Historia Augusta: Divus Aurelianus

I. 1 Hilaribus, quibus omnia festa et fieri debere scimus et dici, impletis sollemnibus vehiculo suo me et iudiciali carpento praef. urbis, vir inlustris ac praefata reverentia nominandus, Iunius Tiberianus accepit. 2 Ibi cum animus a causis atque a negotiis publicis solutus ac liber vacaret, sermonem multum a Palatio usque ad hortos Varianos instituit et in eo praecipue de vita principum.

1. 1 On the Hilaria, on which we know that all things ought to be festive both to be done and to be said, when the solemnities had been completed, the Prefect of the City took me up into his own conveyance, the judicial carriage—a man illustrious and to be named with the aforesaid reverence—Junius Tiberianus received me. 2 There, when the mind, released and free from cases and public business, was at leisure, he initiated much conversation from the Palatine all the way to the Varian Gardens, and in it especially about the life of the princes (emperors).

3 Cumque ad templum Solis venissemus ab Aureliano principe consecratum, quod ipse non nihilum ex eius origine sanguinem duceret, quaesivit a me, quis vitam eius in litteras rettulisset. 4 Cui cum ego respondissem neminem a me Latinorum, Graecorum aliquos lectitatos, dolorem gemitus sui vir sanctus per haec verba profundit: 5 "ergo Thersiten, Sinonem ceteraque illa prodigia vetustatis et nos bene scimus et posteri frequentabunt: divum Aurelianum, clarissimum principem, severissimum imperatorem, per quem totus Romano nomini orbis est restitutus, posteri nescient? Deus avertat hanc amentiam.

3 And when we had come to the Temple of the Sun, consecrated by the princeps Aurelian—since he himself drew not a little blood from its origin—he asked me who had committed his life to letters. 4 When I replied that none of the Latins had, though some Greeks I had read a little, the holy man poured out the pain of his groans in these words: 5 "So then Thersites, Sinon, and those other prodigies of antiquity both we know well and posterity will frequent; but the deified Aurelian, a most illustrious princeps, a most severe imperator, through whom the whole world was restored to the Roman name, will posterity not know? May God avert this madness."

6 Et tamen, si bene novi, ephemeridas illius viri scriptas habemus. Etiam bella charactere historico digesta, quae velim accipias et per ordinem scribas, additis quae ad vitam pertinent. 7 Quae omnia ex libris linteis, in quibus ipse cotidiana sua scribi praeceperat, pro tua sedulitate condisces.

6 And yet, if I know well, we have that man’s ephemerides written. Also the wars, digested in an historical character, which I would have you receive and write in order, with things added which pertain to the life. 7 All these you will learn from the linen books, in which he himself had commanded his quotidian matters to be written, in keeping with your sedulity.

Curabo autem, ut tibi ex Ulpia bibliotheca et libri lintei proferantur. 8 Tu velim Aurelianum ita ut est, quatenus potes, in litteras mittas." 9 Parui, mi Piniane, praeceptis, accepi libros Graecos et omnia mihi necessaria in manum sumpsi, ex quibus ea, quae digna erant memoratu, in unum libellum contuli. 10 Tu velim meo muneri boni consulas et, si hoc contentus non fueris, lectites Graecos, linteos etiam libros requiras, quos Ulpia tibi bibliotheca, cum volueris, ministrabit.

Moreover, I will see to it that for you from the Ulpian Library even the linen books are brought forth. 8 You, please, commit Aurelian to letters just as he is, so far as you can." 9 I obeyed, my Pinianus, the precepts; I received the Greek books and took into hand everything necessary for me, from which I have gathered into one little book those things that were worthy of remembrance. 10 You, please, look favorably upon my gift, and, if you are not content with this, read through the Greek books, and even seek out the linen books, which the Ulpian Library will supply to you whenever you wish.

II. 1 Et quoniam sermo nobis de Trebellio Pollione, qui a duobus Philippis usque ad divum Claudium et eius fratrem Quintillium imperatores tam claros quam obscuros memoriae prodidit, in eodem vehiculo fuit adserente Tiberiano, quod Pollio multa incuriose, multa breviter prodidisset, me contra dicente neminem scriptorum, quantum ad historiam pertinet, non aliquid esse mentium, prodente quin etiam, in quo Livius, in quo Trogus manifestis testibus convincerentur, pedibus in sententiam transitum faciens ac manum porrigens iocando[m] praeterea: 2 "scribe", inquit, "ut libet. Securus, quod velis, dices, habiturus mendaciorum comites, quos historicae eloquentiae miramur auctores."

2. 1 And since we had a conversation about Trebellius Pollio—who from the two Philips down to the deified Claudius and his brother Quintillus handed down to memory emperors as well illustrious as obscure—in the same vehicle, with Tiberianus asserting that Pollio had reported many things carelessly and many briefly, I, on the contrary, saying that none of the writers, so far as it pertains to history, is not in some respect lying, even producing wherein Livy, wherein Trogus are convicted by manifest witnesses, he, passing over to my opinion and stretching out his hand, joking besides, said: 2 “Write, as you please. Secure, you will say what you wish, destined to have as companions in mendacity those whom we admire as authors of historical eloquence.”

III. 1 Ac ne multa et frivola proemiis odiosus intexam, divus Aurelianus ortus, ut plures loquuntur, Sirmii familia obscuriore, ut nonnulli, Dacia ripensi. 2 Ego autem legisse me memini auctorem,qui eum Moesia genitum praedicaret.

3. 1 And lest I, odious, interweave many and frivolous things in the proems, the deified Aurelian was born, as more people say, at Sirmium, of a rather obscure family; as some say, in Riparian Dacia. 2 I, however, remember to have read an author who proclaimed him born in Moesia.

Et evenit quidem, ut de eorum virorum genitali solo nesciatur, qui humiliore loco et ipsi plerumque solum genitale confingunt, ut dent posteritati de locorum splendore fulgorem. 3 Nec tamen magnorum principum in rebus summa sciendi est, ubi quisque sit genitus, sed qualis in re p. fuerit. 4 An Platonem magis commendat, quod Atheniensis fuerit quam quod unicum sapientiae munus inluxerit?

And indeed it comes about that the native soil of those men is unknown, who, being of a humbler station, themselves for the most part fabricate a natal soil, so that they may give to posterity a luster from the splendor of places. 3 Nor, however, in the case of great princes, is the chief point of knowledge where each was born, but what sort of man he was in the commonwealth. 4 Does Plato receive greater commendation from having been an Athenian than from the unique gift of wisdom having shone forth?

5 Aut eo minores invenientur Aristoteles Stragirites Eleatesque Zenon aut Anacharsis Scytha, quod in niminis nati sint viculis, cum illos ad caelum omnis philosophiae virtus extulerit?

5 Or for that reason will Aristotle the Stagirite, and Zeno the Eleate, or Anacharsis the Scythian be found the lesser, because they were born in very tiny hamlets, when the virtue of all philosophy has lifted them to heaven?

IV. 1 Atque ut ad ordinem redeam, Aurelianus modicis ortus parentibus, a prima aetate ingenio vivacissimus, viribus clarus, nullum umquam diem praetermisit, quamvis festum, quamvis vacantem, quo non se pilo et sagittis ceterisque armorum exerceret officiis. 2 Matrem quidem eius Callicrates Tyrius, Graecorum longe doctissimus scriptor, sacerdotem templi Solis (i)nvi in vico eo, in quo habitabant parentes, fuisse dicit. 3 Habuisse quin etiam non nihilum divinationis, adeo ut aliquando marito suo iurgans ingesserit, cum eius et stultitiam increparet et vilitatem: "en imperatoris patrem." Ex quo constat illam mulierem scisse fatalia.

4. 1 And so, to return to the order, Aurelian, born of modest parents, from his earliest age most quick of wit, renowned for strength, never let a single day pass—though a feast day, though a free day—on which he did not exercise himself with the pilum (javelin) and arrows and the other offices of arms. 2 His mother, indeed, Callicrates the Tyrian, by far the most learned writer of the Greeks, says was a priestess of the temple of Sol Invictus in the vicus where his parents lived. 3 She even had no small share of divination, to such a degree that once, quarreling with her husband, she threw this in his face, while reproaching both his foolishness and his cheapness: “behold the father of an emperor.” Whence it is clear that that woman knew the things decreed by fate.

4 Idem dicit auspicia imperii Aureliano haec fuisse: primum pueri eius pelvem serpentem plerumque cinxisse neque umquam occidi potuisse, postremo ipsam matrem, quae hoc viderat, serpentem quasi familiarem occidere noluisse. 5 His accedit quod ex palliolo purpureo, quod Soli sui temporis imperator optulerat, sacerdos mulier crepundia filio fecisse perhibetur. 6 Addit etiam illud, quod vinctum fasceola Aurelianum aquila innoxie de cunis levaverit et in aram posuerit, quae iuxta sacellum forte sine ignibus erat.

4 The same man says that the auspices of Aurelian’s empire were these: first, that a serpent for the most part encircled the child’s basin and could never be killed; finally, that the mother herself, who had seen this, was unwilling to kill the serpent as if it were a household familiar. 5 To these there is added that from a little purple mantle, which the emperor of her time had offered to Sol, the priest-woman is reported to have made crepundia (little rattles/amulets) for her son. 6 He also adds this, that Aurelian, bound with a swaddling-band, an eagle harmlessly lifted from the cradle and placed upon the altar, which, next to the little shrine, happened by chance to be without fires.

7 Idem auctor est vitulum matri eius natum mirae magnitudinis, candidum sed purpurantibus maculis, ita ut haberet in latere uno "ave" et in alio coronam.

7 The same author asserts that a calf of wondrous magnitude was born to his mother, white but with purpurine spots, such that it had on one side "ave" and on the other a crown.

V. 1 Multa superflua in eodem legisse memini; quippe qui adseveret etiam rosas in eiusdem mulieris chorte nato Aureliano ex[s]isse purpureas, odoris rosei, floris aurei. 2 Fuerunt et postea multa omina iam militanti futuri, ut res monstravit, imperii. 3 Nam ingrediente eo Antiochiam in vehiculo, quod prae vulnere tunc equo sedere non posset, ita pallium purpureum,quod in honore eius pansum fuerat, decidit, ut umeros eius tegeret.

5. 1 I remember that I read many superfluous things in the same ; indeed he asserts that even roses had sprung up in the courtyard of the same woman when Aurelian was born, purple, of rose-scent, with a golden blossom. 2 There were also afterward many omens, for him already soldiering, of a future empire, as the event showed. 3 For as he was entering Antioch in a vehicle, because on account of a wound he could not then sit a horse, the purple cloak which had been spread out in his honor so fell as to cover his shoulders.

4 Et cum in equum transire vellet, quia invidiosum tunc erat vehiculis in civitate uti, equus est ei imperatoris adplicitus, cui per festinationem insedit. Sed ubi comperit, semet ad suum transtulit. 5 Data est ei praeterea, cum legatus ad Persas isset, patera, qualis solet imperatori dari a rege Persarum,in qua insculptus erat Sol eo habitu, quo colebatur ab eo templo, in quo mater eius fuerat sacerdos.

4 And when he wished to mount a horse, because it was invidious at that time to use vehicles in the city, the emperor’s horse was brought up to him, upon which in his haste he sat. But when he found this out, he transferred himself to his own. 5 Moreover, when he had gone as legate to the Persians, a patera was given to him, of the kind that is accustomed to be given to the emperor by the king of the Persians,in which the Sun was insculpted in that habit in which he was worshipped in that temple, in which his mother had been a priestess.

6 Donatus eidem etiam elefantus praecipuus, quem ille imperatori optulit, solusque omnium privatus Aurelianus elefanti dominus fuit.

6 A most preeminent elephant was likewise donated to him, which he offered to the emperor, and he alone of all, Aurelian as a private person, was the owner of an elephant.

VI. 1 Sed ut haec et talia omittamus, fuit decorus ad gratiam, viriliter speciosus, statura procerior, nervis validissimis, vini et cibi paulo cupidior, libidinis rarae, severitatis inmensae, disciplinae singularis, gladii exserendi cupidus. 2 Nam cum essent in exercitu duo Aureliani tribuni, hic et alius, qui cum Valeriano captus est, huic signum exercitus adposuerat "manu ad ferrum", ut si forte quaereretur, quis Aurelianus aliquid vel fecisset vel gessisset, suggereretur "Aurelianus manu ad ferrum" atque cognosceretur. 3 Privatim huius multa extant egregia facinora.

6. 1 But so that we may omit these things and the like, he was comely to winning favor, manfully handsome, rather tall in stature, with very mighty sinews, somewhat more desirous of wine and food, of rare libido, of immense severity, of singular discipline, eager to draw the sword. 2 For since there were in the army two Aureliani as tribunes, this man and another, who was captured with Valerian, the army had affixed to this one the sign “hand to the steel,” so that, if by chance it were asked which Aurelian had either done or managed something, it might be suggested “Aurelian, hand to the steel,” and he be recognized. 3 In private life many distinguished exploits of this man stand forth.

Nam erumpentes Sarmates in Illyrico cum trecentis praesidiariis solus adtrivit. 4 Refert Theoclius, Caesareanorum temporum scriptor, Aurelianum manu sua bello Sarmatico una die quadraginta et octo interfecisse, plurimis autem et diversis diebus ultra nongentos quinquaginta, adeo ut etiam ballistia pueri et saltatiunculas <in> Aurelianum tales {componerent}, quibus diebus festis militariter saltitarent:

For he alone ground down the Sarmatians bursting forth in Illyricum with three hundred garrison-soldiers. 4 Theoclius, a writer of the times of the Caesars, reports that Aurelian with his own hand in the Sarmatic war slew in one day 48, and on very many and various days over 950, so that even boys’ chants and little dances about Aurelian were composed of such a kind, which on feast days they would dance in military fashion:

5 Mille mille mille decollavimus.
Unus homo! mille decollavimus.
Mille bibat qui mille occidit.
Tantum vini nemo habet, quantum fudit sanguinis.

5 A thousand, a thousand, a thousand we have beheaded.
One man! we have beheaded a thousand.
Mille let him drink who has killed a thousand.
No one has so much wine as he has poured of blood.

6 Haec video esse perfrivola, sed quia supra scriptus auctor ita eadem ut sunt Latina suis scriptis inseruit, tacenda esse non credidi.

6 I see these things to be very frivolous, but because the above-written author thus inserted the same things, as they are, in Latin, into his writings, I did not think they ought to be kept silent.

VII. 1 Idem apud Mogontiacum tribunus legionis sextae Gallicanae Francos inruentes, cum vagarentur per totam Galliam, sic adflixit, ut trecentos ex his captos septingentis interemptis sub corona vendiderit. 2 Unde iterum de eo facta est cantilena:

7. 1 The same man, at Mogontiacum, as tribune of the Sixth Gallic legion, so struck down the Franks as they were roaming through all Gaul, that he sold 300 of them—taken captive, with 700 slain—at auction. 2 Whence again about him a chant was made:

Mille Sarmates, mille Francos semel et semel occidimus,
mille Persas quaerimus.

We slew a thousand Sarmatians, a thousand Franks, once and once;
we seek a thousand Persians.

3 Hic autem [ut supra] militibus ita timori fuit, ut sub eo, posteaquam semel cum ingenti severitate castrensia peccata correxit, nemo peccaverit. 4 Solus denique omnium militem, qui adulterium cum hospitis uxore commiserat, ita punivit, ut duarum arborum capita inflecteret, ad pedes militis deligaret easdemque subito dimitteret, ut scissus ille utrimque penderet, quae res ingentem timorem omnibus fecit. 5 Huius epistola militaris est ad vicarium suum data huius modi: "si vis tribunus esse, immo si vis vivere, manus militum contine.

3 He, however, [as above] was such a terror to the soldiers that under him, after he had once corrected camp offenses with immense severity, no one committed a fault. 4 He alone, in fine, of all men punished a soldier who had committed adultery with his host’s wife in such a way that he bent down the tops of two trees, tied them to the soldier’s feet, and suddenly released them, so that he, split asunder, hung apart on both sides—a thing which caused enormous fear to all. 5 Of his there is a military letter given to his vicarius of this kind: "if you wish to be a tribune, nay if you wish to live, contain the hands of the soldiers.

Nemo pullum alienum rapiat, ovem nemo contingat. Uvam nullus auferat, segetem nemo deterat, oleum, salem, lignum nemo exigat, annona sua contentus sit. De praeda hostis, non de lacrimis provincialium habeant.

No one is to seize another’s chick; let no one touch a sheep. Let no one carry off a grape; let no one strip the standing grain; let no one exact oil, salt, or wood—let him be content with his own rations. Let them have from the spoils of the enemy, not from the tears of the provincials.

6 Arma tersa sint, ferramenta samiata, calciamenta fortia. Vestis nova vestem veterem excludat. Stipendium in balteo, non in popina habeat.

6 Let arms be polished, iron implements scoured with Samian earth, and footwear sturdy. Let new clothing exclude the old garment. Let him keep his stipend in his belt, not in the tavern.

7 Torquem, brachialem, anulum adponat. Equum et sagmarium suum defricet, capitum animalis non vendat, mulum centuriatum communiter curent. 8 Alter alteri quasi &l;tdom>in<o>, nemo quasi servus obsequatur, a medicis gratis curentur, haruspicibus nihil dent, in hospitiis caste se agant, qui litem fecerit, vapulet."

7 Let him put on a torque, an armlet, a ring. Let him rub down his horse and his own pack-beast; let him not sell the heads of animals; let them jointly care for the centuriated mule. 8 Let each to each behave as if to <dom>in<o>, let no one behave obsequiously as a slave; let them be treated by physicians free of charge; let them give nothing to the haruspices; let them conduct themselves chastely in lodgings; whoever makes a quarrel, let him be flogged."

VIII. 1 Inveni nuper in Ulpia bibliotheca inter linteos libros epistolam divi Valeriani de Aureliani principe scriptam. Ad verbum, ut decebat, inserui.

8. 1 I found recently in the Ulpian Library among the linen books a letter of the deified Valerian written about the princeps Aurelian. Verbatim, as was fitting, I have inserted it.

2 "Valerianus Augustus Antonino Gallo consuli. Culpa me familiaribus litteris, quod Postumo filium meum Gallienum magis quam Aureliano commiserim, cum utique severiori et puer credendus fuerit et exercitus. Ne tu id iustius iudicabis, si bene scieris, quantae sit Aurelianus severitatis: 3 nimius est, multus est, gravis est et ad nostra iam non facit tempora.

2 "Valerian Augustus to Antoninus Gallus, consul. Blame me in familiar letters, because I have entrusted my son Gallienus to Postumus rather than to Aurelian, since assuredly both the boy and the army ought to have been entrusted to the more severe man. You will judge that more justly, if you know well of what severity Aurelian is: 3 he is excessive, he is too much, he is grave, and he now does not suit our times.

4 Testor autem omnes deos me etiam timuisse, ne quid etiam erga filium meum severius [si quid] ille fecisset, cum—ut est natura pronus ad ludicra—levius cogitaret." 5 Haec epistula indicat, quantae fuerit severitatis, ut illum Valerianus etiam timuisse se dicat.

4 I call all the gods to witness that I too was afraid, lest he even do anything too severe toward my son, [if anything] he had done, since—as he is by nature prone to play—the matter he would think more lightly." 5 This letter indicates of how great a severity he was, so that Valerian even says that he feared him.

IX. 1 Eiusdem Valeriani alia est epistola, quae laudes illius continet. Quam ego ex scriniis praefecturae urbanae protuli. Nam illi Romam venienti slaria sui ordinis sunt decreta.

9. 1 Another letter of the same Valerian exists, which contains his praises. I produced it from the archives of the Urban Prefecture. For to him, on his coming to Rome, the stipends of his order were decreed.

Exemplum epistulae: 2 "Valerianus Augustus Ceionio Albino praefecto urbi. Vellemus quidem singulis quibusque devotissimis rei p. viris multo maiora defferre compendia, quam eorum dignitas postulat, maxime ubi honorem vita commendat—debet enim quid praeter dignitatem pretium esse meritorum -, sed facit rigor publicus, ut accipere de provinciarum inlationibus ultra ordinis sui gradum nemo plus possit. 3 Aurelianum, fortissimum virum, ad inspicienda et ordinanda castra omnia destinavimus, cui tantum a nobis atque ab omni re p, communi totius exercitus confessione debetur, ut digna illo vix aliqua vel nimis magna sint munera.

Example of the letter: 2 "Valerianus Augustus to Ceionius Albinus, prefect of the city. We indeed would wish to confer upon each and every most devoted man of the commonwealth far greater emoluments than his dignity requires, especially where life commends honor—for there ought to be, besides dignity, a price for merits—, but public strictness brings it about that, from the contributions of the provinces, no one can receive more than the grade of his own order. 3 We have appointed Aurelian, a most brave man, to inspect and set in order all the camps, to whom so much is owed by us and by the whole commonwealth, by the common acknowledgment of the entire army, that gifts worthy of him scarcely exist, or else are excessively great."

4 Quid enim in illo non clarum? Quid non Corvinis et Scipionibus conferendum? Ille liberator Illyrici, ille Galliarum restitutor, ille dux magni toti[u]s exempli.

4 What in him is not illustrious? What not to be compared with the Corvini and the Scipios? He, the liberator of Illyricum, he, the restorer of the Gauls, he, a leader of the greatest example to all.

Et tamen nihil praeterea possum addere tanto viro ad muneris gratiam—<non> patitur sobrie et bene geranda res p. 6 Quare sinceritas tua, mi parens carissime, supra dicto viro ad[f]iciet, quamdiu Romae fuerit, panes militares mundo sedecim, panes militares castrenses quadraginta, vini mensalis sextarios quadraginta, porcellum dimidium, gallinaceos duos, porcinae ponda triginta, bubulae pondo quadraginta, olei sextarium unum et item [olei sextarium unum] liquaminios sextarium unum, salis sextarium unum, herbarum, holerum quantum sat est. 7 Sane quoniam ei aliquid praecipue decernendum est, quamdiu Romae fuerit, pabula extra ordinem decernes, ipsi autem ad sumptus aureos Antoninianos diurnos binos, argenteos Philippeos minutulos quinquagenos, aeris denarios centum. Reliqua per praefectos aerarii praebebuntur."

And yet I can add nothing further to so great a man for the favor of the office—<not> does the res publica, to be conducted soberly and well, permit. 6 Therefore your Sincerity, my dearest parent, will assign to the above-said man, for as long as he shall be at Rome, military loaves, clean, 16; military loaves, camp-issue, 40; table wine, 40 sextarii; half a piglet; 2 cocks; pork, 30 pounds; beef, 40 pounds; oil, 1 sextarius, and likewise [oil, 1 sextarius] fish-sauce (liquamen), 1 sextarius; salt, 1 sextarius; herbs, vegetables, as much as is sufficient. 7 Surely, since something is to be decreed for him especially, for as long as he shall be at Rome, you will decree fodder outside the order; and for his own expenses, 2 Antoninian gold pieces daily, 50 minute Philippean silvers, 100 bronze denarii. The rest will be supplied through the prefects of the treasury."

X. 1 Frivola haec fortassis cuipiam et nimis levia esse videantur, sed curiositas nil recusat. 2 Habuit ergo multos ducatus, plurimos tribunatus, vicarias ducum et tribunorum diversis temporibus prope quadraginta, usque adeo etiam Ulpii Criniti, qui se de Traiani genere referebat, et fortissimi re vera viri et traiani simillimi, qui pictus est cum eodem Aureliano in templo Solis, quem valerianus Caesaris loco habere instituerat, vicem sumeret, exercitum duceret, limitem restitueret, praedam militibus daret, Thrachias bubus, equis, mancipiis captis locupletaret, manubias in Palatio conlocaret, quingentos servos, duo milia vaccarum, equas mille, ovium decem milia, caprearum quindecim in privatam villam Valeriani congereret, 3 tunc cum Ulpius Crinitus publice apud Byzantium sedenti Valeriano in thermis egit gratias dicens magnum de se iudicium habitum, quod eidem vicarium Aurelianum dedisset. Quare eum statuit adrogare.

10. 1 These things may perhaps seem to someone frivolous and too light, but curiosity refuses nothing. 2 Accordingly, he held many ducal commands, very many tribuneships, vicariates of dukes and tribunes at different times, nearly 40; to such a degree, indeed, that he would even take the place of Ulpius Crinitus—who claimed that he was of the stock of Trajan, and was in truth a most brave man and very similar to Trajan, who is painted with that same Aurelian in the Temple of the Sun—whom Valerian had resolved to hold in the position of Caesar: he would take his turn, lead the army, restore the frontier, give booty to the soldiers, enrich the Thracians with captured oxen, horses, and slaves, set the spoils in the Palace, heap up in Valerian’s private villa 500 slaves, 2,000 cows, 1,000 mares, 10,000 sheep, 15 she-goats; 3 then, when Ulpius Crinitus publicly at Byzantium gave thanks to Valerian, seated in the baths, saying that a great judgment had been made concerning him, because he had given Aurelian to him as a vicarius, therefore he decided to adopt him.

XI. 1 Interest epistolas nosse de Aureliano scriptas et ipsam adrogationem. Epistula Valeriani ad Aurelianum: "Si esset alius, Aureliane iucundissime, qui Ulpii Criniti vicem posset implere, tecum de eius virtute ac sedulitate cinferrem; nunc te cum requirere potuissem, suscipe bellum a parte Nicopolis, ne nobis aegritudo Criniti obsit. 2 Fac, quidquid potes.

CHAPTER 11. 1 It matters to know the letters written about Aurelian and the arrogation itself. Letter of Valerian to Aurelian: "If there were another, most delightful Aurelian, who could fill the place of Ulpius Crinitus, I would discuss with you his manly worth and diligence; as it is, since I could have sought <no better> than you, take up the war from the Nicopolis sector, lest our grief for Crinitus harm us. 2 Do whatever you can."

Multa non dico: in tua erit potestate militiae magisterium. 3 Habes sagittarios Ityraeos trecentos, Armenios sescentos, Arabas centum quinquaginta, Saracenos ducentos, Mesopotamenos auxiliares quadringentos; 4 habes legionem tertiam Felicem et equites catafractarios octingentos. Tecum erit Hariomundus, Haldagates, Hildomundus, Carioviscus.

I will not say many things: the magistery of the military will be in your power. 3 You have Ituraean archers, 300; Armenians, 600; Arabs, 150; Saracens, 200; Mesopotamian auxiliaries, 400; 4 you have the Third Legion Felix and cataphract horsemen, 800. With you will be Hariomundus, Haldagates, Hildomundus, Carioviscus.

5 Commeatus a praefectis necessarius in opmnibus castris est constitutus. 6 Tuum est pro virtutibus tuis atque sollertia illic hiemalia et aestiva disponere, ubi tibi nihil deerit, quaerere praeterea, ubi carrago sit hostium, et vere scire, quanti qualesque sint, ut non in vanum aut annona consum[m]atur aut tela iaciantur, in quibus res bellica constituta est. 7 Ego de te tantum deo favente spero, quantum de Traiano, si viveret, posset sperare res p.; neque enim minor est, in cuius locum vicemque te legi.

5 A necessary supply-convoy has been established by the prefects in all the camps. 6 It is yours, in accordance with your virtues and your skill, to dispose there winter quarters and summer quarters, where nothing will be lacking to you; besides, to seek where the baggage-train of the enemy is, and to know truly how many and of what sort they are, so that neither in vain either the annona be consumed or missiles be cast, upon which the business of war is founded. 7 I hope of you, with God favoring, as much as the commonwealth could hope of Trajan, if he were living; for you are not inferior to him, in whose place and stead I have chosen you.

8 Consulatum cum eodem Ulpio Crinito in annum sequentem a die undecimo kal. Iuniarum in locum Gallieni et Valeriani sperare te convenit sumptu publico. 9 Levanda est enim paupertas eorum hominum, qui diu in re p. viventes pauperes sunt, et nullorum magis." 10 His quoque litteris indicatur, quantus fuerit Aurelianus; et re vera, neque enim quisquam aliquando ad summam rerum pervenit, qui non a prima aetate gradibus virtutis ascenderit.

8 It is fitting that you hope for the consulship with that same Ulpius Crinitus for the following year, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June (May 22), in place of Gallienus and Valerian, at public expense. 9 For the poverty of those men who, living long in the republic, are poor must be alleviated, and of none more." 10 By these letters too it is indicated how great Aurelian was; and in truth, for no one ever has reached the summit of affairs who did not from his earliest age ascend by the steps of virtue.

XII. 1 Litterae de consulatu: "Valeriano, cui consulatum detulimus ob paupertatem, qua ille magnus est, ceteris maior, dabis ad editionem circensium aureos Antoninianos trecentos, argenteos Philippeos minutulos tria milia, in aere sestertium quinquagies, tunicas multicias viriles decem, lineas Aegyptias viginti, mantelia Cypria paria duo, tapetia Afra decem, stragula Maura decem, porcos centum, oves centum. 2 Convivium autem publicum edi iubebis senatoribus equitibus Romanis, hostias maiores duas, minores quattuor." 3 Et quoniam etiam de adrogatione aliqua me dixeram positurum, quae ad tantum principem pertinerent, 4 quaeso, ne odiosior verbosiorve in ea re videar, quam fidei causa inserendam credidi ex libris Acholi, qui magister admissionum Valeriani principis fuit, libro actorum eius nono:

12. 1 A letter on the consulship: "To Valerian, upon whom we have conferred the consulship on account of poverty—in which he is great, greater than the rest—you shall give for the edition of the circus-games three hundred Antoninian gold pieces, three thousand small Philippian silver pieces, in bronze to the amount of five million sesterces, ten multiciae men’s tunics, twenty Egyptian linens, two pairs of Cyprian tablecloths, ten African tapestries, ten Moorish coverlets, a hundred pigs, a hundred sheep. 2 And you shall order a public banquet to be given for the senators and Roman equestrians, with two greater and four lesser sacrificial victims." 3 And since I had said that I would also set down some adrogation which pertained to so great a prince, 4 I beg, let me not seem more odious or more wordy in this matter than what I believed should be inserted for the sake of credibility from the books of Acholus, who was master of admissions of the emperor Valerian, from his ninth book of acts:

XIII. 1 Cum consedisset Valerianus Augustus in thermis apud Byzantium, praesente exercitu, praesente etiam officio Palatino, adsidentibus Nummio Tusco consule ordinario, Baebio Macro praefecto praet., Quinto Ancario praeside orientis, adsidentibus etiam a parte laeva Avulnio Saturnino Scythici limitis duce et Murrentio Mauricio ad Aegyptum destinato et Iulio Tryphone orientalis limitis duce et Maecio Brundisino praefecto annonae orientis et Ulpi[ci]o Crinito duce Illyriciani limitis et Thracici et Fulvio Boio duce Raetici limitis Valerianus Augustus dixit: 2"gratias tibi agit, Aureliane, res p., quod eam a Gothorum potestate liberasti. Abundamus per te praeda, abundamus gloria et his omnibus, quibus Romana felicitas crescit.

13. 1 When Valerian Augustus had taken his seat in the baths at Byzantium, with the army present, with the Palatine Office also present, with Nummius Tuscus, ordinary consul, sitting beside, Baebius Macro, praetorian prefect, Quintus Ancarius, praeses of the East, also sitting on the left side Avulnius Saturninus, dux of the Scythian frontier, and Murrentius Mauricius, assigned to Egypt, and Julius Trypho, dux of the eastern frontier, and Maecius Brundisinus, prefect of the grain-supply of the East, and Ulpi[ci]us Crinitus, dux of the Illyrian and Thracian frontier, and Fulvius Boius, dux of the Raetian frontier, Valerian Augustus said: 2"The Republic gives thanks to you, Aurelian, because you have freed it from the power of the Goths. We abound through you in booty, we abound in glory and in all these things by which Roman felicity grows.

3 Cape igitur tibi pro rebus gestis tuis coronas murales quattuor, coronas vallares quinque, coronas navales duas, coronas civicas duas, hastas puras decem, vexilla bicolora quattuor, tunicas russas ducales quattuor, pallia proconsularia duo, togam praetextam, tunicam palmatam, togam pictam, subarmalem profundum, sellam eburatam. 4 Nam te consulem hodie designo, scripturus ad senatum, ut tibi deputet scipionem, deputet etiam fasces; haec enim imperator non solet dare, sed a senatu, quando fit consul, accipere."

3 Therefore take for yourself, for your deeds, four mural crowns, five vallar crowns, two naval crowns, two civic crowns, ten pure spears, four bicolored vexilla, four ducal red tunics, two proconsular pallia, a toga praetexta, a tunica palmata, a toga picta, a deep subarmal, an ivory seat. 4 For I designate you consul today, being about to write to the senate that it assign to you the scipio (staff), and also assign the fasces; for these the emperor is not accustomed to give, but to receive from the senate when one becomes consul."

XIV. 1 Post haec Valeriani dicta Aurelianus surrexit atque ad manus accessit agens gratias militaribus verbis, quae propria et ipsa adponenda decrevi. Aurelianus dixit: 2 "et ego, domine Valeriane, imperator Auguste, ideo cuncta feci, ideo vulnera patienter excepi, ideo et equos et coniuratos meos lassavi, ut mihi gratias ageret res p. et conscientia mea.

14. 1 After these words of Valerian, Aurelian rose and came forward to a handclasp, giving thanks in military words, which, as proper and themselves, I have decided to append. Aurelian said: 2 "And I, lord Valerian, Emperor Augustus, for this reason I did all things, for this reason I endured wounds with patience, for this reason I wearied both my horses and my sworn comrades, so that the Republic and my conscience might render thanks to me."

3 At tu plus fecisti. Ago ego gratias bonitati tuae et accipio consulatum, quem das. Dii faciant et deus Sol lt;in>victus, ut et senatus de me sic iudicet." 4 Agentibus igitur gratias omnibus circumstantibus Ulpius Crinitus surrexit atque hac oratione usus est: 5 "apud maiores nostros, Valeriane Auguste, quod et familiae meae amicum ac proprium fuit, ab optimis quibusque in filiorum locum fortissimi viri semper electi sunt, ut vel senescentes familias vel fetus matrimoniis iam caducos substitutae fecunditas prolis ornaret.

3 But you have done more. I render thanks to your goodness and I accept the consulship which you grant. May the gods and the god Sol Invictus bring it about that the senate likewise judge thus concerning me." 4 Accordingly, while all those standing around were giving thanks, Ulpius Crinitus rose and used this oration: 5 "Among our ancestors, Valerian Augustus, a thing which was friendly and proper to my family also, the bravest men were always chosen by the best men in the place of sons, so that a substituted fecundity of progeny might adorn families growing old, or births already failing in marriages.

6 Hoc igitur, quod Cocceius Nerva in Traiano adoptando, quos Ulpius Traianus in Hadriano, quod Hadrianus in Antonino et ceteri deinceps proposita suggestione fecerunt, in adrogando Aureliano, quam mihi vicarium iudicii tui auctoritate fecisti, censui esse referendum. 7 Iube igitur, ut lege agatur, sitque Aurelianus heres sacrorum nominis et bonorum totiusque iuris Ulpio Crinito iam consulari viro, ipse actutum te iudice consularis."

6 Therefore, that which Cocceius Nerva did in adopting Trajan, what Ulpius Trajan did in Hadrian, what Hadrian did in Antoninus, and what the others thereafter did upon a suggestion set forth, I have judged should be applied in arrogating Aurelian, for which, by the authority of your judgment, you have made me a deputy. 7 Order, therefore, that it be conducted by law, and let Aurelian be heir of the sacred rites, of the name, and of the goods and the whole right of Ulpius Crinitus, now a consular man—he himself forthwith, with you as judge, of consular rank."

XV. 1 Longum est cuncta pertexere. Nam et actae sunt Crinito a Valeriano gratiae, et adoptio, ut solebat, impleta. 2 Memini me in quodam libro Graeco legisse, quod tacendum esse non credidi, mandatum esse Crinito a Valeriano, ut Aurelianus adoptaretur, idcirco praecipue quod pauper esset; sed hoc in medio relinquendum puto.

15. 1 It is lengthy to weave through everything. For both thanks were rendered to Crinitus by Valerian, and the adoption, as was customary, was fulfilled. 2 I remember that I read in a certain Greek book—something I did not think should be passed over in silence—that it was mandated to Crinitus by Valerian that Aurelian be adopted, chiefly for this reason, that he was poor; but this I think should be left in the middle.

3 Et quoniam superius epistolam posui, qua sumptus Aureliano ad consulatum delatus est, quare posuerim rem quasi frivolam, eloquendum putavi: 4 vidimus proxime consulatum Furii Placidi tanto ambitu in circo editum, ut non praemia dari aurigis sed patrimonia viderentur, cum darentur tunicae subsericae, lineae paragaudae, darentur etiam equi, ingemescentibus frugi hominibus. 5 Factum est enim, ut iam divitiarum sit, non hominum consulatus, quia utique, si virtutibus defertur, editorem spoliare non debet. 6 Perierunt casta illa tempora et magis ambitione populari peritura sunt.

3 And since above I set forth the epistle by which the expense for the consulship was bestowed upon Aurelian, I thought it should be stated why I have put down a matter as if frivolous: 4 we lately saw the consulship of Furius Placidus exhibited in the circus with such ostentation, that it seemed not prizes were being given to the charioteers but patrimonies, since sub-silk tunics were given, linen paragaudae, and even horses were given, while frugal men groaned. 5 For it has come about that the consulship is now of riches, not of men, because surely, if it is conferred upon virtues, it ought not to despoil the editor. 6 Those chaste times have perished, and they are destined to perish yet more through popular ambition.

Sed nos, ut solemus, hanc quoque rem in medio relinquimus.

But we, as is our custom, leave this matter also undecided.

XVI. 1 His igitur tot ac talibus praeiudiciis muneribusque fultus Claudianis temporibus tantus enituit, ut post eum Quintillo quoque eius fratre interempto solus teneret imperium Aureolo interfecto, cum quo Gallienus fecerat pacem. 2 Hoc loco tanta est diversitas historicorum, et quidem Graecorum, ut alii dicant invito Claudio ab volente, alii ab imperatore iam Aureliano eundem occisum, alii vero adhuc a privato.

16. 1 Accordingly, supported by so many and such prejudgments and munera, in the times of Claudius he shone forth so greatly that, after him, Quintillus too, his brother, having been slain, he alone held the imperium, Aureolus having been killed, with whom Gallienus had made peace. 2 In this place there is such a diversity of historians, and indeed of the Greeks, that some say that, with Claudius unwilling, he was killed by one who was willing; others that the same man was slain by Aurelian already emperor; others indeed while he was still a private person.

3 Sed haec quoque media relinquemus, ab ipsis petenda, per quos in litteras missa sunt. 4 Illud tamen constat omne contra Meotidas bellum divum Claudium nulli magis quam Aureliano credidisse.

3 But we will leave these matters also in the middle, to be sought from those very persons by whom they were committed to letters. 4 This, however, is agreed: that in the whole war against the Maeotidae, the deified Claudius trusted no one more than Aurelian.

XVII. 1 Extat epistula, quam ego, ut soleo, fidei causa, immo ut alios annalium scriptores fecisse video, inserendam putavi: 2 "Flavius Claudius [Valeriano] Aureliano suo salutem. Expetit a te munus solitum nostra res p.: adgredere.

17. 1 There exists a letter, which I, as I am wont, for the sake of credibility—nay rather, as I see other writers of annals have done—thought should be inserted: 2 "Flavius Claudius [to Valerian] to his Aurelian, greetings. Our res publica demands from you the customary service: undertake it."

Quid moraris? Tuo magisterio milites uti volo, tuo ductu tribunos. Gothi oppugnandi sunt, Gothi a Thraciis amovendi.

Why do you delay? I wish to make use of the soldiers under your magistery, the tribunes under your leadership. The Goths must be assailed; the Goths must be removed from the Thracians.

Eorum enim plerique Haemimontum Europamque vexant, qui te pugnante fugerunt. 3 Omnes exercitus Thracicos, omnes Illyricianos totumque limitem in tua potestate constituo: solitam en nobis [a]ede virtutem. Tecum erit etiam frater Quintillus, cum occurrerit.

For most of them harry Haemimontus and Europa, those who fled while you were fighting. 3 I set all the Thracian armies, all the Illyrian [armies], and the whole frontier under your power: lo, put forth for us the accustomed virtue. Your brother Quintillus will also be with you, when he has come up.

4 Ego aliis occupatus summam belli illius virtutibus tuis credo. Misi sane equos decem, loricas duas et cetera, quibus munire ad bellum euntem necessitas cogit." 5 Secundis igitur proeliis usus auspiciis Claudianis rem p. in integrum reddidit atque ipse statim, ut supra diximus, consensu omnium legionum factus est imperator.

4 I, occupied with other things, entrust the sum of that war to your virtues. I have indeed sent ten horses, two cuirasses, and the rest, with which necessity compels one going to war to be fortified." 5 Therefore, profiting by favorable battles, under Claudian auspices, he restored the commonwealth to its integrity, and he himself immediately, as we said above, by the consensus of all the legions, was made emperor.

XVIII. 1 Equites sane omnes ante imperium sub Claudio Aurelianus gubernavit, cum offensam magistri eorum incurrissent, quod temere Claudio non iubente pugnassent. 2 Idem Aurelianus contra Suebos et Sarmatas isdem temporibus vehementissime dimicavit ac florentissimam victoriam rettulit.

18. 1 Indeed, before his imperium, Aurelian commanded all the cavalry under Claudius, when they had incurred their commander’s displeasure, because they had fought rashly without Claudius giving the order. 2 The same Aurelian, against the Suebi and the Sarmatians at the same time, fought most vehemently and won a most flourishing victory.

3 Accepta est sane clades sub Aureliano a Marcomannis per errorem. Nam dum is a fronte non curat occurrere subito erumpentibus, dumque illos a dorso persequi parat, omnia circa Mediolanum graviter evastata sunt. Postea tamen ipsi quoque Marcomanni superati sunt.

3 A defeat was indeed sustained under Aurelian, by the Marcomanni, through an error. For while he did not take care to meet those suddenly bursting forth from the front, and while he was preparing to pursue them from the rear, everything around Milan was grievously devastated. Afterwards, however, the Marcomanni themselves too were overcome.

4 In illo autem timore, quo Marcomanni cuncta vastabant, ingentes Romae seditiones motae sunt paventibus cunctis, ne eadem, quae sub Gallieno fuerant, provenirent. 5 Quare etiam libri Sibyllini noti beneficiis publicis inspecti sunt inventumque, ut in certis locis sacrificia fierent, quae barbari transire non possent. 6 Facta denique sunt ea, quae praecepta fuerant in diverso caerimoniarum genere, atque ita barbari restiterunt, quos omnes Aurelianus carptim vagantes occidit.

4 In that fear, when the Marcomanni were devastating everything, huge seditions arose at Rome, with all trembling, lest the same things should come about which had been under Gallienus. 5 Wherefore even the Sibylline books, noted for public benefits, were inspected, and it was found that sacrifices should be made in certain places, so that the barbarians could not pass across. 6 At last those things which had been prescribed were done, in a diverse kind of ceremonies, and thus the barbarians were made to halt, all of whom Aurelian slew piecemeal as they wandered.

7 Libet ipsius senatus consulti formam exponere, quo libros inspici clarissimi ordinis iussit auctoritas:

7 It pleases me to set forth the very form of the senatorial decree, by which the authority of the most illustrious order ordered the books to be inspected:

XIX. 1 Die tertio iduum Ianuariarum Fulvius Sabinus praetor urbanus dixit: "Referimus ad vos, p. c., pontificum suggestionem et Aureliani principis litteras, quibus iubetur, ut inspiciantur fatales libri, quibus spes belli terminandi sacrato deorum imperio continetur. 2 Scitis enim ipsi, quotiescumque gravior aliquis extitit motus, eos semper inspectos neque prius mala publica esse finita, quam ex his sacrificiorum processit auctoritas." 3 Tunc surrexit primae sententiae Ulpius Silanus atque ita loquutus est: "sero nimis, p. c., de rei p. salute consulimur, sero ad fatalia iussa respicimus more languentium, qui ad summos medicos nisi in summa desperatione non mittunt, proinde quasi peritioribus viris maior facienda sit cura, cum omnibus morbis occurri sit melius.

19. 1 On the third day before the Ides of January, Fulvius Sabinus, the urban praetor, said: "We report to you, Conscript Fathers, the suggestion of the pontiffs and the letters of the princeps Aurelian, by which it is ordered that the Books of Fate be inspected, in which the hope of ending the war is contained by the sacred command of the gods. 2 For you yourselves know that whenever any graver disturbance has arisen, they have always been inspected, nor have the public evils been ended before authority for sacrifices has proceeded from them." 3 Then Ulpius Silanus, first to give his opinion, rose and spoke thus: "Too late, Conscript Fathers, are we consulted about the safety of the commonwealth; too late do we look back to the fated commands, after the manner of the languishing, who send for the highest physicians only in the utmost desperation, as though greater care ought to be assigned to more experienced men, whereas it is better that all diseases be countered in advance.

4 Meministis enim, p. c., me in hoc ordine saepe dixisse, iam tum cum primum nuntiatum est Marcomannos erupisse, consulenda Sibyllae decreta, utendum Apollinis beneficiis inserviendum deorum immortalium praeceptis, recusasse vero quosdam, et cum ingenti calumnia recusasse, cum adulando dicerent tantam principis Aureliani esse virtutem, ut opus non sit deos colat, non de dis inmortalibus speret. 5 Quid plura? Audivimus litteras, quibus rogavit opem [dei] deorum, quae numquam cuiquam turpis est.

4 You remember, Conscript Fathers, that I have often said in this order, already then when first it was announced that the Marcomanni had broken out, that the decrees of the Sibyl must be consulted, the benefices of Apollo must be used, the precepts of the immortal gods must be served; but that certain men refused—and refused with enormous calumny—when, while fawning, they said that the virtus of the princeps Aurelian was so great that there was no need for him to worship the gods, nor to hope from the immortal gods. 5 What more? We heard the letters, in which he asked the aid of [the god] of the gods, which is never disgraceful to anyone.

[ut] Vir fortissimus adiuvetur. 6 Agite igitur, pontifices, qua puri, qua mundi, qua sancti, qua vestitu animisque sacris commodi, templum ascendite, subsellia laureata construite, velatis manibus libros evolvite, fata rei p. quae sunt aeterna perquirite. Patrimis matrimisque pueris carmen indicite.

[that] the most brave man may be helped. 6 Act, therefore, pontiffs, as pure, as clean, as holy, as suited in sacred vesture and minds; ascend the temple, construct laurel-decked benches, with veiled hands unroll the books, seek out the fates of the commonwealth, which are eternal. Appoint a chant to boys whose fathers and mothers are living.

Nos sumptum sacris, nos apparatum sacrificiis, nos aras tumultuarias indicemus."

Let us decree the expense for the sacred rites, let us decree the equipment for the sacrifices, let us decree makeshift altars."

XX. 1 Post haec interrogati plerique senatores sententias dixerunt, quas longum est innectere. 2 Deinde aliis manus porrigentibus, aliis pedibus in sententias euntibus, plerisque verbo consentientibus conditum est senatus consultum. 3 Itum deinde ad templum, inspecti libri, proditi versus, lustrata urbs, cantata carmina, amburbnium celebratum, ambarvalia promissa, atque ita sollemnitas, quae iubebatur, expleta est.

20. 1 After these things, when many senators had been asked, they spoke their opinions, which it would be too long to interweave. 2 Then, with some stretching forth their hands, others going to the votes with their feet, and most consenting by word, a senatorial decree was enacted. 3 Then they went to the temple, the books were inspected, the verses were brought forth, the city was lustrated, songs were chanted, the Amburbium was celebrated, the Ambarvalia were promised, and thus the solemnity which was being ordered was fulfilled.

4 Epistula Aureliani de libris Sibyllinis. Nam ipsam quoque indidi ad fidem rerum. 5 "Miror vos, patres sancti, tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitasse libris, proinde quasi in Christianorum ecclesia, non in templo deorum omnium tractaretis.

4 Epistle of Aurelian about the Sibylline books. For I have inserted the letter itself also for the credibility of the facts. 5 "I marvel, holy fathers, that you have so long hesitated about opening the Sibylline books, just as if you were deliberating in a church of Christians, not in the temple of all the gods.

6 Agite igitur et castimonia pontificum caeremoniisque sollemnibus iuvate principem necessitate publica laborantem. 7 Inspiciantur libri; si quae facienda fuerint, celebrentur: quemlibet sumptum, cuiuslibet gentis captos, quaelibet animalia regia non abnuo, sed libens offero, neque enim indecorum est diis iuvantibus vincere. Sic apud maiores nostros multa finita sunt bella, sic coepta.

6 Act, then, and with the purity of the pontiffs and with solemn ceremonies aid the emperor laboring under public necessity. 7 Let the books be inspected; if there shall be any things to be done, let them be celebrated: I do not refuse any expense, captives of any people, whatever regal animals, but I gladly offer them, for it is not indecorous to conquer with the gods helping. Thus among our ancestors many wars were ended, thus begun.

8 Si quid est sumptuum, datis ad praefectum aerarii litteris decerni iussi. Est praeterea vestrae auctoritatis arca publica, quam magis refertam repperio esse quam cupio"

8 If there are any expenses, I have ordered that, with letters sent to the prefect of the treasury, they be decreed. There is, moreover, the public chest of your authority, which I find to be more crammed full than I desire"

XXI. 1 Cum autem Aurelianus vellet omnibus simul facta exercitus sui constipatione concurrere, tanta apud Placentiam clades accepta est, ut Romanum paene solveretur imperium. 2 Et causa quidem huius periculi perfidia et calliditas barbarici fuit motus.

21. 1 When, however, Aurelian wished, with the concentration of his army effected all at once, to join battle, so great a disaster was sustained at Placentia that the Roman Empire was almost dissolved. 2 And indeed the cause of this danger was the perfidy and callidity of the barbarian uprising.

3 Nam cum congredi aperto Marte non possent, in silvas se densissimas contulerunt atque ita nostros vespera incumbente tubarunt. 4 Denique nisi divina ope post inspectionem librorum sacrificiorumque curas monstris quibusdam speciebusque divinis inpliciti essent barbari, Romana victoria non fuisset. 5 Finito proelio Marcomannico Aurelianus, ut erat natura ferocior, plenus irarum Romam petit vindictae cupidus, quam seditionum asperitas suggerebat.

3 For since they could not engage in open war, they betook themselves into the densest woods, and so, with evening pressing on, they threw our men into disorder. 4 Finally, if by divine help—after inspection of the books and the cares of sacrifices—the barbarians had not been entangled by certain portents and divine apparitions, there would not have been a Roman victory. 5 When the Marcomannic battle was finished, Aurelian, as he was by nature rather ferocious, full of wraths, made for Rome eager for vengeance, which the harshness of the seditions was suggesting.

Incivilius denique usus imperio, vir alias optimus, seditionum auctoribus intermptis cruentius ea, quae mollius fuerant curanda, compescuit. 6 Interfecti sunt enim nonnulli etiam nobiles senatores, cum his leve quiddam et quod contemni a mitiore principe potuisset vel unus vel levis vel vilis testis obiceret. 7 Quid multa ? Magnum illud et quod iam fuerat et quod non frustra speratum est infamiae tristioris ictu contaminavit imperium.

At length, exercising the imperial power more uncivilly, a man otherwise excellent, with the authors of the seditions slain, he suppressed more bloodily those things which ought to have been cared for more gently. 6 For some even noble senators were killed, when against them some slight something—and what could have been scorned by a milder prince—either a single, or a light, or a base witness would object. 7 Why say more ? He contaminated the empire—that great thing, both as it already had been and as it had been hoped not in vain—with the stroke of a sadder infamy.

8 Timeri coepiunt princeps optimus, non amari, cum alii dicerent perodiendum talem principem, non optandum, alii bonum quidem medicum, sed mala ratione curantem. 9 His actis cum videret posse fieri, ut aliquid tale iterum, quale sub Gallieno evenerat, proveniret, adhibito consilio senatus muros urbis Romae dilatavit. Nec tamen pomerio addidit eo tempore, sed postea.

8 They began to fear the excellent prince, not to love him, since some said that such a prince ought to be thoroughly hated, not desired, others that he was indeed a good physician, but curing with a bad method. 9 With these things done, when he saw that it could come to pass that something like what had occurred under Gallienus might arise again, having taken counsel of the senate he extended the walls of the city of Rome. Nor, however, did he add to the pomerium at that time, but afterwards.

10 Pomerio autem neminem principum licet addere nisi eum, qui agri barbarici aliqua parte Romanam rem p. locupletaverit. 11 Addidit autem Augustus, addidit Traianus, addidit Nero, sub quo Pontus Polemoniacus et Alpes Cottiae Romano nomini sunt tributae.

10 Moreover, no emperor is permitted to add to the pomerium, except one who has enriched the Roman commonwealth with some part of barbarian land. 11 Augustus added; Trajan added; Nero added, under whom Pontus Polemoniacus and the Cottian Alps were assigned to the Roman name.

XXII. 1 Transactis igitur, quae saeptiones atque urbis statum et civilia pertinebant, contra Palmyrenos, id est contra Zenobiam, quae filiorum nomine orientale tenebat imperium, iter flexit. 2 Multa in itinere ac magna bellorum genera confecit.

22. 1 Therefore, with the matters concluded which pertained to the fortifications and the condition of the city and to civil affairs, he bent his march against the Palmyrenes, that is, against Zenobia, who in the name of her sons was holding the Eastern imperial power. 2 On the journey he brought to completion many and great kinds of wars.

Nam in Thraciis et in Illyrico occurrentes barbaros vicit, Gothorum quin etiam ducem Cannaban sive Cannabauden cum quinque milibus hominum trans Danuvium interemit. 3 Atque inde per Byzantium in Bithyniam transitum fecit eamque nullo certamine optinuit. 4 Multa eius magna et praeclara tam facta quam dicta sunt, sed omnia libro innectere nec possumus fastidii evitatione nec volumus, sed ad intellegendos mores atque virtutem pauca libenda sunt.

For in Thrace and in Illyricum, encountering barbarians, he defeated them; he even slew beyond the Danube the leader of the Goths, Cannabas or Cannabaudes, with five thousand men. 3 And from there he made a crossing through Byzantium into Bithynia and took possession of it with no contest. 4 Many of his things, both deeds and sayings, are great and preclear, but to weave them all into a book we neither can—by avoidance of tedium—nor wish to; rather, a few should be sampled for understanding his character and virtue.

5 Nam cum Tyanam venisset eamque obclusam repperisset, iratus dixisse fertur: "canem in hoc oppido non relinquam." 6 Tunc et militibus acrius incumbentibus spe praedae, et Heraclammone quodam timore, ne inter ceteros occideretur, patriam suam prodente civitas capta est.

5 For when he had come to Tyana and had found it shut up, angered, he is said to have declared: "I will not leave a dog in this town." 6 Then, both with the soldiers pressing on more sharply in the hope of booty, and with a certain Heraclammone, from fear lest he be killed among the rest, betraying his fatherland, the city was captured.

XXIII. 1 Sed Aurelianus duo statim praecipua, quod unum severitatem ostenderet, alterum lenitatem, ex imperatoria mente monstravit. 2 Nam et Heraclammonem proditorem patriae suae sapiens victor occidit et, cum milites iuxta illud dictum, quo canem se relicturum apud T[h]yanos negarat, eversionem urbis exposcerent, respondit his: "canem", inquit, "negavi in hac urbe me relicturum: canes omnes occidite." 3 Grande principis dictum, grandius militum fac[a]tam, nam iocatum principis, quo praeda negabatur, civitas servabatur, totus exercitus ita quasi ditaretur, accepit.

23. 1 But Aurelian straightway displayed two chief things from an imperial mind, the one would show severity, the other lenity. 2 For the wise victor slew Heraclammon, a betrayer of his own country; and, when the soldiers, in accordance with that saying by which he had denied that he would leave a dog among the T[h]yanans, demanded the overthrow of the city, he replied to them thus: "A dog," he said, "I denied that I would leave in this city: kill all the dogs." 3 A great saying of the princeps, a greater deed of the soldiers; for the jest of the princeps—by which booty was denied, the city was preserved—the whole army accepted as if it were enriched.

4 Epistula de Heraclammone: "Aurelianus Augustus Mallio Chiloni. Occidi passus sum cuius quasi beneficio Tyanam recepi. Ego vero proditorem amare non potui et libenter tuli, quod eum milites occiderunt, neque enim mihi fidem servare potuisset, qui patriae non pepercit.

4 Letter about Heraclammone: "Aurelian Augustus to Mallius Chilo. I allowed to be killed the man by whose, as it were, benefit I recovered Tyana. But I, indeed, could not love a traitor, and I gladly accepted that the soldiers killed him, for he could not have kept faith with me, who did not spare his fatherland.

5 Solum denique ex omnibus, qui oppugnabantur, campus accepit. Divitem hominem negare non possum, sed cuius bona eius liberis reddidi, ne quis me causa pecuniae locupletem hominem occidi passum esse criminaretur."

5 Finally, out of all those that were being assaulted, only the field received it. "I cannot deny that the man was wealthy, but I returned his goods to his children, lest anyone accuse me of having allowed a wealthy man to be killed for the sake of money."

XXIV. 1 Capta autem civitas est miro modo. Nam cum Heraclammon locum ostendisset aggeris naturali specie tumentem, qua posset Aurelianus cultus ascendere, ille conscendit atque elata purpurea clamide intus civibus, foris militibus se ostendit, et ita civitas capta est, quasi totus in muris Aureliani fuisset exercitus.

24. 1 The city, moreover, was captured in a wondrous way. For when Heraclammon had pointed out a place swelling with the appearance of a natural rampart, by which Aurelian, arrayed in imperial dress, could ascend, he climbed up and, with a purple chlamys raised, showed himself to the citizens within and to the soldiers without; and thus the city was taken, as if the whole army of Aurelian had been upon the walls.

2 Taceri non debet res, quae ad famam venerabilis viri pertinet. 3 Fertur enim Aurelianum de Tyanae civitatis eversione vere dixisse, vere cogitasse; verum Apollonium Tyanaeum, celeberrimae famae auctoritatisque sapientem, veterem philosophum, amicum vere deorum, ipsum etiam pro numine frequentandum, recipienti se in tentorium ea forma, qua videtur, subito adstitisse atque haec Latine, ut homo pannonius intellegeret, verba dixisse: 4 "Aureliane, si vis vincere, nihil est quod de civium meorum nece cogites. Aureliane, si vis imperare, a cruore innocentium abstine.

2 The matter ought not to be kept silent which pertains to the fame of a venerable man. 3 For it is reported that Aurelian, concerning the overthrow of the city of Tyana, both truly spoke and truly intended; but that Apollonius of Tyana, a wise man of most celebrated fame and authority, an ancient philosopher, a true friend of the gods, himself even to be frequented as a numen, as he was betaking himself into his tent, stood by him suddenly in that form in which he is seen, and spoke these words in Latin, so that the Pannonian man might understand: 4 "Aurelian, if you wish to conquer, there is no reason for you to think about the slaughter of my citizens. Aurelian, if you wish to rule, abstain from the blood of the innocent."

Aureliane, clementer te age, si vis vivere." 5 Norat vultum philosophi venerabilis Aurelianus atque in multis eius imaginem viderat templis. 6 Denique statim adtonitus et imaginem et statuas et templum eidem promisit atque in meliorem redit mentem. 7 Haec et a gravibus viris conperi et in Ulpiae bibliothecae libris relegi et pro maiestate Apollonii magis credidi.

Aurelian, conduct yourself clemently, if you wish to live." 5 Aurelian knew the countenance of the venerable philosopher and had seen his image in many temples. 6 Finally, immediately astonished, he promised to that same man both an image and statues and a temple, and returned to a better mind. 7 These things both I learned from grave men and reread in the books of the Ulpian library, and on account of the majesty of Apollonius I believed them the more.

8 Quid enim illo viro sanctius, venerabilius, antiquius diviniusque inter homines fuit? Ille mortuis reddidit vitam, ille multa ultra homines et fecit et dixit. Quae qui velit nosse, Graecos legat libros, qui de eius vita conscripti sunt.

8 For what among men was more holy than that man, more venerable, more ancient, and more divine? He restored life to the dead; he both did and said many things beyond human measure. Whoever wishes to know these things, let him read the Greek books which have been written about his life.

9 Ipse autem, si vita suppetit atque ipsius viri favor vi[s]guerit, breviter saltem tanti viri facta in litteras mittam, non quo illius viri gesta munere mei sermonis indigeant, sed ut ea, quae miranda sunt, omnium voce praedicentur.

9 But I myself, if life suffices and the favor of the man himself shall flourish, will at least briefly commit the deeds of so great a man to letters, not because that man’s exploits need the service of my discourse, but so that the things which are to be marveled at may be proclaimed by the voice of all.

XXV. 1 Recepta Tyana Antiochiam proposita omnibus inpunitate brevi apud Dafnem certamine optinuit atque inde praeceptis, quantum probatur, venerabilis viri Apollonii parens humanior atque clementior fuit. 2 Pugnatum est post haec de summa rerum contra Zenobiam et Zabam eius socium apud Emessam magno certamine.

25. 1 Tyana having been recovered, at Antioch, with impunity offered to all, he secured, with a brief contest at Daphne; and from then, obeying the precepts, so far as is proved, of the venerable man Apollonius, he was more humane and more clement. 2 After these things battle was joined for the supreme issue against Zenobia and Zaba, her associate, at Emesa, in a great contest.

3 Cumque Aureliani equites fatigati iam paene discederent ac terga darent, subito vi numinis, quod postea est proditum, hortante quadam divina forma per pedites etiam equites restituti sunt. Fugata est Zenobia cum Zaba et plenissime parta victoria. 4 Recepto igitur orientis statu Emesam victor Aurelianus ingressus est ac statim ad templum Heliogabali tetendit, quasi communi officio vota soluturus.

3 And when Aurelian’s horsemen, now almost worn out, were beginning to withdraw and to turn their backs, suddenly, by the force of a numen (as was afterwards disclosed), with a certain divine form exhorting, the cavalry were restored even through the foot-soldiers. Zenobia with Zaba was put to flight, and a most full victory was won. 4 Therefore, the condition of the East having been recovered, the victorious Aurelian entered Emesa and immediately made for the temple of Heliogabalus, as if about to discharge his vows in a common office.

5 Verum illic eam formam numinis repperit, quam in bello sibi faventem vidit. 6 Quare et illic templa fundavit donariis ingentibus positis et Romae Soli templum posuit maiore honorificentia consecratum, ut suo dicemus loco.

5 But there he found that form of the divinity which he had seen favoring him in war. 6 Wherefore both there he founded temples, with immense donaria set up, and at Rome he set up a temple to Sol, consecrated with greater honorificence, as we shall say in its proper place.

XXVI. 1 Post haec Palmyram iter flexit, ut ea oppugnata laborum terminus fieret. Sed in itinere a latronibus Syris male accepto frequenter exercitu multa perpessus est et in obsidione usque ad ictum sagittae periclitatus est.

26. 1 After these things he bent his route to Palmyra, so that, with it besieged, there might be a terminus of the labors. But on the march, with the army frequently ill-handled by Syrian brigands, he endured many things, and in the siege he was in peril even to the stroke of an arrow.

6 Epistula ipsius extat ad Mucaporem missa, in qua de huius belli difficultate ultra pudorem imperialem fatetur: 3 "Romani me modo dicunt bellum contra feminam gerere, quasi sola mecum Zenobia et suis viribus pugnet, atque <non> hostium <tantum> quantum si vir a me oppugnandus esset, <adest, sed sub fem>ina (a) conscientia et timore longe deteriore. 4 Dici non potest, quantum hic sagittarum est, qui belli apparatus, quantum telorum, quantum lapidum, nulla pars muri est, quae non binis et ternis ballistis occupata sit; ignes etiam tormentis iaciuntur. 5 Quid plura?

6 An epistle of his is extant, sent to Mucapor, in which he confesses about the difficulty of this war beyond imperial modesty: 3 "The Romans now say that I am waging war against a woman, as if Zenobia alone were fighting with me and by her own forces, and <not> only <so many enemies> as if a man had to be assaulted by me, <are present, but under a wom>an (a) with morale and fear far worse. 4 It cannot be said how great here is the quantity of arrows, what an apparatus of war, how many missiles, how many stones: there is no part of the wall which is not occupied by ballistae in twos and threes; fires too are hurled by the engines. 5 What more?"

Timet quasi femina, pugnat quasi <vir> poenam timen[te]s. Sed credo adiuturos Romanam rem p. [vir] deos, qui numquam nostris conatibus defuerunt." 6 Denique fatigatus ac pro malis fessus litteras ad Zenobiam misit deditionem illius petens, vitam promittens, quarum exemplum indidi: 7 "Aurelianus imperator Romani orbis et receptor orientis Zenobiae ceterisque, quos societas tenet bellica. 8 Sponte facere debuistis id, quod meis litteris nunc iubetur. Deditionem enim praecipio inpunitate vitae proposita, ita ut illic, Zenobia, cum tuis agas vitam, ubi te ex senatus amplissimi sententia conlocavero.

He fears like a woman, he fights like a <man>, fearing punishment. But I believe that [men] and gods will aid the Roman commonwealth, who have never failed our endeavors." 6 Finally, wearied and, in proportion to his troubles, exhausted, he sent letters to Zenobia seeking her surrender, promising life, of which I have inserted the exemplar: 7 "Aurelian, emperor of the Roman world and restorer of the East, to Zenobia and the rest whom a war-society holds. 8 You ought of your own accord to have done that which is now ordered by my letters. For I command surrender with impunity of life proposed, such that there, Zenobia, you may pass your life with yours, where I shall place you by the judgment of the most ample Senate.

9 Gemmas, aurum, argentum,sericum, equos, camelos in Romanum aerarium conferatis. Palmyrenis ius suum servabitur."

9 Gems, gold, silver,silk, horses, camels you shall deliver into the Roman treasury. To the Palmyrenes their own law shall be preserved."

XXVII. 1 Hac epistula accepta Zenobia superbius insolentiusque rescripsit quam eius quoque fortuna poscebat, credo ad terrorem. Nam eius quoque epistulae exemplum indidi: 2 "Zenobia regina orientis Aureliano Augusto.

27. 1 With this letter received, Zenobia wrote back more haughtily and more insolently than even her fortune demanded, I believe for terror. For I have inserted the exemplar of her epistle as well: 2 "Zenobia, queen of the East, to Aurelian Augustus."

Nemo adhuc praeter te hoc, quod poscis, litteris petit. Virtute faciendum est quidquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum. 3 Deditionem meam petis, quasi nescias Cleopatram reginam perire maluisse quam in qualibet vivere dignitate.

No one up to now, besides you, has petitioned for this—which you demand—by letter. By valor must be done whatever in military affairs is to be conducted. 3 You ask for my surrender, as though you did not know that Queen Cleopatra preferred to perish rather than to live in any dignity whatsoever.

4 Nobis Persarum auxillia non desunt, quae iam speramus, pro nobis sunt Saraceni, pro nobis Armenii. 5 Latrones Syri exercitum tuum, Aureliane, vicerunt. Quid?

4 Persian auxiliaries are not lacking to us, which we already hope for; on our side are the Saracens, on our side the Armenians. 5 Syrian brigands have defeated your army, Aurelian. What?

Si igitur illa venerit manus, quae undique speratur, pones profecto supercilium, quo nunc mihi deditionem, quasi omnifariam victor, imperas." 6 Hanc epistulam Nicomachus se transtulisse in Graecum ex lingua Syrorum dicit ab ipsa Zenobia dictatam. Nam illa superior Aureliani Graeca missa est.

If therefore that force shall have come, which is expected from all sides, you will assuredly lower your supercilious brow, with which now you command surrender from me, as though a victor on every side." 6 Nicomachus says that he translated this letter into Greek from the Syrians’ tongue, dictated by Zenobia herself. For that earlier one of Aurelian was sent in Greek.

XXVIII. 1 His acceptis litteris Aurelianus non erubuit, sed iratus est statimque collecto exercitu ac ducibus suis undique Palmyram obsedit neque quicquam vir fortis reliquit, quod aut inperfectum videretur aut incuratum. 2 Nam et auxilia, quae a Persis missa fuerant, intercepit et alas Saracenas Armaniasque corrupit atque ad se modo ferociter modo subtiliter transtulit, denique multa vi mulierem potentissimam vicit.

28. 1 Upon receiving these letters, Aurelian did not blush, but grew angry, and at once, with his army and his generals gathered, he besieged Palmyra on all sides; nor did the brave man leave anything which might seem either imperfect or unattended. 2 For he also intercepted the auxiliaries which had been sent by the Persians, and he corrupted the Saracen and Armenian wings and transferred them to himself, now fiercely, now subtly; finally, by much force, he conquered the most powerful woman.

3 Victa igitur Zenobia cum fugeret cameliis, quos dromedas vocitant, atque in Aureliani potestatem deducta. 4 Victor itaque Aurelianus totiusque iam orientis possessor, cum in vinculis Zenobiam teneret, cum Persis, Armeniis, Saracenis superbior atque insolentior egit ea, quae ratio temporis postulabat. 5 Tunc illatae vestes, quas in templo Solis videmus, consertae gemmis, tunc Persici dracones et t[h]iarae, tunc genus purpurae, quod postea nec ulla gens detulit nec Romanus orbis vidit.

3 Therefore Zenobia, defeated, when she was fleeing on camels, which they call dromedaries, was brought into Aurelian’s power. 4 Thus the victor Aurelian, already possessor of the whole East, while he held Zenobia in chains, dealt more proud and more insolent with the Persians, Armenians, and Saracens, in those things which the exigency of the time demanded. 5 Then the garments brought in, which we see in the Temple of the Sun, stitched with gems, then Persian dragon-standards and t[h]iaras, then a kind of purple which afterwards neither any nation brought nor did the Roman world see.

XXIX. 1 De qua pauca saltem libet dicere. Meministis enim fuisse in templo Iovis Optimi Maximi Capitolini pallium breve purpureum lanestre, ad quod cum matronae atque ipse Aurelianus iungerent purpuras suas, cineris specie decolorari videbantur ceterae divini comparatione fulgoris.

29. 1 About her I am at least willing to say a few things. For you remember that there was in the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline a short purple woolen pallium, to which, when the matrons and Aurelian himself would match their own purples, the rest seemed to be discolored to the appearance of ash, by comparison with the divine effulgence.

2 Hoc munus rex Persarum ab Indis interioribus sumptum Aureliano dedisse perhibetur, scribens: "Sume purpuram, qualis apud nos est." 3 Sed hoc falsum fuit. Nam postea diligentissime et Aurelianus et Probus et proxime Diocletianus missis diligentissimis confectoribus requisiverunt tale genus purpurae nec tamen invenire potuerunt. Dicitur enim sandyx Indica talem purpuram facere, si curetur.

2 This gift the king of the Persians is reported to have given to Aurelian, taken from the interior Indians, writing: "Take the purple, such as is among us." 3 But this was false. For afterwards, most diligently, both Aurelian and Probus and, most recently, Diocletian, having sent the most diligent manufacturers, sought for such a kind of purple and yet were not able to find it. For Indian sandyx is said to produce such a purple, if it is carefully treated.

XXX. 1 Sed [sed] ut ad incepta redeamus: ingens tamen strepitus militum fuit omnium Zenobiam ad poenam poscentium. 2 Sed Aurelianus indignum aestimans mulierem interimi, occisis plerisque, quibus auctoribus illa bellum moverat, paraverat, gesserat, triumpho mulieremreservavit, ut populi Romani oculis esset ostentui.

30. 1 But [but] to return to our beginnings: nevertheless there was a huge clamor of all the soldiers demanding Zenobia for punishment. 2 But Aurelian, deeming it unworthy that a woman be put to death, after killing very many of those by whose authorship she had set in motion, prepared, and waged the war, reserved the woman for a triumph, so that she might be for ostentation to the eyes of the Roman people.

3 Grave inter eos, qui caesi sunt, de Longino filosofo fuisse perhibetur, quo illa magistro usa esse ad Graecas litteras dicitur. Quem quidem Aurelianus idcirco dicitur occidisse, quod superbior illa epistula ipsius diceretur dictata consilio, quamvis Syro esset sermone contexta. 4 Pacato igitur oriente in Europam Aurelianus redit victor atque illic Carporum copias adflixit et, cum illum Carpicum senatus absentem vocasset, mandasse ioco fertur: "superest, p. c., ut me etiam Carpiaclum vocetis." 5 Carpisclum enim genus calciamenti esse satis notum est.

3 It is reported that among those who were slain there was of weight Longinus the philosopher, whom she is said to have used as a teacher for Greek letters. Aurelian indeed is said on that account to have killed him, because that rather haughty epistle of hers was said to have been dictated by his counsel, although it had been composed in the Syrian speech. 4 Therefore, the East having been pacified, Aurelian returns victorious into Europe and there he afflicted the forces of the Carpi, and, when the senate had, in his absence, styled him Carpicus, he is said to have sent word in jest: "it remains, p. c., that you also call me 'Carpiaclum'." 5 For 'carpisclum' is a well-known kind of footwear.

<Quod> cognomen [quod] deforme videbatur, cum et Gothicus et Sarmaticus et Armenicus et Parthicus et Adiabenicus iam ille diceretur.

<Which> cognomen [which] seemed unseemly, since he was already being called Gothicus and Sarmaticus and Armenic and Parthic and Adiabenic.

XXXI. 1 Rarum est ut Syri fidem servent, immo difficile. Nam Palmyreni, qui iam victi atque contusi fuerant, Aureliano rebus Europensibus occupato non mediocriter rebellarunt.

31. 1 It is rare that Syrians keep faith, indeed difficult. For the Palmyrenes, who had already been conquered and crushed, with Aurelian occupied by European affairs, rebelled not moderately.

2 Sandarionem enim, quem in praesidio illic Aurelianus posuerat, cum sescentis sagittariis occiderunt Achilleo cuidam parenti Zenobiae parantes imperium. 3 Verum adeo Aurelianus, ut eras paratus, e Rhodopa revertit atque urbem, quia ita merebatur, evertit. 4 Crudelitas denique Aureliani vel, ut quidam dicunt, severitas aetenus extitit, ut epistula eius feratur confessionem inmanissimi furoris ostentans.

2 For they killed Sandarion—whom Aurelian had placed there in garrison—together with six hundred archers, preparing the imperium for a certain Achilleus, a kinsman of Zenobia. 3 But Aurelian, being ready as he was, returned from Rhodope and overthrew the city, because it so deserved. 4 Finally, the cruelty of Aurelian, or, as some say, his severity, stood forth to such an extent that a letter of his is reported, displaying a confession of most inhuman fury.

Cuius hoc exemplum est: 5 "Aurelianus Augustus Cerronio gladios. Iam satis Palmyrenorum caesum atque concisum est. Mulieribus non epercimus, infantes occidimus, senes iugulavimus, rusticos interemimus.

Of which this is an example: 5 "Aurelian Augustus to Cerronius: swords. Already enough of the Palmyrenes has been slain and cut to pieces. We have not spared women, we have killed infants, we have slit the throats of old men, we have done away with rustics.

6 Cui terras, cui urbem deinceps relinquemus? Parcendum est his, qui remanserunt. Credimus enim tam paucos tam multorum suppliciis esse correctos.

6 To whom shall we leave the lands, to whom the city henceforth? We must spare those who have remained. For we believe that so few have been corrected by the punishments of so many.

7 Templum sane Solis, quod apud Palmyram aquiliferi legionis tertiae cum vexilliferis et draconario et cornicinibus atque liticinibus diripuerunt, ad eam formam volo, quae fuit, reddi. 8 Habes trecentas auri libras <de> Zenobiae capsulis, habes argenti mille octingenta pondo de Palmyrenorum bonis, habes gemmas regias. 9 Ex his omnibus fac cohonestari templum: mihi et diis inmortalibus gratissimum feceris.

7 The temple, to be sure, of Sol at Palmyra, which the eagle-bearers of the 3rd legion, together with the vexillifers and the draconarius and the horn-blowers and the trumpeters, plundered, I wish to be restored to that form which it had. 8 You have three hundred pounds of gold <de> from Zenobia’s caskets, you have one thousand eight hundred pound-weight of silver from the goods of the Palmyrenes, you have royal gems. 9 From all these see that the temple be embellished: you will have done what is most pleasing to me and to the immortal gods.

Ego ad senatum scribam petens, ut mittat pontificem, qui dedicet templum." 10 Haec litterae, ut videmus, indicant satiatam esse inmanitatem principis duri.

"I will write to the senate, requesting that it send a pontiff, who may dedicate the temple." 10 These letters, as we see, indicate that the inhumanity of the harsh prince has been satiated.

XXXII. 1 Securior denique iterum in Europam redit atque illic omnes, qui vagabantur, hostes nota illa sua virtute contudit. 2 Interim res per Thracias Europamque omnem Aureliano ingentes agente Firmus quidam extitit, qui sibi Aegyptum sine insignibus imperii, quasi ut esset civitas libera, vindicavit, 3 ad quem continuo Aurelianus revertit, nec illic defuit felicitas solita.

32. 1 More secure at last, he returns again into Europe, and there he crushed, by that well-known valor of his, all the enemies who were wandering. 2 Meanwhile, with Aurelian conducting vast affairs through Thrace and all Europe, there arose a certain Firmus, who claimed Egypt for himself without the insignia of imperium, as if it were a free city; 3 to whom Aurelian straightway returned, nor did his accustomed felicity fail there.

Nam Aegyptum statim recepit atque, ut erat ferox animi, cogitationem ultus, vehementer irascens, quod adhuc Tetricus Gallias optineret, occidentem petit atque ipso Tetrico exercitum suum prodente, quod eius scelera ferre non posset, debitas sibi legiones optinuit. 4 Princeps igitur totius orbis Aurelianus pacatis oriente, Gallis atque undique terris [victo eripe me his invicte malis] Romam iter flexit, <ut> de Zenobia et Tetrico, hoc est de oriente et de occidente, triumphum Romanis oculis exhiberet.

For he immediately recovered Egypt and, as he was fierce of spirit, avenging his intent, being vehemently enraged that Tetricus still held the Gauls, he sought the Occident, and, with Tetricus himself betraying his army, because he could not endure his crimes, he secured the legions owed to him. 4 Therefore the Princeps of the whole orb, Aurelian, with the East, the Gauls, and lands on every side pacified [for the conquered, snatch me from these evils, O unconquered one], he bent his route to Rome, <so that> concerning Zenobia and Tetricus, that is, concerning East and West, he might exhibit a triumph to Roman eyes.

XXXIII. 1 Non absque re est cognoscere, qui fuerit Aureliani triumphus; fuit enim speciosissimus. 2 Currus regit tres fuerunt, in his unus Odenati, argento, auro, gemmis operosus atque distinctus, alter, quem rex Persarum Aureliano dono dedit, ipse quoque pari opere fabricatus, tertius, quem sibi Zenobia composuerat sperans se urbem Romam cum eo visuram; quod illam non fefellit, nam cum eo urbem ingressa est victa et triumphata.

33. 1 It is not without purpose to know what Aurelian’s triumph was; for it was most magnificent. 2 There were three royal chariots: among these one of Odaenathus, elaborate and distinguished with silver, gold, and gems; another, which the king of the Persians gave to Aurelian as a gift, itself likewise fashioned with equal workmanship; a third, which Zenobia had composed for herself, hoping she would see the city of Rome with it—wherein she was not deceived, for with it she entered the city, conquered and led in triumph.

3 Fuit alius currus quattuor cervis iunctus, qui fuisse dicitur regis Gothorum. Quo, ut multi memoriae tradiderunt, Capitolium Aurelianus invectus est, ut illic caederet cervos, quos cum eodem curru captos vovisse Iovi Optimo Maximo ferebatur. 4 Praecesserunt elephanti viginti,ferae mansuetae Libycae, Palestinae diversae ducentae, quas statim Aurelianus privatis donavit, ne fiscum annonis gravaret; tigrides quattuor, camelopardali, alces, cetera talia per ordinem ducta, gladiatorum paria octingenta—praeter captivos gentium barbararum—Blemmyes, Exomitae, Arabes Eudaemomones, Indi, Bactrani, Hiberi, Saraceni, Persae cum suis quique muneribus, Gothi, Halani, Roxolani, Sarmatae, Franci, Suevi, Vandali, Germani, religatis manibus, captivi utpote.

3 There was another chariot yoked with four stags, which is said to have been the king of the Goths’. In this, as many have handed down to memory, Aurelian was carried into the Capitol, so that there he might slaughter the stags which, captured along with that same chariot, he was reported to have vowed to Jupiter Best and Greatest. 4 There went before twenty elephants,tame Libyan beasts, two hundred diverse Palestinian ones, which Aurelian immediately gave to private persons, lest he burden the fisc with provisions; four tigers, camelopards, elks, the rest of such things led in order; eight hundred pairs of gladiators—besides captives of barbarian peoples—Blemmyes, Exomitae, Arabs of Eudaemon, Indians, Bactrians, Iberians, Saracens, Persians, each with his own gifts, Goths, Alans, Roxolani, Sarmatians, Franks, Suebi, Vandals, Germans, with hands bound, as captives.

5 Praecesserunt inter hos etiam Palmyreni, qui superfuerant, principes civitatis et Aegyptii ob rebellionem.

5 There preceded among these also the Palmyrenes who had survived, the principal men of the city, and Egyptians on account of rebellion.

XXXIV. 1 Ductae sunt et decem mulieres, quas virili habitu pugnantes inter Gothos ceperat, cum multae essent interemptae, quas de Amazonum genere titulus indicabat: praelati sunt tituli gentium nomina continentes. 2 Inter haec fuit Tetricus clamide coccea, tunica galbina, bracis Gallicis ornatus, adiuncto sibi filio, quem imperatorem in Gallia nuncupaverat.

34. 1 Ten women were also led, whom he had captured fighting among the Goths in male attire, many having been slain, whom a placard declared to be of the Amazon stock: placards were carried before them containing the names of the nations. 2 Among these was Tetricus, adorned with a scarlet cloak, a yellow tunic, and Gallic breeches, with his son attached to him, whom he had proclaimed emperor in Gaul.

3 Incedebat etiam Zenobia, ornata gemmis, catenis aureis, quas alii sustentabant. Praeferebantur coronae omnium civitatum aureae titulis aminentibus proditae. 4 Iam populus ipse Romanus, iam vexilla collegiorum atque castrorum et catafractarii milites et opes regiae et omnis exercitus et senatus—etsi aliquantulo tristior, quod senatores triumphari videbant—multum pompae addiderant.

3 Zenobia too was advancing, adorned with gems, with golden chains, which others were supporting. The golden crowns of all the cities were borne before, displayed with conspicuous titles. 4 Now the Roman people themselves, now the vexilla of the colleges and of the camps, and the cataphractarii soldiers, and royal opulence, and the whole army, and the senate—although somewhat sadder, because they saw senators being triumphed over—had added much to the pomp.

5 Denique vix nona hora in Capitolium pervenit, sero autem ad Palatium. 6 Sequentibus diebus datae sunt populo voluptates ludorum scaenicorum, ludorum circensium, venationum, gladiatorum, naumachiae.

5 Finally he scarcely reached the Capitol at the ninth hour, and the Palatine late. 6 In the following days pleasures were granted to the people: of scenic games, of circensian games, of beast-hunts, of gladiators, of naumachies.

XXXV. 1 Non praetereundum videtur, quod et populus memoria tenet et fides historica frequentavit, Aurelianum eo tempore, quo proficiscebatur ad orientem, bilibres coronas populo promisisse, si victor rediret, et, cum aureas populus speraret neque Aurelianus aut posset aut vellet, coronas eum fecisse de panibus, qui nunc siligineum suum cotidie toto aevo suo et unusquisque et acciperet et posteris suis dimitteret. 2 Nam idem Aurelianus et porcinam carnem p. R. distribuit, quae hodieque dividitur.

35. 1 It does not seem to be to be passed over—what both the people keep in memory and historical credence has often recounted—that Aurelian, at the time when he was setting out to the East, promised two‑pound crowns to the people if he should return victorious; and, when the people were hoping for golden ones and Aurelian either could not or would not, he made crowns out of loaves, so that now each and every person both receives his own fine‑wheaten [loaf] daily throughout his whole lifetime and bequeaths it to his descendants. 2 For this same Aurelian also distributed pork to the Roman People, which even today is allotted.

3 Leges plurimas sanxit et quidem salutares. Sacerdotia composuit, templum Solis fundavit et porticibus roboravit; decrevit etiam emolumenta sartis tectis et ministris. 4 His gestis ad Gallias profectus Vindelicos obsidione barbarica liberavit, deinde ad Illyricum redit paratoque magno potius quam ingenti exercitu Persis, quos eo quoque tempore, quo Zenobiam superavit, gloriosissime iam vicerat, bellum indixit.

3 He sanctioned very many laws, and indeed salutary ones. He organized the priesthoods, founded a Temple of the Sun and strengthened it with porticoes; he also decreed emoluments for repairs and for the attendants. 4 With these things accomplished he set out for the Gauls and freed the Vindelici from a barbarian siege; then he returns to Illyricum, and with an army prepared, great rather than immense, he declared war on the Persians, whom also at that time, when he defeated Zenobia, he had already most gloriously conquered.

5 Sed cum iter faceret, apud Caenofrurium mansionem, quae est inter Heracliam et Byzantium, malitia notarii sui et manu Mucaporis interemptus est.

5 But while he was making the journey, at the posting-station Caenofrurium, which is between Heraclea and Byzantium, he was slain through the malice of his notary and by the hand of Mucapor.

XXXVI. 1 Et causa occidendi eius quae fuerit et quemadmodum sit occisus, ne res tanta lateat, brevi edisseram. 2 Aurelianus, quod negari non potest, severus, truculentus, sanguinarius fuit princeps.

36. 1 And the cause of his killing—what it was—and how he was slain, lest so great a matter lie hidden, I will briefly expound. 2 Aurelian, which cannot be denied, was a severe, truculent, sanguinary prince.

3 Hic, cum usque eo severitatem tetendisset, ut et filiam sororis occideret non in magna neque in satis idonea causa, iam primum in odium suorum venit. 4 Incidit autem, ut se res fataliter agunt, ut Mnesteum quendam, quem pro notario secretorum habuerat, libertum, ut quidam dicunt, suum, infensiorem sibi minando redderet, quod nescio quid de [q]eo suspicatus esset. 5 Mnesteus, qui sciret Aurelianum neque frustra minari solere neque, si minaretur, ignoscere, brevem nominum conscripsit mixtis his, quibus Aurelianus vere irascebatur, cum his, de quibus nihil asperum cogitabat, addito etiam suo nomine, quo magis fidem faceret ingestae sollicitudinis, ac brevem legit singulis, quorum nomina continebat, addens disposuisse Aurelianum eos omnes occidere, illos vero debere suae vitae, si viri sint, subvenire.

3 This man, when he had stretched his severity to that point that he even killed his sister’s daughter, not on a great nor on a sufficiently fitting cause, now first came into the hatred of his own. 4 And it happened, as things are driven by fate, that he made a certain Mnesteus—whom he had held as notary of the secrets, a freedman, as some say—more hostile to himself by threatening, because he had suspected I-know-not-what about him. 5 Mnesteus, who knew that Aurelian was not wont to threaten in vain, nor, if he did threaten, to pardon, composed a brief of names, mingling with those at whom Aurelian was truly angry those about whom he was thinking nothing harsh, with his own name added as well, in order the more to make credible the anxiety that had been injected; and he read the brief to the individuals whose names it contained, adding that Aurelian had arranged to kill them all, and that they, for their own life, if they are men, ought to come to its aid.

6 Hic cum exarsissent, timore, qui merebantur offensam, dolore innocentes, <quod> beneficiis atque officiis Aurelianus videbatur ingratus, in supra dicto loco iter facientem principem subito adorti interemerunt.

6 Here, when those who deserved his offense flared up in fear, and the innocent in grief, because Aurelian seemed ungrateful for benefactions and services, they suddenly attacked and slew the emperor, as he was making a journey, in the abovesaid place.

XXXVII. 1 Hic finis Aureliano fuit, principi necessario magis quam bono. Quo interfecto cum esset res prodita, et sepulchrum ingens et templum illi detulerunt hi, a quibus interemptus est.

37. 1 Here was the end for Aurelian, a prince more necessary than good. When he had been slain and the matter had been made public, both a huge sepulcher and a temple were conferred upon him by those by whom he was slain.

2 Sane Mnesteus postea subreptus ad stipitem bestiis obiectus est, quod statuae marmoreae positae in eodem loco utrimque significant, ubi in columnis divo Aureliano statuae constitutae sunt. 3 Senatus mortem eius graviter tulit, gravius tamen p. R., qui vulgo dicebat Aurelianum paedagogum esse senatorum. 4 Imperavit annis <mensibus> sex minus paucis diebus ac rebus magnis gestis inter divos relatus est.

2 Indeed, Mnesteus was later snatched away and, at the stake, exposed to the beasts, as the marble statues placed in the same place on either side indicate, where on the columns statues to the deified Aurelian have been set up. 3 The Senate bore his death gravely; more gravely, however, did the p. R., who commonly said that Aurelian was the pedagogue of the senators. 4 He ruled for six years <months>, less a few days, and, great deeds having been accomplished, he was enrolled among the gods.

5 Quia pertinet ad Aurelianum, id quod in historia relatum est, tacere non debui. Nam multi ferunt Quintillum, fratrem Claudii, cum in praesidio Italico esset, audita morte Claudii sumpsisse imperium, 6 verum postea, ubi Aurelianum comperit imperare, a toto exercitu eum derelictum; cumque contra eum convenis die vicessimo imperii sui perisse. 7 Quidquid sane scelerum fuit, quidquid denique factionum, Aurelianus toto penitus orbe purgavit.

5 Because it pertains to Aurelian, that which has been related in the history, I ought not to have kept silent. For many report that Quintillus, brother of Claudius, when he was in the Italian garrison, upon hearing of the death of Claudius, assumed the imperium, 6 but afterward, when he discovered that Aurelian was ruling, he was deserted by the whole army; and when forces had assembled against him, on the twentieth day of his rule he perished. 7 Whatever crimes there were, whatever, in fine, of factions, Aurelian thoroughly purged from the whole orb.

XXXVIII. 1 Hoc quoque ad rem pertinere arbitror Vabalti filii nomine Zenobiam, non Timolai et Herenniani, imperium tenuisse quod tenuit. 2 Fuit sub Aureliano etiam monetariorum bellum Felicissimo rationali auctore.

38. 1 I also judge it to pertain to the matter that Zenobia, in the name of Vaballathus her son, not of Timolaus and Herennianus, held the imperium which she held. 2 There was under Aurelian also a war of the moneyers, with Felicissimus the rationalis as instigator.

Quod acerrime severissimeque conpescuit, septem tamen milibus suorum militum interemptis, ut epistola docet missa ad Ulpium Crinitum ter consulem, qui eum ante adoptaverat: 3 "Aurelianus Augustus Ulpio patri. Quasi fatale quiddam mihi sit, ut omnia bella, quaecumque gessero, omnes motus ingravescant, ita etiam seditio intramurana bellum mihi gravissimum peperit. Monetarii auctore Felicissimo, ultimo servorum, cui procurationem fisci mandaveram, rebelles spiritus extulerunt.

Which he suppressed most sharply and most sternly, with seven thousand of his own soldiers slain, as a letter sent to Ulpius Crinitus, thrice consul, who had previously adopted him, shows: 3 "Aurelian Augustus to Ulpius the father. As if there were some fatal something for me, that all wars, whatever I have waged, all disturbances aggravate, so also an intramural sedition has produced for me a most grave war. The mint-workers, with Felicissimus as instigator, the lowest of slaves, to whom I had entrusted the procuration of the fisc, have raised rebellious spirits.

4 Hi conpressi sunt septem milibus Lembariorum et Riparensium et Castrianorum et Daciscorum interemptis. Unde apparet nullam mihi a dis inmortalibus datam sine difficultate victoriam."

4 These were suppressed, with seven thousand of the Lembarii, Riparenses, Castriani, and Dacisci slain. Whence it appears that no victory has been granted to me by the immortal gods without difficulty."

XXXIX. 1 Tetricum triumphatum correctorem Lucaniae fecit, filio eius in senatu manente. 2 Templum Solis magnificentissimum constituit.

39. 1 He made Tetricus, led in triumph, corrector of Lucania, his son remaining in the senate. 2 He established a most magnificent Temple of the Sun.

Muros urbis Romae sic ampliavit, ut quinquaginta prope milia murorum eius ambitus teneant. 3 Idem quadru[m]platores ac delatores ingenti severitate persecutus est. Tabulas publicas ad privatorum securitatem exuri in foro Traiani semel iussit.

He so enlarged the walls of the city of Rome that the circuit of its walls measures nearly fifty miles. 3 He likewise pursued quadruplators and delators with immense severity. He once ordered the public records to be burned in the Forum of Trajan for the security of private persons.

4 Amnestia etiam sub eo delictorum publicorum decreta est [te] exemplo Atheniensium, cuius rei etiam Tullius in Philippicis meminit. 5 Fures provinciales repetundarum ac peculatus reos ultra militarem modum est persecutus, ut eos ingentibus supliciis cruciatibusque puniret. 6 In templo Solis multum auri gemmarumque constituit.

4 Amnesty also under him of public crimes was decreed [te] after the example of the Athenians, of which matter Tullius also makes mention in the Philippics. 5 He persecuted provincial thieves, defendants of extortion (repetundae) and peculation, beyond the military measure, so that he punished them with enormous penalties and torments. 6 In the Temple of the Sun he established much gold and gems.

7 Cum vastatum Illyricum ac Moesiam deperditam videret, provinciam Transdanuvinam Daciam a Traiano constitutam sublato exercitu et provincialibus reliquit, desperans eam posse retineri, abductosque ex ea populos in Moesia conlocavit appellavitque suam Daciam, quae nunc duas Moesias dividit. 8 Dicitur praeterea huius fuisse crudelitatis, ut plerisque senatoribus simulatam ingereret factionem coniurationis ac tyrannidis, <quo> facilius eos posset occidere. 9 Addunt nonnulli filium sororis, non filiam, ab eodem interfectum, plerique autem etiam filium sororis.

7 When he saw Illyricum devastated and Moesia ruined, he abandoned the Transdanubian province of Dacia constituted by Trajan, with the army and the provincials withdrawn, despairing that it could be retained, and he settled the peoples led away from it in Moesia and called it his Dacia, which now divides the two Moesias. 8 Moreover, he is said to have had such cruelty as to thrust upon very many senators a simulated charge of a faction, of conjuration and of tyranny, <quo> more easily he might be able to kill them. 9 Some add that the sister’s son, not the daughter, was killed by the same man; most, however, say that even the sister’s son was [killed].

XL. 1 Quam difficile sit imperatorem in locum boni principis legere,et senatus sancti ordinis gravitas probat et exercitus prudentis auctoritas: 2 occiso namque severissimo principe de imperatore deligendo exercitus rettulit ad senatum, idcirco quod nullum de his faciendum putabat, qui tam bonum principem occiderant. 3 Verum senatus hanc eandem electionem in exercitum refudit, sciens non libenter iam milites accipere imperatores eos, quos senatus elegerit. 4 Denique id tertio factum est, ita ut per sex menses imperatorem Romanus orbis non habuerit, omnesque iudices hi permanerent, quos aut senatus aut Aurelianus elegerat, nisi quod pro consule Asiae Faltonius Probus in locum Arelli Fusci delegit<ur>.

40. 1 How difficult it is to elect an emperor in place of a good prince, both the gravity of the sacred order of the senate and the authority of a prudent army attest: 2 for, when the most severe prince had been slain, the army referred to the senate about choosing an emperor, for the reason that it thought none of those who had killed so good a prince should be made. 3 But the senate remitted this same election back to the army, knowing that the soldiers now did not willingly accept as emperors those whom the senate had elected. 4 Finally, this was done a third time, with the result that for six months the Roman world did not have an emperor, and all the judges remained those whom either the senate or Aurelian had chosen, except that as proconsul of Asia Faltonius Probus was designated in place of Arellius Fuscus, delegit.

XLI. 1 Non iniucundum est ipsas inserere litteras, quas ad senatum exercitus misit: "Felices ac fortes exercitus senatui P. Q. R. Aurelianus imperator noster per fraudem unius hominis et per errorem bonorum ac malorum interemptus est. 2 Hunc inter deos referte, sancti et <venerabiles> domini p. c., et de vobis aliquem, sed dignum vestro iudicio principem mittite.

41. 1 It is not unpleasing to insert the very letters which the army sent to the senate: "The fortunate and brave armies to the Senate and People of Rome: Our emperor Aurelian has been slain through the fraud of one man and through the error of good and bad alike. 2 Enroll him among the gods, holy and lords, Conscript Fathers, and from among you send someone—but a princeps worthy of your judgment."

Nos enim de his, qui vel errarunt [qui] vel male fecerunt, imperare nobis neminem patimur." 3 Rescriptum ex senatus consulto. Cum die III. nonarum Februariarum senatus amplissimus in curiam Pompilianam convenisset, Aurelius Gordianus consul dixit: "Referimus ad vos, p. c., litteras exercitus felicissimi." 4 Quibus recitatis Aurelius Tacitus, primae sententiae senator, ita loquutus est:—hic autem est qui post Aurelianum sententia omnium imperator est appellatus.—5 "recte atque ordine consuluissent dii immortales, p.c., si boni principes ferro inviolabiles extitissent, ut longiorem ducerent vitam neque contra eos aliqua esset potestas his, qui neces infandas tristissima mente concipiunt.

“For we allow no one from among those who have either erred [who] or have done ill to command us.” 3 A rescript from a decree of the senate. When on the 3rd day before the Nones of February the most distinguished senate had assembled in the Pompilian curia, Aurelius Gordianus, consul, said: “We report to you, p. c., the letters of the most fortunate army.” 4 When these were read aloud, Aurelius Tacitus, senator of the first opinion, spoke thus:—now this is the man who after Aurelian was, by the judgment of all, called emperor.— 5 “The immortal gods, p. c., would have consulted rightly and in due order, if good princes had stood inviolable to iron, so that they might lead a longer life and there might be no power against them for those who with a most gloomy mind conceive unspeakable murders.

6 Viveret enim princips Aurelianus, quo <neque fortior> neque utilior fuit quisquam. 7 Respirare certe post infelicitatem Valeriani, post Gallieni mala imperante Claudio coeperat nostra res p.; at aedem reddita fuerat Aureliano toto penitus orbe vincente. 8 Ille nobis Gallias dedit, ille Italiam liberavit, ille Vindelicis iugum barbaricae servitutis amovit.

6 For Emperor Aurelian would be alive, than whom there was <no stronger> nor anyone more useful. 7 Our republic had certainly begun to breathe again after the misfortune of Valerian, after the evils of Gallienus, with Claudius ruling; but it had been restored entire under Aurelian, he conquering the whole world utterly. 8 He gave back to us the Gauls, he freed Italy, he removed from the Vindelici the yoke of barbaric servitude.

Illo vincente Illyricum restitutum est, redditae Romanis legibus Thraciae. 9 Ille, pro pudor[e], orientem femineo pressum iugo in nostra iura restituit, ille Persas, insultantes adhuc Valeriani nece, fudit, fugavit, oppressit. 10 Illum Saraceni, Blemmyes, Exsomitae, Bactrani, Seres, Hiberi, Albani, Armenii, populi etiam Indorum veluti praesentem paene venerati sunt deum.

With him victorious, Illyricum was restored, Thrace was given back to Roman laws. 9 He, for sham[e], restored the East, pressed beneath a feminine yoke, to our jurisdiction; he routed, put to flight, and crushed the Persians, still exulting over Valerian’s death. 10 Him the Saracens, the Blemmyes, the Exsomitae, the Bactrians, the Seres, the Iberi, the Albani, the Armenians, even the peoples of the Indians, venerated almost as a present god.

11 Illius donis, quae a barbaris gentibus meruit, refertum est Capitolium. Quindecim milia librarum auri ex eius liberalitate unum tenet templum, omnia in urbe fana eius micant donis. 12 Quare, p.c., vel deos ipsos iure convenio, qui talem principem interire passi sunt, nisi forte secum eum esse maluerunt.

11 The Capitol is crammed with his gifts, which he merited from barbarian peoples. One temple alone holds 15,000 pounds of gold by his liberality; all the fanes in the city glitter with his gifts. 12 Therefore, Conscript Fathers, I even with right arraign the gods themselves, who allowed such a princeps to perish—unless perhaps they preferred to have him with themselves.

13 Decerno igitur divinos honores, idque vos omnes aestimo esse facturos. Nam de imperatore diligendo ad eundem exercitum censeo esse referendum. 14 Etenim in tali genere sententiae nisi fiat quod dicitur, et electi periculum erit et eligentis invidia." 15 Probata sententia est Taciti.

13 Therefore I decree divine honors, and I reckon that all of you will do this. For as to choosing an emperor, I judge it should be referred to that same army. 14 For indeed, in such a kind of motion, unless what is said be done, there will be danger for the elected and envy for the electing." 15 Tacitus’s motion was approved.

Attamen cum iterum atque iterum mitteretur, ex senatus consulto, quod in Taciti vita dicemus, Tacitus factus est imperator.

Nevertheless, when he was sent again and again, by a decree of the senate, which we shall say in the Life of Tacitus, Tacitus was made emperor.

XLII. 1 Aurelianus filiam solam reliquit, cuius posteri etiam nunc Romae sunt. 2 Aurelianus namque pro consule Ciliciae, senator optimus, sui vere iuris vitaeque venerabilis, qui nunc in Sicilia vitam agit, eius est nepos.

42. 1 Aurelian left a single daughter, whose descendants even now are at Rome. 2 For Aurelianus, proconsul of Cilicia, a most excellent senator, truly sui iuris and venerable in life, who now spends his life in Sicily, is his grandson.

3 Quid hoc esse dicam, tam paucos bonos extitisse principes, cum iam tot Caesares fuerint ? Nam ab Augusto in Diocletianum Maximianumque principes quae series purpuratorum sit, index publicus tenet. 4 Sed in his optimi ipse Augustus, Fl(avius) Vespasianum, Fl(avius) Titus, Cocceius Nerva, divus Traianus, divus Hadrianus, Pius et Marcus Antonini, Severus Afer, Alexander Mammaeae, divus Claudius et divus Aurelianus. Valerianum, enim, cum optimus fuerit, ab omnibus infelicitas separavit.

3 What am I to say this is, that so few good princes have existed, when already so many Caesars have been ? For from Augustus to Diocletian and Maximian, what the series of the purple-wearers is, the public index records. 4 But among these, the best are Augustus himself, Fl(avius) Vespasianus, Fl(avius) Titus, Cocceius Nerva, the deified Trajan, the deified Hadrian, Pius and Marcus, the Antonini, Severus the African, Alexander, son of Mamaea, the deified Claudius, and the deified Aurelian. For Valerian, although he was most excellent, ill-fortune separated him from all the rest.

5 Vides, quaeso, quam pauci sint principes boni, ut bene dicxtum sit a quodam mimico scurra Claudii huius temporibus in uno anulo bonos principes posse perscribi atque depingi. 6 At contra quae series malorum ? Ut enim omittamus Vitellios, Caligulas et Nerones, quis ferat Maximinos et Filippos atque illam inconditae multitudinis faecem ? Tametsi D[a]ecios excerpere debeam, quorum et vita et mors veteribus comparanda est.

5 You see, I beg, how few good princes there are, so that it was well said by a certain mimic-buffoon in the times of this Claudius, that good princes can be written out and painted on a single ring. 6 But, on the contrary, what a series of bad ones! For even if we omit the Vitellii, the Caligulas, and the Nerones, who could endure the Maximini and the Philippi and that dregs of an unshapen multitude? Although I ought to except the D[a]ecii, whose life and death alike are to be compared with those of the ancients.

XLIII. 1 Et quaeritur quidem, quae res malos principes faciat: iam primum, mi amice, licentia, deinde rerum copia , amici praeterea inprobi, satellites detestandi, eunuchi avarissimi, aulici vel stulti vel detestabiles et, quod negari non potest, rerum publicarum ignorantia. 2 Sed ego a patre meo audivi Diocletianum principem iam privatum dixisse nihil esse difficilius quam bene imperare.

43. 1 And indeed it is asked what makes bad princes: to begin with, my friend, license, then abundance of things , moreover unprincipled friends, henchmen to be detested, most avaricious eunuchs, courtiers either stupid or detestable and, which cannot be denied, ignorance of public affairs. 2 But I heard from my father that the emperor Diocletian, now a private citizen, said that nothing is more difficult than to rule well.

3 Colligunt se quattuor vel quinque atque unum consilium ad decipiendum imperatorem capiunt, dicunt, quid probandum sit. 4 Imperator, qui domi clausus est, vera non novit. Cogitur hoc tantum scire, quod illi loquuntur, facit iudices, quos fieri non oportet, amovet a re p., Quos debeat optinere.

3 Four or five gather themselves and take up one counsel to deceive the emperor, they say what must be approved. 4 The emperor, who is shut in at home, does not know the true things. He is compelled to know only this, what they speak; he makes judges who ought not to be made, he removes from the commonwealth, Those whom he ought to retain.

Quid multa ? Ut Diocletianus ipse dicebat, bonus, cautus, optimus venditur imnperator. 5 Haec Diocletiani verba sunt, quaae idcirco inserui, ut prudentia tua sciret nihil esse difficilius bono principe.

Why say more? As Diocletian himself used to say, the good, cautious, best emperor is sold out. 5 These are Diocletian’s words, which I have inserted for this reason: that your prudence might know that nothing is more difficult than a good emperor.

XLIV. 1 Et Aurelianum quidem multi neque inter bonos neque inter malos principes ponuntm idcirco quod ei clementia, imperatorum dos prima, defuerit. 2 Verconnius Herennianus praefectus praetorii Diocletiani teste Asclepiodoto saepe dicebat Diocletianum frequenter dixisse, cum Maximiani asperitatem reprehenderet, Aurelianum magis ducem esse debuisse quam principem.

44. 1 And Aurelian, indeed, many place neither among good nor among bad princes, for the reason that clemency, the first endowment of emperors, was lacking to him. 2 Verconnius Herennianus, Praetorian Prefect of Diocletian, with Asclepiodotus as witness, often used to say that Diocletian had frequently said, when he was reproving Maximian’s asperity, that Aurelian ought rather to have been a leader than a prince.

Nam eius nimia ferocitas eidem displicebat. 3 Mirabile fortasse videtur quod conpertum Diocletiano Asclepiodotus Celsino consiliario suo dixisse perhibetur, sed de hoc posteri iudicabunt. 4 Docebat enim quodam tempore Aurelianum Gallicanas consuluisse Dryadas sciscitantem, utrum apud eius posteroa imperium permaneret, cum illas respondisse dixit nullius clarius in re p. nomen quam Claudii posterorum futurum.

For his excessive ferocity displeased him. 3 It may perhaps seem marvelous what Asclepiodotus is reported to have said to his counselor Celsinus as having been discovered by Diocletian, but posterity will judge about this. 4 For he related that at a certain time Aurelian had consulted the Gallic Dryads, inquiring whether the imperium would remain with his descendants, when he said that they had answered that no name in the republic would be more illustrious than that of the descendants of Claudius.

5 Et est quidem iam Constantius imperator, eiusdem vir sanguinis, cuius puto posteros ad eam gloriam,quae a Dryadibus pronuntiata sit, pervenire. Quod idcirco ego in Aureliani vita constitui, quia haec ipsi Aureliano consulenti responsa sunt.

5 And indeed Constantius is now emperor, a man of the same blood, whose descendants I think will arrive at that glory,which was pronounced by the Dryads. Which I have therefore included in the life of Aurelian, because these responses were given to Aurelian himself when consulting.

XLV. 1 Vectigal ex Aegypto urbi Romae Aurelianus vitri, chartae, lini, stuppae atque anabolicas species aeternas constituit. 2 Thermas in Transtiberina regione Aurelianus facere paravit hiemales, quod aquae frigidio[e}ris copia illic deesset.

45. 1 Aurelian established perpetual tribute from Egypt for the city of Rome—of glass, paper, linen, tow, and anabolic spices. 2 Aurelian prepared to construct winter baths in the Transtiberine region, because there the supply of colder water was lacking.

Forum nominis sui in Ostiensi ad mare fundare coepit. In quo postea praetorium publicum constitutum est. 3 Amicos suos honeste ditavit et modice, ut miserias paupertatis effugerent et divitiarum invidiam patrimonii moderatione vitarent.

He began to found a forum bearing his own name in the Ostian district by the sea. In it afterward a public praetorium was established. 3 He enriched his friends honorably and moderately, so that they might escape the miseries of poverty and, by moderation of their patrimony, avoid the envy that attends riches.

4 Vestem holosericam neque ipse in vestiario suo hubuit neque alteri utendam dedit. 5 Et cum ab eo uxor sua peteret, ut tunicopallio blatteo serico uteretur, ille respondit: "absit ut auro fila pensentur." Libra enim auri tunc libra serici fuit.

4 He had no holoseric garment in his own wardrobe, nor did he give one to another to use. 5 And when his wife asked of him that she might use a blattaean-purple silk tunic-cloak, he replied: "Far be it that threads be weighed against gold." For at that time a pound of gold was a pound of silk.

XLVI. 1 Habuit in animo, ut aurum neque in cameras neque in tunicas neque in pelles neque in argentum mitteretur, dicens plus auri esse in rerum natura quam argenti, sed aurum per varios brattearum, filiorum et liquationum usus perire, argentum autem in suo usu manere. 2 Idem dederat facultatem, ut aureis, qui vellent, et vasis uterentur et poculis.

46. 1 He had in mind that gold should be put neither into chambers nor into tunics nor into hides nor into silver, saying that there is more gold in the nature of things than silver, but that gold perishes through the various uses of gold leaf (bracteae), threads, and liquations, whereas silver remains in its own use. 2 The same man had granted permission that those who wished might use both vessels and cups of gold.

3 Dedit praeterea potestatem, ut argentatas privati carruchas haberent, cum antea aerata et eburata vehicula fuissent. 4 Idem concessit, ut blatteas matronae tunicas haberent, ceteras vestes, cum antea coloreas habuissent et ut multum oxypaederotinas. 5 Ut fibulas aureas gregarii milites haberent, idem primus concessit, cum antea argenteas habuissent.

3 He furthermore gave authorization that private individuals might have silver-plated carriages, whereas previously vehicles had been bronze-plated and ivory-inlaid. 4 The same man granted that matrons might have blatteous (purple) tunics, and the other garments as well, whereas before they had had colored ones and, at most, oxypaederotine. 5 That common soldiers might have gold brooches he, the same, was the first to grant, whereas previously they had had silver ones.

6 Paragaudas vestes ipse primus militibus dedit, cum ante non nisi rectis purpureis accepissent, et quidem aliis monolores, aliis dilores, trilores aliis et usque ad pentelores, quales hodie lineae sunt.

6 He himself was the first to give paragauda garments to the soldiers, whereas before they had received only straight purples, and indeed for some monolores, for others dilores, for others trilores, and even up to pentelores, such as are today of linen.

XLVII. 1 Panibus urbis Romae unciam de Aegyptio vectigali auxit, ut quadam epistula data ad praefectum annonae urbis etiam ipse gloriatur: 2 "Aurelianus Augustus Fl(avio) Arabiano praefecto annonae. Inter cetera, quibus dis faventibus Romanam rem p. iuvimus, nihil mihi est magnificentius, quam quod additamento unciae omne[m] annonarum urbicarum genus iuvi.

47. 1 He increased by an ounce, from the Egyptian tax, the bread-rations of the city of Rome, as he himself even boasts in a certain letter given to the Prefect of the Grain-Supply of the city: 2 "Aurelian Augustus to Fl(avius) Arabianus, Prefect of the Grain-Supply. Among the rest, by which, with the gods favoring, we have aided the Roman commonwealth, nothing is more magnificent to me than that, by the addition of an ounce, I have assisted every kind of the urban grain-supply."

3 Quod ut esset perpetuum, navicularios Niliacos apud Aegyptum novos et Romae amnicos posui, Tiberina extruxi ripas, vadum alvei tumentis effodi, diis et Perennitati vota constitui, almam Cererem consecravi. 4 Nunc tuum est officium, Arabiane iucundissime, elaborare, ne meae dispositiones in irritum veniant. Neque enim p. R. saturo quicquam potest esse laetius."

3 In order that this might be perpetual, I appointed new Nile shipowners in Egypt and, at Rome, riverine ones; I built up the Tiberine banks, I dredged the shoal of the swelling channel, I established vows to the gods and to Perennity, I consecrated bounteous Ceres. 4 Now it is your duty, most agreeable Arabianus, to labor, lest my arrangements come to nothing. For indeed, with the Roman People sated, nothing can be more joyous."

XLVIII. 1 Statuerat et vinum gratuitum p. R. dare, ut, quem ad modum oleum et panis et porcina gratuita praebentur, sic etiam vinum daretur, quod perpetuum hac dispositione conceperat. 2 Etruriae per Aureliam usque ad Alpes maritimas ingentes agri sunt hique fertiles ac silvosi.

48. 1 He had also determined to give wine gratis to the Roman people, so that, just as oil and bread and pork are provided gratis, so also wine might be given—a thing which he had conceived as perpetual by this arrangement. 2 In Etruria, along the Aurelia as far as the Maritime Alps, there are vast fields, and these are fertile and wooded.

Statuerat igitur dominis, locorum incultorum qui tamen vellent, gratis dare atque illic familias captivas constituere, vitibus montes conserere atque ex eo opere vinum dare, ut nihil redituum fiscus acciperet, sed totum p. R. concederet. Facta erat ratio dogae, cuparum, navium et operum. 3 Sed multi dicunt Aurelianum, ne id faceret, praeventum, alii a praef.

Therefore he had determined to give gratis to the owners of uncultivated places, who nevertheless were willing, and to settle captive families there, to plant the hills with vines and from that work to provide wine, so that the fisc should receive nothing of the revenues, but should concede the whole to the Roman People. The reckoning had been made of the staves, the casks, the ships, and the works. 3 But many say that Aurelian, lest he might do this, was forestalled, others [say] by the pref.

Praetorii suo prohibitum, qui dixisse fertur: "si et vinum p. R. damus, superest, ut et pullos et anseres demus". 4 Argumento est id vere Aurelianum cogitasse, immo etiam facere disposuisse vel ex aliqua parte fecisse, quod in porticibus templi Solis fiscalia vina ponuntur, non gratuita populo eroganda sed pretio. 5 Sciendum tamen congiara illum ter dedisse, donasse etiam p. R. tunicas albas manicatas ex diversis provinciis et lineas Afras atque Aegyptias puras, ipsumque primum primum donasse oraria p. R. quibus uteretur populus ad favorem.

He was prevented by his own Praetorian Prefect, who is said to have remarked: "If we give wine to the Roman People as well, it remains that we should give chickens and geese too." 4 It is an argument that Aurelian truly thought this, nay even arranged to do it or in some part did it, that in the porticoes of the Temple of the Sun fiscal wines are set out, not to be distributed to the people gratuitously but for a price. 5 Yet it must be known that he gave congiaria three times, and that he also gifted to the Roman People white sleeved tunics from diverse provinces and pure African and Egyptian linens, and that he himself, the very first, gave handkerchiefs to the Roman People, which the populace might use for favor.

XLIX. 1 Displicebat ei, cum esset Romae, habitare in Palatio, ac magis placebat in hortis Sallusti vel in Domitiae vivere. 2 Miliarensem denique porticum in hortis Sallusti ornavit, in qua cotidie et equos et se fatigabat, quamvis esset non bonae valetudinis.

49. 1 It displeased him, when he was at Rome, to dwell in the Palace, and it pleased him more to live in the Gardens of Sallust or in those of Domitia. 2 Finally he adorned the Miliarense Portico in the Gardens of Sallust, in which every day he wearied both the horses and himself, although he was of poor health.

3 Servos et ministros peccantes coram se caedi iubebat, ut plerique dicunt, causa tenendae severitatis, ut alii, studio crudelitatis. 4 Ancillam suam, quae adulterium cum conservo suo fecerat, capite punivit. 5 Multos servos ex familia propria, qui peccaverant, legibus audiendos iudiciis publicis dedit.

3 He ordered slaves and ministers who were offending to be beaten before him, as very many say, for the sake of maintaining severity; as others say, from a zeal for cruelty. 4 He punished his handmaid, who had committed adultery with her fellow-slave, with the head (i.e., with capital punishment). 5 He handed over many slaves from his own household, who had offended, to be heard under the laws by the public courts.

6 Senatum sive senaculum matronis reddi voluerat, ita ut primae illic quae sacerdotia senatu auctore meruissent. 7 Calceos mullos et cereos et albos et hederacios viris omnibus tulit, mulieribus reliquit. Cursores eo habitu, quo ipse habebat, senatoribus concessit.

6 He had wished that the Senate, or the senaculum, be handed over to the matrons, such that those there would be foremost who had earned priesthoods by the authority of the Senate. 7 The mulleus (scarlet), wax-colored, white, and ivy-colored shoes he took away from all men, he left to women. He granted to the senators runners in the same attire which he himself had.

8 Concubinas ingenuas haberi vetuit. Eunuchorum modum pro senatoriis professionibus statuit, idcirco quod ad ingentia pretia pervenissent. 9 Vas argenti eius numquam triginta libras transiit.

8 He forbade that freeborn concubines be kept. He set a limit on eunuchs for senatorial professions, for the reason that they had come to immense prices. 9 His silver plate never went beyond thirty pounds.

Convivium de assaturis maxime fuit. Vino russo maxime delectatus est.

The banquet consisted mostly of roasts. He was especially delighted by red wine.

L. 1 Medicum ad se, cum aegrotaret, numquam vocavit, sed ipse se in[a]edia praecipue curabat. 2 Uxori et filiae annuum sigillaricium quasi privatus instituit. 3 Servis suis vestes easdem imperator quas et privatus dedit praeter duos senes, quibus quasi libertis plurimum detulit, Antistium et Gillonem, <qui> post eum ex senatus sententia manu missi sunt.

50. 1 He never called a medic to himself when he was sick, but he chiefly treated himself by fasting. 2 For his wife and daughter he instituted an annual sigillaricium, as if a private person. 3 To his slaves he, as emperor, gave the same garments as when a private citizen, except for two old men, to whom he showed very great deference as if to freedmen, Antistius and Gillo, who after him, by decree of the senate, were manumitted.

4 Erat quiidem rarus in voluptatibus, sed miro modo mimis delectabatur, vehementissime autem delectatus est fagone, qui usque eo multum comedit, ut uno die ante mensam eius aprum integrum, centum panes, berbicem et porcellum comederet, biberet autem infundibulo adposito plus orca. 5 Habuit tempus praeter sedditiones quasdam domesticas fortunatissimum. Populus eum Romanum amavit, senatus et timuit.

4 He was indeed rare in pleasures, but in a wondrous way he was delighted by mimes; most vehemently, however, he was delighted by Phago, who ate so much to such an extent that in a single day, before his table, he ate a whole boar, a hundred loaves, a wether, and a piglet, and he drank, with a funnel set in place, more than a cask. 5 He had a most fortunate time, except for certain domestic seditions. The Roman people loved him, and the senate also feared him.