Quintilian•INSTITUTIONES
Abbo Floriacensis1 work
Abelard3 works
Addison9 works
Adso Dervensis1 work
Aelredus Rievallensis1 work
Alanus de Insulis2 works
Albert of Aix1 work
HISTORIA HIEROSOLYMITANAE EXPEDITIONIS12 sections
Albertano of Brescia5 works
DE AMORE ET DILECTIONE DEI4 sections
SERMONES4 sections
Alcuin9 works
Alfonsi1 work
Ambrose4 works
Ambrosius4 works
Ammianus1 work
Ampelius1 work
Andrea da Bergamo1 work
Andreas Capellanus1 work
DE AMORE LIBRI TRES3 sections
Annales Regni Francorum1 work
Annales Vedastini1 work
Annales Xantenses1 work
Anonymus Neveleti1 work
Anonymus Valesianus2 works
Apicius1 work
DE RE COQUINARIA5 sections
Appendix Vergiliana1 work
Apuleius2 works
METAMORPHOSES12 sections
DE DOGMATE PLATONIS6 sections
Aquinas6 works
Archipoeta1 work
Arnobius1 work
ADVERSVS NATIONES LIBRI VII7 sections
Arnulf of Lisieux1 work
Asconius1 work
Asserius1 work
Augustine5 works
CONFESSIONES13 sections
DE CIVITATE DEI23 sections
DE TRINITATE15 sections
CONTRA SECUNDAM IULIANI RESPONSIONEM2 sections
Augustus1 work
RES GESTAE DIVI AVGVSTI2 sections
Aurelius Victor1 work
LIBER ET INCERTORVM LIBRI3 sections
Ausonius2 works
Avianus1 work
Avienus2 works
Bacon3 works
HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE11 sections
Balde2 works
Baldo1 work
Bebel1 work
Bede2 works
HISTORIAM ECCLESIASTICAM GENTIS ANGLORUM7 sections
Benedict1 work
Berengar1 work
Bernard of Clairvaux1 work
Bernard of Cluny1 work
DE CONTEMPTU MUNDI LIBRI DUO2 sections
Biblia Sacra3 works
VETUS TESTAMENTUM49 sections
NOVUM TESTAMENTUM27 sections
Bigges1 work
Boethius de Dacia2 works
Bonaventure1 work
Breve Chronicon Northmannicum1 work
Buchanan1 work
Bultelius2 works
Caecilius Balbus1 work
Caesar3 works
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI VII DE BELLO GALLICO CUM A. HIRTI SUPPLEMENTO8 sections
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI III DE BELLO CIVILI3 sections
LIBRI INCERTORUM AUCTORUM3 sections
Calpurnius Flaccus1 work
Calpurnius Siculus1 work
Campion8 works
Carmen Arvale1 work
Carmen de Martyrio1 work
Carmen in Victoriam1 work
Carmen Saliare1 work
Carmina Burana1 work
Cassiodorus5 works
Catullus1 work
Censorinus1 work
Christian Creeds1 work
Cicero3 works
ORATORIA33 sections
PHILOSOPHIA21 sections
EPISTULAE4 sections
Cinna Helvius1 work
Claudian4 works
Claudii Oratio1 work
Claudius Caesar1 work
Columbus1 work
Columella2 works
Commodianus3 works
Conradus Celtis2 works
Constitutum Constantini1 work
Contemporary9 works
Cotta1 work
Dante4 works
Dares the Phrygian1 work
de Ave Phoenice1 work
De Expugnatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum1 work
Declaratio Arbroathis1 work
Decretum Gelasianum1 work
Descartes1 work
Dies Irae1 work
Disticha Catonis1 work
Egeria1 work
ITINERARIUM PEREGRINATIO2 sections
Einhard1 work
Ennius1 work
Epistolae Austrasicae1 work
Epistulae de Priapismo1 work
Erasmus7 works
Erchempert1 work
Eucherius1 work
Eugippius1 work
Eutropius1 work
BREVIARIVM HISTORIAE ROMANAE10 sections
Exurperantius1 work
Fabricius Montanus1 work
Falcandus1 work
Falcone di Benevento1 work
Ficino1 work
Fletcher1 work
Florus1 work
EPITOME DE T. LIVIO BELLORUM OMNIUM ANNORUM DCC LIBRI DUO2 sections
Foedus Aeternum1 work
Forsett2 works
Fredegarius1 work
Frodebertus & Importunus1 work
Frontinus3 works
STRATEGEMATA4 sections
DE AQUAEDUCTU URBIS ROMAE2 sections
OPUSCULA RERUM RUSTICARUM4 sections
Fulgentius3 works
MITOLOGIARUM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Gaius4 works
Galileo1 work
Garcilaso de la Vega1 work
Gaudeamus Igitur1 work
Gellius1 work
Germanicus1 work
Gesta Francorum10 works
Gesta Romanorum1 work
Gioacchino da Fiore1 work
Godfrey of Winchester2 works
Grattius1 work
Gregorii Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Gregorius Magnus1 work
Gregory IX5 works
Gregory of Tours1 work
LIBRI HISTORIARUM10 sections
Gregory the Great1 work
Gregory VII1 work
Gwinne8 works
Henry of Settimello1 work
Henry VII1 work
Historia Apolloni1 work
Historia Augusta30 works
Historia Brittonum1 work
Holberg1 work
Horace3 works
SERMONES2 sections
CARMINA4 sections
EPISTULAE5 sections
Hugo of St. Victor2 works
Hydatius2 works
Hyginus3 works
Hymni1 work
Hymni et cantica1 work
Iacobus de Voragine1 work
LEGENDA AUREA24 sections
Ilias Latina1 work
Iordanes2 works
Isidore of Seville3 works
ETYMOLOGIARVM SIVE ORIGINVM LIBRI XX20 sections
SENTENTIAE LIBRI III3 sections
Iulius Obsequens1 work
Iulius Paris1 work
Ius Romanum4 works
Janus Secundus2 works
Johann H. Withof1 work
Johann P. L. Withof1 work
Johannes de Alta Silva1 work
Johannes de Plano Carpini1 work
John of Garland1 work
Jordanes2 works
Julius Obsequens1 work
Junillus1 work
Justin1 work
HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI46 sections
Justinian3 works
INSTITVTIONES5 sections
CODEX12 sections
DIGESTA50 sections
Juvenal1 work
Kepler1 work
Landor4 works
Laurentius Corvinus2 works
Legenda Regis Stephani1 work
Leo of Naples1 work
HISTORIA DE PRELIIS ALEXANDRI MAGNI3 sections
Leo the Great1 work
SERMONES DE QUADRAGESIMA2 sections
Liber Kalilae et Dimnae1 work
Liber Pontificalis1 work
Livius Andronicus1 work
Livy1 work
AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI37 sections
Lotichius1 work
Lucan1 work
DE BELLO CIVILI SIVE PHARSALIA10 sections
Lucretius1 work
DE RERVM NATVRA LIBRI SEX6 sections
Lupus Protospatarius Barensis1 work
Macarius of Alexandria1 work
Macarius the Great1 work
Magna Carta1 work
Maidstone1 work
Malaterra1 work
DE REBUS GESTIS ROGERII CALABRIAE ET SICILIAE COMITIS ET ROBERTI GUISCARDI DUCIS FRATRIS EIUS4 sections
Manilius1 work
ASTRONOMICON5 sections
Marbodus Redonensis1 work
Marcellinus Comes2 works
Martial1 work
Martin of Braga13 works
Marullo1 work
Marx1 work
Maximianus1 work
May1 work
SUPPLEMENTUM PHARSALIAE8 sections
Melanchthon4 works
Milton1 work
Minucius Felix1 work
Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Mirandola1 work
CARMINA9 sections
Miscellanea Carminum42 works
Montanus1 work
Naevius1 work
Navagero1 work
Nemesianus1 work
ECLOGAE4 sections
Nepos3 works
LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM24 sections
Newton1 work
PHILOSOPHIÆ NATURALIS PRINCIPIA MATHEMATICA4 sections
Nithardus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATTUOR4 sections
Notitia Dignitatum2 works
Novatian1 work
Origo gentis Langobardorum1 work
Orosius1 work
HISTORIARUM ADVERSUM PAGANOS LIBRI VII7 sections
Otto of Freising1 work
GESTA FRIDERICI IMPERATORIS5 sections
Ovid7 works
METAMORPHOSES15 sections
AMORES3 sections
HEROIDES21 sections
ARS AMATORIA3 sections
TRISTIA5 sections
EX PONTO4 sections
Owen1 work
Papal Bulls4 works
Pascoli5 works
Passerat1 work
Passio Perpetuae1 work
Patricius1 work
Tome I: Panaugia2 sections
Paulinus Nolensis1 work
Paulus Diaconus4 works
Persius1 work
Pervigilium Veneris1 work
Petronius2 works
Petrus Blesensis1 work
Petrus de Ebulo1 work
Phaedrus2 works
FABVLARVM AESOPIARVM LIBRI QVINQVE5 sections
Phineas Fletcher1 work
Planctus destructionis1 work
Plautus21 works
Pliny the Younger2 works
EPISTVLARVM LIBRI DECEM10 sections
Poggio Bracciolini1 work
Pomponius Mela1 work
DE CHOROGRAPHIA3 sections
Pontano1 work
Poree1 work
Porphyrius1 work
Precatio Terrae1 work
Priapea1 work
Professio Contra Priscillianum1 work
Propertius1 work
ELEGIAE4 sections
Prosperus3 works
Prudentius2 works
Pseudoplatonica12 works
Publilius Syrus1 work
Quintilian2 works
INSTITUTIONES12 sections
Raoul of Caen1 work
Regula ad Monachos1 work
Reposianus1 work
Ricardi de Bury1 work
Richerus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATUOR4 sections
Rimbaud1 work
Ritchie's Fabulae Faciles1 work
Roman Epitaphs1 work
Roman Inscriptions1 work
Ruaeus1 work
Ruaeus' Aeneid1 work
Rutilius Lupus1 work
Rutilius Namatianus1 work
Sabinus1 work
EPISTULAE TRES AD OVIDIANAS EPISTULAS RESPONSORIAE3 sections
Sallust10 works
Sannazaro2 works
Scaliger1 work
Sedulius2 works
CARMEN PASCHALE5 sections
Seneca9 works
EPISTULAE MORALES AD LUCILIUM16 sections
QUAESTIONES NATURALES7 sections
DE CONSOLATIONE3 sections
DE IRA3 sections
DE BENEFICIIS3 sections
DIALOGI7 sections
FABULAE8 sections
Septem Sapientum1 work
Sidonius Apollinaris2 works
Sigebert of Gembloux3 works
Silius Italicus1 work
Solinus2 works
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI Mommsen 1st edition (1864)4 sections
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI C.L.F. Panckoucke edition (Paris 1847)4 sections
Spinoza1 work
Statius3 works
THEBAID12 sections
ACHILLEID2 sections
Stephanus de Varda1 work
Suetonius2 works
Sulpicia1 work
Sulpicius Severus2 works
CHRONICORUM LIBRI DUO2 sections
Syrus1 work
Tacitus5 works
Terence6 works
Tertullian32 works
Testamentum Porcelli1 work
Theodolus1 work
Theodosius16 works
Theophanes1 work
Thomas à Kempis1 work
DE IMITATIONE CHRISTI4 sections
Thomas of Edessa1 work
Tibullus1 work
TIBVLLI ALIORVMQUE CARMINVM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Tünger1 work
Valerius Flaccus1 work
Valerius Maximus1 work
FACTORVM ET DICTORVM MEMORABILIVM LIBRI NOVEM9 sections
Vallauri1 work
Varro2 works
RERVM RVSTICARVM DE AGRI CVLTURA3 sections
DE LINGVA LATINA7 sections
Vegetius1 work
EPITOMA REI MILITARIS LIBRI IIII4 sections
Velleius Paterculus1 work
HISTORIAE ROMANAE2 sections
Venantius Fortunatus1 work
Vico1 work
Vida1 work
Vincent of Lérins1 work
Virgil3 works
AENEID12 sections
ECLOGUES10 sections
GEORGICON4 sections
Vita Agnetis1 work
Vita Caroli IV1 work
Vita Sancti Columbae2 works
Vitruvius1 work
DE ARCHITECTVRA10 sections
Waardenburg1 work
Waltarius3 works
Walter Mapps2 works
Walter of Châtillon1 work
William of Apulia1 work
William of Conches2 works
William of Tyre1 work
HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM24 sections
Xylander1 work
Zonaras1 work
M. FABII QVINTILIANI INSTITVTIO ORATORIA LIBER SEXTVS
M. FABIUS QUINTILIANUS, INSTITUTION OF ORATORY, BOOK SIX
I. Haec, Marcelle Vitori, ex tua voluntate maxime ingressus, tum si qua ex nobis ad iuvenes bonos pervenire posset utilitas, novissime paene etiam necessitate quadam officii delegati mihi sedulo laborabam, respiciens tamen illam curam meae voluptatis, quod filio, cuius eminens ingenium sollicitam quoque parentis diligentiam merebatur, hanc optimam partem relicturus hereditatis videbar, ut, si me, quod aecum et optabile fuit, fata intercepissent, praeceptore tamen patre uteretur. II. At me fortuna id agentem diebus ac noctibus festinantemque metu meae mortalitatis ita subito prostravit ut laboris mei fructus ad neminem minus quam ad me pertineret. Illum enim de quo summa conceperam, et in quo spem unicam senectutis reponebam, repetito vulnere orbitatis amisi.
1. These things, Marcellus Vitorius, I entered upon chiefly at your wish, then also, if any utility from us might be able to reach good youths, and, almost lastly, even by a certain necessity of the duty delegated to me, I was laboring diligently—yet having regard to that concern of my own gratification: that to my son, whose eminent ingenium deserved even the anxious diligence of a parent, I seemed about to bequeath this best part of an inheritance, so that, if the Fates had intercepted me—which was just and to-be-desired—that he would nevertheless have his father as preceptor. 2. But Fortune, while I was doing that and hastening day and night in fear of my mortality, so suddenly cast me down that the fruit of my labor pertained to no one less than to me; for him about whom I had conceived the highest hope, and in whom I was placing the sole hope of my old age, by the renewed wound of bereavement I lost.
3. What am I to do now? Or who any longer will have use for me, with the gods opposing?
For it so chanced that, as I had now set about writing that book as well which I had issued, On the Causes of Corrupted Eloquence, I was struck by a similar blow. One course, therefore, was best: to cast this ill-omened work, and whatever this is of ill-fated letters in me, upon the untimely funeral, to the flames that would consume my vitals, and not to weary this impious liveliness with new cares besides. 4. For what good parent would forgive me, if I can study further, and would not hate this firmness of my mind, if there were in me any other use of voice than to accuse the gods, I surviving all my own, to bear witness that no providence looks down upon the earth?
- if not my own mishap, against which, however, nothing can be alleged except that I live, then at least those of them whom, surely undeserving, a bitter death condemned, their mother of the same having first been snatched from me, who, with her nineteenth year not yet completed, having borne two sons, though seized by most bitter fates, departed (not) unfortunate. 5. I was by this single evil so afflicted that now no fortune could make me happy. For since, having fulfilled every virtue that falls to women, she brought to her husband an incurable grief, then, at so girlish an age, especially compared with my own, she herself can be numbered among the wounds of bereavement.
6. With the children, however, surviving, and — which was nefarious [late] but she herself desired it — with me safe, she escaped the greatest torments by a precipitate way. To me the younger son, having passed his fifth year, first tore out one light of the two. 7.
I am not ambitious in evils, nor do I wish to augment the causes of tears, and would that there were a method of diminishing them; but how can I dissimulate what charm in his countenance, what jucundity in his speech, what little sparks of genius, what substance of a placid and (which I know can scarcely be believed) even then lofty mind he displayed—such as love any child not one’s own would have merited. 8. But this, indeed, was Fortune lying in wait, that she might torture me the more forcefully: that he, most coaxing toward me, preferred me to his own nurses, me to his grandmother who was rearing him, me to all who are wont to captivate those ages.
9. Wherefore I am grateful for that grief which a few months before I had conceived from my mother, best and surpassing all praise. For less is that which must be wept for in my name than that which must be rejoiced at in hers. Alone after this I was leaning on the hope and delight of my Quintilian, and it could suffice for solace.
10. For he had shown not little blossoms, as before, but now, having entered upon the 10th year of age, sure and well-shaped fruits. I swear by my ills, by my unlucky conscience, by those Manes, the divinities of my grief, that I saw in him these virtues: not of talent only for apprehending disciplines—than which I have known nothing more preeminent, having experienced very many things—and of study already then not compelled (the preceptors know), but of probity, piety, humanity, liberality, so that there might quite be hence a fear of so great a thunderbolt; for it is commonly observed that hastened maturity is cut down more swiftly, and that there exists, I know not what, an envy which plucks off such great hopes, lest, indeed, our things be borne forward beyond what is given to a human. 11. Also all those fortuitous things were present: the pleasantness and clarity of voice, the sweetness of countenance, and, in either language, as though he had been born for that one at last, an articulated propriety of all letters.
having embraced your cold, bloodless body, was I any longer able to recover breath and to drink in the common air—am I worthy of these torments which I bear, worthy of these thoughts? 13. Is it you—by a recent consular adoption brought nearer to everyone’s hopes of honors, you destined as a son-in-law to your uncle the praetor, you, the [hope of all], a candidate of ancestral eloquence—that I, a surviving parent, remain only for punishments; and if not desire for the light, assuredly let patience vindicate you by the remainder of my lifetime; for in vain do we relegate all evils to the charge of Fortune.
If ever, however, the present impetus should so subside that some other cogitation can be inserted amid so many mournings, I would not unjustly ask pardon for delay. For who would marvel at studies postponed, at which rather it is to be marveled that they are not broken off? 15. Then, if anything shall have been accomplished less than what we had begun when as yet more lightly afflicted, let it be remitted to unskilled Fortune, who, if there was otherwise any moderate vigor in our native talent, though she has not extinguished it, has nevertheless debilitated it.
But it is equitable that the good look kindly upon our labor even for this reason: that we now persevere for no private use, but all this care regards others’ utility, if only anything useful is being written. We wretches—just as with the resources of our patrimony—so with this work: we were preparing it for others, and to others we shall leave it.
[1] I. Peroratio sequebatur, quam cumulum quidam, conclusionem alii vocant. Eius duplex ratio est, posita aut in rebus aut in adfectibus. Rerum repetitio et congregatio, quae Graece dicitur anakephalaiosis, a quibusdam Latinorum enumeratio, et memoriam iudicis reficit et totam simul causam ponit ante oculos, et, etiam si per singula minus moverat, turba valet.
[1] 1. The peroration followed, which some call the heap, others the conclusion. Its method is twofold, placed either in things or in affections. The repetition and gathering of points, which in Greek is called anakephalaiosis, by some of the Latins enumeration, both refreshes the judge’s memory and sets the whole case at once before the eyes, and, even if it had moved less in its individual parts, in the aggregate it has force.
2. In this part, in which we shall repeat, the things to be said must be expressed as briefly as possible, and, as the Greek word makes plain, one must run down through the heads. For if we linger, it will no longer be an enumeration, but as it were a second oration. Moreover, the things that seem fit to be enumerated must be spoken with a certain weight, and must be stirred by apt sentences and surely varied with figures: otherwise nothing is more odious than that straight repetition, as though distrustful of the judges’ memory.
3. there are moreover innumerables, and most excellently Cicero in Against Verres: "if the father himself were judging, what would he say when these things were being proved? " and then he subjoined an enumeration; or when the same man, and against the same man, by an invocation of the gods, counts up the temples despoiled by the praetor.
It is also permitted to doubt whether anything has escaped us, and what the adversary will be about to answer to this and that, or what hope the accuser has with everything thus defended. 4. But those are most delightful indeed, if it happens to draw some argument from the adversary, as if you should say: "he has left this part of the case," or "he preferred to press with invidia," or "he fled for refuge to prayers with good reason, since he knew this and that." 5. But the individual types are not to be pursued, lest the only ones seem to be those which perhaps I have now said, since opportunities arise both from the cases and from the utterances of adversaries and even from certain fortuitous things. Nor must our own things only be reported, but it must also be demanded from the adversaries that they answer certain matters:6. but that, if both there shall remain room for action and we shall have proposed those things which cannot be refuted; for to provoke with things which would be strong from that source is not the part of one arguing but of one admonishing.
7. That one kind of epilogue seemed right to most of the Attics, and to almost all philosophers who have left something written on the oratorical art. I believe the Attics felt this because at Athens the orator was prohibited from moving the emotions, even by means of a herald.
I marvel less at the philosophers, among whom to be affected is held as a vice, nor does it seem of good morals thus to turn a judge away from the truth, nor does it befit a good man to employ vices. Nevertheless they will acknowledge necessary affections, if otherwise the true and the just and what will profit the common good cannot be obtained. 8.
Moreover, this has been agreed among all—even in other parts of the action—that if a case is multiplex and defended by more arguments, it is useful for an anakephalaiosis to be made; just as no one would doubt that there are many cases in which it is nowhere necessary, if they are brief and simple. This part of the peroration is in equal measure common to the accuser and the patron (advocate).
IX. Adfectibus quoque isdem fere utuntur, sed aliis hic, aliis ille saepius ac magis; nam huic concitare iudices, illi flectere convenit. Verum et accusator habet interim lacrimas ex miseratione eius [rei] quem ulciscitur, et reus de indignitate calumniae conspirationis vehementius interim queritur. Dividere igitur haec officia commodissimum, quae plerumque sunt, ut dixi, prohoemio similia, sed liberiora plenioraque.
9. They also employ almost the same affections, but this party more often and more strongly certain ones, that party others; for it suits this one to stir up the judges, that one to bend them. Yet even the accuser at times has tears from commiseration for the one whom he avenges, and the defendant at times complains more vehemently of the indignity of a calumnious conspiracy. To divide, therefore, these offices is most expedient—offices which, for the most part, are, as I said, similar to the proem, but freer and fuller.
10. For the inclination of the judges toward us is sought at the beginning more sparingly, since it is enough to be admitted and the whole oration still remains: but in the epilogue the point is what mind the judge will carry into deliberation, and now we are going to say nothing further, nor is there anything left to hold in reserve. 11. Therefore it is common to both sides to conciliate the judge to themselves, to turn him away from the adversary, to stir up the affections and to compose them. And this very brief precept can be given to each party: that the orator set before the eyes all the forces of his cause, and when he has seen what is invidious, favorable, hateful, or miserable either is in the matters or can seem to be, let him say those things by which, if he were the judge, he himself would be moved most.
XII. Et quae concilient quidem accusatorem in praeceptis exordii iam diximus. Quaedam tamen, quae illic ostendere sat est, in peroratione implenda sunt magis, si contra inpotentem invisum perniciosum suscepta causa est, si iudicibus ipsis aut gloriae damnatio rei aut deformitati futura absolutio.
12. And the things that conciliate the accuser we have already said in the precepts of the exordium. Yet certain things which it is enough to show there must be more fully accomplished in the peroration, if the case has been undertaken against an overbearing, hateful, pernicious man, if for the judges themselves either the condemnation of the defendant will be for glory, or the acquittal will be for disgrace.
13. For Calvus, in Against Vatinius, excellently says, "you all know that bribery has been committed, and everyone knows that you know this." Cicero indeed, in Against Verres, says that even the infamy of the courts can be amended by the defendant being condemned, which is one of the above-said points. Fear also, if it is to be applied—as he likewise does—has a stronger place here than in the proem.
What I thought about this matter, I have already set forth in another book. 14. It also falls more freely in the peroration to stir up envy, hatred, anger: of which envy is made in the judge by favor, hatred by turpitude, anger by offense, if the man be contumacious, arrogant, unconcerned; which is wont to be moved not from some deed or word only, but by countenance, bearing, aspect; and it seemed to us young men that the accuser of Cossutianus Capito had spoken excellently—indeed in Greek, but to this effect: “You blush to be afraid of Caesar.” 15. Yet the sum for an accuser of rousing the affections is this: that what he has objected may appear either as most atrocious or also, if it can be, as most pitiable.
Atrocity grows from these: what was done, by whom, against whom, with what mind, at what time, in what place, in what mode; all of which admit infinite treatments. 16. we complain that a man was struck: about the matter itself one must first speak, then whether he was an old man, a boy, a magistrate, an upright man, one who has deserved well of the commonwealth; likewise whether he was struck by some base and despised person, or, on the contrary, by one excessively powerful, or by him by whom it was least fitting; and whether on a solemn day, or at those times when judgments for that matter were most being conducted, or when the condition of the state was anxious; likewise in the theater, in the temple, in the public assembly; 17.
envy grows also if not by error nor by anger, or even, if by chance by anger, yet unjust, because he had been present to his father, because he had responded, because he was seeking honors in opposition, and even if he can seem to have wished more than he did; yet the manner contributes the most of atrocity, if grievously, if contumeliously, as Demosthenes seeks envy against Midias from the part of the body struck, from the face of the smiter, from the bearing. 18. I complain of one slain: by iron or by fire or by poison, by one wound or by more, suddenly or tortured by expectation—this pertains most especially to this part.
Frequently the accuser also uses commiseration, when he laments either the downfall of him whom he avenges, or the desolation of his children and parents. 19. He also moves the judges by an image of the future—what may await those who have complained of force and injury unless they be vindicated: that they must flee from the city, cede their goods, or bear whatever things the enemy has done.
20. But more often it is the accuser’s part to turn the judge away from the commiseration which the defendant will use, and to incite him to judge with fortitude [ad]. of which topic it is also to preoccupy what you think the adversary will say or do. For it both makes the judges more cautious for the custody of their own conscience, and takes away the grace from those who are going to respond, since those things (which) have already been foretold by the accuser, if they are repeated on behalf of the defendant, are not new, as +Servius Sulpicius against Aufidia+ forewarns, lest the jeopardy of the signers, nor his own, be objected to him.
XXI. Periclitantem vero commendat dignitas et studia fortia et susceptae bello cicatrices et nobilitas et merita maiorum. Hoc quod proxime dixi Cicero atque Asinius certatim sunt usi, pro Scauro patre hic, ille pro filio.
21. What commends one actually in peril is dignity, resolute pursuits, scars incurred in war, nobility, and the merits of his ancestors. This point which I have just said Cicero and Asinius employed in rivalry: the former for Scaurus the father, the latter for the son.
22. The very circumstance of peril also commends, if he seems to have incurred enmities on account of some honorable deed—above all, goodness, humanity, mercy; for each person seems more justly to ask from the judge those things which he himself has bestowed upon others. This part too should be referred to the utility of the commonwealth, to the glory of the judges, to example, to the memory of posterity.
23. Yet commiseration avails most of all, which compels the judge not only to be bent, but also to confess, by his tears, the movement of his own soul. This will be sought either from the things which the defendant has suffered, or the things which he is at this very moment suffering, or the things which await him when condemned: which are themselves doubled when we say out of what fortune he is and into what he must fall back.
24. And in these matters, age and sex and pledges—children, I say—and parents and relatives also bring weight. All of these are accustomed to be treated variously.
Sometimes even the patron himself undertakes these parts (as Cicero on behalf of Milo: "O wretched me! O unhappy you! You, Milo, were able to recall me into my fatherland through these men; shall I not be able to retain you in your fatherland by means of the same men?") and especially if, as then happened, entreaties do not suit him who is accused; 25.
For the judge does not seem to hear the alien evils of one bewailing them, but to receive into his ears the feeling and the voice of the wretched, whose mute aspect too moves tears: and by as much as they would be more pitiable if they themselves were saying these things, by so much are they, in a certain portion, more potent for affecting when they are said as it were by their very mouth, just as for stage actors the same voice and the same pronuntiation has more power for moving affections under a persona. 27. Therefore the same Cicero, although he does not give prayers for Milo and rather commends him for the excellence of spirit, nevertheless accommodated to him words, complaints suitable even to a brave man: "In vain," he says, "my undertaken labors!"
For since even true dolores are mitigated by time, that image which we have fashioned by speaking must of necessity vanish more quickly: in which, if we linger, the auditor is wearied with tears and takes rest and returns from that impetus which he had seized back to reason. 29. Let us not, therefore, allow this work to grow cold, and when we have led the affect up to the summit, let us leave off; nor let us hope that anyone will long weep over others’ evils; and therefore, as in other parts, so most especially in this part the oration ought to grow, because whatever does not add to the prior things even seems to detract, and the affect that descends easily fails.
XXX. Non solum autem dicendo, sed etiam faciendo quaedam lacrimas movemus, unde et producere ipsos qui periclitentur squalidos atque deformes et liberos eorum ac parentis institutum, et ab accusatoribus cruentum gladium ostendi et lecta e vulneribus ossa et vestes sanguine perfusas videmus, et vulnera resolvi, verberata corpora nudari. XXXI.
30. Not only, moreover, by speaking, but even by doing certain things we move tears, whence too we produce those very persons who are on trial, squalid and deformed, and their children and the parent’s instituted character; and we see a blood-stained sword displayed by the accusers, and bones gathered from the wounds, and garments perfused with blood, and wounds unbound, bodies that have been scourged laid bare. 31.
The force of these things is for the most part immense, as if leading the minds of men into the very present scene, as the blood-stained praetexta of Gaius Caesar, brought forth at the funeral, drove the Roman people into frenzy. It was known that he had been killed; the body itself, moreover, had been placed upon the bier, [but] that garment, dripping with blood, so made present the image of the crime that Caesar seemed not to have been slain, but to be being slain at that very moment. 32.
But I would not therefore approve what has been done—and which I read of and have myself sometimes seen—namely, a painted image on a panel or on a curtain of a matter by whose atrocity the judge was to be moved: for what childishness of the accuser is it, who thinks that that mute effigy will speak for him rather than the oration? 33. But I know that filth and squalor, and a similar attire of kinsfolk too, have been of profit, and that prayers have brought great momentum toward safety; wherefore that adjuration of the judges by their dearest pledges, especially if the defendant too has children, a spouse, parents, will be useful, and the invocation of the gods also is wont to seem as though proceeding from a good conscience;34.
to lie prostrate, finally, and to clasp the knees—unless, to be sure, our persona and our previously lived life and the condition of the matter will prohibit us; for certain things must be defended as bravely as they were done. But regard for authority must be maintained in such a way that security be not hated. 35.
Once, among all these things, there was a most potent argument, by which Cicero seems especially to have rescued L. Murena from very illustrious men who were accusing him; and he persuaded that nothing was more useful to the present state of affairs than that two should enter upon the consulship on January 1.
XXXVI. De accusatoribus et reis sum locutus quia in periculis maxime versatur adfectus. Sed privatae quoque causae utrumque habent perorationis genus, et illud quod est ex enumeratione probationum et hoc quod ex lacrimis, si aut statu periclitari aut opinione litigator videtur.
36. I have spoken about accusers and defendants, because emotion is most especially involved in perils. But private cases also have both types of peroration, both that which is from the enumeration of proofs and that which is from tears, if the litigant seems to be at risk either in status or in reputation.
XXXVII. Ne illud quidem indignum est admonitione, ingens in epilogis meo iudicio verti discrimen quo modo se dicenti qui excitatur accommodet. Nam et imperitia et rusticitas et rigor et deformitas adferunt interim frigus, diligenterque sunt haec actori providenda.
37. Nor is that unworthy of admonition: in epilogues, in my judgment, a huge critical difference turns on how the one who is stirred accommodates himself to the speaker. For both inexperience and rusticity and rigidity and deformity at times bring a chill; and these things must be carefully provided for by the speaker.
38. Indeed I have often seen an advocate who resists, and who is not at all moved in countenance, and who sits down untimely, and who by some act or by his very look even provokes laughter, especially when certain things are done, as it were, scenically [fall another way]. 39. On one occasion an advocate transferred a girl, who was said to be the adversary’s sister (for the suit was about this), onto the opposite benches, as though about to leave her in her brother’s lap; but he, having been forewarned by us, had gone away.
Then he, a man otherwise eloquent, by the accident of an unexpected matter was struck dumb and carried back his child most coldly. 40. Another thought it a great thing to bring forward the image of the husband in place of the accused woman, but this repeatedly provoked laughter. For those whose duty it was to hand it over, unaware what the epilogue was, whenever the patron looked back kept offering it openly; and when at the very end it was produced, by the deformity itself (for wax had been poured onto an old man’s cadaver) he even lost the grace of the speech that had gone before.
41. Nor is it unknown what happened to Glycon, whose cognomen was Spiridion. to him a boy, whom he, after he had been brought forward, was asking why he was weeping, replied that he was being pinched by the pedagogue.
But nothing is more efficacious than that tale of Cicero about the Caepasii for the perils of epilogues. 42. Yet all these things are tolerable for those to whom it is easy to alter the action: but those who do not depart from the stylus either fall silent at such contingencies or most frequently speak falsehoods.
Hence comes, indeed, “he stretches suppliant hands toward your knees” and “the wretched man clings in the embrace of his children” and “look, he calls me back,” even if the one of whom it is said does none of these things. 43. From the schools are these vices, in which we freely feign everything and with impunity, because whatever we wished is as good as done; truth does not admit this same thing, and most excellently Cassius to a young man who was speaking: “Why do you gaze upon me with a grim countenance, Severus?” “By Hercules, I was not doing so,” he said, “but thus you wrote: look!” and he stared at him as truculently as he could.
44. This must be especially admonished: let no one dare to approach the moving of tears unless with the highest powers of genius; for just as this emotion is by far most vehement when it has prevailed, so, if it effects nothing, it grows tepid—something which a feeble performer would have done better to leave to the silent reflections of the judges. 45.
For both the countenance and the voice and even that very visage of the aroused matter are for derision, for the most part, to those whom they have not moved. Therefore let the actor measure and diligently estimate his own forces, and understand how great a burden he is about to undergo: this matter has no middle ground, but either merits tears or laughter.
XLVI. Non autem commovere tantum miserationem sed etiam discutere epilogi est proprium, cum oratione continua, quae motos lacrimis iudices ad iustitiam reducat, tum etiam quibusdam urbane dictis, quale est "date puero panem, ne ploret", XLVII. et corpulento litigatori, cuius adversarius, item puer, circa iudices erat ab advocato latus: "Quid faciam?
XLVI. It is proper to the epilogue not only to move commiseration but also to disperse it, both by a continuous speech, which may lead back judges moved to tears to justice, and also by certain urbane sayings, such as is "give the boy bread, lest he cry," XLVII. and to a corpulent litigant, whose adversary, likewise a boy, was borne around the judges by his advocate: "What am I to do?"
"I cannot carry you." But these, nevertheless, ought not to be too inimical. Accordingly, I would not approve that man either, although he was among the most renowned orators of his time, who, when boys had been brought forward in the epilogue, threw knucklebones into the middle, which they began to snatch up; for this very ignorance of their own crisis could have been pitiable: 48. nor that man who, when a bloody sword had been produced by the accuser, by which he was proving that a man had been slain, suddenly fled from the benches as though terrified, and, with his head partly veiled, when he had peered out from the crowd to take a look, asked whether that fellow had now withdrawn with the sword.
For he did make laughter, but he was ridiculous. 49. Nevertheless scenes of this sort should be dispelled by speech; and Cicero did this excellently, who, against the image of Saturninus on behalf of Rabirius, spoke gravely, and, against the youth whose wound was repeatedly being unbound in the court, on behalf of Varenus, said many things urbanely.
L. sunt et illi leniores epilogi, quibus adversario satisfacimus, si forte sit eius persona talis ut illi debeatur reverentia, aut cum amice aliquid commonemus et ad concordiam hortamur. Quod est genus egregie tractatum a Passieno, cum in Domitiae uxoris suae pecuniaria lite adversus fratrem eius Aenobarbum ageret; nam cum de necessitudine multa dixisset, de fortuna quoque, qua uterque abundabat, adiecit: "nihil vobis minus deest quam de quo contenditis".
50. there are also those gentler epilogues, in which we satisfy the adversary, if perchance his persona is such that reverence is owed to him, or when we amicably admonish something and exhort to concord. This is a kind excellently handled by Passienus, when, in the pecuniary suit of his wife Domitia against her brother Aenobarbus, he was conducting the case; for when he had said many things about kinship, about fortune too, in which each abounded, he added: "nothing is less lacking to you than that about which you contend".
LI. Omnis autem hos adfectus, etiam si quibusdam videntur in prohoemio atque in epilogo sedem habere, in quibus sane sint frequentissimi, tamen aliae quoque partes recipiunt, sed breviores, ut cum ex iis plurima sint reservanda. At hic, si usquam, totos eloquentiae aperire fontes licet. LII.
51. All these affects, moreover, even if to some they seem to have their seat in the proem and in the epilogue, in which indeed they are most frequent, yet other parts also admit them, but in briefer form, since the greater part of them ought to be reserved for these. But here, if anywhere, it is permitted to open the full springs of eloquence. 52.
For also, if we have spoken the rest well, we shall already possess the minds of the judges, and, borne out of the rugged and rough places, we can spread all the sails, and, since the greatest part of the epilogue is amplification, it is permitted to use words and thoughts magnificent and adorned. then the theater must be stirred when it has come to that very point with which the old tragedies and comedies are closed, "applaud".
LIII. In aliis autem partibus tractandus erit adfectus ut quisque nascetur; nam neque exponi sine hoc res atroces et miserabiles debent, cum de qualitate alicuius rei quaestio est, et probationibus unius cuiusque rei recte subiungitur. LIV.
53. In the other parts, however, affect must be handled as each arises; for neither ought atrocious and miserable matters to be set forth without this, when the question is about the quality of some matter, and it is rightly subjoined to the proofs of each particular point. 54.
When indeed we plead a case conjoined out of several, it will even be necessary to use several, as it were, epilogues, as Cicero did in Verrem; for he gave his tears to Philodamus and to the navarchs and to the cross of a Roman citizen and to very many others. 55. There are those who call these merikous epilogous, by which they signify a divided peroration. To me they seem not so much its parts as its species, since indeed the very names epilogue and peroration themselves plainly enough show that this is the consummation of the oration.
[2] I. Quamvis autem pars haec iudicialium causarum summe praecipueque constet adfectibus et aliqua de iis necessario dixerim, non tamen potui ac ne debui quidem istum locum in unam speciem concludere. Quare adhuc opus superest cum ad optinenda quae volumus potentissimum, tum supra dictis multo difficilius, movendi iudicum animos atque in eum quem volumus habitum formandi et velut transfigurandi. II. Qua de re pauca quae postulabat materia sic attigi ut magis quid oporteret fieri quam quo id modo consequi possemus ostenderem.
[2] 1. Although this part of judicial causes in the highest degree and especially consists of affections, and I have necessarily said some things about them, yet I could not, and indeed ought not, to confine this place to one kind. Wherefore there still remains work, both that which is most powerful for obtaining the things we wish, and, much more difficult than the aforesaid, that of moving the minds of the judges and of shaping them into the disposition which we desire and, as it were, transfiguring them. 2. On which matter I have touched upon a few things that the subject demanded, in such a way that I showed rather what ought to be done than by what method we could achieve it.
Nam et per totam, ut diximus, causam locus est adfectibus, et eorum non simplex natura nec in transitu tractanda. III. Quo nihil adferre maius vis orandi potest: nam cetera forsitan tenuis quoque et angusta ingeni vena, si modo vel doctrina vel usu sit adiuta, generare atque ad frugem aliquam perducere queat: certe sunt semperque fuerunt non parum qui satis perite quae essent probationibus utilia reperirent.
Nam both through the whole, as we have said, case there is place for affections, and their nature is not simple nor to be handled in passing. 3. Than which the force of pleading can bring nothing greater: for the rest perhaps even a slender and narrow vein of talent, if only it be aided by doctrine or by use, can generate and bring to some fruition: certainly there are and always have been not a few who quite skillfully discover the things that are useful for proofs.
Whom indeed I do not contemn, but I believe them useful thus far, lest anything be unknown to the judge through them, and (to say what I feel) men worthy by whom the eloquent might be taught the case: but he who could snatch the judge and lead him into whatever disposition of mind he wished, at whose speaking it would be time to weep, to grow angry, has been rare. 4. And yet this is what dominates in trials: here eloquence reigns. For arguments for the most part are born from the case, and on the better side they are always more numerous, so that he who has prevailed by these may know that he all but lacked an advocate:5. but where a force must be brought to the minds of the judges and the mind must be led away from the very contemplation of the true, there is the proper work of the orator.
This the litigant does not teach; this is not contained in the briefs of causes. For proofs indeed may bring it to pass that the judges think our case the better; affections procure that they even will it; but what they will they also believe. 6. For when they have begun to be angry, to favor, to hate, to pity, they suppose that their own affair is already being transacted; and, just as lovers cannot judge of beauty because the animus overrules the sense of the eyes, so the judge, occupied with affections, omits every method of inquiring into truth: he is carried along by the surge and, as it were, complies with a rapid river.
7. Thus delivery shows what the arguments and witnesses have done, and a judge, moved by the orator, confesses—still sitting and listening—what he feels. Or when that weeping which is sought in most perorations bursts forth, is not the verdict openly spoken?
VIII. Horum autem, sicut antiquitus traditum accepimus, duae sunt species: alteram Graeci pathos vocant, quod nos vertentes recte ac proprie adfectum dicimus, alteram ethos, cuius nomine, ut ego quidem sentio, caret sermo Romanus: mores appellantur, atque inde pars quoque illa philosophiae ethike moralis est dicta. IX. Sed ipsam rei naturam spectanti mihi non tam mores significari videntur quam morum quaedam proprietas; nam ipsis quidem omnis habitus mentis continetur.
8. Of these, moreover, as we have received handed down from ancient times, there are two species: the Greeks call the one pathos, which, translating it, we rightly and properly call affect, the other ethos, for whose name, as I for my part think, the Roman speech lacks: they are called mores, and from this that part also of philosophy has been called ethical, moral. 9. But to me, looking to the very nature of the matter, it seems that not so much mores are signified as a certain property of mores; for in mores themselves indeed every habit of mind is contained.
The more cautious preferred to embrace the intention rather than to interpret the names. Therefore they said that these affections are stirred, those mild and composed: in the one vehement motions, in the other gentle; finally, that these command, those persuade; that these prevail toward perturbation, those toward benevolence. 10. Some add that ethos is perpetual, pathos temporal.
Although I confess that this happens more frequently, yet I believe there are some materials that desire a continuous affect. Nor, however, do these gentler ones have less of art or of use; they do not require as much strength and impetus. In causes, indeed, they are employed in even more cases—nay, in a certain understanding, in all.
11. For +since from both that and this topic the orator handles everything+, whatever is said about honorable and useful things, and finally about things to be done and not to be done, can be called ethos. Certain people have thought commendation and excuse to be proper to this office; nor do I deny that these belong in this part, but I do not concede that they are the only things. 12.
Nay, I add this besides, that pathos and ethos are sometimes from the same nature, such that the former is greater, the latter lesser—so that love is pathos, charity is ethos—yet at times they are different from each other, as in epilogues; for the things which pathos has stirred up, ethos is wont to mitigate. Properly, however, the nature of this name must be expressed by me, inasmuch as by the appellation itself it does not seem to be sufficiently signified. 13.
Ethos, which we understand and which we desire from speakers, will be that which before all else is commended by goodness, not only mild and placid, but for the most part ingratiating and humane and, to the listeners, amiable and pleasant; in expressing which the highest excellence is this: that all things seem to flow from the nature of things and of men, whereby the character of the speaker shines through from the oration and is in a certain manner recognized. 14. Which is without doubt especially among persons most closely connected, whenever we forbear, forgive, make amends, admonish, far from anger, far from hatred.
But yet there is one kind of moderation of a father against a son, of a tutor against a ward, of a husband against a wife (for these set before themselves the charity of the very persons by whom they are hurt, nor do they make them odious in any other way than that they themselves seem to love), another when an old man bears the abuse of another’s youth, an honorable man that of an inferior; here he ought only to be stirred, there he ought also to be affected. 15. There are also those from the same nature, but with a motion still smaller: to ask pardon for youth, to defend love affairs. Sometimes even a derision akin to gentle warmth comes from this form, but that not from jests only.
But somewhat more proper will be the simulation of virtue in making satisfaction and in requesting, and eironeia, which seeks an understanding different from what it says. 16. Hence also that greater affect for stirring up hatred is wont to arise, when in this very thing that we lower ourselves to our adversaries there is understood a silent exprobration of impotence: for that very thing, that we yield, demonstrates them to be grievous and intolerable.
And those greedy for slander or affectators of liberty are ignorant that envy can do more than reviling; for envy makes the adversaries hated, reviling makes us hated. 17. That is now an almost middle affect, arising from loves, from the desires of friends and kinsmen; for in this it is greater and in that lesser.
XVIII. Denique ethos omne bonum et comem virum poscit. Quas virtutes cum etiam in litigatore debeat orator, si fieri potest, adprobare, utique ipse aut habeat aut habere credatur.
18. Finally, ethos demands a good and affable man. Which virtues, since the orator ought, if possible, to approve even in the litigator, he should surely either have himself or be believed to have.
Thus it will be of the greatest benefit to causes, for which by his own goodness he will create trust. For he who, while he speaks, seems evil undoubtedly speaks ill [for he does not seem to speak just things, otherwise ethos would not seem). 19. Wherefore the very kind of speaking in this matter ought to be calm and gentle, desires nothing proud, nothing exalted, nor anything lofty or sublime: to speak appropriately, pleasantly, credibly is enough, and therefore that middle mode of oration is most fitting for it.
20. Different from this is what is called pathos, and what we properly call affect; and, to mark briefly the difference of the two, the former is more like comedy, the latter more like tragedy. This part is occupied almost entirely with anger, odium (hatred), fear, envy, and commiseration; and from which topics (loci) these are to be drawn is both manifest to all and has been stated by us in the discussion of the proem and the epilogue. 21.
And yet I want fear to be understood as twofold, the kind we undergo and the kind we cause, and envy: for the one makes a man envious, the other invidious. The former is of the person, the latter of the matter, in which +and more+ of work the speech has. For certain things seem grave in themselves, parricide, slaughter, poisoning; others must be made so.
22. This, moreover, happens when, amid otherwise great evils, that which we have suffered is shown to be more grievous, as it is in Vergil: "O happy above others, Priamian maiden, ordered to die at the hostile tomb beneath the lofty walls of Troy" — how wretched indeed the lot of Andromache, if, compared to her, happy Polyxena: 23. or when we so exaggerate our injury that we say that even things much smaller are intolerable: "If you had struck, you could not be defended: you have wounded." But we shall discuss these matters more carefully when we speak about amplification.
Meanwhile I have been content to have noted that affect does not aim only that the things be shown as bitter and mournful, but also that things which are wont to be held tolerable seem grave, as when we say in slander there is more injury than in the hand, and in infamy more penalty than in death. 24. For in this is the force of eloquence, that it compels the judge not only to that to which the nature of the matter itself would be led, but either to produce an affect that is not, or to make it greater than it is.
XXV. Quod si tradita mihi sequi praecepta sufficeret, satisfeceram huic parti nihil eorum quae legi vel didici, quod modo probabile fuit, omittendo: sed promere in animo est quae latent et penitus ipsa huius loci aperire penetralia, quae quidem non aliquo tradente sed experimento meo ac natura ipsa duce accepi. XXVI.
25. But if it were sufficient for me to follow the precepts handed down, I would have satisfied this part by omitting nothing of those things which I have read or learned, which for the moment was plausible: but it is in my mind to bring forth the things that lie hidden and to open up thoroughly the very inner sanctums of this place, which indeed I have received not with someone handing them down, but with my own experience and Nature herself as guide. 26.
For the sum, so far as I at least perceive, in stirring the affects is placed in this: that we ourselves be moved. For both grief and anger and indignation will sometimes have a laughable imitation, if we have accommodated only the words and the countenance, and not the mind as well. For what else is the cause that mourners, especially in recent pain, seem to cry out certain things most eloquently, and that anger sometimes makes even the unlearned eloquent, than that there is in them a force of mind and the very truth of their mores?
27. Wherefore, in those things which we would have be verisimilar, let us ourselves be like those who truly suffer the affections, and let the oration proceed from such a mind as he will wish to make in the judge. Or will he grieve who will hear me, I who in this speak not grieving?
nor does anything ignite except fire, nor do we become wet except by moisture "nor does a thing give to another a color which it does not itself have". Therefore the first point is that the things which we wish to prevail with the judge should prevail with us, and that we be affected before we attempt to affect. 29. But how will it come about that we are affected?
For the motions are not in our power. I will attempt also to speak about this. Those which the Greeks call phantasies (let us indeed call them visions), through which images of absent things are so represented to the mind that we seem to discern them with the eyes and to have them as present, whoever shall have well seized these will be most powerful in the affections.
30. [These] Some call “euphantasioton” the one who will most excellently fashion for himself things, voices, actions according to the truth: which indeed will easily befall us if we are willing; unless in truth, amid the leisures of our minds and vain hopes and, as it were, certain dreams of those awake, these images of which I speak so pursue us that we seem to travel abroad, to sail, to do battle, to address peoples, to dispose the use of riches which we do not have, and not to think but to do: this fault of the mind we shall not transfer to utility. 31.
There will follow enargeia, which is named by Cicero illustration and evidence, which seems not so much to speak as to show, and emotions will ensue no otherwise than if we were present at the things themselves. Or are not among such visions those: "the spindles shaken from their hands and the wools rolled back," "a wound lying open on the smooth breast," that horse at the funeral of Pallas "with the insignia laid aside"? 33. What?
did not the same poet deeply seize the image of the ultimate fate, so as to say: "and, dying, he remembers sweet Argos"? 34. Where indeed there will be need of commiseration, let us believe that the things about which we complain have happened to us, and let us persuade our own mind of it. Nor let us conduct the matter as though it were alien, but let us assume for a little while that grief: thus we shall say what we would be going to say in a similar case of our own.
35. I have often seen actors and comedians, when after some graver act they had laid aside the persona, go out still weeping. And if, in others’ writings, mere pronuntiation thus inflames affections that are feigned, what shall we do—we who ought to think on those things, so that we may be able to be moved in the stead of those in peril?
36. But in the school too it is fitting to be affected by the things themselves, and to imagine them as true for oneself, all the more because there
[3] I. huic diversa virtus quae risum iudicis movendo et illos tristes solvit adfectus et animum ab intentione rerum frequenter avertit et aliquando etiam reficit et a satietate vel a fatigatione renovat. Quanta sit autem in ea difficultas vel duo maximi oratores, alter Graecae, alter Latinae eloquentiae princeps, docent:II. nam plerique Demostheni facultatem defuisse huius rei credunt, Ciceroni modum. Nec videri potest noluisse Demosthenes, cuius pauca admodum dicta nec sane ceteris eius virtutibus respondentia palam ostendunt non displicuisse illi iocos sed non contigisse.
[3] 1. to this belongs a different virtue, which, by moving the judge’s laughter, both dissolves those sad affections and frequently diverts the mind from the tension of matters, and sometimes even refreshes it and renews it from satiety or from fatigue. But how great the difficulty is in it, the two greatest orators—one the prince of Greek eloquence, the other of Latin—teach: 2. for most believe that to Demosthenes the faculty of this thing was lacking, to Cicero the moderation. Nor can Demosthenes be thought to have been unwilling, of whom very few sayings, and indeed not answering to his other virtues, plainly show that jokes were not displeasing to him, but did not befall him.
3. Our man indeed was considered not only outside the courts but even in the very speeches themselves an excessive affecter of laughter. To me, indeed, whether I judge this rightly or whether I suffer from an immoderate love for the preeminent man in eloquence, there seems to have been in him a certain marvelous urbanity.
4. For both in everyday speech he said many things wittily, and in altercations and in questioning witnesses more than anyone, and those very things which are spoken in the Verrine he attributed, more coolly, to others and put them in the place of testimony, so that, the more common they are, the more believable it may be that they were not forged by the orator but were bandied about everywhere. 5. And would that his freedman Tiro, or another, whoever it was, who published three books on this matter, had indulged more sparingly the number of sayings and had applied more judgment in choosing than zeal in heaping together: he would be less exposed to calumniators, who nevertheless even now too, as in such matters, will find. 6. Moreover, what brings the greatest difficulty to the case is, first, that a jesting remark is for the most part false [this always low], often deliberately corrupted, and, besides, never honorific; then the varied judgments of men in that which is judged not by any reasoning but by a certain movement of the mind, I know not whether explicable.
7. For I do not think it can be sufficiently explicated by anyone, though many have attempted, whence laughter, which is provoked not only by some deed or word, but sometimes even by a certain touch of the body. Moreover, it is not wont to be moved by a single rationale: for not only acute and charming things, but foolish, irate, timid words and deeds are laughed at; and therefore the rationale of this matter is two-edged, because laughter is not far from derision.
8. For it has, as Cicero says, its seat in some deformity and turpitude: which, when they are shown in others, is called urbanity; when they fall back upon the very speaker, it is called stupidity.
Cum videatur autem res levis, et quae a scurris, miniis, insipientibus denique saepe moveatur, tamen habet vim nescio an imperiosissimam et cui repugnari minime potest. IX. Erumpit etiam invitis saepe, nec vultus modo ac vocis exprimit confessionem, sed totum corpus vi sua concutit. Rerum autem saepe, ut dixi, maximarum momenta vertit, ut cum odium iramque frequentissime frangat.
Although it seems a light thing, and one which is often stirred by buffoons, mimes, and, in fine, the insipient, yet it has a force—I know not whether the most imperious—and one to which it is least possible to resist. 9. It also bursts forth often even against the unwilling; and it expresses a confession not only by the face and the voice, but shakes the whole body by its own force. Moreover, it often, as I said, turns the moments of the greatest matters, as when it most frequently breaks hatred and anger.
10. As a proof are the Tarentine youths, who, having spoken many things rather unfavorably about King Pyrrhus during dinner, when an account of the deed was demanded and the matter could neither be denied nor defended, slipped away by laughter and a timely joke. For one of them said, “Nay rather, if the flagon had not failed, we would have killed you,” and by that urbanity all the ill-will was dissolved.
XI. Verum hoc quidquid est, ut non ausim dicere carere omnino arte, quia nonnullam observationem habet suntque ad id pertinentia et a Graecis et a Latinis composita praecepta, ita plane adfirmo praecipue positum esse in natura et in occasione. XII. Porro natura non tantum in hoc valet, ut acutior quis atque habilior sit ad inveniendum (nam id sane doctrina possit augeri), sed inest proprius quibusdam decor in habitu ac vultu, ut eadem illa minus alio dicente urbana esse videantur.
11. But this, whatever it is, though I would not dare to say it is altogether devoid of art—for it has some observation, and precepts pertaining to it have been composed both by Greeks and by Latins—yet I plainly affirm that it is chiefly situated in nature and in occasion. 12. Moreover, nature avails not only in this, that one be sharper and more habil (handy) for invention (for that indeed can be increased by doctrine), but there is inherent in certain persons a peculiar decor in bearing and countenance, such that those same things, when another is the speaker, seem less urbane.
13. Occasion truly is also in the matters themselves, whose force is so great that, aided by it, not only the unlearned but even rustics speak wittily; and in this too, in what someone has said prior; for all things are by far more charming in responding than in provoking. 14.
It is added to the difficulty that there is no exercise of that matter, no preceptors. And so at banquets and in conversations many are witty, because in this everyday use we make progress: oratorical urbanity is rare, and not from its own art but lent to this by custom. 15. Nothing, however, was hindering that materials suitable for this should be composed, so that controversies with salts (witticisms) intermingled might be fashioned, or individual matters be proposed for such an exercise of young men.
16. Indeed, those very [sayings] (are said and are called) which we were accustomed to utter on certain days of festal license, if they were shaped with a little reason applied, or if something of the elders were mixed into them as well, could bring a very great amount of utility: whereas now they are the exercise of youths, playing for their own amusement.
XVII. Pluribus autem nominibus in eadem re vulgo utimur: quae tamen si diducas, suam quandam propriam vim ostendent. Nam et urbanitas dicitur, qua quidem significari video sermonem praeferentem in verbis et sono et usu proprium quendam gustum urbis et sumptam ex conversatione doctorum tacitam eruditionem, denique cui contraria sit rusticitas.
17. Moreover, we commonly use several names for the same thing; which, however, if you draw them apart, will display a certain proper force of their own. For “urbanity” is also said, by which indeed I see to be signified a speech that in words and in sound and in usage exhibits a certain taste proper to the city and, taken from the conversation of the learned, a tacit erudition—finally, to which the contrary is rusticity.
18. It is apparent that what is said with a certain grace and Venus (loveliness) is charming. “Salty” in common usage we take as only “ridiculous”; by nature this is not necessarily so, although salty things ought also to be laughable.
For Cicero also says that everything which is salty is Attic, not because they are most composed for laughter; and Catullus, when he says: "there is not in the body a grain of salt," is not saying this, that there is nothing ridiculous in his body. 19. Therefore salty will be what is not insipid (unsalted), as a certain simple condiment of oration, which is sensed by a latent judgment as by a palate, and it both excites the oration and defends it from tedium.
For “salts,” just as that one sprinkled a little more liberally on foods, if only it be not immoderate, brings a certain proper pleasure, so these too in speaking have a certain something that makes in us a thirst for hearing. 20. I think the facetum likewise does not consist only around the laughable; for Horace would not say that a facetum kind of song was granted by nature to Vergil. I reckon this rather an appellation of decor and of a certain cultivated elegance.
And so in his letters Cicero reports these words of Brutus: "surely his feet are facet and, for one stepping with *delights, rather softer".+ Which agrees with that line of Horace: "soft and facet for Vergil." 21. A joke, indeed, we take to be that which is contrary to the serious: for both feigning and frightening and promising are at times a joke. Dicacity, without doubt drawn from speaking—which is common to every kind—yet properly signifies a discourse assailing some with laughter.
XXII. Proprium autem materiae de qua nunc loquimur est ridiculum, ideoque haec tota disputatio a Graecis peri geloion inscribitur. Eius prima divisio traditur eadem quae est omnis orationis, ut sit positum in rebus ac verbis.
22. But the proper element of the material about which we are now speaking is the ridiculous; and so this whole disputation is inscribed by the Greeks peri geloion. Its first division is handed down as the same as that of every oration: that it is positioned in things and in words.
23. The use, moreover, is chiefly threefold: for we seek laughter either from others, or from ourselves, or from intermediate matters. What is another’s we either reprehend, or refute, or make light of, or repercuss (turn back), or elude.
Laughter is procured by a deed, sometimes with gravity mixed in, as when M. Caelius, praetor, after the consul Isauricus had broken his curule chair, set up another stretched with thongs (it was said, moreover, that the consul had at some time been beaten by his father with scourges): sometimes without regard for modesty, as in that Caelian pyx, which is not fitting either for an orator or for any serious man. 26. But let the same be said about a ridiculous countenance and gesture: in these there is indeed their own grace, but a greater one when they do not seem to be hunting for laughter; for nothing is more insipid than “salty” things that are said by one who is seen to be speaking to catch a laugh.
Although, moreover, the speaker’s severity contributes very much to grace, and that very fact becomes laughable—that the one who says those things does not laugh—yet meanwhile both the aspect and the habit of the face and the gesture are not un-urbane, when a measure accompanies them. 27. Furthermore, what is said is either lascivious and cheerful, such as most of Gabba’s, or contumelious, such as those lately of Junius Bassus, or harsh, such as those of Cassius Severus, or smooth, such as those of Domitius Afer.
28. It makes a difference, in these matters, where one uses them. For in convivial gatherings and in quotidian conversation, lascivious things will be fitting for the humble, cheerful things for all.
We would never wish to wound, and far be that purpose from us, of losing a friend rather than a saying. In this forensic combat indeed I would rather it were allowed me to use gentle means. Sometimes it is permitted to speak both contumeliously and harshly against adversaries, since it is granted even to accuse openly and to justly demand another’s head.
But here too, nevertheless, the persecution of Fortune is wont to seem inhumane, either because it is without fault or because it can also return upon the very ones who have objected it. First, therefore, it must be considered both who and in what cause and before whom and against whom and what he says. 29.
A distorted countenance and gestures, the sort that are wont to be laughed at in mimes, least befit the orator. Scurrilous and theatrical drollery is most alien to this persona: obscenity ought to be absent not only from the words but even from the signification. For if ever it can be objected, it is not to be reproached in jest.
30. Moreover, while I wish the orator to speak urbanely, I plainly do not wish him to seem to affect that. Wherefore he will not even speak wittily as often as he can, and he will rather sometimes lose a witticism than lessen his authority.
31. Nor will anyone endure a prosecutor joking in an atrocious case, nor a patron in a miserable one. There are also certain judges too gloomy to tolerate laughter willingly.
32. In the meantime it is wont to happen that what we say against the adversary fits either the judge or even our own litigant, although some are found who do not avoid even that which could fall back upon themselves. This Longus Sulpicius did, who, although he himself was very ugly, said that the man against whom he was present in a suit about liberty did not even have the face of a free man: to whom Domitius Afer, responding, said, "according to your" he said "mind’s judgment, Longus, is he who has an ugly face not free?" 33.
It must also be avoided lest what we say seem petulant, haughty, out of place, out of time, pre-prepared and carried from home: for against the wretched, as I said above, a joke is inhuman. But certain men are of such accepted authority and noted modesty that petulance in speaking would be harmful toward them; for already a precept has been given about friends. 34.
That pertains not to the orator’s counsel but to the man’s: let him not provoke in this manner one whom it is dangerous to injure, lest either grievous enmities follow or a shameful satisfaction be required. It is also ill-said when what is spoken fits several, if either whole nations are assailed, or orders, or condition, or the pursuits of many. 35.
Therefore laughter arises either from the body of the person about whom we speak, or from the mind, which is gathered from his deeds and sayings, or from those things that are set outside; for within these lies all vituperation: which, if it be set more gravely, is severe; if more lightly, ridiculous. These are either exhibited or narrated or are noted by a dictum. XXXVIII.
It is rare that it falls out to set something before the eyes, as C. Julius did: who, when Helvius Mancia was repeatedly heckling him, would say, "Now I will show what sort you are," and as he plainly pressed with the question of what sort, pray, he was going to show him to be, he pointed with his finger to the image of a Gaul painted on a Cimbrian shield, to which Mancia then seemed most similar: and there were taverns around the Forum, and that shield had been set up for the sake of a sign. 39. To narrate things that are salty is especially subtle and oratorical, as Cicero in his speech for Cluentius narrates about Caepasius and Fabricius, or M. Caelius about that contention of D. Laelius and his colleague as they were hurrying to their province.
But in all these cases, while an elegant and winsome whole exposition is required, then that is most facetious which the orator adds. 40. For even by Cicero that flight of Fabricius was thus composed: "and so, when he supposed he was speaking most cunningly and when he had drawn forth those most weighty words from his inmost art: 'look back, judges, upon the fortunes of men, look back upon the senectitude of C. Fabricius,' when for the sake of ornamenting the oration he had often said this 'look back,' he himself looked back; but Fabricius had departed from the benches with head lowered," and the rest which he added (for the passage is well known), whereas in the fact there was only this, that Fabricius had withdrawn from the trial;41. and Caelius, although he fashioned everything most charmingly, then that last thing: "as for how this follower crossed over, whether by a raft or by a fishing craft, no one knew: the Sicilians indeed, as they are wanton and witty, were saying that he sat on a dolphin and thus was carried across as if Arion." 42.
That too is a kind, set not in this, as it were, javelin-throwing of sayings and briefly enclosed urbanity, but in a certain longer act, which Cicero narrates about L. Crassus against Brutus in the second book of On the Orator and in some other places. 44. For when Brutus, in the accusation of C. Plancius, after two readers had been summoned, had shown that L. Crassus, his patron, in the oration which he had delivered about the Narbonese colony, had urged things contrary to what he said concerning the Servilian law, he too summoned three readers, and to them he gave his father’s Dialogues to be read; of which, since one embraced a discourse held at the Privernate, another at the Alban, a third at the Tiburtine, he was inquiring where those estates were.
XLV. Sed acutior est illa atque velocior in urbanitate brevitas, cuius quidem duplex forma est, dicendi ac respondendi, sed ratio communis in parte; nihil enim, quod in lacessendo dici potest, non etiam in repercutiendo: at quaedam propria sunt respondentium. XLVI.
45. But that brevity in urbanity is sharper and swifter, whose form indeed is twofold—of speaking and of responding—yet the method is in part common; for nothing that can be said in provoking cannot also be said in repercussing; but certain things are proper to those responding. 46.
Those things that have been meditated and cogitated are wont to be brought forward, these are for the most part found in altercation or in interrogating witnesses. But since there are many places from which ridiculous sayings are drawn, it must be repeated by me that not all of them are suitable for orators,47. especially from amphiboly, nor those obscure ones which they snatch at in the Atellan manner, nor such as are commonly bandied about by every most worthless fellow, turned almost by ambiguity into an insult: not even those which at some time fell from Cicero, but not in pleading, as when he said, when that candidate who was held to be a cook’s son was asking a vote from another in his presence: "I too will favor you";48.
not because words signifying two senses ought altogether to be excluded, but because they rarely answer neatly, unless they are thoroughly aided by the facts themselves. Wherefore [not] this [way] is almost even the scurrilous jest of Cicero himself against that same Isauricus of whom I spoke above: "I marvel what it is that a father, a most constant man, has left you to us inconstant." 49. But that from the same genus is illustrious: when the accuser was objecting to Milo, as an argument of ambushes made against Clodius, that he had turned aside to Bovillae before the ninth hour, so that he might wait until Clodius went out from his villa, and kept asking again and again at what time Clodius had been slain, he replied "late": which even by itself suffices that this genus not be wholly repudiated.
50. Not only are more things wont to be signified, but even divergent ones, as Nero said about a most wicked slave: "that no one had more credit with him, that nothing for him was either shut or sealed." 51. the matter goes even as far as an enigma, such as Cicero’s against Plaetorius, the accuser of Fonteius, whose mother he said, while she lived, had been a "school," after she died had had "teachers" (for it was said that, while she lived, infamous women were wont to resort to her; after her death her goods had been sold): although here "school" was said by transference (metaphor), "teachers" by ambiguity. 52. Into metalepsis also falls the same rationale of sayings, as when Fabius Maximus, accusing the scantiness of Augustus’s congiaria which were given to friends, said they were heminary (from hemina) (for congiarium is common to both liberality and measure), the diminution of the things being drawn from a measure.
53. These are as frigid as is the coinage of names with letters added, subtracted, or altered, as I find that Acisculus, because he had bargained, "Pacisculus," and one named Placidus, because he was acerbic by nature, "Acidus," and Turius, since he was a thief, "Tollius," were called. 54.
But these same kinds fit more aptly in deeds than in names. For Afer wittily said of Manlius Sura, who in pleading was running about and leaping, flinging his hands, dropping and replacing his toga, that he was not “agere” but “satagere.” For “satagere” is an urbane expression in itself, even if no likeness to another verb underlies it.
55. Things are made both by added and by subtracted aspiration and by divided and conjoined words, likewise more often cold, yet sometimes to be received; and the same condition holds in those which are drawn from names. Many from this (genus) Cicero, in Against Verres, but as if spoken by others: now that he would sweep everything [when he was called Verres], now that he had been more troublesome to Hercules, whom he had pillaged, than the Erymanthian boar, now a bad priest who had left behind so wicked a boar, because Verres had succeeded Sacerdos. 56.
LVII. Acriora igitur sunt et elegantiora quae trahuntur ex vi rerum. In iis maxime valet similitudo, si tamen ad aliquid inferius leviusque referatur: qualia veteres illi iocabantur, qui Lentulum "Spintherem" et Scipionem "Serapionem" esse dixerunt.
57. Sharper therefore and more elegant are those which are drawn from the force of the facts. In these the similitude is most effective, provided it is referred to something inferior and lighter: such as those jests of the ancients, who said that Lentulus was “Spinther” and Scipio “Serapion.”
But this is sought not only from men, but even from animals, as, when we were boys, Junius Bassus, a man supremely witty,58. was called "the white donkey," and Sarmentus ... +or P. Blessius+ called Julius, a man black and lean and bow-legged, "the iron fibula." Which now is the most frequent kind of eliciting laughter.
59. The similitude is applied, however, sometimes openly, sometimes +it is wont to be of a parable+: of which genus is
And Pedo, about a murmillo who was pursuing the net-man and was not striking, said, "he wants to take him 'alive'." 62. A similitude is joined to amphiboly, as by L. Galba, who said to a man asking for the ball carelessly, "thus," he said, "you 'seek/ask' as though you were Caesar’s candidate." For that "petis" is ambiguous, the unconcern is similar. Which it is enough to have shown thus far.
63. Moreover, the most frequent thing is the mixture of other kinds with others, and the best is that which consists of several. The same rationale holds for dissimilars.
Hence, a Roman equestrian, to whom—when he was drinking at the spectacles—Augustus had sent someone to say: "I, if I want to lunch, go home," said, "for you do not fear lest you lose your place." 64. On the contrary, there is not a single species. For neither did Augustus speak in the same way to the prefect whom he was sending away in ignominy, who kept inserting into his entreaties: "What shall I answer my father?" "Say that I have displeased you"; whereas Gabba, to a man asking for a paenula, said: "I cannot lend it; I am staying at home," since his garret was being rained through completely.
A third, still, is this, except that his own modesty brings it about that I do not set down the author: "you are more libidinous than any eunuch," by which without doubt even opinion is deceived, but on the contrary. And this too is from the same locus, yet like none of the former, what M. Vestinus said when it had been announced to him ... "it will someday cease to stink." 65. I will load the book with examples, and I will make it similar to those that are composed for the sake of laughter, if I should wish to pursue each particular of the ancients.
Ex omnibus argumentorum locis eadem occasio est. Nam et finitione usus est Augustus de pantomimis duobus qui alternis gestibus contendebant, cum eorum alterum saltatorem dixit, LXVI. alterum interpellatorem, et partitione Gabba, cum paenulam roganti respondit: "non pluit, non opus est tibi: si pluet, ipse utar". Proinde genere specie propriis differentibus iugatis adiunctis consequentibus antecedentibus repugnantibus causis effectis, comparatione parium maiorum minorum similis materia praebetur, sicut in tropos quoque omnis cadit.
From all the places of arguments the same occasion arises. For Augustus too used definition about two pantomimes who were contending with alternate gestures, when he called one of them a dancer, 66. the other an interrupter; and Gabba used partition, when to one asking for a cloak he replied: "it is not raining, there is no need for you: if it rains, I myself will use it." Accordingly, from genus, species, properties, differences, things yoked, adjuncts, consequents, antecedents, incompatibles, causes and effects, by comparison of equals, of greater, and of lesser, similar material is furnished, just as everything also falls into tropes.
67. Are not very many things said (by hyperbole? for example), as what Cicero reports about a very tall man, that he struck his head against the Fabian arch, and what P. Oppius said about the clan of the Lentuli, that, since the children were continually smaller than their parents, it would perish by being born.
68. What of irony? Is not even what is done most sternly almost a kind of jest?
How urbane Afer was in his use, when with Didius Gallus, who had most ambitiously sought a province and then, once it was obtained, complained as though compelled: “come,” he said, “do something also for the Republic’s sake.” Cicero too played with a metaphor, when the death of Vatinus was announced, whose reporter was said to be not very sure: “in the meantime,” he said, “I will enjoy the interest.” 69. The same man, by allegory, used to say that M. Caelius, better at bringing charges than at defending them, had a good right hand, a bad left. By emphasis A. Vivius said that the iron had fallen upon Tuccius.
LXX. Figuras quoque mentis, quae schemata dianoias dicuntur, res eadem recipit omnis, in quas nonnulli diviserunt species dictorum. Nam et interrogamus et dubitamus et adfirmamus et minamur et optamus; quaedam ut miserantes, quaedam ut irascentes dicimus.
70. The figures too of the mind, which are called schemata dianoias, this same matter receives all, into which some have divided the species of sayings. For we both interrogate and doubt and affirm and menace and wish; certain things we say as pitying, certain as being angry.
LXXII. Refutatio cum sit in negando redarguendo defendendo elevando, ridicule negavit Manius curius; nam cum eius accusator in sipario omnibus locis aut nudum eum in nervo aut ab amicis redemptum ex alea pinxisset, "ergo ego" inquit "numquam vici". LXXIII. Redarguimus interim aperte, ut Cicero Vibium curium multum de annis aetatis suae mentientem: "tum ergo cum una declamabamus non eras natus", interim et simulata adsensione, ut idem Fabia Dolabellae dicente triginta se annos habere: "verum est", inquit, "nam hoc illam iam viginti annis audio". LXXIV.
72. Since Refutation is in denying, redarguing, defending, elevating, Manius Curius denied comically; for when his accuser had painted him on the stage-curtain in every scene either naked in the stocks or ransomed by friends from dice-gambling, “so then I,” he said, “have never won.” 73. We redargue sometimes openly, as Cicero [did] Vibius Curius, who was much lying about the years of his age: “then, at that time when we were declaiming together, you were not born”; and sometimes with simulated assent, as the same man to Fabia, when Dolabella was saying that she had thirty years: “it is true,” he said, “for I have been hearing this from that woman for twenty years already.” 74.
Neatly, meanwhile, something more mordacious is subjoined in place of denying, as with Junius Bassus: when Domitia Passieni complained that, accusing her sordidness, he used to say she was accustomed to sell old shoes, “not by Hercules,” he said, “did I ever say this, but I said you were accustomed to buy them.” A Roman eques imitated a defense, who, when Augustus objected that he had eaten up his patrimony, said, “I thought it was mine.” 75. The method of lightening is twofold, so that either one may diminish excessive vaunting (in the way that Gaius Caesar, to Pomponius showing a wound caught on the face in the Sulpician sedition—because he was boasting that he had suffered it while fighting for Caesar—said, “you must never have looked back while fleeing”) or the charge alleged, as Cicero, to those reproaching him that, a sexagenarian, he had married Publilia a virgin, said, “tomorrow she will be a woman.” 76.
Some call this kind of saying “consequent,” and it is similar to that which Cicero said about Curio, who, always beginning from an excuse of age, had, he said, an easier prooemium every day, because such things seem by nature to follow and cohere. 77. But a kind of “elevating” is also a relation of causes, which Cicero employed against Vatinius.
A man lame in his feet, when he wanted to seem to have gotten into more commodious health and would say that he now walked two miles, “for,” he said, “the days are longer.” And Augustus, when the Terraconenses announced that a palm had sprung up on his altar, said, “it is apparent how often you kindle it.” 78. Cassius Severus shifted the charge; for when he was being rebuked by the praetor because his advocates had hurled abuse at L. Vaxus the Epicurean, a friend of Caesar, he said, “I do not know who did the abusing, and I think they were Stoics.”
Repercutiendi multa sunt genera, venustissimum quod etiam similitudine aliqua verbi adiuvatur, ut, Trachalus dicenti suelio "si hoc ita est, is in exilium", "si non est ita, redis" inquit. LXXIX. Elusit Cassius Severus, obiciente quodam quod ei domo sua Proculeius interdixisset, respondendo "numquid ergo illuc accedo?" Sed eluditur et ridiculum ridiculo (ut divus Augustus, cum ei Galli torquem aureum centum pondo dedissent, et Dolabella per iocum, temptans tamen ioci sui eventum, dixisset: "imperator, torque me dona", "malo" inquit "te civica donare"), LXXX.
There are many kinds of parrying; the most charming is that which is even aided by some similarity of the word, as, Trachalus to suelio saying "if this is so, he goes into exile," "if it is not so, you return," he said. 79. Cassius Severus eluded it, when someone objected that Proculeius had interdicted him from his house, by replying "Do I at all go there, then?" But the ridiculous is also eluded by the ridiculous (as the deified Augustus, when the Gauls had given him a golden torque of a hundred pounds, and Dolabella by way of a joke, yet testing the outcome of his joke, had said: "commander, present me with the torque," "I prefer," he said, "to present you with the Civic crown"), 80.
A lie too with a lie, as Gabba, when someone was saying that with one victoriatus he had bought in Sicily a moray five feet long, “nothing,” he said, “marvelous; for there they are born so long that fishermen are girded with them instead of ropes.” 81. Opposite to denial is the simulation of confession, but this too has much urbanity. Thus Afer, when he was pleading against a freedman of Claudius Caesar and, from the opposite side, a certain man of the same condition as the litigant had shouted: “besides, you are always speaking against the Caesar’s freedmen,” “nor, by Hercules,” he said, “do I accomplish anything.” Neighboring to this is not to deny what is alleged, even when it is openly false and from it matter is given for responding well, as Catulus to Philippus saying to him: “why are you barking?” “I see a thief,” said he.
82. To speak against oneself is generally only the part of buffoons, and in an orator is certainly least acceptable: since it can be done in just as many modes as against others, therefore this, although frequent, I pass over. 83.
That, indeed, even if it is ridiculous, is nevertheless unworthy of a liberal man, namely what is said either basely or with overbearing power: which I know that a certain fellow did, who, to a humbler man speaking freely against him, said, “I will deal you a cuff, and you will draw up a formula that you have a hard head.” For here it is doubtful whether the hearers ought to have laughed or to have been indignant.
LXXXIV. superest genus decipiendi opinionem aut dicta a intellegendi, quae sunt in omni hac materia vel venustissima. Inopinatum et a lacessente poni solet, quale est quod refert Cicero: "quid huic abest nisi res et virtus?" aut illud Afri: "homo in agendis causis optime vestitus": et in occurrendo, ut Cicero audita falsa Vatini morte, cum obvium libertum eius interrogasset "rectene omnia?" dicenti "recte" "mortuus est!" inquit.
84. there remains a kind of deceiving the expectation, or of keeping utterances from being understood, which in all this material are the most charming. The unexpected is wont to be set forth by the assailant, such as that which Cicero reports: "What is lacking to this man except property and virtue?" or that of Afer: "a man most excellently dressed for conducting cases": and in countering, as when Cicero, on hearing the false report of Vatinius’s death, when he had asked his freedman whom he met, "Are all things right?" and he saying "Right," he said, "He is dead!"
85. But the most laughter is about simulation
86. Cicero dissimulated when Sextus Annalis, a witness, had injured the defendant and the accuser kept pressing again and again: ‘Say, Marcus Tullius, if you can, something about Sextus Annalis’; for he began to recite a verse from the sixth Annal of Ennius: ‘Who is able to unroll the mighty causes of war?’ 87.
to which, without doubt, ambiguity most frequently gives occasion, as for Cascellius, who, to a consultant saying "I want to divide a ship," said "you will lose it." But the understanding also is wont to be turned aside, when it is deflected from harsher to gentler meanings: as when someone, asked what he thought about a man who had been caught in adultery, replied that he had been slow. 88.
Bordering upon it is what is said by suspicion, such as that instance in Cicero, to one complaining that his wife had hanged herself from a fig-tree: "I ask that you give me a shoot from that tree that I may graft it"; for what is not said is understood. 89. And, by Hercules, the whole method of speaking wittily is this: that it be said otherwise than is right and true; which is done wholly by feigning either our own or others’ persuasions, or by saying what cannot be done.
90. Juba fashioned an alien persuasion, who, to one complaining that he had been splashed by his horse, said, "What? Do you think me a Hippocentaur?"—his own, Gaius Cassius, who, to a soldier running without a sword, said, "Hey, fellow soldier, you use your fist well"; and Gabba about the fishes, who, when on the following day they were set out having the day before been partly eaten and turned over, said, "Let us hurry; others are taking the late supper." The third is that of Cicero, as I said, against Curius; for it certainly could not come about that, while he was declaiming, he had not been born.
91. There is also that pretense from irony, of which C. Caesar made use. For when a witness said that the defendant’s woman had been attacked with iron, and there was an easy refutation—why he had wished to wound that part of the body above all—“for what indeed was he to do,” he said, “when you had a helmet and a cuirass?” 92.
But the very best simulation is against a simulator, such as that of Domitius Afer. He had an old testament, and one of his more recent friends, hoping for something from a mutation of the tablets, had introduced a false fable, consulting him whether he should advise an old primipilaris, being intestate, to arrange his last judgments: “do not do it,” he said, “you will offend him.”
XCIII. Iucundissima sunt autem ex his omnibus lenta et, ut sic dixerim, boni stomachi: ut Afer idem ingrato litigatori conspectum eius in foro vitanti per nomenclatorem missum ad eum "amas me", inquit, "quod te non vidi?" et dispensatori, qui, cum reliqua non reponeret, dicebat subinde "non comedi; pane et aqua vivo", "passer, redde quod debes": quae +hypo to ethos+ vocant. XCIV.
93. But of all these the most delightful are the slow ones and, so to speak, of a good stomach: as when the same Afer, to an ungrateful litigant who was avoiding his sight in the forum, sent by a nomenclator to him, said, "Do you love me because I have not seen you?" and to a dispensator (steward) who, although he did not replace the arrears, kept saying again and again, "I have not eaten; I live on bread and water," "Sparrow, give back what you owe": which they call +hypo to ethos+. 94.
A pleasing jest is that which reproaches less than it can, as when that same man, to a candidate saying “I have always cultivated your house,” although he could have openly denied it, said, “I believe it,” +"and true".+ Meanwhile, it is laughable to speak about oneself; and what, if it were said of another when absent, would not be urbane—since it is openly cast in his teeth to the man himself—provokes laughter; 95. such is that of Augustus, when a soldier was asking I-know-not-what improperly from him, and there came up on the other side Marcianus, whom he suspected would also ask something unjust: “No more,” he said, “fellow-soldier, will I do what you ask than what Marcianus is going to ask of me.”
XCVI. Adiuvant urbanitatem et versus commode positi, seu toti ut sunt (quod adeo facile est ut Ovidius ex tetrastichon Macri carmine librum in malos poetas composuerit), quod fit gratius si qua etiam ambiguitate conditur, ut Cicero in Lartium, hominem callidum et versutum, cum is in quadam causa suspectus esset:"nisi si qua Vlixes lintre evasit Lartius": XCVII. seu verbis ex parte mutatis, ut in eum qui, cum antea stultissimus esset habitus, post acceptam hereditatem primus sententiam rogabatur: "hereditas est quam vocant sapientiam"pro illo "felicitas est": seu ficti notis versibus similes quae paroidia dicitur:XCVIII.
96. Urbanity too is aided by verses suitably placed, whether whole as they are (which is so easy that Ovid, from Macer’s tetrastichon, composed a book against bad poets), which turns out more pleasing if it is even seasoned with some ambiguity, as Cicero against Lartius, a cunning and wily man, when he was under suspicion in a certain case: "unless some Lartius escaped by skiff like Ulysses": 97. or with the words changed in part, as in the case of the man who, although previously he had been held most foolish, after receiving an inheritance was asked first for his opinion: "it is inheritance which they call wisdom" instead of that "it is felicity": or fictive verses similar to well-known ones, which is called parody:98.
and proverbs opportunely apted, as to a worthless man who had lapsed and, asking that he be lifted up, “let him lift you who does not know you.” From history also to derive urbanity is erudite, as Cicero did when, as he was asking him for a witness in the trial of Verres, Hortensius said to him: “I do not understand these enigmas”; “and yet you ought,” he said, “since you have a Sphinx at home”; moreover, that man had received from Verres a bronze Sphinx of great pecuniary value.
XCIX. subabsurda illa constant stulti simulatione: [et] quae nisi fingantur stulta sunt, ut qui mirantibus quod humile candelabrum emisset "pransorium erit" inquit. Sed illa similia absurdis sunt acria quae tamquam sine ratione dicta feruntur, ut servus Dolabellae, cum interrogaretur an dominus eius auctionem proposuisset, "domum" inquit "vendidit". C. Deprensi interim pudorem suum ridiculo aliquo explicant, ut qui testem dicentem a reo vulneratum interrogaverat an cicatricem haberet, cum ille ingentem in femine ostendisset, "latus" inquit "oportuit". Contumeliis quoque uti belle datur: ut Hispo +obicientibus arbore+ crimina accusatori "me ex te metiris?" inquit.
99. Those somewhat-absurd depend upon a pretense of stupidity: [and] things which, unless they are feigned, are foolish, as when, people marveling that he had bought a low candelabrum, he said, "it will be for luncheon." But those, like the absurdities, are sharp which are carried as if spoken without reason, as when the slave of Dolabella, when he was asked whether his master had proposed an auction, said, "he sold the house." 100. Those caught out meanwhile unravel their own embarrassment by some witticism, as the man who, having asked a witness saying he had been wounded by the defendant whether he had a scar, when he showed a huge one on his thigh, said, "it ought to have been the side." Insults too may be used nicely: as when Hispo, with people +bringing up 'the tree'+ as charges against the accuser, said, "do you measure me by yourself?"
CI. Has aut accepi species aut inveni frequentissimas ex quibus ridicula ducerentur; sed repetam necesse est infinitas esse tam salse dicendi quam severe, quas praestat persona locus tempus, casus denique, qui est maxime varius. CII. Itaque haec ne omisisse viderer attigi: illa autem quae de usu ipso et modo iocandi complexus sum adfirmarim esse plane necessaria.
101. I have either received or myself found these types most frequent, from which jests are drawn; but I must repeat that there are infinitely many, as much for speaking wittily as for speaking gravely, which are furnished by the person, the place, the time, and, finally, by chance, which is most variable. 102. Accordingly, I have touched on these lest I might seem to have omitted them; but those matters which I have embraced concerning the very use and the manner of jesting I would affirm to be plainly necessary.
His adicit Domitius Marsus, qui de urbanitate diligentissime scripsit, quaedam non ridicula, sed cuilibet severissimae orationi convenientia eleganter dicta et proprio quodam lepore iucunda: quae sunt quidem urbana, sed risum tamen non habent. CIII. Neque enim ei de risu sed de urbanitate est opus institutum, quam propriam esse nostrae civitatis et sero sic intellegi coeptam, postquam urbis appellatione, etiam si nomen proprium non adiceretur, Romam tamen accipi sit receptum.
To these Domitius Marsus adds, who wrote most diligently about urbanity, certain things not laughable, but spoken elegantly and suitable to any most severe oration, and pleasing by a certain proper charm: which are indeed urbane, but nevertheless do not have laughter. 103. For his work was instituted not about laughter but about urbanity, which is proper to our city, and only late began thus to be understood, after it became accepted that by the appellation of “city,” even if a proper name were not added, Rome was nevertheless understood.
104. And he thus finishes it: "urbanity is a certain virtue compacted into a brief dictum and apt for delighting and moving men to every affect of mind, most suitable for resisting or provoking, as each matter and person requires." If you remove from it the exception of brevity, it would have encompassed all the virtues of oration. For since it consists in matters and persons, to say what it is proper to say in both is of perfect eloquence.
105. why, however, he wished it to be brief, I do not know, since the same man, and in the same book, says that there is urbanity even in many instances of narrating. A little later he thus defines it, following, as he says, the opinion of Cato: "An urbane man [will not] be one who has many well-said things and replies, and who in conversations, circles, and dinner-parties, likewise in public assemblies, in every place, in fine, will speak wittily and aptly. Laughter will belong to whatever orator does these things." 106.
If we accept these definitions, whatever shall be well said will also receive the name of an urbane saying. Moreover, for the man who had proposed this, that division was congruent, namely, to make some urbane sayings serious, others jocose, and others middle; for the same quality belongs to all well-said sayings. Yet to me even certain jests seem able to be referred to the not quite urbane.
107. For, in my judgment, that is urbanity in which nothing out-of-tune, nothing rustic, nothing uncomposed, nothing foreign can be detected—neither in sense nor in words nor in countenance or gesture—so that it is seated not so much in single sayings as in the whole color of speaking, such as among the Greeks that Atticism which renders the proper savor of Athens. 108.
Yet, lest I withdraw the judgment of Marsus, a most erudite man, he partitions the serious utterances into three genera: honorific, contumelious, and middle. And for the honorific he sets an example from Cicero’s For Quintus Ligarius before Caesar: “you are accustomed to forget nothing except injuries,” 109. and for the contumelious, that which he wrote to Atticus about Pompey and Caesar: “I have someone to flee; I have no one to follow,” and for the middle, which he calls apophthegmatic +and it is thus when he has said+ that death can be neither grave for a brave man, nor untimely for a consular, nor wretched for a wise man.
All of which are most excellently said, but why they should properly receive the name of urbanity I do not see. 110. But if not only the color of the whole oration, as it seems to me, merits it, but it is also to be attributed to single sayings, I would rather say those are urbane which are of the same kind from which the ridicula are drawn and yet are not ridicula, as it was said of Asinius Pollio, equally accommodated to serious and jocular things, that he was a man of all hours, 111. and of an actor speaking easily ex tempore, that he has his talent in ready coin: also of Pompey, as Marsus reports, against Cicero distrustful of his party: “go over to Caesar; you will fear me.” For it was something which, if it had been said about a lesser matter or with a different spirit or finally not by the man himself, could be numbered among the ridicula.
112. Also that which Cicero wrote to Caerellia, rendering an account of why she tolerated the times of Gaius Caesar so patiently: "these things must be borne either by the spirit of Cato or by Cicero’s stomach"; for that "stomach" has something similar to a jest. These things which I was noting were not to be dissimulated by me: in which, granted that I have erred, yet I have not deceived the reader, a diverse opinion having been indicated as well, which it is free for those who approve it more to follow.
[4] I. Altercationis praecepta poterant videri tunc inchoanda cum omnia quae ad continuam orationem pertinent peregissem: nam est usus eius ordine ultimus; sed cum sit posita in sola inventione neque habere dispositionem possit nec elocutionis ornamenta magnopere desideret aut circa memoriam et pronuntiationem laboret, prius quam secundam quinque partium hanc quae tota ex prima pendet tractaturus non alieno loco videor. Quam scriptores alii fortasse ideo reliquerunt quia satis ceteris praeceptis in hanc quoque videbatur esse prospectum. II. Constat enim aut intentione aut depulsione, de quibus satis traditum est, quia quidquid in actione perpetua circa probationes utile est, idem in hac brevi atque concisa prosit necesse est.
[4] 1. The precepts of altercation might seem then to be begun when I had finished all the things that pertain to a continuous oration: for its use is last in order; but since it is placed in invention alone and can neither have disposition nor greatly desire the ornaments of elocution, nor labor around memory and pronuntiation, before, about to treat the second of the five parts, to handle this which depends wholly on the first, I do not seem to be in an unfitting place. Which other writers perhaps for this reason have left aside, because it seemed that sufficient provision had been made for this also by the other precepts. 2. For it consists either of assertion or of repulsion (defense), about which enough has been handed down, since whatever in continuous pleading concerning proofs is useful, the same in this brief and concise form must necessarily be of use.
Yet, because we have undertaken this work more broadly and a perfect orator cannot be said to exist without this virtue, let us expend a little peculiar labor on this as well, which indeed in certain causes avails very greatly for victory. 4. For just as in the general quality, in which it is asked whether something has been done rightly or the contrary, the continuous oration holds dominion, and actions for the question of definition for the most part sufficiently explicate the issue, and almost everything in which the matter of fact is agreed or is gathered by an artificial reasoning of conjecture: so in those causes—which are most frequent—which are contained either by proofs outside the art alone or by mixed proofs, the struggle in this part is most asperous, nor would you say anywhere else that the fighting is more at the blade’s point. 5. For both each of the firmest points must be inculcated into the judge’s memory, and whatever we promised in the speech must be made good, and the falsehoods must be brought back and exposed: nowhere, in fine, is the one who conducts the inquiry more intent.
And not without merit certain men, although mediocre in speaking, yet by this excellence in altercation have earned the name of patrons. 6. But some, content to have furnished to their litigants only that ambitious sweat of declaiming, leave the benches deserted along with the crowd of applauders, and abandon that decisive battle to the unskilled and often to the black-clad crowd. And so you may see some for the most part in private trials called in for the actions, others for the proof.
7. If these duties must be divided, this one is certainly more necessary, and—shameful to say—if the juniors are of greater use to the litigants. In public trials, certainly, that voice of the crier +besides the patrons+ summons the very man who has conducted the case.
VIII. Opus est igitur in primis ingenio veloci ac mobili, animo praesenti et acri. Non enim cogitandum, sed dicendum statim est et prope sub conatu adversarii manus exigenda.
VIII. There is need, then, in the first place, of a swift and mobile ingenium, and of a present and keen spirit. For it is not for thinking, but for speaking at once, and almost, under the adversary’s very attempt, applause must be exacted.
Wherefore, since in every part of this office it makes very much that we know the cases in their entirety not only diligently but even familiarly, then in altercation it is most necessary to have knowledge of all the persons, documents, times, and places: otherwise we shall often have to be silent, and we must accede to others as they suggest (but for the most part, from a zeal for speaking, they foolishly only give warnings); whence it sometimes happens that, through our credulity, we blush at another’s stupidity. 9. Nor yet will the matter be hidden with these selfsame monitors: certain persons bring it about that we even wrangle openly. For you may see many, inflamed with anger, shouting out, so that the judge may hear that what they advise is the contrary, and that he who is about to pronounce in the case may know the evil that is kept silent.
10. Therefore let the good practitioner of altercation be free from the vice of irascibility; for no affect more obstructs reason, and it for the most part carries one outside the case, and drives one to make and to merit disgraceful contumelies, and sometimes it incites against the judges themselves. Better is moderation, and sometimes even patience; for not only must the things said on the other side be refuted, but they must be despised, made light of, laughed at, and nowhere does urbanity find more room. This, so long as there is order and modesty: against those who disturb, one must dare, and impudence must be stoutly resisted.
11. for there are certain men quite hard‑mouthed in this, such that they drown things out with huge clamor and intercept speeches in the middle and confound everything with tumult; whom, just as we must not imitate, so we ought sharply to repel, both by blunting their improbity and by appealing more frequently to the judges or to the presiding magistrate, so that turns for speaking may be preserved. It is not a matter for a prostrate spirit and a face soft beyond measure; and what is commonly called probity often deceives, when it is weakness. 12.
But in altercation acumen avails very much, which without doubt does not come from art (for nature is not taught), yet it is aided by art. 13. In which the principal thing is always to have before one’s eyes that about which inquiry is being made and what we wish to effect: holding fast to that proposal, we will neither go into wrangling nor wear down the times owed to the cause by reviling, and we will even rejoice if the adversary does this.
XIV. Omnia +tempore+ fere parata sunt meditatis diligenter quae [quid] aut ex adverso dici aut responderi a nobis possunt. Nonnumquam tamen solet hoc quoque esse artis genus, ut quaedam in actione dissimulata subito in altercando proferantur (est inopinatis eruptionibus aut incursioni ex insidiis factae simillimum); id autem tum faciendum est cum (est) aliquid cui responderi non statim possit, potuerit autem si tempus ad disponendum fuisset.
14. Almost everything is, +in time+, prepared by carefully premeditating [what] either can be said from the opposite side or answered by us. Sometimes, however, this too is wont to be a kind of art: that certain things, concealed in the actio, are suddenly brought forth in altercation (it is very like unexpected eruptions or an incursion made from ambush); and this is to be done then when (it is) something to which a reply cannot be made at once, but could have been if there had been time for arranging.
For that which is faithfully firm, it is best to seize upon from the very first actions, so that it may be said more often and for a longer time. 15. That scarcely even seems to need to be prescribed: that the wrangler not be merely turbulent and clamorous, such as for the most part are those who are unlettered. For impudence, although it is troublesome to the adversary, is hateful to the judge.
It also harms to fight long over those matters which you cannot maintain. 16. For when it is necessary to be conquered, it is expedient to yield, because, whether there are more things about which inquiry is made, trust will be easier in the rest; or if it is a single one, a milder penalty is wont to be imposed upon modesty.
XVII. dum stat acies, multi res consilii atque artis est ut errantem adversarium trahas et ire quam longissime cogas, ut vana interim spe exultet. Ideo quaedam bene dissimulantur instrumenta; instant enim et saepe discrimen omne committunt quod deesse nobis putant et faciunt probationibus nostris auctoritatem postulando.
17. while the battle-line stands, much is a matter of counsel and art: to draw along the erring adversary and to compel him to go as far as possible, so that meanwhile he may exult in vain hope. Therefore certain instruments are well dissimulated; for they press on and often risk all the hazard, because they suppose that to be lacking to us, and by demanding proofs they confer authority upon our proofs.
18. It is expedient also to give something to the adversary which he may think to be for himself, which, on seizing, he is compelled to let go of something greater: meanwhile to propose two matters, of which whichever he is going to elect, he will elect ill; which is done more powerfully in altercation than in action, because in the former we ourselves answer for us, in the latter we hold the adversary as if confessed. 19.
It is among the first marks of the acute to see by what utterance the judge is moved, what he rejects: which is most often detected both by his countenance and sometimes also by some word or deed of his. And one ought to press upon the points that are making progress, and from those that do not help to withdraw one’s foot as gently as possible. Physicians do this too, so that they likewise persist in applying remedies, or cease, as they see those being received.
20. Sometimes, if it is not easy to unravel the proposed matter, another question must be brought in, and toward it the judge, if it can be done, must be called away. For what, indeed, when you cannot respond, is to be done except that you find something else to which the adversary cannot respond? 21.
Exercitatio vero huius rei longe facilior. Nam est utilissimum frequenter cum aliquo qui sit studiorum eorundem sumere materiam vel verae vel etiam fictae controversiae et diversas partes altercationis modo tueri: quod idem etiam in simplici genere quaestionum fieri potest. XXII.
But the exercise of this matter is far easier. For it is most useful frequently, with someone who is of the same studies, to take up a subject either of a real or even a fictitious controversy and to maintain in turn the different parts of the altercation: the same thing can also be done in the simple kind of questions. 22.
Nor do I wish the advocate to be ignorant of this either: in what order each piece of proof is to be brought forward before the judge; in which matter the same rationale holds as in arguments, namely that the most powerful be set first and last; for those prepare the judge to believe, these to pronounce judgment.
[5] I. His pro nostra facultate tractatis non dubitassem transire protinus ad dispositionem, quae ordine ipso sequitur, nisi vererer ne, quoniam fuerunt qui iudicium inventioni subiungerent, praeterisse hunc locum quibusdam viderer: qui mea quidem opinione adeo partibus operis huius omnibus conexus ac mixtus est ut ne a sententiis quidem aut verbis saltem singulis possit separari, nec magis arte traditur quam gustus aut odor. II. Ideoque nos quid in quaque re sequendum cavendumque sit docemus ac deinceps docebimus, ut ad ea iudicium derigatur. Praecipiam igitur ne quod effici non potest adgrediamur, ut contraria vitemus et communia, ne quid in eloquendo corruptum obscurum sit?
[5] 1. With these matters handled according to our ability, I would not have hesitated to pass straight on to disposition, which follows in the order itself, unless I feared that, since there have been those who subjoin judgment to invention, I might seem to some to have passed over this place: which, in my opinion, is so connected and mingled with all the parts of this work that it cannot be separated even from the sentences, or even from single words, nor is it conveyed by art any more than taste or odor. 2. And therefore we teach, and will hereafter teach, what in each matter is to be followed and what is to be avoided, so that judgment may be directed to these things. I will prescribe, then, that we not attempt what cannot be effected, that we avoid contraries and commonplaces, lest anything in speaking be corrupt or obscure?
III. Nec multum a iudicio credo distare consilium, nisi quod illud ostendentibus se rebus adhibetur, hoc latentibus et aut omnino nondum repertis aut dubiis: et iudicium frequentissime certum est, consilium vero ratio est quaedam alte petita et plerumque plura perpendens et comparans habensque in se et inventionem et iudicationem. IV. Sed ne de hoc quidem praecepta in universum exspectanda sunt: nam ex re sumitur; cuius locus ante actionem est frequenter (nam Cicero summo consilio videtur in Verrem vel contrahere tempora dicendi maluisse quam in eum annum quo erat Q. Hortensius consul futurus incidere),V. et in ipsis actionibus primum ac potentissimum optinet locum: nam quid dicendum, quid tacendum, quid differendum sit exigere consilii est: negare sit satius an defendere, ubi prohoemio utendum et quali, narrandumne et quo modo, iure prius pugnandum an aequo, qui sit ordo utilissimus, tum omnes colores, aspere an leniter an etiam summisse loqui expediat.
III. Nor do I believe counsel differs much from judgment, except that the latter is applied to things showing themselves, the former to things lying hidden and either not yet found at all or doubtful: and judgment is most frequently certain, whereas counsel is a certain reasoning fetched from deep sources and for the most part weighing and comparing more things and having in itself both invention and judicatio. IV. But not even about this are precepts to be looked for universally: for it is taken from the matter; whose place is often before the action (for Cicero, with the highest counsel, seems in the case against Verres to have preferred either to contract the times of speaking rather than to fall into that year in which Q. Hortensius was going to be consul), V. and in the actions themselves it holds the first and most powerful place: for to determine what must be said, what kept silent, what deferred, is a matter of counsel: whether it is preferable to deny or to defend, where a prooemium is to be used and of what kind, whether there is to be a narration and in what manner, whether one should fight first by law or by equity, what order is most useful; then all the colors—whether it is expedient to speak harshly or gently or even submissively.
6. But these matters too we have admonished as each occasion has allowed, and we shall do the same in the remaining part; nevertheless I will set down a few things for example’s sake, by which it may appear more manifestly what it is that I do not think can be demonstrated by precepts. 7. The counsel of Demosthenes is praised, because, when he was urging war upon the Athenians, who had experienced it with too little prosperity, he showed by reasoning that nothing had yet been done: for negligence could be corrected; but if nothing had been erred, there was no ground of better hope for the future.
8. Likewise, when he feared offense if he should upbraid the people’s sluggishness in asserting the commonwealth’s liberty, he preferred to use the praise of the ancestors, who had most bravely administered the commonwealth; for he both had receptive ears, and it followed by nature that, as they approved the better, they would repent of the worse. 9. Indeed, even Cicero’s single Oration Pro Cluentio will suffice for however many examples.
For what counsel in him should I most admire? The first exposition, by which he removed credit from the mother, whose authority was pressing upon her son? Or that he preferred to transfer the charge of a corrupted judgment onto the adversary rather than to deny it, on account of the inveterate, as he himself says, infamy?
10. that he did not recount it before he had freed the defendant from all prejudgments? that he turned the odium for the ambush upon Clodius, although in very truth the fight had been fortuitous? that he both praised the deed and yet removed it from the will of Milo?
that he did not grant him entreaties and in their place himself stepped in? It is infinite to enumerate how he detracted Cotta’s authority, how he set himself in opposition on behalf of Ligarius, how by the very confidence of confession he snatched Cornelius away. 11. This I have enough to say: that there is nothing, not only in orating but in the whole of life, prior to counsel, and that the other arts are handed down in vain without it, and that prudence accomplishes more even without doctrine than doctrine does without prudence.