold outlays; for he had ordered twelve galleys to be made and had equipped them to the full, with which he had resolved to escort his sister all the way to her husband; and both from the principality and from the kingdom all the magnates had assembled at Tripoli, expecting the lady’s departure to be at hand; for whom the count was supplying the necessaries in whole, or for the greatest part.

Graeci autem more suo amphibologice respondentes, rem adhuc protrahere nitebantur; verum dominus rex eorum sophisticis occurrens moliminibus, specialem super eo negotio, ad dominum imperatorem, dominum Ottonem de Risbergis, dirigit nuntium, obnixe postulans ut ei per eumdem voluntatem suam praecise declaret; qui sperato citius ad dominum regem rediens, et viva voce et litteris edocet domino imperatori quae tractata erant, de praedicto matrimonio, omnia displicere: quod intelligens rex, a verbo destitit, pro multa ducens ignominia, quod id quod ejus interventu credebatur esse tractatum et partibus suis absolutum, in irritum devenisset; et procul dubio in suam videbatur redundare injuriam. Porro domini imperatoris nuntii, comitis Tripolitani indignationem formidantes, inventa casu navicula, in Cyprum se fecerunt deportare. Soluto itaque coetu optimatum, qui apud Tripolim convenerant, dominus rex in partes secessit Antiochenas, quarum curam, ut praediximus, a populo regionis diligenter expetitus, sibi assumpserat; ad quas cum pervenisset, eosdem imperatoris nuntios reperit, quos a Tripoli credebat abiisse.

But the Greeks, answering in their own manner amphibologically (ambiguously), were striving still to prolong the matter; yet the lord king, countering their sophistic endeavors, sent a special envoy on that business to the lord emperor, Lord Otto of Risbergis, earnestly requesting that through the same he should declare his will precisely to him. He, returning to the lord king sooner than was hoped, informed, both viva voce and by letters, that to the lord emperor all the things which had been handled concerning the aforesaid marriage were displeasing. Understanding this, the king desisted from the proposal, counting it a great ignominy that what by his intervention had been believed to be negotiated and on his side concluded had come to naught; and beyond doubt it seemed to redound to his own injury. Moreover, the lord emperor’s envoys, fearing the indignation of the count of Tripoli, having by chance found a little boat, had themselves carried off to Cyprus. Therefore, the assembly of the magnates that had convened at Tripoli being dissolved, the lord king withdrew into the Antiochene parts, the care of which, as we have said above, having been diligently sought from him by the people of the region, he had taken upon himself; and when he had arrived there, he found the same envoys of the emperor whom he had believed to have departed from Tripoli.

Hi cum domina principissa pro filiarum ejus novissima, Maria nomine, quotidianum et familiarem habebant tractatum. Insuper et domini imperatoris auro signatas in praesenti habebant litteras, quibus ratum se habiturum, quod per eorum manum de praesenti matrimonio, cum domina principissa vel amicis ejus firmaretur, promittebat. Praesens ergo factus rex, communicato ei verbo, etsi in priore facto laesus videretur, eatenus ut merito in praesenti operam, et studium domino imperatori posset subtrahere, tamen gratia consanguineae, quae pupilla erat, et patris destituta solatio, partes interponit suas; et post multas dilationes, effectui satagit mancipari.

These men had a daily and familiar intercourse with the lady princess on behalf of her youngest of her daughters, by name Maria. Moreover, they had in hand letters of the lord emperor sealed with gold, in which he promised that he would hold ratified whatever, concerning the present marriage, should be confirmed by their hand with the lady princess or her friends. Therefore the king being present, the matter having been communicated to him, although he seemed in the earlier affair to have been injured—so far that he could deservedly withdraw at present his effort and zeal from the lord emperor—nevertheless, for the sake of his kinswoman, who was a ward and deprived of a father’s solace, he interposes his good offices; and after many delays, he strives to have it delivered over to effect.

Completo itaque negotio, galaeis in faucibus Orontis fluminis, in loco qui dicitur portus Sancti Simeonis, praeparatis, tradita puella, prosequentibus eam de magnatibus regionis, qui ad hoc videbantur idonei, et usque ad maritum viae consortibus, iter arripiunt.

Accordingly, the business having been completed, with the galleys made ready in the jaws of the river Orontes, in the place which is called the Port of Saint Simeon, the maiden having been delivered over, with magnates of the region escorting her, who seemed suitable for this, and companions of the way as far as to the husband, they set out on the journey.

CAPUT XXXII. Rex circa Antiochiam castrum reaedificat, quod dicitur Pons Ferri. Regina Milisendis mater ejus moritur.

CHAPTER 32. The king rebuilds a castle near Antioch, which is called Iron Bridge. Queen Melisende, his mother, dies.

Interea dum rex in partibus illis moram faceret, ut ejus praesentia regioni esset utilis, castrum quod super pontem fluminis Orontis (qui vulgo dicitur Pons Ferri) aliquando fuerat, ab urbe Antiochena quasi sex aut septem distans milliaribus, reaedificavit, utiliter satis, ad cohibendum hostium discursus et latrocinantium introitus occultos. Occupato ergo eo circa partium illarum negotia, pia mater ejus longo macerata languore et continuis exhausta cruciatibus, III Idus Septembris viam universae carnis ingressa est; quod postquam ad ejus pervenit notitiam, veris contestans argumentis quanta eam sinceritate dilexisset, in lamenta se dedit, et per dies multos nullam prorsus recepit consolationem. Sepulta est autem inclytae recordationis domina Milisendis, angelorum choris inferenda, in valle Josaphat, descendentibus ad sepulcrum beatae et intemeratae Dei genitricis et virginis Mariae ad dexteram, in crypta lapidea, januis ferreis praesepta, altare habens vicinum, ubi tam pro remedio animae ejus, quam pro spiritibus omnium fidelium defunctorum, acceptabiles Creatori quotidie offeruntur hostiae.

Meanwhile, while the king was making a delay in those parts, that his presence might be useful to the region, he re-edified a castle which had once been upon the bridge of the river Orontes (which in the common tongue is called Iron Bridge), about six or seven miles distant from the city of Antioch, usefully enough, to restrain the sallies of the enemy and the hidden entrances of brigands. He therefore being occupied about the business of those parts, his pious mother, wasted by a long languor and drained by continual torments, on the 3 Ides of September entered the way of all flesh; which, after it came to his knowledge, attesting by true proofs how sincerely he had loved her, he gave himself over to laments, and for many days received no consolation at all. She was buried, moreover, Lady Melisende of illustrious memory, to be borne into the choirs of angels, in the Valley of Josaphat, at the right as one descends to the sepulcher of the blessed and inviolate God-bearer and virgin Mary, in a stone crypt, barred with iron doors, having a nearby altar, where both for the remedy of her soul and for the spirits of all the faithful departed, acceptable sacrifices are offered daily to the Creator.

CAPUT XXXIII. Comes Tripolitanus pro repudio sororis iratus, imperatori quantas potest irrogat injurias.

CHAPTER 33. The Count of Tripoli, angered on account of the repudiation of his sister, inflicts upon the emperor as many injuries as he can.

Interea comes Tripolitanus dolore cordis tactus intrinsecus, et aegre ferens, quod ab imperatore sic erat delusus, videns se occasione imperatoris enormes fecisse impensas, sororem suam, tanquam gregarii alicujus filiam, ab eo sine causae cognitione repudiatam esse, anxius apud se gemit, et ex corde ducit suspiria, cogitans si qua via posset imperatori reddere vices, et pro illata injuria eadem mensur reddere talionem. Haec ei cogitanti, ex diverso occurrebat, quod princeps inter mortales erat potentissimus, nec ejus vires sufficere poterant, ut eum vel in aliquo laedere posset; tamen ne illatam injuriam aut non sentire videretur, aut negligentius dissimulare, galeas quas ad alium usum praeparaverat, dolore compulsus, armari praecipit; et vocatis piratis, et nefandorum scelerum artificibus eas tradit, praecipiens, ut praedicti imperatoris terras obambulantes, omnino nec aetati parcerent, nec sexui, et conditionum etiam nullam haberent differentiam; sed passim et sine delectu tam monasteria quam ecclesias, omnia traderent incendiis, et rapinas ubique, sive homicidia libere perpetrarent, pro justa causa arma et vires illaturi. Illi autem dicto parentes, mare ingressi, regiones imperatoris, tam quae in insulis erant quam quae in terra mari contermina perlustrantes, verbum comitis interpretantes largius, ubique rapinas, ubique incendia, ubique homicidia procurant; ecclesias violant, effringunt monasteria, locorum venerabilium omnino nullam habentes differentiam.

Meanwhile the Count of Tripoli, touched inwardly by heart-sorrow and bearing it ill that he had been thus deluded by the emperor, seeing that on the emperor’s occasion he had incurred enormous expenses, and that his sister, as though the daughter of some common soldier, had by him, without inquiry into the cause, been repudiated, anxiously groans to himself and draws sighs from his heart, pondering whether by any way he could render the emperor his turn, and for the injury inflicted return the same measure of talion. As he considered this, the contrary kept occurring to him, that the prince was the most potent among mortals, nor could his forces suffice so that he might wound him even in anything; nevertheless, lest he should seem either not to feel the injury inflicted, or to dissemble it too negligently, the galleys which he had prepared for another use, compelled by pain, he orders to be armed; and, pirates being called, and artificers of nefarious crimes, he delivers them over, instructing that, as they traverse the lands of the aforesaid emperor, they should by no means spare either age or sex, and make no difference even of conditions; but everywhere and without selection deliver alike monasteries and churches to conflagrations, and perpetrate robberies everywhere, or homicides freely, bringing arms and force for a just cause. They, however, obeying the word, having put to sea, thoroughly exploring the regions of the emperor, as well those which were on the islands as those which were contiguous to the sea on land, interpreting the count’s word more broadly, procure robberies everywhere, fires everywhere, homicides everywhere; they violate churches, break open monasteries, making absolutely no distinction of venerable places.

Sed et peregrinis loca sancta adeuntibus, vel inde reversis, viaticula sua diripientes, nudos et inopes, aut mori, aut in mendicitate vitam protrahere compellebant; negotiatoribus, nihilominus victum eo commercii genere sibi, uxoribus et liberis propagantibus, bona quae congesserant diripientes, vacuos domum redire, sorte cum lucro deperdita, cogebant.

But also, for pilgrims going to the holy places, or returning thence, plundering their travel-money, they compelled them, naked and destitute, either to die or to prolong life in mendicancy; to the merchants, nonetheless sustaining a livelihood for themselves, their wives, and their children by that kind of commerce, despoiling the goods which they had amassed, they forced them to return home empty-handed, their principal together with profit lost.

CAPUT XXXIV. Rex apud Antiochiam pharmacum bibit; unde in supremam deductus aegritudinem, quaerebat ad propria reverti, sed invalescente aegritudine, in itinere apud Berithum vitam finit.

CHAPTER 34. The king at Antioch drank a drug; whence, brought down into an extreme sickness, he sought to return to his own home, but as the sickness grew stronger, on the journey at Berytus he ended his life.

Dum haec comes Tripolitanus, zelo propriae ductus injuriae procurat, rex apud Antiochiam ante ingruentem hiemem, prout consueverat, pharmaco uti volens, per manum Barac, medici Tripolitani comitis, pillulas accepit, et quas in instanti sumeret, et quas postmodum modico interjecto tempore esset accepturus: Nostri enim Orientales principes, maxime id efficientibus mulieribus, spreta nostrorum Latinorum physica et medendi modo, solis Judaeis, Samaritanis, Syris et Saracenis fidem habentes, eorum curae se subjiciunt imprudenter, et eis se commendant, physicarum rationum prorsus ignaris. Dicebantur autem praedictae pillulae veneno infectae, nec erat a vero multum dissimile; nam residuum quod regi secundo sumere mandatum fuerat, postea experimento apud Tripolim in pane infuso, cuidam datum caniculae, mortem sibi infra paucos dies propinaverunt. Ab ea igitur die, qua praedictam rex bibit medicinam, cum dysenteria febriculam incurrit, quae postea in hecticam versa est, nec ab ea, usque in diem obitus, remedium sensit, aut convalescentiam. Sentiens igitur apud se doloris instantiam et aegritudinis augmentum, ab Antiochia discedens usque Tripolim pervenit.

While the Count of Tripoli, driven by zeal for his own injury, is attending to these matters, the king at Antioch, before the impending winter, as he was accustomed, wishing to use a pharmacon, received through the hand of Barac, the physician of the Count of Tripoli, pills—both those to be taken at once, and those which afterwards, with a brief interval interposed, he was to take: For our Eastern princes, women especially bringing this about, scorning the physic and the mode of healing of our Latins, trusting only Jews, Samaritans, Syrians, and Saracens, imprudently subject themselves to their care and commend themselves to them, utterly ignorant of the principles of physic. The aforesaid pills were said to be infected with poison, nor was it much unlike the truth; for the remainder which had been ordered for the king to take as a second dose, afterwards, by experiment at Tripoli, infused into bread and given to a certain little dog, brought death upon it within a few days. From the day, therefore, on which the king drank the aforesaid medicine, he incurred a slight fever with dysentery, which afterwards was turned into a hectic (fever), nor from it, up to the day of his death, did he feel remedy or convalescence. Perceiving therefore within himself the urgency of the pain and the increase of sickness, departing from Antioch he came as far as Tripoli.

Ubi mensibus aliquot decubuit, de die in diem exspectans remedium. Ubi autem aegritudinem cognoscens invalescere, et salutis nullam superesse fiduciam, Berythum deportatus, ecclesiarum praelatos, simul et regni principes ad se cum omni celeritate praecipit evocari; quibus in praesentia sua constitutis, fidem suam pie ac religiose articulatim aperiens, in spiritu contrito et humiliato, praesentibus pontificibus peccata confitens, carnis solutus ergastulo, animam coelis intulit, cum electis principibus, auctore Domino, coronam immarcessibilem percepturus. Obiit autem anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1162, regni ejus anno vicesimo, IV Idus Februarii, aetatis vero tricesimo tertio; liberis non exstantibus, fratre regni haerede instituto.

Where he lay abed for several months, expecting a remedy from day to day. When, however, recognizing his sickness to be gaining strength, and that no confidence of health remained, conveyed to Berytus, he commands the prelates of the churches, together with the princes of the realm, to be summoned to him with all speed; and when they had been set in his presence, opening his faith piously and religiously, point by point, with a contrite and humbled spirit, confessing his sins in the presence of the pontiffs, loosed from the prison-house of the flesh, he bore his soul to the heavens, about to receive, with the chosen princes, the unfading crown, the Lord being the author. He died, moreover, in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1162, in the 20th year of his reign, on February 10, in the 33rd of his age; no children surviving, his brother having been instituted heir of the kingdom.

Inde Hierosolymam cum summa reverenti et regalibus exsequiis, cum universorum gemitu et lacrymis deportatus, occurrente ei clero et universo populo civitatis, in ecclesia Dominici Sepulcri ante Calvariae locum, ubi pro salute nostra crucifixus est Dominus, honorifice inter suos praedecessores sepulturae traditus est. Tantam autem moestitiam et tot doloris intimi argumenta in nostro vel in alio regno, pro defectu alicujus principis exstitisse, nulla tradit historia; nulla praesentium hominum tenet memoria; nam exceptis civibus, in quorum urbes funus introducebatur regium, quorum luctus et dolor sine exemplo videbatur, descendebat de montibus fidelium multitudo, cum ejulatu prosequens praecedentes exsequias. Sicque a Berytensi urbe Hierosolymam diebus quasi octo continuis, non defuit lamentum juge, et luctus horis pene singulis renovatus.

Thence he was borne to Jerusalem with the highest reverence and with royal exequies, with the groaning and tears of all, the clergy and the whole people of the city coming out to meet him; and in the church of the Lord’s Sepulcher, before the place of Calvary, where the Lord was crucified for our salvation, he was honorably consigned to burial among his predecessors. So great a sadness, and so many arguments of inmost grief, in our kingdom or in any other, for the loss of any prince, no history transmits; the memory of living men retains none. For, excepting the citizens into whose cities the royal funeral was being brought—whose mourning and grief seemed without example—a multitude of the faithful was descending from the mountains, with wailing, attending the preceding exequies. And so, from the city of Berytus to Jerusalem, for almost eight continuous days, there was no lack of unceasing lamentation, and grief was renewed almost every hour.

Dicuntur nihilominus et hostes de ejus morte doluisse; ita ut quibusdam suggerentibus Noradino, quod fines nostros ingrediens interim dum exsequiis operam daremus, terram depopularetur, dicatur respondisse: Compatiendum est, et humane indulgendum justo eorum dolori: eo quod principem amiserint, qualem reliquus hodie non habet orbis. Nos autem de operibus ejus hunc librum consummantes, oramus, ut cum piis et electis, ejus anima sancta requie perfruatur. Amen.

Nevertheless even the enemies are said to have grieved at his death; such that, when certain persons were suggesting to Noradin that, entering our borders meanwhile, while we were attending to the obsequies, he should lay waste the land, he is said to have replied: One must sympathize, and humanely indulge their just grief: for they have lost a prince such as the rest of the world today does not have. But we, consummating this book concerning his works, pray that, with the pious and the elect, his soul may enjoy holy rest. Amen.