Erasmus•Libri Antibarbarorum
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[35,2] Miram quandam esse naturae uim atque g-energeian uel hinc colligo, Sapide charissime, quod cum me puero prorsus exularent ludis literariis bonae literae, cum deessent librorum ac praeceptorum subsidia, cum nullus honos adderet ingenio calcar imo cum passim omnes ab his studiis deterrerent et ad alia compellerent, me tamen non iudicium, quod mihi tum per aetatem esse non poterat, sed naturae sensus quidam ad Musarum sacra uelut afflatum rapiebat.
[35,2] I infer, dearest Sapidus, even from this, that there is a wondrous kind of force and energy of nature: that when I was a boy—since in the literary schools the good letters were utterly in exile, since the aids of books and of preceptors were lacking, since no honor added a spur to talent, nay rather, since everywhere all were deterring from these studies and compelling toward others—yet me, not judgment (which at that time, by reason of my age, I could not have), but a certain sense of nature, as if by afflatus, was snatching away to the sacred rites of the Muses.
[36,13] Secundus subornata persona, qualis est apud Platonem Glauco, summis eloquentiae uiribus uituperabat eloquentiam totamque rhetorices panopliam ex intimis illius armariis petitam in ipsam rhetoricen expediebat adeo, ut felicis memoriae Ioannes Coletus simulatque librum eum legisset, serio mihi dixerit in familiari colloquio: plane liber tuus mihi persuasit neglectum eloquentiae.
[36,13] The second, with a suborned persona, such as Glauco is with Plato, with the highest forces of eloquence vituperated eloquence, and the whole panoply of rhetoric, fetched from its inmost cupboards, he deployed against rhetoric itself to such a degree that John Colet of happy memory, as soon as he had read that book, said to me in earnest in familiar colloquy: plainly your book has persuaded me to neglect eloquence.
[36,26] Id nequando fieret, ipse recognitum librum typographis commisi, cum alioqui perpetuo suppressum maluissem, praesertim cum hac de re prodiderit opus eruditum, acutum et expolitum Hermannus Buschius, cui titulum fecit, Vallum humanitatis.
[36,26] Lest that should ever happen, I myself entrusted the revised book to the typographers, although otherwise I would have preferred it to be perpetually suppressed, especially since on this matter Hermannus Buschius has published an erudite, acute, and polished work, to which he gave the title, the Rampart of Humanity.
[38,38] Cum adolescens, pestilentiae quae tum apud nostrates inclementissime saeuiebat defugiendae studio, in rusculum quoddam Brabanticum me contulissem tum salubre tum amoenum, quod is locus non solum tuendae saluti uerumetiam studiorum secessibus uel maxime uideretur idoneus, hoc nomine uel Platonis Academia potior, quod ocio par, salubritate uinceret, cum illam pestilenti coelo fuisse legamus, hic praeter salubris aurae commendationem habebat et silentii plurimum, amoenitatis etiam quantum philosopho satis esset fortassis et Musis, quae lympidis fontibus ac ripis smaragdinis et opacis nemorum umbris delectari feruntur; - hic latitantem ac suauiter rusticantem praeter spem inuisit Hermannus Guilhelmus, tum aequalium meorum unus longe mihi charissimus, quicum mihi a teneris (ut aiunt) unguiculis singularis quaedam charitas saneque iucunda studiorum societas sic cum ipsa prope aetate accreuerat, ac penitus iis uinculis ea fide ea beneuolentia conglutinarat, ut nec Oresti Piladem nec Pirithoo Theseum nec Patroclo Achillem nec Damoni Pithiam nec Eurialo Nisum coniunctiorem fuisse crediderim.
[38,38] When, as a young man, out of zeal for fleeing the pestilence which was then raging most inclemently among our countrymen, I had betaken myself to a certain little Brabantine countryside, both healthful and pleasant, because that place seemed not only suitable for safeguarding health but even especially for the seclusions of studies, in this respect preferable even to Plato’s Academy, for, equal in leisure, it would surpass in salubrity, since we read that that one was under a pestilential sky, this place, besides the commendation of a healthful breeze, had very much silence, and also as much amenity as would perhaps suffice for a philosopher and for the Muses, who are said to take delight in limpid springs and emerald banks and the shady shadows of groves; - here, beyond hope, Hermannus Guilhelmus visited me as I lay hidden and was sweetly rusticating, then one of my peers by far dearest to me, with whom from tender (as they say) little nails a certain singular affection and a truly pleasant fellowship of studies had grown up almost with my very age itself, and had thoroughly glued us together by those bonds, with such good faith and such benevolence, that I would not believe Pylades to Orestes, nor Theseus to Pirithous, nor Achilles to Patroclus, nor Damon to Pythias, nor Nisos to Euryalus to have been more closely conjoined.
[39,40] Ex huius igitur aduentu, uel hoc etiam gratiore, quod esset inexpectatus, cum incredibilem cepissem uoluptatem, ne hoc tanto bono solus adeo fruerer inuidus, communi amico Iacobo Batto, qui proximae ciuitatis Berganae tum erat publicus a secretis, confestim renunciandum curo, homini, deum immortalem, quo candore, qua morum suauitate, qua doctrina, quam felici facundia.
[39,40] From his arrival, therefore—made even more welcome by this also, that it was unexpected—since I had taken incredible delight, lest I, so envious, should enjoy so great a good alone, I at once take care that it be reported to our common friend, Jacobus Battus, who at that time was public secretary for secret matters of the nearby city Bergen, to the man—by the immortal gods!—with what candor, with what suavity of manners, with what learning, with what felicitous eloquence.
[40,43] Is uero simulatque resciuit, ascito e congerronibus suis uno duntaxat non dicam accurrit, sed prorsus aduolat, idque adeo nocte fere concubia, quod interdiu aegre liceret abesse, praesertim quod nuper in administrationem Rei p- uocato omnia popularius ac studiosius essent obeunda.
[40,43] But he, as soon as he found it out, having summoned from his colleagues only one, I will not say runs up, but outright flies hither, and that indeed almost in the dead of night, because by day it was scarcely permitted to be absent, especially since, having been recently called into the administration of the Republic, everything had to be performed more popularly and more studiously.
[41,48] Erat huic haud procul a nobis praediolum rusticanum, quo uir prudentissimus recipere sese solitus erat, quoties eum urbis urbanorumque negociorum cepisset satietas (nam apud suos summo magistratu subinde fungebatur), quoties fluctus illos ciuilium causarum uoluisset paulisper effugere, quoties nugari liberius atque (ut ait Flaccus) discincto ludere collubitum esset.
[41,48] He had, not far from us, a small rustic freehold, to which the most prudent man was accustomed to withdraw himself whenever a surfeit of the city and of urban business had seized him (for among his own he from time to time discharged the highest magistracy), whenever he wished for a little while to escape those billows of civil causes, whenever it was his pleasure to trifle more freely and, as Flaccus says, to play ungirded.
[42,53] Ad haec ille exhilaratus : Prorsus, inquit, tuis delitiis inuideo, homo hominum qui uiuunt felicissime, qui dum nos miseri turbulentissimis illis negociorum undis sursum ac deorsum iactamur, ociosus interim ac uacuus cum tuis Camoenis obambulas et animum oblectas, nunc cum amiculo quopiam quicquid libuit garriens, nunc cum ueterum scriptorum aliquo confabulans, interdum poeticam aliquam cantilenam modulans, nonnunquam chartis ceu fidis sodalibus committens quod animo uersaris.
[42,53] To this he, exhilarated : Precisely, he says, I envy your delights, man of men who live most happily, who, while we wretches are tossed up and down by those most turbulent waves of business, meanwhile at leisure and unencumbered you stroll about with your Muses and delight your mind, now with some little friend chattering whatever you please, now confabulating with some writer of the ancients, sometimes modulating some poetic little song, now and then committing to your papers, as to faithful comrades, what you are turning over in your mind.
[43,74] Sub haec Batto paululum seducto familiarius in aurem: Scelerate, inquit, cur non passus es me Icarum tuum tecum huc aduolare, praesertim cum scires me non minus teipso hominis uidendi desiderio teneri, idque adeo tua opera.
[43,74] Upon this, with him a little drawn aside, Battus, more familiarly into his ear: “Wretch,” he said, “why did you not allow me, your Icarus, to fly hither with you, especially since you knew me to be held by a desire of seeing the man no less than you yourself, and that indeed by your agency.”
[44,83] Deinde consalutato Guilhelmo, perreximus obambulare, non sine uariis (ut fit) sermonibus, de regionis situ, de soli natura, de coeli salubritate, de calamitate nostrae Hollandiae; tandem (ut solet in huiusmodi fabulis alius ex alio sermo incurrere) in ueterem quidem illam sed prorsus iustissimam nostrorum temporum querelam incidimus.
[44,83] Then, after saluting William, we proceeded to stroll about, not without various (as happens) discourses: about the situation of the region, about the nature of the soil, about the salubrity of the sky, about the calamity of our Holland; at length (as is wont in tales of this sort, one discourse running into another) we fell upon that old indeed, but altogether most just, complaint of our times.
[45,84] Quaerebamus non sine uehementi admiratione, quae tam uasta calamitas tam uberem, tam florentem ac laetam optimarum artium frugem dissipasse, quod tam dirum et immane proluuium omnes prope ueterum literas olim purissimas tam turpiter confudisset; qui fieret ut nos priscos scriptores tam immenso interuallo sequeremur, ut qui nunc doctrinae tenerent arcem, pauculis quibusdam exceptis, uix idonei uiderentur qui cum priscorum mulierculis aut pueris elementariis in palaestra literaria possent decertare, et qui nunc imperatores exercitum ducerent, apud illos ne inter gregarios quidem milites asscribi mererentur, quique nunc disciplinarum clauum moderarentur, tunc ne in sentina quidem locum inuenissent.
[45,84] We were inquiring, not without vehement admiration, what so vast a calamity had scattered so abundant, so flourishing and gladsome a crop of the best arts; what so dire and monstrous a deluge had so foully confounded almost all ancient letters, once most pure; how it came to pass that we follow the ancient writers at so immense an interval, so that those who now hold the citadel of doctrine, a few excepted, scarcely seem fit to be able to contend in the literary palestra with the ancients’ little women or elementary boys, and those who now would be generals leading an army, among them would not deserve to be enrolled even among the rank‑and‑file soldiers, and those who now steer the helm of the disciplines then would not have found a place even in the bilge.
[45,85] Ac Medicus quidem, homo promptae facundiae, sed astrologiae mire deditus, cui nihil non tribuebat, alioqui uir pius ac probus, totius mali causam in sydera reiicere moliebatur, permulta in eam rem disserens cum acute tum etiam probabiliter: ab his rerum humanarum uicissitudines proficisci, hinc orta atque extincta rursus imperia, hinc regna aliunde alio translata, hinc toties immutatos mortalium animos mores habitus studia fortunas fluxisse docebat.
[45,85] And the Physician, a man of ready eloquence, but marvelously devoted to astrology, to which he attributed everything, otherwise a pious and upright man, was trying to cast the cause of the whole evil back upon the stars, discoursing very much on that matter both acutely and also plausibly: from these, he taught, the vicissitudes of human affairs proceed; hence empires have arisen and again been extinguished; hence kingdoms have been translated from one place to another; hence so often the altered minds, morals, conditions, pursuits, fortunes of mortals have flowed.
[46,91] Proinde mundanas disciplinas prisci religionis cultores ut rem Christo inimicam horrebant, et pulchrum habebatur nescire prophanas literas, neque minus laudis erat negligenti philosophiam Aristotelicam aut Platonicam quam contemnenti regna, calcanti diuitias, spernenti uoluptates.
[46,91] Accordingly, the cultors of the primitive religion shuddered at worldly disciplines as a thing hostile to Christ, and it was held a fine thing to be ignorant of profane letters; nor was there less praise for one neglecting Aristotelic or Platonic philosophy than for one despising kingdoms, trampling riches, and spurning pleasures.
[46,92] Quicquid enim mundus suspiciebat, hoc fastidiit religio, cuius studio uehementi magis quam sapienti et immodico quodam aduersariorum odio, cum quibus adeo sibi nihil uoluerunt esse commune, ut uel optima relinquerent, neglectae sunt disciplinae liberales, nihilo prudentius agentibus quam si Gallus odio Britannorum mallet nudus incedere quam panno apud Britannos texto uestiri, aut si Britannus mallet siti disrumpi quam uinum bibere apud Gallos natum.
[46,92] For whatever the world esteemed, this religion disdained; by a zeal more vehement than sapient and by a certain immoderate hatred of adversaries, with whom they wished to have nothing in common to such a degree that they would leave even the best things, the liberal disciplines were neglected—acting nothing more prudently than if a Gaul, out of hatred for the Britons, should prefer to go about naked rather than be clothed with a cloth woven among the Britons, or if a Briton should prefer to burst with thirst rather than drink wine produced among the Gauls.
[47,97] Deinde secuti sunt homines impense pii, qui cum animaduerterent ex ethnicorum libris, uehementer adamatis ob eruditionis splendorem et illecebram eloquentiae, hauriri etiam nonnihil paganismi, iamque sic ubique propagatam esse religionem Christianam, ut eorum librorum usus non magnopere desideraretur ad confutandos aduersarios, huc incumbebant ut extincta superstitione Iudaeorum et Ethnicorum simul et literae et linguae tollerentur.
[47,97] Then there followed men intensely pious, who, when they observed that from the books of the pagans—most vehemently loved on account of the splendor of erudition and the allure of eloquence—there was being imbibed also not a little paganism, and that by now the Christian religion had been propagated everywhere in such a way that the use of those books was not greatly required for confuting adversaries, bent their efforts to this: that, the superstition of Jews and Pagans having been extinguished, both the letters and the languages should at the same time be removed.
[47,106] Mox cum hi quoque supercilio turgidi ad luxum sese uerterent, neglectis linguis, neglecta antiquitate, nata est nescio quae perturbata doctrina et prorsus inerudita eruditio qua non solum humanae disciplinae, uerumetiam ipsa theologia miseris modis uitiata fuit.
[47,106] Soon, when these men too, swollen with superciliousness, turned themselves toward luxury, with languages neglected and antiquity neglected, there was born I-know-not-what perturbed doctrine and downright unlearned erudition, whereby not only the human disciplines, but even theology itself, was vitiated in miserable modes.
[48,108] Mundum uniuersum et quicquid hic gignit mundus sua quadam iuuenta subolescere, ac rursum posteaquam ad summum uigorem suis auctibus peruenerit, tandem ad senium uergere ac sensim in deterius prolabi; Cybelen illam deorum parentem iam sterilescere et quae olim iuuenes deos gignebat, nunc longo pariendi usu effoetam, uix homines producere: huc enim referebat aenigma huius fabulae.
[48,108] that the entire universe, and whatever this world begets here, grows up with a certain youth of its own, and again, after it has by its own augmentations attained to the highest vigor, at length inclines to senescence and gradually slips into the worse; that Cybele, that parent of the gods, is now growing sterile, and she who once begot young gods, now, effete from the long practice of bearing, scarcely brings forth human beings: for to this he referred the enigma of this fable.
[48,110] Breuiter eo euasit, ut nostri temporis homines ingenio minus ualere diceret quam ueteres illi ualuissent, naturamque quasi senescentem, quae olim non corpora modo praestantiora uerumetiam ingenia magis (ut ita dicam) mascula felicioraque producebat, nunc homunciones ut pusillis corporibus, ita ingeniis non paulo deterioribus generare.
[48,110] Briefly, he came to this: that the men of our time he said to be less strong in genius than those ancients had been, and that Nature, as if senescing, which once produced not only bodies more preeminent but also minds more (so to speak) masculine and more fortunate, now begets little men, just as with puny bodies, so with talents by no small degree more deteriorated.
[49,114] Erat enim ut ingenua quadam dicendi libertate non sine dicaci uehementia praeditus, ita non secus ipse barbaris quam illi literis infensus, adeo ut ad occursus horum frequenter aut nausearet aut incandesceret, nonnunquam uelut omen infaustum mutata uia declinaret.
[49,114] For since he was endowed with a certain ingenuous liberty of speaking, not without a witty vehemence, he himself was no less hostile to barbarians than they to letters, to such a degree that at encounters with these men he would frequently either feel nauseated or incandesce, and sometimes, as if at an ill-omen, he would turn aside with his route changed.
[51,135] Hos, inquit ille, asellos Arcadicos, siue mauis Antronios, quos publicis in ludis in quibus optimae literae tradi debuerant, impudentia plusquam asinina passim audis non loqui sed rudere, qui magna (ut est apud Fabium) confidentia atque autoritate "stulticiam suam perdocent"; qui se ob eam rem ludo literario praefectos, imo adeo natos arbitrantur, ut nos quicquid est bonarum literarum dedoceant, ut omnibus suam inculcent inscitiam ac sui similes reddant.
[51,135] These, said he, the little Arcadian asses, or, if you prefer, the Antronians, whom in the public schools, in which the best letters ought to have been transmitted, by a more-than-asinine impudence you hear everywhere not speaking but braying, who with great confidence and authority (as it is in Fabius) “thoroughly teach their own stupidity”; who on that account think themselves appointed to the literary school, nay, even born for it, so that they may un-teach us whatever there is of good letters, so that they may inculcate their ignorance upon all and render them like to themselves.
[51,136] Simulque permultos nominabat, qui id temporis insigni stoliditate nobiles habebantur, cum quibus monstris Batto continuum et irreconciliabile bellum erat, donec publicum eius urbis ludum moderaretur (nam hinc ad secretarii munus erat ascitus); quorum ego nomina prudens supprimo, siue quod hoc ipsum famae illis inuideam, dignis qui sempiternae obliuionis tenebris sepulti iaceant, siue quod nolim meas chartas spurcissimis nominibus inquinari, praesertim cum huius generis maximus ubique sit numerus, ut semper fuit pessimarum rerum maxima foecunditas.
[51,136] And at the same time he was naming very many, who at that time were held notable for signal stolidity, with which monsters Batto was in a continual and irreconcilable war, while he moderated the public school of that city (for from here he was admitted to the office of secretary); whose names I prudently suppress, either because I begrudge to them this very fame, as being worthy to lie buried in the darkness of everlasting oblivion, or because I would not wish my pages to be polluted by the filthiest names, especially since the number of this kind is everywhere very great, as there has always been the greatest fecundity of the worst things.
[51,137] Hiscine, inquit, beluis miseri ciues sua uiscera committunt, his clarissimi principes liberos suos credunt, his generosissimis ingeniis praediti adolescentes et iidem bonarum artium auidi committuntur, quos ex ingenuis rusticos, ex indoctis indociles, ex stultis insanos reddant?
[51,137] To these beasts, he said, do the wretched citizens commit their very flesh and blood? to these do the most illustrious princes trust their children? to these are adolescents endowed with the most noble talents and likewise eager for the good arts entrusted, in order that they may render them from freeborn men into rustics, from the unlearned into unteachable, from the foolish into insane?
[52,140] In alios sontes, qui uel paulum aliquid priuati damni dederint, perquam seuere animaduertitur: hic aere mulctatur, ille uapulat; alius ob aes alienum ultra diem prolatum in carcerem detruditur, alius in exilium eiicitur, aliis ob inuolatum poculum aut nummorum pauxillulum laqueo guttur frangitur.
[52,140] Against other guilty persons, who have given even a little bit of private damage, there is most severe animadversion: this one is mulcted in money, that one is flogged; another, on account of debt carried beyond the day, is thrust into prison, another is cast into exile, for others, on account of a stolen cup or a very small handful of coins, the throat is broken by the noose.
[52,141] In his et huiusmodi ualet disciplinae seueritas, ualent leges, uigilant magistratus; et eum qui liberos uestros, quibus (ut par est) nihil habetis antiquius, nihil dulcius, unicam Reipublicae spem, tam indigne corrumpit, non eiicitis, nullo supplicio dignum ducitis?
[52,141] In these and in things of this kind the severity of discipline prevails, the laws have force, the magistrates keep vigil; and him who so unworthily corrupts your children, than whom (as is fitting) you hold nothing more paramount, nothing sweeter, the sole hope of the Commonwealth, do you not cast out, do you not deem him worthy of any punishment?
[52,145] Nimirum eiiceres, in ius uocares, damni dati reum ageres; et nullo supplicio dignus uidetur, qui felicem ac generosam puerorum indolem ita imperitiae spinis ac uepribus occupauit, ut non sarculo ac ne incendio quidem repurgari queat?
[52,145] Surely you would eject him, call him into court, and bring an action for damages; and does he seem deserving of no punishment, who has so choked the happy and generous inborn nature of the boys with the thorns and brambles of inexperience that it cannot be cleansed even with a hoe, nor indeed even by fire?
[52,146] Qui in feriendo nomismate paulum modo aliquid fraudis admisit, horrendis exemplis poenas legibus dare cogitur; at qui pueros in suam fidem acceptos pro liberalibus et saluberrimis literis nil nisi meram stulticiam docuit, praemio dignus uidetur?
[52,146] He who, in striking coinage, has admitted only a small touch of fraud, is compelled by the laws to pay penalties with horrific exemplary punishments; but he who, having received boys into his trust, has taught nothing except sheer stupidity in place of liberal and most salubrious letters, seems worthy of a reward?
[53,153] Non cuiuis credis colendum fundum, consulis probatos agricolas longoque rerum usu probatos; et filium praeceptori traditurus ex ptochotyrannis istis quempiam in consilium adhibes, et uiam quam ille caecus tibi monstrauerit ingrederis?
[53,153] You do not entrust to just anyone an estate to be cultivated; you consult approved agriculturists, approved by long experience of affairs; and when you are about to hand over your son to a preceptor, you call into counsel some fellow from those beggar-tyrants, and do you set out upon the way which that blind man has pointed out to you?
[54,165] Cur tu consul Camillum tribunum illum militarem non imitaris ut, quemadmodum ille malae fidei magistrum nudato a tergo corpore uinctisque manibus pueris iisdem quos hostibus prodiderat flagris in Faliscorum urbem redigendum tradidit, ita pari pompa pueritiae corruptores istos ex urbe tua cures exigendos?
[54,165] Why do you, consul, not imitate Camillus, that military tribune, so that, just as he handed over the teacher of bad faith—with his body stripped on the back and his hands bound—to the very boys whom he had betrayed to the enemies, to be driven back with scourges into the city of the Faliscans, so likewise with equal pomp you take care that these corrupters of boyhood be driven out from your city?
[55,178] Tu modo aduigila, ut parentur idonei praeceptores; dent operam principes, ut sit honos bonis literis: uidebis nimirum neque sydera neque ingenia nostris seculis, imo nec regionibus, adeo defuisse, tametsi non inficior uix aliam reperiri crassiorem, quod ad literas duntaxat attinet.
[55,178] Do you only keep awake, that suitable preceptors be prepared; let princes give their effort, that there be honor for good letters: you will see, surely, that neither the stars nor the talents have been so lacking to our ages, nay, not even to our regions, although I do not deny that scarcely any other more crass can be found, in so far as it pertains to letters only.
[56,193] Nusquam magis regnat quam apud nos pestilens hoc hominum genus, quos merito ptochotyrannos dixeris: hi rerum omnium censuram sibi uindicant praesertim apud stultas atque etiam impudicas mulierculas, et apud imperitam multitudinem; his persuadent egregii sycophantae haeresim esse scire Graecas literas, haeresim esse loqui quo more locutus est Cicero.
[56,193] Nowhere does this pestilent kind of men reign more than among us, whom you would rightly call ptochotyrants: these claim to themselves the censure of all things, especially among foolish and even shameless little women, and among the unskilled multitude; to these the notable sycophants persuade that it is heresy to know Greek letters, it is heresy to speak in the manner in which Cicero spoke.
[56,196] Equidem priscorum hominum more, quos e truncis arborum natos finxit antiquitas, non paulo malim inter pecora uitam transigere quam inter hoc brutorum omnium brutissimum genus, quibus apud nos mihi differta uidentur omnia, qui pari stoliditate et suam rusticitatem admirantur et alienam doctrinam contemnunt.
[56,196] Indeed, after the manner of men of old—whom Antiquity feigned to have been born from the trunks of trees—I would by no small measure prefer to pass my life among cattle than among this breed of brutes, the most brutish of all, by whom everything among us seems to me crammed full, who with equal stolidity both admire their own rusticity and contemn another’s learning.
[57,197] Sed inter has beluas uerius quam homines, nullum odiosius aut pestilentius aut Musis omnibus infensius quam isti quidam religionis larua personati, de quibus modo dicere coeperam, qui uenerando cultu simulataeque sanctimoniae specie non mediocrem autoritatem sibi pararunt apud idiotas, praesertim apud mulierculas, quarum et stulticia abutuntur et libidini fortiter succurrunt, tauri egregie obesi neque uulgariter mutoniati: hos adhibent in consilium, et si non adhibeant, ipsi qua sunt impudentia ultro semet ingerunt, uolentibus nolentibus.
[57,197] But among these beasts rather than men, none is more odious or more pestilential or more hostile to all the Muses than those certain fellows masked with the larva of religion, of whom I had just begun to speak, who by a venerable garb and the show of simulated sanctimony have procured for themselves no mean authority among the idiots, especially among the little women, whose stupidity they both abuse and whose libido they stoutly assist—bulls notably fat and by no means ordinarily gelded: these they summon into counsel, and if they do not summon them, they, such is their impudence, thrust themselves in unbidden, whether people will or nil.
[57,199] Quid enim aliud fit cum Minorita aut Iacobita aut Carmelita uelut oraculum consulitur, cui puer ad optimas disciplinas destinatus formandus tradi debeat, quibus rationibus et autoribus instituendus sit, non aliter, quam Demodocus ille Platonicus consulebat Socratem?
[57,199] For what else is being done when a Minorite or a Jacobin or a Carmelite is consulted as an oracle, as to whom a boy destined for the best disciplines ought to be handed over to be formed, by what methods and authors he should be instructed—otherwise not at all than as that Demodocus the Platonic consulted Socrates?
[57,201] Porro bliteis istis poetae sunt et Quintilianus et Plinius et Aulus Gellius et Titus Liuius, breuiter, quicunque Latine scripserunt; adeo non intelligunt quid sit poetice, quam poetriam uocare solent, ut nec poetae qui sint aut dicantur intelligant.
[57,201] Moreover, for those “blitean” fellows, even Quintilian and Pliny and Aulus Gellius and Titus Livy are poets—in short, whoever wrote in Latin; to such a degree do they not understand what poetics is (which they are wont to call “poetry”) that they do not even understand who are, or are to be called, poets.
[59,212] In te ut dixi, omnis ista culpa recidit, qui si istos et indoctissimos doctores et inconsultissimos consultores uel eiiceres uel, quod illis esset dignius, culleis insutos cimicibus ac pulicibus differtis in mare uicinum praecipitares, ad quiduis supplicii deposci non recusarim, nisi mirabilem eruditorum hominum prouentum propediem cernas efforescere.
[59,212] Upon you, as I said, all that blame falls back—you who, if you would either cast out those most unlearned teachers and most ill-advised counselors, or, what would be more worthy for them, sew them into sacks crammed with bedbugs and fleas and hurl them headlong into the neighboring sea, I would not refuse to be demanded for any sort of punishment, unless you should soon see a marvelous yield of erudite men blossom forth.
[59,213] Quibus commemorandis cum Battus uehementius incandesceret, nam homo alias placidus ac lenis hic sibi temperare nunquam potuit, sic adamabat bonas literas, subridens consul: Quo supplicii genere perdendi sint isti, Batte, inquit, post consultabimus; ego, si Iuppiter essem, omnes in asinos uerterem et camelos.
[59,213] While Battus was growing more vehemently incandescent in recalling these things—for the man, otherwise placid and gentle, could never restrain himself in this, he so loved good letters—smiling, the consul said: "By what kind of punishment those men are to be destroyed, Battus," said he, "we shall consult later; I, if I were Jupiter, would turn them all into asses and camels."
[61,224] Incitauerant in me de clero simili dementia imbutos, quae maxima multitudo est; tum oppidi primores, quorum animi auitum adhuc rus sapiebant; praeterea iuuenum maiores plerosque, quorum pietatem religioso metu sollicitabant, ut filiorum pudori mature consulerent.
[61,224] They had incited against me those from the clergy imbued with a similar dementia, which is the greatest multitude; then the leading men of the town, whose minds still savored of the ancestral countryside; moreover, most of the elders of the young men, whose piety they were unsettling with religious fear, so that they might in timely fashion look to the modesty of their sons.
[61,227] Vulgi infimi partem multo maximam, id quod neutiquam ardui erat negocii, tum quod per se sit irritabile uulgus, tum quod pro insita stoliditate literas habet inuisas, tum quod pari temeritate absurdissima quaeque perlibenter et miratur et tuetur.
[61,227] By far the greater portion of the lowest vulgar—a thing which was by no means an arduous business—both because the mob is in itself irritable, and because, owing to its inborn stolidity, it holds letters in hatred, and because, with equal temerity, it most gladly both marvels at and defends whatever is most absurd.
[61,229] Hi uero tantis copiis freti passim in me diras atque atroces uoces iactabant, in foro, in compotationibus, in officinis, in tonstrinis, in lustris, publice priuatim, ebrii sobrii, dictitantes externum hominem nescio quem nouam quandam haeresim serere; optimos illos autores, Alexandrum, Graecistam, Ebrardum, Modistam, Breuiloquum, Mammetrectum, Catholicontem, quibus et aui et proaui ipsorum doctissimi euasissent, nunc indigne extrudi; inaudita quandam atque horrenda ethnicorum induci portenta, Flaccum, Maronem, Nasonem; iuuenibus iam nihil nisi de amando praecipi, ea pueris inculcari quae ne grandioribus quidem scire fas esset.
[61,229] These men indeed, relying on such great forces, everywhere were hurling dire and atrocious words against me, in the forum, at compotations, in workshops, in barbers’ shops, in dens of vice, publicly and privately, drunk and sober, constantly saying that some foreign fellow I-know-not-who was sowing a certain new heresy; that those best authors—Alexander, the Graecista, Eberhard, the Modista, the Breviloquus, the Mammetrectus, the Catholicon—by whom both their grandfathers and great-grandfathers had turned out most learned, were now being shamefully thrust out; that unheard-of and horrendous portents of the pagans were being introduced—Flaccus, Maro, Naso; that for the young now nothing was being taught except about loving, that things were being inculcated into boys which it would not be lawful even for their elders to know.
[62,232] Vidisti ipse testis in eo tumultu, quantum me Herculem praestiterim, quot leones, quot sues, quot Stymphalidas aues, quot tauros, quot Antaeos, quot Geryones, quot Diomedes, quot Nessos confecerim, ut Cerberum e latebris illis, ubi exangues umbras territabat, extractum coelo ostenderim, quanta uirtute Lernaeam hydram foecundam suis mortibus igne Graeco uix tandem extinxerim, et haud scio an adhuc spiret pestis illa omnium perniciosissima.
[62,232] You yourself, as a witness, saw in that tumult how much of a Hercules I proved myself, how many lions, how many boars, how many Stymphalian birds, how many bulls, how many Antaeuses, how many Geryons, how many Diomedes, how many Nessus I dispatched, so that I showed Cerberus, dragged out from those lairs where he was terrifying the bloodless shades, to heaven; with how great virtue (valor) I at last, with difficulty, extinguished by Greek fire the Lernaean hydra, fecund in its own deaths—and I do not know whether that pest most pernicious of all still yet breathes.
[62,236] Nam si Ion ille rhapsodus apud Platonem, quod unum Homerum laudibus extulisset, meritum se iactitat, cui eius poetae studiosi coronam auream imponerent; tu uero, qui uniuersam prope literaturam contra tot portenta strenue defendisti, quanto dignior es cui Musae aut ipse etiam Apollo lauream triumphalem imponat, aut certe qui in omnibus Museis stes aureus.
[62,236] For if that Ion the rhapsode in Plato, because he had extolled Homer alone with praises, brags himself to be deserving, he on whom the devotees of that poet would set a golden crown; you indeed, who have stoutly defended almost the whole of literature against so many prodigies, how much more worthy are you, on whom the Muses, or Apollo himself even, should place a triumphal laurel, or at least that you stand golden in all the Museums.
[62,237] Ad quem iocum cum arrisissent caeteri, Battus quoque iam hilarior: Age, inquit, rideor Hercules, et uobis Pyrgopolinices quispiam uideor; tamen qualisqualis sum, quod potui sum conatus; quod si, Guilhelme, huic animo tua lingua eruditioque fuisset adiuncta, melius fortasse cum literis ageretur.
[62,237] At which joke, when the rest had smiled, Battus too, now more cheerful: “Come now,” he said, “by Hercules, I am laughed at, and to you I seem some Pyrgopolinices; nevertheless, such as I am, what I could I have endeavored; but if, Guilhelmus, to this spirit your tongue and erudition had been adjoined, perhaps it would have gone better with literature.”
[63,239] Cras niueis equis uectus urbem laureatus ingredieris, plaudentibus utrinque uniuersis bonarum literarum studiosis; barbari duces tua uirtute domiti reuinctis (ut digni sunt) post tergum manibus triumphalem currum antecedent, uictori populo supplices manus ostendent.
[63,239] Tomorrow, borne by snowy-white horses, laurel-crowned, you will enter the city, with all the devotees of good letters on both sides applauding; the barbarian leaders, subdued by your valor, with their hands bound behind their backs (as they deserve), will go before the triumphal chariot, they will show suppliant hands to the victorious people.
[63,241] Quid quaeris? deum te facimus, ut iam non alter sis Hercules, iuxta prouerbium, sed prorsus ipse sis Hercules; quid unquam simile promeruit ille? uerum ea lege, si hoc prius feceris, quod uictores facere consueuerunt, ut uerum abs te terra marique gestarum et totius certaminis huius rationem nobis luculenta oratione exponas, quod etiam ut triumphum tantum contemnas, recusare tamen nequaquam debes uel nostra causa, qui tantopere id flagitamus, uel literarum amore, quibus scio tibi nihil esse antiquius, uel denique Reipublicae causa, in quam tu nuper receptus sollicitudinem illi et pietatis officium debere coepisti.
[63,241] What do you ask? We make you a god, so that now you are not another Hercules, according to the proverb, but are outright Hercules himself; what ever like has he ever deserved? But on this condition, if you first do this which victors are accustomed to do: that you set forth to us, in a splendid oration, the truth of the things accomplished by you on land and sea and an account of this whole contest—which, even if you so greatly scorn the triumph, you ought by no means to refuse, either for our sake, who so greatly demand it, or for the love of letters, than which I know nothing is more paramount to you, or finally for the sake of the Republic, into which you were lately received, to which you have begun to owe solicitude and the office of piety.
[63,246] Nunc accipe rem, Christianos autores eiicitis, inducitis ethnicos, notos expellitis, infertis ignotos, ueteres extruditis, producitis nouos, faciles tollitis, obscuros nobis obiicitis; denique, quod est caput, castos interdicitis, lasciuos iuuenibus proponitis.
[63,246] Now receive the matter: you eject Christian authors, you introduce ethnics, you drive out the known, you bring in the unknown, you thrust out the old, you bring forward the new, you remove the easy, you throw at us the obscure; finally, which is the chief point, you forbid the chaste, you set before the young the lascivious.
[63,247] Quid oris tum esse mihi credis, quoties consulem me rogant mei ciues, num ideo ludus sit in urbe publicus, ut iuuenes meretricios perdiscant amores, perinde quasi parum ipsi sint ad haec studia suopte ingenio procliues, ut assuescant technas fabre consuere, ut ueteratorie parentibus imponere, ut nihil pudere, mentiri, suum ponere uultum, alienum sumere, haec enim ex uestris comoediis discunt et domum memoriter referunt.
[63,247] What face do you think I can have then, whenever my fellow citizens ask me, the consul, whether on that account there is a public school in the city, that youths might thoroughly learn meretricious amours, as though they themselves were not already sufficiently prone by their own native ingenium to these pursuits; to grow accustomed to stitching tricks together skillfully; to impose upon their parents in old-stager fashion; to be ashamed of nothing, to lie, to lay aside their own countenance, to assume another’s—for these things they learn from your comedies and carry them home by heart.
[64,252] Tu uero, cum sis hac in palaestra facile omnium exercitatissimus, fieri non potest, quin plurima teneas tum lecta, tum cogitata, quibus huiusmodi criminationes refelli queant; quare rem prorsus diuinam feceris, si totam hanc controuersiam a capite usque ad calcem explicueris, non quod causa uestra parum mihi probetur, uerum patronum me paulo instructiorem reddideris.
[64,252] But you, since in this palestra you are easily the most exercised of all, it cannot but be that you hold very many things, both read and thought, by which criminations of this sort can be refuted; wherefore you will have done a thing quite divine, if you explicate this whole controversy from head to heel, not because your cause is approved by me too little, but because you will have rendered me, as patron, a little better instructed.
[64,254] Quod cum Battus, singulis sua quoque causa uehementer flagitantibus, defugere nulla ratione posset: Age, inquit, de praemio plus etiam pollicemini, quam postulo, mihi satis fuerit supplicii, si sola a te studiorum pestis unco trahatur ac mox in publicam cloacam praecipitetur; deinde procerum aliquot pro capitibus linguas duntaxat deposco.
[64,254] When Battus, as each man also was vehemently clamoring his own cause, could by no device evade it: “Come,” he says, “as to the reward you promise even more than I demand; it will be punishment enough for me, if only the plague of studies be dragged by a hook by you and soon precipitated into the public sewer; then I demand only tongues in place of heads from some nobles.”
[65,264] Quod si Socratem philosophum grauissimum illa in Phaedro loci amoenitas potuit inuitare, ut humi iuxta fonticulum in gramine disputandi gratia procumberet, quid ni nos ni horti, (quos uel Epicurus ipse laudare queat) certe ad considendum alliciant, praesertim cum nihil hic eorum, quae Socrates illic miratur, desyderetur; quippe ubi pirus, ut uidetis media, triplicem nobis uoluptatem ministrabit.
[65,264] And if that amenity of the place in the Phaedrus could invite Socrates, a most grave philosopher, to recline on the ground on the grass beside a little fountainlet for the sake of disputation, why should not these gardens (which even Epicurus himself could praise) surely allure us to sit down, especially since nothing here of those things which Socrates marvels at there is lacking; for indeed the pear tree, as you see, in the middle, will minister to us a threefold pleasure.
[65,265] Nam ut est procera satis et patulis diffusa ramis, amoenissimam prorsus umbram praebebit et frondibus opacis aestum facile propulsabit, praeterea ut est anni uernum tempus, non oculos modo flosculorum aspectu pascet, uerumetiam nares gratissimo odore recreabit; tum ne fonticulo illo frigentis aquulae a Socrate superari uideamur, en pro fonticulo riuus leni murmure circumlabens totos hortos irrigat.
[65,265] For as it is tall enough and spread with broad-splayed branches, it will furnish a most pleasant shade and with shadowy foliage will easily ward off the heat, moreover, since it is the vernal season of the year, it will not only feed the eyes with the sight of the little flowers, but even also refresh the nostrils with a most grateful odor; then, lest we seem to be surpassed by Socrates in that little spring of chilling water, behold, in place of a little spring a stream, with gentle murmur flowing around, irrigates the whole gardens.
[66,280] Mox in pedes erectus compositis ad dicendum et ueste et uultu et gestu, aliquandiu defixis humi luminibus, cogitabundus haesit dicturienti pallor quidam ac trepidatio oborta, non stolidi nobis oratoris et confidentis, sed cordati et (ut inquit Fabius) "periculum intelligentis" dedit argumentum; mox inuentis ac digestis orationis partibus (id enim egisse ex notatis articulis coniiciebam) subtussiens expuit, (id quod habebat familiare).
[66,280] Soon, raised onto his feet, with both his dress and his countenance and his gesture composed for speaking, with his eyes fixed on the ground for some time, he lingered in thought; as he was about to speak, a certain pallor and trepidation arising gave us an indication not of a stolid and self-confident orator, but of a sound‑minded man and (as Fabius says) "one understanding the peril"; soon, the parts of the speech having been found and arranged (for I was conjecturing that he had done this from the noted points), giving a slight cough he spat, (a thing which he had as familiar).
[67,284] Idque non modo apud uos, quos cum amicissimos, eruditissimos, huius etiam dictionis efflagitatores, habeam, beneuolentes, dociles, attentos non habere non possum, uerumetiam apud Sauromatas et si quid est his etiam barbarius, modo homines dentur, certam mihi uictoriam promiserim, homines, inquam, qui rationis ductum, non animi impetum sequuntur.
[67,284] And this not only among you—whom, since I hold as most friendly, most erudite, and even demanders of this very diction, I cannot but have as benevolent, docile, attentive—nay even among the Sarmatians, and if there is anything even more barbarous than they, provided only that men be supplied, I would promise myself a sure victory: men, I say, who follow the guidance of reason, not the impetus of passion.
[68,299] Non igitur haec altius repetam, quibus fatis, quorum opera, quo tempore, quibus gradibus antiquae disciplinae e tanto fastigio in hunc tartarum deciderint, id quod uos paulo ante coeperatis; alias, haec fortasse commodius; neque uero refert, quo casu quispiam in puteum deciderit, sed quomodo qui cecidit, inde queat educi.
[68,299] Therefore I will not rehearse these things more deeply, by what fates, by whose agency, at what time, by what gradations the ancient disciplines from so great a pinnacle have fallen down into this Tartarus, that which you a little before had begun; at another time, these perhaps more conveniently; nor indeed does it matter by what chance someone has fallen into a well, but how the one who has fallen can be drawn out from there.
[68,305] Postremos uero, quos alios esse dicam quam eos, qui quoduis literarum genus et mirantur et probant, cum primis etiam poesim et rhetoricen, at ea lege, ut ipsi pro summis et poetis et rhetoribus habeantur, cum nihil sint minus; nec dictu interim procliue fuerit, quos ex iis hostibus literaria Res publica grauissimos perniciosissimosque patiatur, aut quibus maximam cladium suarum partem acceptam referre debeat.
[68,305] But lastly, whom shall I say they are other than those who admire and approve any branch of letters, especially poetry and rhetoric, yet on this condition: that they themselves be held as preeminent both poets and rhetoricians, whereas they are anything but; nor meanwhile would it be easy to say from which of these enemies the Republic of Letters suffers the gravest and most pernicious harms, or to which it ought to ascribe the greatest share of its disasters as owed.
[68,306] Nam primi quidem illi (ne contemnendos putemus) tametsi neque ullo armorum genere, neque rei militaris scientia sunt instructi, quippe syluestris barbaraque multitudo passim ex agris et montibus conflata, nescio tamen an ullum sit hostium genus infestius.
[68,306] For those first indeed (lest we think them contemptible), although they are equipped neither with any kind of arms nor with the science of military affairs, since they are a woodland and barbarian multitude, assembled everywhere from the fields and the mountains, yet I do not know whether there is any kind of enemies more hostile.
[69,310] Ii nimirum sunt, qui cum ipsi sint omnis literaturae expertes, literatorum gloria peruruntur aliorumque pulcherrimis studiis oblatrare pulchrum in primis ac religiosum putant, at mirum quam ueteratorie suam uel inertiam uel inuidiam uel superbiam speciosis titulis praetexunt simplicitatis ac religionis.
[69,310] These, to be sure, are they who, though they themselves are devoid of all literature, are inflamed by the glory of the literate, and think it above all beautiful and religious to bark at the most beautiful studies of others; and it is marvelous how craftily they cloak their own inertia or envy or pride with the specious titles of simplicity and religion.
[69,318] Caeteri enim, quia infestis signis nos appetunt, arcentur a moenibus, hi dum intra moenia, intra praesidia nostra uersantur, dum armis et insignibus amicos imitantur, aeternum exitium Rei publicae mendaci pietatis specie moliuntur et quo magis uindicandae patriae student, eo turpiori impediunt seruituti.
[69,318] For the others, because they assail us with hostile standards, are kept off from the walls; these, while they move within the walls, within our defenses, while by arms and insignia they imitate friends, under the specious show of mendacious piety contrive the eternal ruin of the Republic, and the more they are zealous for vindicating the fatherland, the more they entangle it in a more shameful servitude.
[70,328] Per hos innumerabilia priscorum autorum monumenta desideramus, quod scriptorum, ut quisque est doctissimus, ita foedissimis mendis scatet, his acceptum ferimus, quod prisca illa theologia tantopere degenerauit, haud aliorum est opus; quod grammatistae nil nisi meram barbariem et scribunt et praecipiunt, his debemus.
[70,328] Through these men we miss innumerable monuments of the ancient authors, because the writings, in proportion as anyone is most learned, so swarm with the foulest blemishes; to them we ascribe that that ancient theology has so greatly degenerated—it is not the work of others; that the grammatists both write and prescribe nothing but pure barbarism, to these we owe.
[70,329] Et ut semel finiam, quod in utroque genere literarum muti et infantissimi, pro doctissimis in precio sunt, horum opera effectum est, quorum dum alius in grammaticis, alius in rhetoricis, alius in dialecticis, alius in physica, alius in theologia scribit, dum hic commentationibus optimos autores non illustrat, sed obscurat, non adornat sed contaminat, dum ille quod non intelligit, emendare nititur, dum alius ex bene Graecis male latina facit, linguae utriusque iuxta ignarus, dum ita, inquam, certatim tumultuantur, inutili officio omnia confuderunt, deprauauerunt, euerterunt.
[70,329] And, to finish once for all, that in both kinds of literature the mute and most infantile are valued as the most learned has been brought about by the agency of these men, of whom, while one writes in grammar, another in rhetoric, another in dialectic, another in physics, another in theology, while this man by his commentaries does not illustrate the best authors but obscures them, does not adorn but contaminates, while that man strives to emend what he does not understand, while another from good Greek makes bad Latin, alike ignorant of each tongue, while thus, I say, they vie in tumult, by a useless office they have confounded, depraved, overturned everything.
[71,344] Hic ego interpellans, uide, inquam, ne nimium hoc sit calidum, nondum omnes tibi peractae ceremoniae, porcus tibi saxo feriendus, priusquam ad arma prosilias, Probe mones, inquit, utinam ex istis haris, in quibus passim tot crassi ualidique sues ociosi saginantur, cibo populi mihi liceret insignem aliquem deligere.
[71,344] Here I, interrupting, “See,” I say, “lest this be too hot; not yet are all the ceremonies completed for you—the pig must be struck for you with a stone—before you leap forth to arms.” “You advise well,” he says; “would that from those sties, in which everywhere so many fat and sturdy swine are idly being fattened, it were permitted me, for the food of the people, to choose some distinguished one.”
[73,365] Ista uero gloria, si nescitis, cum baiulis, cum cerdonibus, cum nautis et fossoribus uobis est communis; quippe oderunt et illi politiora studia, contemnunt, execrantur, hoc uobis meliores, primum quod moderatius oderunt, deinde quod suarum artium amore, nostra studia contemnunt.
[73,365] That glory of yours, if you do not know, is common to you with the bearers, with the cobblers, with the sailors and with the diggers; for they too hate the more polished studies, they contemn them, they execrate them—herein they are better than you, first because they hate more moderately, then because, out of love for their own arts, they despise our studies.
[74,390] Nam, ut est res omnium optima religio, ita (nobili historico teste) ad quiduis uitii praetexendum commodissimum pallium, eo quod si quis in ipsa uitia conetur animaduertere, religionem qua sese obumbrarunt, uiolare plerisque uideatur, saepe ita tuto latet uitium proximitate boni.
[74,390] For, as religion is the best thing of all, so (with a noble historian as witness) it is the most commodious cloak for covering any sort of vice, for the reason that if anyone tries to animadvert upon the vices themselves, he seems to many to violate the religion with which they have shaded themselves; often thus a vice lies safely hidden by the proximity of the good.
[74,391] Cumque ipsi longe grauioribus uitiis madeant, quam ulli mortalium, quos isti semidei pro prophanis habent, tamen in alienam uitam petulantissimis linguis inuehuntur, nulli parcentes, nec aetati, nec sexui, nec genti, nec ordini, denique nec homini, nec nomini.
[74,391] And while they themselves are steeped in far graver vices than any of mortals whom those demigods hold as profane, nevertheless they inveigh against the lives of others with most petulant tongues, sparing no one—neither age, nor sex, nor nation, nor order; in fine, neither the person nor the name.
[74,392] Caeterum quoties illos deprehenderit aliquis aut ebrios aut scortantes aut aliud his etiam sceleratius designantes, excusant, tegunt, mussari uolunt, ob honorem, inquiunt, ordinis, quasi caeteri mortales omnes sint extraordinarii.
[74,392] Moreover, whenever someone catches them either drunk or whoring, or contriving something even more criminal than these, they excuse, they cover, they want it to be hushed, “for the honor,” they say, “of the order,” as if all the other mortals were extraordinary (extra-ordinary, i.e., outside the order).
[75,395] Ex hoc grege quidam nuper miris laudibus uexit sui ordinis sodalem, quod in concione publica nihil non uociferatus in sacerdotes concubinarios populo ac magistratibus conatus sit persuadere, ut sacerdotum concubinae in laeuo humero rubram crucem gestare compellerentur.
[75,395] From this flock a certain man recently exalted with wondrous praises a fellow of his order, because in a public assembly, vociferating everything against concubinary priests, he tried to persuade the people and the magistrates that the concubines of priests be compelled to wear a red cross on the left shoulder.
[75,405] Vbique falsam pietatem pro clypeo obtendunt, hanc mirificam quandam adsimulant, adeo quidem uafre ac ueteratorie, ut non aliis modo, uerumetiam sibi ipsis astutissimi homines imponant, non quod ullo religionis studio moueantur, quippe qui nusquam alibi quam hac una in re religiosi uideri cupiunt, sed quod, ut Fabius inquit, "sub magni nominis umbra delitescant".
[75,405] Everywhere they hold forth false piety as a shield; they simulate a certain wondrous one, indeed so wily and veteran-like, that these most-astute men impose upon not only others, but even upon themselves—not because they are moved by any zeal of religion (since in fact they wish to seem religious nowhere else than in this one matter), but because, as Fabius says, "they lurk under the shadow of a great name."
[75,409] Haud aliter nostri censores, cum caeteris in rebus et Dionysii sint et Clodii, quoties de bonis studiis agitur, tum demum Numae uideri uolunt, tum denique se Christianos esse meminerunt, tum demum Euangelicas sententias canere incipiunt et res foedas speciosis uocabulis palliantes, zelo se, haud inuidentia dicunt moueri, nec odisse studia nostra, sed contemnere; id homine Christiano dignum ac pulchrum in primis, Apostolorum simplicem rusticitatem nobis proponunt.
[75,409] Not otherwise do our censors, who in other matters are both Dionysii and Clodii; whenever it is a question of good studies, then at length they wish to seem Numases, then at last they remember themselves to be Christians, then at length they begin to sing Evangelical sentences, and, palliating foul matters with specious vocables, they say that they are moved by zeal, not by envy, and that they do not hate our studies, but contemn them; this, as especially worthy and fair for a Christian man, they set before us—the simple rusticity of the Apostles.
[76,411] Rudem pietatem superis esse gratissimam quasi uero aut superos rusticitas nostra quicquam delectet, (quod si est, cur non bruta in primis amplectimur?) aut ad ullam uitae administrationem utilis sit ignorantia ac non potius insulsissimum sit ac plane dementis rem pulcherrimam, quam nec habeas, nec habere speres, in aliis contemnere.
[76,411] That rude piety is most pleasing to the supernal ones—as though indeed our rusticity delighted the gods above in anything (and if that is so, why do we not embrace brute beasts first of all?)—or that ignorance is useful for any administration of life; and not rather that it is most insipid and plainly the mark of a demented man to contemn in others the fairest thing, which you neither have, nor hope to have.
[76,417] Sunt enim in rebus humanis quaedam, quae mortalium animos insitiua quadam sui cupiditate sollicitant, siue quod honesta ac speciosa uideantur, siue quod dulcia, siue alioquin utilia, cuius generis sunt opes, claritas, dignitas, uoluptas; ista quidem, si habeas, aut certe in procliui sit ut potiaris, eatenus duntaxat, quatenus a uirtute auocent, contemnere res est forti proboque uiro digna.
[76,417] For there are in human affairs certain things which, by a certain ingrafted desire for themselves, solicit the minds of mortals, whether because they seem honorable and specious (splendid), or because sweet, or otherwise useful—of which kind are opulence, clarity (renown), dignity, pleasure; these indeed, if you have them, or at any rate if it be easy to gain possession of them, only to this extent, in so far as they call one away from virtue, to contemn them is a thing worthy of a brave and upright man.
[76,420] Lacedaemoniorum institutum Plato minus probat, quod cum durissimos labores facile contemnerent, contra uoluptates non perinde exercitati uiderentur; at hi nostri Catones ad utrumuis foemina quauis molliores, ad solas literas contemnendas uiros se praebent.
[76,420] Plato less approves the institution of the Lacedaemonians, because, while they easily despised the most hard labors, they seemed not exercised to the same degree against pleasures; but these our Catos, softer than any woman for either alternative, show themselves men only for despising letters.
[78,439] Vbi summam literaturam mihi comparauero, tum demum incipiam cum laude contemnere, non quo minus utar, sed ne quid insolescam; efficiam, ut cum omnes antecedam eruditione, anteponam me nemini, ne stolidissimo quidem.
[78,439] When I shall have acquired the highest literature for myself, then at last I will begin to contemn it with praise, not that I shall use it the less, but lest I grow insolent; I will bring it about that, while I antecede all in erudition, I will put myself before no one, not even the most stolid.
[78,461] Sit satis istis, quod suam ignorantiam ignoscunt sibi, ne etiam ultro nobis obstrepant, ultro quos uenerari debebant ac suspicere, despiciant; ac si ipsis nihil habetur prius ac dulcius somno et ocio, sint aliis aequiores; nobis saltem tristes uigilias et insanos labores relinquant, quandoquidem nos istorum deliciis nihil inuidemus; quo maioris inuidentiae est alienis uri laboribus.
[78,461] Let it be enough for those men that they pardon their own ignorance to themselves; let them not, moreover, be obstreperous against us, nor of their own accord despise those whom they ought to venerate and look up to; and if for them nothing is held prior and sweeter than sleep and leisure, let them be more equitable toward others; at least let them leave to us the dreary vigils and insane labors, since we do not envy their delights—which is a greater mark of envy: to burn at others’ labors.
[79,466] Et quis non uideat, quantum sit sacrilegium, hominem, qui iam christianae militiae nomen semel dederit, semel Christo imperatori sit et initiatus et inautoratus, ad hostes daemones transfugere et cum idolorum cultoribus habere commercium? an non habet, inquiunt, qui in dicendo Ciceronianum, in carmine Vergilianum aut Horatianum se nominari gaudet, in philosophia Aristotelicum, Academicum, Stoicum, Epicureum?
[79,466] And who does not see how great a sacrilege it is, that a man who has once given his name to the Christian militia, who has once been both initiated and sworn-in to Christ the Imperator, should desert over to the enemy—the demons—and have commerce with the worshipers of idols? Or does he not have it, they say, who in speaking rejoices to be named a Ciceronian, in song a Vergilian or a Horatian, in philosophy an Aristotelian, an Academic, a Stoic, an Epicurean?
[80,485] Pictores, caelatores, uitriarios breuiterque caeterum quantum est opificum, ne sese suosque posthac ethnicis artibus contaminent, si queant alios quaestus excogitent, sin minus, esuriant potius quam Christiani esse desinant.
[80,485] Painters, chasers (celators), glass-workers, and, in brief, moreover, as many craftsmen as there are, let them not henceforth contaminate themselves and their own with ethnic (pagan) arts; if they can devise other trades, let them do so; but if not, let them rather go hungry than cease to be Christians.
[80,494] Atqui nihil pudet, ne istos quidem qui et dialectici et theologi uideri uolunt, studiosis haec obiicere, quae si in pagis apud fossores messoresque audeant disputare, moriar ni rustici ipsi ligonibus et falcibus eos conficiant.
[80,494] And yet they are ashamed of nothing—not even those who wish to seem both dialecticians and theologians—to throw these things at the studious; which, if they should dare to dispute in the villages among ditch-diggers and reapers, may I die if the rustics themselves do not dispatch them with hoes and sickles.
[81,507] Si te quod Sardanapali perditam molliciem imitaris, recte Sardanapalicum dicimus aut quod assentator es, Gnathonicum, aut potius, ut es stolide gloriosus, Thrasonicum appellamus, cur alium Ciceronis linguam imitantem, Ciceronianum pudeat denominari aut Vergilianum, si quid illius queam aemulari?
[81,507] If, because you imitate the ruinous effeminacy of Sardanapalus, we rightly call you Sardanapalic, or because you are an assentator, Gnathonic, or rather, as you are foolishly vainglorious, we call you Thrasonic, why should another, imitating the tongue of Cicero, be ashamed to be denominated Ciceronian, or Vergilian, if I can emulate anything of that man?
[81,510] Sed, ut rem aliquando finiamus, nisi aduersarios nostros talpis caeciores sua redderet inuidentia, certe uiderent, quod uel caeco apparet, uiderent in rebus ab ethnicis inuentis aliquod inesse discrimen, alias esse inutiles, dubias, pestiferas, alias perutiles, salutares, imo necessarias.
[81,510] But, that we may at last finish the matter, unless their own envy rendered our adversaries more blind than moles, surely they would see what appears even to a blind man: they would see that in things discovered by the pagans some distinction is present—some are useless, dubious, pestiferous; others very useful, salutary, indeed necessary.
[82,512] At nos, si superis placet, praepostere agimus, ethnicorum uitia, libidinem, auariciam, ambitionem, superstitionem passim imitamur, imo uincimus, at eruditionem quam uel unam imitari par erat, unam aspernamur, stultius ne an superbius, nondum satis scio.
[82,512] But we, if it please the powers above, act preposterously: we everywhere imitate the pagans’ vices—libidinousness, avarice, ambition, superstition—nay, we surpass them; but the erudition which, even if only this one thing, it were fitting to imitate, that one thing we spurn—whether more foolishly or more arrogantly, I do not yet quite know.
[82,515] Quinimo admirabilem rerum ordinem et harmoniam quam uocant paulo penitius introspicienti, uideri mihi prorsus solet, nec mihi adeo soli, uisum est idem et plerisque grauissimis autoribus, non sine diuino consilio disciplinarum inueniendarum negocium ethnicis datum esse.
[82,515] Nay rather, to one introspecting a little more deeply the admirable order of things and the harmony, as they call it, it altogether is wont to seem to me—nor indeed to me alone; the same has seemed also to many most weighty authors—that not without divine counsel the business of discovering the disciplines was given to the Gentiles.
[82,516] Immortalis enim ille rerum moderator, ut est ipsa sapientia, ratione summa constituit uniuersa, pulcherrima quadam uicissitudine distinguit, aptissimo ordine digerit, ut omnibus omnia miro quadam modo respondeant, nec quicquam in tam immensa rerum uarietate ferri temere sinit.
[82,516] For that immortal moderator of things, as he is Wisdom itself, by supreme Reason he establishes the universe, distinguishes it by a certain most beautiful vicissitude, digests it in the most fitting order, so that all things respond to all things in a certain wondrous way, nor does he permit anything, in so immense a variety of things, to be borne at random.
[82,517] Hic aureo illi seculo, quo nasci decreuerat, uoluit, ut omnes et anteactae et sequuturae seruirent aetates, ad huius unius felicitatem decusque cumulandum, quaecunque in rerum natura essent, referri placuit, quod ipsum se perfecturum pollicebatur.
[82,517] He, in that golden age in which he had decreed to be born, wished that all ages, both those gone before and those to follow, should serve to cumulate the felicity and ornament of this one alone; it pleased him that whatever things there were in the nature of things should be referred to this, which very thing he promised that he himself would perfect.
[82,523] Iam ut imperiorum translationes praeteream, quorsum pertinuit "tanta mole Rhomanam condere gentem", tantis cladibus, tot tam cruentis uictoriis urbi rerum dominae uniuersum subigere orbem? nonne diuino prorsus consilio? nimirum, ut iam nata Christiana religio facilius in singulas terrarum partes dimanaret, si ab eodem capite, tanquam in membra diffunderetur.
[82,523] Now, to pass over the translations of empires, to what end did it pertain “to found the Roman nation at such a cost,” to subdue the entire orb to the City, mistress of affairs, by such great disasters, by so many and so blood-stained victories? Was it not by a wholly divine counsel? Indeed, so that the Christian religion, now born, might more easily diffuse into the several parts of the earth, if from the same head, as it were, it were diffused into the members.
[83,536] Sed id quod erat uere summum et praestantissimum suae Christus aetati seruauit, non ita tamen, ut caeteras inutiles ac sine fruge actas uoluerit, id quod oculis quoque testibus uidemus et corporeis in rebus diligenter cauisse naturam, ne qua portio temporis inutilis effluat.
[83,536] But Christ reserved for his own age that which was truly the supreme and most preeminent, yet not in such a way that he wished the other ages to be useless and without fruit—a thing which we also see with our eyes as witnesses: that in corporeal matters nature has diligently taken precautions, lest any portion of time flow away uselessly.
[83,539] Accedente aestate hi ipsi flosculi paulatim in pomi carnem turgescent; autumno mitibus malis stabunt arbores grauidae, quae simulatque posuerint, rursus id interualli quod ex autumno in hyemem superest, sub futuram aestatem nouis creandis surculis datur.
[83,539] With summer approaching, these very little blossoms will gradually swell into the flesh of the fruit; in autumn the trees will stand heavy, gravid with mellow apples, which, as soon as they have laid them down, again that interval which remains from autumn into winter is given, with a view to the coming summer, to the creating of new shoots.
[84,544] Quid enim secundum uirtutem potest homini praestabilius contingere scientia? qua quidem in re deus Christianorum siue ignauiae, siue mauis ocio consultum uoluit, ut qui essemus aliunde occupandi, bonam laboris partem adimeret.
[84,544] For what, next to virtue, can more excellently befall a human being than knowledge? In which matter indeed the God of the Christians wished, whether for ignavia, or, if you prefer, for otium, to make provision, so that, as we were to be occupied elsewhere, he might take away a good portion of toil.
[84,548] Quo turpius ingrati sumus, imo inuidi, qui tes summo usui futuras ne gratis quidem oblatas accipere uelimus, cum istis magno constiterint; nec munus modo pulcherrimum recusamus, uerumetiam autorem muneris pro gratia quam debebamus, summa contumelia afficimus.
[84,548] Hence we are the more shamefully ungrateful—nay, envious—we who are unwilling to accept, even when offered gratis, things destined for the highest use, though they have cost those men greatly; nor do we merely refuse a most beautiful gift, but we even treat the author of the gift, in place of the gratitude we owed, with the utmost contumely.
[88,638] Quid enim hoc aliud est, quod in initio studiorum nostrorum, ubi disciplinas uix a limine, (ut dici solet) salutauimus, statim efferimur et iam tum in ipsis rudimentis magis nobis placemus, quam ubi iam multo usu multarum rerum certam scientiam comparauerimus, iuuenum more, qui quo minus habent prudentiae, plus habent animi.
[88,638] For what else is this, that at the beginning of our studies, when we have scarcely saluted the disciplines from the threshold (as it is wont to be said), we are straightway carried away and already then, in the very rudiments, are more pleasing to ourselves than when by much use of many matters we shall have procured sure knowledge, in the manner of youths, who, the less they have of prudence, the more they have of spirit.
[90,664] Basilium, Origenem, Chrysostomum et his consimiles uiros aut non citant aut contemptim citant, ueluti censores, uerum cum crepant illos suos doctores sanctos, doctores irrefragabiles, doctores subtilissimos, doctores seraphicos, tum sibi uidentur adferre nescio quid, cui cedere debeat etiam maiestas euangelica.
[90,664] Basil, Origen, Chrysostom, and men like to these they either do not cite, or they cite contemptuously, as if censors; but when they trumpet those their holy doctors, irrefragable doctors, most subtle doctors, seraphic doctors, then they seem to themselves to be bringing I-know-not-what, to which even the evangelical majesty ought to yield.
[90,670] En modestiam quam secum adfert supina ignorantia, quanto satius erat Academicorum uerecundiam imitari, ad quos cum isti ne componendi quidem fuerant, nihil tamen se scire professi, omnibus de rebus pudenter disputare, quam confidenter affirmare maluerunt.
[90,670] Behold the modesty which supine ignorance brings with it, how much more preferable it had been to imitate the modesty of the Academics, to whom these fellows were not even to be compared, who, having professed that they knew nothing, preferred to dispute modestly about all matters rather than to affirm confidently.
[91,674] Idem iam grandis natu fidibus operam dedisse legitur, praeceptore, nisi fallor, Cono; praeterea uox illa iam nobilis: Hoc unum scio, quod nescio, utrum quaeso, sibi placentis, an modestissimi potius hominis uidetur?
[91,674] The same man, already advanced in age, is read to have given his effort to the lyre, with Conon, unless I am mistaken, as preceptor; moreover that now-famous utterance: “This one thing I know, that I do not know”—does it seem, I ask, to be of someone self-pleasing, or rather of a most modest man?
[91,677] Et o utinam nostri temporis philosophastri, qui nobis fastum obiiciunt, huius omnis philosophiae parentis uerecundiam, quam Gorgiae promptam garrulitatem mallent imitari, qui cum ne suam quidem ipsorum uocem intelligant, magna fiducia quauis de re pronunciant, probant, damnant, praecipiunt, praescribunt; sed aliorum exempla prosequamur.
[91,677] And O would that the philosophasters of our time, who cast in our teeth haughtiness, would prefer to imitate the modesty of this parent of all philosophy, rather than Gorgias’s prompt garrulity; who, though they do not understand not even their own voice, with great confidence about any matter whatsoever pronounce, approve, damn, prescribe, lay down; but let us pursue the examples of others.
[91,683] Qui Athenis magister fuerat et potens" (Hieronymianis enim uerbis libenter utimur) "cuiusque doctrinas Academiae gymnasia personabant, fit" denuo "peregrinus atque discipulus, malens aliena uerecunde discere, quam sua impudenter ingerere".
[91,683] He who had been a teacher at Athens and powerful" (for we gladly use Jerome's words) "and the gymnasia of the Academy resounded with his doctrines, becomes" anew "a foreigner and a disciple, preferring modestly to learn what is another's rather than shamelessly to thrust forward what is his own".
[92,694] Augustino quid eruditius ? at quid eodem modestius? qui iam multorum annorum episcopus ac doctor, non solum se uel ab anniculo episcopo doceri paratum fatetur, uerum nec ipsum errata sua fateri puduit et scriptorum suorum tanquam palinodiam canere.
[92,694] What more erudite than Augustine ? but what more modest than the same man? who, already for many years a bishop and doctor, not only confesses himself ready to be taught even by a yearling bishop, but was not ashamed to acknowledge his own errors and, as it were, to sing a palinode of his writings.
[93,707] Ille per omnes disciplinas obambulat, ut uere doctus esse possit, tu uix gustata grammatica eaque misera, uix gustatis tribus syllogismis, ad haec quaestionibus aliquot Thomisticis aut Scotisticis repente prosilis in theatrum, paratus cum quouis quauis de re dimicare.
[93,707] He walks about through all the disciplines, so that he may be truly learned; you, with grammar scarcely tasted, and that wretched, with three syllogisms scarcely tasted, in addition with several Thomistic or Scotistic questions, suddenly leap forth into the theater, ready to contend with anyone about anything.
[94,724] Mota erat diuo Paulo de idolothytis quaestio, a quorum esu Christiani nonnulli infirmitate quadam conscientiae sese continebant; alii peritiores qui intelligerent idolothytum nihil esse et mundis nihil esse immundum sine discrimine uescebantur.
[94,724] The question about idolothytes had been raised by Saint Paul, from the eating of which some Christians, by a certain infirmity of conscience, kept themselves; others, more expert, who understood that an idolothyte is nothing and that to the clean nothing is unclean, ate without distinction.
[96,763] Ita me Musae tuae bene ament, ut mihi Pauli mentem appositissime uideris explicuisse nec te prorsus fugere uideo uerba theologica; praeterea, quantum audiui, equidem te pulchre concionari posse crediderim, quod si resciscant nostri Iacobitae, uereor, ne certatim te rapiant et cucullum iniiciant.
[96,763] So may your Muses love me well, you seem to me to have most appositely explicated Paul’s mind, nor do I at all see theological words to escape you; moreover, so far as I have heard, I for my part would believe that you can preach handsomely; and if our Jacobites should get wind of this, I fear lest they, vying with one another, seize you and clap a cowl on you.
[96,775] Ipse quidem in ea prope sum opinione, quam diuum Augustinum in suis dialogis notasse uideo, ut credam uix a uirtute diuelli posse sciendam, uerum ut scis meae professionis esse inter omnia mortalium genera uersari, in quosdam religiosos nonnunquam incido, qui sibi hoc constanter habent persuasum non cohaerere cum pietate Christiana literaturam quam illi uocant secularem.
[96,775] I myself indeed am almost of that opinion which I see the divine Augustine to have noted in his Dialogues, namely, that science—knowledge—can scarcely be torn away from virtue; but, as you know, it belongs to my profession to converse among all the kinds of mortals, and I sometimes fall in with certain religious men who have this firmly persuaded in themselves: that the literature which they call secular does not cohere with Christian piety.
[97,785] Stultum, inquiunt, est disertam habere linguam, mores incompositos, dialecticis captiunculis morti neminem imposuisse, rhetoricen et poesin ne nominare quidem audent; insanire geometras aiunt, qui cum scite agros metiantur, animi sui modum ignorent, astrologos delirare dicunt, quod ea, quae supra se sunt, curiosi scrutentur, physicos impietatis accusant, quod diuina rimantes opera ipsum rerum opificem negligunt.
[97,785] Foolish, they say, it is to have an eloquent tongue and disordered morals, that by dialectical catch-questions no one has outwitted Death, they do not even dare to name rhetoric and poesy; they say the geometers are insane, who, while they neatly measure fields, are ignorant of the measure of their own mind, they say the astrologers rave, because they inquisitively scrutinize the things that are above themselves, they accuse the physicists of impiety, because, ransacking the divine works, they neglect the very artificer of things.
[98,815] Hoc tamen aduersariis concessero, ut pusillo aut uehementer tardo ingenio natos liceat a difficilibus disciplinis dehortari, ne si asinus ad lyram ducatur, et discens et docens simul operam luserit, eos autem, quorum ingenia magni aliquid polliceri uidentur, a pulcherrimis conatibus retrahere, quid aliud est, quam (quod Paulus fieri uetat) "spiritum extinguere"?
[98,815] This, however, I will concede to the adversaries: that it be permitted to dissuade those born with a puny or exceedingly tardy wit from difficult disciplines, lest, if an ass be led to the lyre, both the learner and the teacher together waste their effort; but to draw back those whose talents seem to promise something great from the most beautiful undertakings—what else is it, than (what Paul forbids to be done) "to extinguish the spirit"?
[98,816] Quod idem si in summis illis (quos iam saepe nominaui), doctoribus factum esset, singulari profecto et praesidio et solatio iam orbata esset ecclesia; quanquam interim patronus barbarorum doctius ac modestius pro illis respondes, quam ipsi soleant loqui.
[98,816] If the same thing had been done to those supreme men (whom I have already often named), the doctors, the church would indeed already have been bereft of singular protection and solace; although meanwhile, as the patron of the barbarians, you answer on their behalf more learnedly and more modestly than they are wont to speak.
[98,819] MEDICVS: Tum Medicus: Probabiliter tu quidem, Batte, id est plane rhetorice; uerum ut interim tibi pro istis imperitiae admiratoribus respondeam, qui in summam inuidiam nos inducunt huiusmodi seditiosis concionibus imperitam multitudinem concitantes, Quid igitur, inquiunt, tandem futurum est?
[98,819] PHYSICIAN: Then the Physician: You speak plausibly indeed, Batto, that is, plainly rhetorically; but, that I may meanwhile answer you on behalf of those admirers of ignorance, who bring us into the utmost odium, stirring up the unlearned multitude by seditious harangues of this sort, “What then,” they say, “at length will come to pass?”
[99,825] Multa nobis praeterea de agno et columba, quorum appellatione rudis animi tractabilem simplicitatem significatam uolunt, uerum ego iamdudum memorem moneo, qui haec cotidie audias ab istis deblaterari apud indoctam plebeculam.
[99,825] Many things moreover are set forth to us about the lamb and the dove, by whose appellation they want the tractable simplicity of a rude mind to be signified; but I, for a long time now, warn the mindful one—you who hear these things daily—about their being blathered by those people among the unlearned plebeian rabble.
[99,827] Papae, tu me mediam in theologiam uocas, Battus inquit, Medicus poetam; sed quod asinum isti se imitari dicunt, iam hoc primum mihi satis quadrare uidetur, nisi quod iidem ignauia et tarditate asinum facile repraesentant, caeterum et leonis et tigridis et scorpii non exiguam partem isti asino admiscuisse uidentur, tanquam Chimaera ex uariis monstrorum figuris compositi.
[99,827] Good heavens, you call me into the very midst of theology, says Battus, a physician into a poet; but as to the fact that those fellows say they imitate an ass, this at least seems to me, first, to fit well enough, except that these same men by sloth and slowness easily represent the ass; moreover, they seem to have admixed into that ass no small part of the lion and the tiger and the scorpion, as though a Chimaera composed from various figures of monsters.
[101,877] MEDICUS: Tum Medicus: Vera sunt fere quae narras, sed quandoquidem simplicium istorum causam semel suscepi, non patiar me praeuaricatorem uideri; nam tu, Batte, quae pro te faciunt, diligenter exponis, at quae laedunt, dissimulas.
[101,877] PHYSICIAN: Then the Physician: What you relate is for the most part true, but since I have once undertaken the cause of those simple folk, I will not suffer myself to seem a prevaricator; for you, Batte, diligently set forth the points that make for you, but those that harm, you dissimulate.
[103,924] Si uero eiusmodi erit, qui possit pulcherrimas animi cogitationes mandare literis, hoc est si praeterquam quod doctus etiam disertus fuerit, huius demum hominis utilitas latissime manet necesse est, nempe non ad conuictores modo, non tantum ad aequales, non tantum ad finitimos, uerumetiam ad peregrinos, ad posteros, ad ultimos orbis incolas.
[103,924] If indeed he be of such a sort as to be able to consign to letters the most beautiful cogitations of the mind—that is, if, besides being learned, he will also have been eloquent—the utility of this man must remain most widely, namely not only to table‑companions, not only to equals, not only to neighbors, but also to foreigners, to posterity, to the farthest inhabitants of the orb.
[105,951] Semina quaedam bonarum artium indidit nobis parens deus intellectum, ingenium, memoriam caeterasque animi dotes, quae talenta sunt ad usuram credita; quae si exercitatione ac studio quasi duplicauerimus, ut impigros seruos dominus reuersus laudabit, peculium esse sinet; sin acceptum talentum in terram defoderimus, quo tandem animo domini redeuntis oculos, ora, uocem feremus, ubi caeteris pro accepta sorte lucrum annumerantibus nos inutile talentum referemus ignaui?
[105,951] Our parent God has implanted in us certain seeds of the good arts—intellect, ingenuity, memory, and the other endowments of the mind—which are talents entrusted on interest; which, if by exercise and study we have, as it were, doubled, the master on his return will praise as diligent servants, and will allow it to be a peculium; but if we have buried the received talent in the earth, with what spirit shall we bear the eyes, the face, the voice of the returning master, when the rest, reckoning up profit according to the lot received, we slothful will bring back a useless talent?
[106,966] Huiusmodi aliquot sententiolas homines ineptissimi in nos iaciunt, quas omnes recensere tum odiosum sit, tum ad nihil utile, praesertim quod et eodem spectent et eadem ratione dissolui possint, uniuersa ista quidem et iure et recto scripta.
[106,966] Men most inept hurl at us several little maxims of this sort, all of which to rehearse would be both odious and useful for nothing, especially since they both aim at the same thing and can be dissolved by the same reasoning, all those writings indeed being composed both in law and in rectitude.
[106,967] Verum nos alio torquemus deprauamusque, quae recte dicta sunt, siquidem ad nostram tegendam ignauiam deflectimus, cum tam euidens sit, ut (quod inquiunt) sentiri possit manibus his sententiis non uituperari eruditionem, sed admoneri nos, ne mundi successibus sublatis animis parum meminerimus Christianae modestiae.
[106,967] But we twist and deprave to another purpose the things that have been rightly said, inasmuch as we turn them aside to cover our sloth, although it is so evident that (as they say) it can be felt with the hands that by these sentences erudition is not vituperated, but we are admonished, lest, with our spirits lifted up by the successes of the world, we remember too little Christian modesty.
[106,969] Neque tamen inficiabor haec ad eruditos quoque pertinere, uerum non omnes, sed eos duntaxat, qui aut efferunt sese, quod paulo sint eruditiores, aut eis in studiis uel immodici uol intempestiui inueniantur, aut suae sententiae tenaciores audeant ab ecclesiasticis opinionibus desciscere, aut certe alioqui bonis literis abutantur.
[106,969] Nor yet will I deny that these matters pertain also to the erudite, but not to all—only to those who either exalt themselves because they are a little more erudite, or are found in those studies either immoderate or intempestive, or, being over-tenacious of their own opinion, dare to defect from ecclesiastical opinions, or at any rate otherwise abuse good letters.
[107,984] Non hic de literis liberalibus, sed de theologicis quaestiunculis agitur, quas nihil ad rem pertinentes nonnunquam inter se pertinacissimis contentionibus agitant, quo stulto popello sublimiter eruditi uideantur, cum eruditio Christiana nesciat supercilium.
[107,984] Here it is not a question of the liberal letters, but of little theological questionlets, which, pertaining nothing to the matter, they sometimes agitate among themselves with the most pertinacious contentions, in order that to a foolish little populace they may appear sublimely erudite, whereas Christian erudition knows not superciliousness.
[107,987] Nunc pauca proferam, quae de caeteris scriptoribus arma soleant mutuari; at ne iuxta Graecorum prouerbium harenas metiamur plurimos repetendo, unius Gratiani meminisse sat fuerit, qui praeter caeteros nos terrere poterat, si non autoritate, certe uoluminis immanitate.
[107,987] Now I will bring forward a few things which they are wont to borrow as arms from the other writers; but lest, according to the proverb of the Greeks, we measure sands by repeating very many, it will be enough to remember one Gratian, who beyond the rest could terrify us, if not by authority, certainly by the immensity of his volume.
[107,988] Nuper igitur cum e schola Parisiorum in patriam reuersus essem, incidit mihi cum quodam concertatio homine capitaliter nostris studiis infenso, alioquin humano, comi nec ineleganti, bello, lepido, festiuo et quod his uirtutibus conuenit, amatore strenuo, potore inuicto, commessatore assiduo, aleatore fortissimo multisque id genus uirtutibus exornato.
[107,988] Recently therefore, when I had returned to my fatherland from the school of the Parisians, there befell me a contest with a certain man—one capital-ly hostile to our studies, otherwise humane, affable and not inelegant, fair, lepid, festive, and, as befits these virtues, a strenuous lover, an invincible drinker, an assiduous banqueter, a most mighty gambler, and adorned with many virtues of that sort.
[107,990] Consueuit mihi comicorum militum more sua iactare facinora, quot eadem in urbe haberet amicas, quoties et quibus artibus ad alienas uxores penetrasset, quot riuales superasset, quoties una nocte marem praestare potuisset, quae barathra bibendo quanta cum gloria uicisset.
[107,990] He was accustomed, in the manner of comic soldiers, to vaunt his deeds: how many girlfriends he had in the same city, how often and by what arts he had penetrated to others’ wives, how many rivals he had overcome, how many times in a single night he had been able to make good the male, what abysses by drinking he had conquered, and with how great glory.
[107,993] Ibi homo sui repente oblitus, nouam quandam religionem coepit assumere, execrari uero me, quod ethnicos illos et impudicos autores legerem, iam et serio hortari ut resipiscerem, ut illis relictis ecclesiasticos euoluerem.
[107,993] There the man, suddenly forgetful of himself, began to assume a certain new religion, and indeed to execrate me, because I was reading those ethnic (i.e., pagan) and impudent authors, and now to exhort in earnest that I come to my senses, that, those left aside, I should unroll the ecclesiastical authors.
[108,1005] Dissimulauit homo bilem, dicens huiusmodi cauillatiunculis lautum prandium non esse corrumpendum; post spacium pomeridianum duxit me tanquam officiosus in bibliothecam publicam; ubi cum me uideret homo Ciceronianis quibusdam dialogis, qui mihi forte in manus inciderant, attentius incumbere, tandem irritatior Gratianum, quem unum legerat, mihi obiicit: Iam, inquit, te confutabo planissime.
[108,1005] The man dissembled his bile, saying that such little cavillations were not to be allowed to spoil a sumptuous luncheon; after the afternoon interval he led me, as though obliging, into the public library; where, when he saw me bending more attentively over certain Ciceronian dialogues, which had by chance fallen into my hands, at length, more irritated, he hurls at me Gratian—whom alone he had read—and says: Now I will confute you most plainly.
[109,1027] Vides igitur, quod tua ista conclusiuncula pro nobis faciat, sed mane paulisper etiam nunc accusationem audiuimus, defensionem audiamus, nondum satis pernosti Gratianicam eloquentiam, de unaquaque re non in utramuis, sed in utranque partem disputat, et quidem pari copia parique facundia, quod idem olim Gorgiam et Carneadem fecisse legimus.
[109,1027] You see, therefore, that that little conclusiuncle of yours works on our behalf; but wait a little while, even now we have heard the accusation, let us hear the defense, you have not yet sufficiently thoroughly-known Gratianic eloquence, on each and every matter it disputes not on either side, but on both sides, and indeed with equal copiousness and equal facundity, which same we read that Gorgias and Carneades formerly did.
[109,1029] Iussi paginam euolui, consequuntur enim illa, sed econtra legitur, quod "Moses et Daniel omni scientia Aegyptiorum et Chaldaeorum eruditi fuerunt" et post pauca turbat acumen legentium et deficere cogit, qui eos a legendis secularibus libris omnibus modis existimat prohibendos, in quibus si qua inuenta sunt utilia, quasi sua sumere licet, "alioqui Moses et Daniel sapientia Aegyptiorum et Chaldaeorum non paterentur erudiri" et alia quae sequuntur.
[109,1029] I ordered the page to be unrolled, for those things follow; but on the contrary it is read that “Moses and Daniel were instructed in all the knowledge of the Egyptians and the Chaldaeans,” and after a few (lines) he throws the acumen of readers into confusion and compels it to fail, he who thinks that they must by every means be prohibited from reading secular books, in which, if any useful things have been found, it is permitted to take them as if their own, “otherwise Moses and Daniel would not have allowed themselves to be instructed by the wisdom of the Egyptians and the Chaldaeans,” and other things that follow.
[110,1032] Et iterum aliquanto inferius ex synodo Eugenii pontificis : "De quibusdam locis ad nos refertur neque magistros, neque curam inueniri pro studio literarum, idcirco ab uniuersis episcopis subiectis plebibus et aliis locis, in quibus necessitas occurreret, omnino cura et diligentia habeatur, ut magistri et doctores constituantur, qui studia literarum liberaliumque artium doginata doceant, quia in his diuina maxime manifestantur atque declarantur mandata".
[110,1032] And again somewhat lower down from the synod of Pope Eugenius: "Concerning certain places it is reported to us that neither teachers nor care are found for the study of letters; therefore by all bishops, among the subject peoples and in other places where necessity should occur, let care and diligence altogether be exercised, that masters and doctors be appointed, who may teach the studies of letters and the dogmata of the liberal arts, because in these the divine mandates are most manifest and are declared."
[110,1035] Nec miror, inquam, si non capis uenatu, quae minime uenaris; quae pro te faciunt, ea demum excerpis; quae pro tua causa facere uidentur, legis nec perlegis nec intelligis ea, quae legis; quod non ira tibi eueniret, nisi tam in fugiendis literis ethnicorum esses religiosus.
[110,1035] Nor do I marvel, I say, if you do not take by the hunt those things which you least hunt; the things which make for you, those at length you excerpt; the things which seem to act on behalf of your cause, you read, yet you neither read through nor understand the things that you read; which would not befall you, unless you were so religious in shunning the letters of the Gentiles.
[111,1043] Est enim huic scriptorum generi moris nihil suum ponere, sed diuersorum dicta hinc atque hinc decerpta congerere, non modo diuersa, uerumetiam aliquoties inter se pugnantia; sat habent coaceruasse caeterum iudicii onus lectori relinquentes.
[111,1043] For it is the custom of this genus of writers to set down nothing of their own, but to heap together the dicta of various men culled from here and there, not only diverse, but even several times repugnant to one another; they think it enough to have heaped up, leaving, moreover, the burden of judgment to the reader.
[111,1044] Cui ubi iam longa lectione cerebrum uertigine rotari et caligare acies coeperit, non multo certior surgit quam Demipho ille Terentianus, qui ex tribus aduocatis consultis, cum unus suasisset alter negasset, tertius deliberandum censuisset, "fecistis" inquit, "probe: incertior sum nunc multo quam dudum".
[111,1044] When, after a long reading, his brain begins to reel with vertigo and his eyesight to grow dim, he rises not much more certain than that Demipho of Terence, who, after consulting three advocates—when one had recommended, another had denied, and a third had judged that it should be deliberated—“you have done,” he says, “well: I am now much more uncertain than just now.”
[111,1045] Horum igitur odiosas disputationes, cum iam complures legissemus, huc euadebant omnes ethnicarum literarum usum nemini uitio uerti, imo laudi potius ducendum, uerum abusum perniciosum esse eoque uetitum, id quod nemo puerorum nesciebat.
[111,1045] Therefore these men’s odious disputations, when we had already read several, all came out to this: that the use of ethnic letters should be imputed as a vice to no one—nay rather should be accounted unto laud—but that abuse is pernicious and therefore forbidden, a thing which none of the boys was unaware of.
[111,1050] "Quid ergo", inquiens, "mirum si et ego sapientiam secularem propter eloquii uenustatem et membrorum pulchritudinem de ancilla atque captiua Israelitidem facere cupio et si quid in ea mortuum idololatriae, uoluptatis, erroris, libidinum uel praecido uel rado et mixtus purissimo corde uernaculos ex ea genero domino sabaoth?
[111,1050] "What then," he says, "is it a wonder if I too desire to make secular wisdom, on account of the grace of its eloquence and the beauty of its members, into an Israelitess out of a handmaid and captive, and if whatever in her is dead matter of idololatry, voluptuousness, error, lusts, I either cut off or shave away, and, being mingled with a most pure heart, I beget homeborn offspring from her for the Lord Sabaoth?
[111,1053] Hic iam, inquam, ulciscuntur contumeliam in se admissam literae seculares, erat autem locus in ea epistola in primis nobili, quam ad Magnum oratorem inscripsit, an scripserit, nescio, in qua uir sanctissimus, sicubi alias sententiam inuidiae placandae gratia uafre dissimulauit, hic certe non perplexe proloquitur.
[111,1053] Here now, I say, secular letters avenge the contumely admitted against themselves; moreover, there was a passage in that epistle most notable above all, which he inscribed to Magnus the orator—whether he wrote it, I do not know—in which the most holy man, if elsewhere he has craftily dissimulated his opinion for the sake of placating envy, here certainly does not speak perplexly.
[111,1055] Quod autem quaeris in calce epistolae tuae, cur in opusculis nostris secularium literarum interdum ponamus exempla et candorem ecclesiae ethnicorum sordibus polluamus, breuiter responsum habeto : nunquam hoc quaereres, nisi te totum Tullius possideret, si scripturas sanctas legeres, si interpretes earum omisso Vulcatio euolueres.
[111,1055] But as to what you ask at the heel of your epistle—why in our opuscules we sometimes insert examples from secular letters and pollute the candor of the Church with the filth of the Gentiles—briefly have this answer: you would never be asking this, unless Tullius possessed you wholly, if you were reading the Holy Scriptures, if you were turning over their interpreters, Vulcatius being set aside.
[112,1068] Deinde illustrium scriptorum catalogum texit tum Graecorum, tum Latinorum, et Graecorum quidem hoc elogio claudit: "Qui omnes in tantum philosophorum doctrinis atque sententiis suos refarciunt libros, ut nescias quid in illis primum admirari debeas: eruditionem seculi, an scientiam scripturarum".
[112,1068] Then he weaves a catalog of illustrious writers, both Greek and Latin, and indeed he closes the Greek [section] with this eulogy: "All of whom to such a degree cram their books with the doctrines and opinions of the philosophers that you do not know what you ought first to admire in them: the erudition of the age, or the science of the Scriptures".
[113,1070] Mox callidam imperitorum calumniam excludens, addit: "Nec statim praua opinions fallaris, contra gentiles hoc esse licitum, in aliis disputationibus dissimulandum, quia omnes pene omnium libri exceptis iis, qui cum Epicuro literas non didicerunt, eruditionis doctrinaeque plenissimi sunt".
[113,1070] Soon, excluding the crafty calumny of the unskilled, he adds: "Nor be straightway deceived by a wicked opinion, that against the Gentiles this is licit, but in other disputations to be dissimulated, since almost all the books of almost all men, except those who, together with Epicurus, did not learn letters, are most full of erudition and doctrine."
[113,1082] Discant ergo", inquit, "Celsus, Porphyrius, Iulianus, rabidi aduersum Christum canes, discant sectatores eorum, qui putant ecclesiam nullos philosophos et eloquentes, nullos habuisse doctores, quantique et quales uiri eam fundauerint, instruxerint, adornauerint, et desinant fidem nostram rusticae tantum simplicitatis arguere suamque imperitiam potius recognoscant".
[113,1082] “Let them learn, then,” he says, “Celsus, Porphyry, Julian—rabid dogs against Christ—let their sectators learn, who think that the Church had no philosophers and eloquents, no doctors, how great and of what sort men founded her, instructed her, adorned her; and let them cease to accuse our faith of rustic simplicity only, and rather recognize their own ignorance.”
[113,1083] Non pudet, inquam, te Christianum obiicere Christiano et quidem laico, quod Hieronymus non dubitauit apud hostes gloriari uir ecclesiasticus, iam sanctitatis opinione celebris, postremo monachus et eremi cultor, praesertim ea tempestate cum Christiana adhuc religio cum ethnicis conflictaretur.
[113,1083] Are you not ashamed, I say, as a Christian, to throw in the teeth of a Christian—and indeed a layman—what Jerome did not hesitate to glory in among the enemies—an ecclesiastic, already celebrated by the opinion of sanctity, and, finally, a monk and a cultivator of the desert—especially at that time when the Christian religion was still contending with the ethnics.
[114,1086] Aurelius Augustinus uir sanctimonia iuxta ac eruditione singularis, tum arctae adeo, ne dicam meticulosae conscientiae, ut saepenumero mihi (bona uenia tanti uiri dixerim) abs re trepidare uideatur, id quod tum ex eius uita, tum ex confessionum retractationumque libris coniicere procliue est.
[114,1086] Aurelius Augustine, a man singular in sanctimony as well as erudition, and of a conscience so strict— not to say over-fearful— that very often to me (with the good leave of so great a man let me say it) he seems to tremble out of place; which it is easy to conjecture both from his life and from the books of the Confessions and the Retractions.
[114,1088] Hic in iis libris, quos de doctrina Christiana inscribit, proponit "duo genera doctrinarum : Quae in gentibus etiam", inquit, "moribus exercentur", id est ethnicorum, uel ut isti dicunt, secularium, "unum earum, quas instituerunt homines, alterum earum, quas animaduerterunt aut iam peractas, aut diuinitus institutas".
[114,1088] Here in those books which he entitles On Christian Doctrine, he proposes "two kinds of doctrines : Which among the nations also," he says, "are exercised in customs," that is, of the heathen, or as those people say, of the secular ones, "one of those which men have instituted, the other of those which they have observed as either already accomplished, or divinely instituted".
[114,1091] Sub hoc ultimo genere, quod superstitiosum appellat, maleficia, incantationes, excantationes, sortilegia, aruspicia, auspicia, auguria, necyomantiam, pyromantiam, alphitomantiam, hydromantiam, geomantiam, chiromantiam et id genus alia comprehendit; haec quia phytonum sunt et maleficorum nec sine commercio scelestorum spirituum exercentur, iure Christiano fugienda censuit.
[114,1091] Under this last class, which he calls superstitious, he includes malefices, incantations, excantations, sortileges, haruspicy, auspices, augury, necromancy, pyromancy, alphitomancy, hydromancy, geomancy, chiromancy, and other things of that kind; these, because they are of python-spirits and of sorcerers and are not practiced without commerce with wicked spirits, he judged by Christian law to be things to be shunned.
[114,1092] Illas quoque obseruationes, quod plurimum habeant et anxietatis et uanitatis, huic generi annumerat: qualia sunt uisorum et insomniorum interpretatio, extorum inspectio, uolatus auium cantusque, monstrorum, tonitruum, fulgurum, syderum, sortium, sternutamentorum, mustelarum, murium occurrentium aut stridentium aut aliquid arrodentium, aurium tinnientium, oculorum salientium, foliorum crepitantium, nominum et imaginum et his similium nugarum obseruatio.
[114,1092] He also numbers with this class those observations, because they have very much both of anxiety and of vanity: such as the interpretation of things seen and of dreams, the inspection of entrails, the flight of birds and their song, the observation of prodigies, thunders, lightnings, stars, lots, sternutations (sneezings), weasels, mice that meet one or squeak or gnaw something, ears ringing (tinnitus), eyes twitching, the crepitation (crackling) of leaves, the observation of names and images and of trifles like to these.
[114,1093] Sub altero genere, id est ab hominibus quidem instituto, minime tamen superstitioso, haec fere collocat: characteres, uocabula rerum, consuetudinem loquendi, leges, plebiscita et si qua id genus sunt alia; haec enim non modo non reprehendit, uerumetiam Christiani hominis interesse putat, ut haec quam maxime scire curet.
[114,1093] Under the second kind, that is, instituted indeed by men, yet by no means superstitious, he for the most part places these: characters, the names of things, the custom of speaking, laws, plebiscites, and if there are other things of that sort; for these he not only does not reprehend, but even thinks it is the concern of a Christian man, that he take care to know these as much as possible.
[115,1096] De grammatica quidem dilucidius est, quam ut in eo debeat disputari, porro quod ad dialecticen attinet, libro de doctrina Christiana secundo, capite (si bene commemini) uigesimo de dialecticis rationibus, de ueritate, de falsitate connexionum, de consequenti et inconsequenti, de repugnanti, de definiendo, de partiendo uerbose et curiosiuscule suo more dispute, petitis etiam e diuo Paulo connexionum formis, sic enim appellat, ut nos si dialecticen ignoremus, docere uoluisse uideatur.
[115,1096] As for grammar, it is too clear to warrant discussion here; furthermore, as concerns dialectic, in the second book of On Christian Doctrine, in the chapter (if I remember well) twenty, he discourses, in his own manner verbosely and a bit over-curiously, about dialectical reasons, about truth, about the falsity of connexions, about the consequent and the inconsequent, about the repugnant, about defining, about dividing—also borrowing from Saint Paul the forms of connexions (for so he calls them)—so that he seems to have wished to teach us, if we are ignorant of dialectic.
[115,1097] Hanc disciplinam in ipso disputationis capite bis uerbis commendat, nam puto, me ea, ut nuper relecta, posse reddere: "Sed disciplina", inquit, "disputationis ad omnia genera quaestionum, quae in literis sanctis sunt penetranda et dissoluenda plurimum ualet, tantum cauenda est ibi libido rixandi".
[115,1097] He commends this discipline, in the very chapter on disputation, twice in words; for I think that I, them as recently reread, can render them thus: "But the discipline," he says, "of disputation avails very much for all kinds of questions which in the holy Scriptures are to be penetrated and dissolved; only the lust of wrangling is to be guarded against there."
[115,1098] Pauloque inferius : "Sunt etiam connexiones ratiocinationis", inquit, "falsas habentes sententias, quae consequuntur errorem illius cum quo agitur, quae tamen ad hoc inferuntur a docto et bono homine, ut his erubescens ille, cuius errorem consequuntur, eundem relinquat errorem, quia si in eodem manere uoluerit, necesse est, ut etiam illa quae damnat, tenere cogatur".
[115,1098] And a little lower: "There are also connections of ratiocination," he says, "having false propositions, which follow upon the error of the one with whom the matter is being conducted, which nevertheless are introduced for this purpose by a learned and good man: that, blushing at these, he whose error they follow may relinquish that same error; because if he should wish to remain in the same, it is necessary that he be compelled to hold even those things which he condemns."
[115,1101] Caeteras autem artes, minutiores quidem illas, attamen acutas ut Quintus Fabius oratori, ita Aurelius theologo putat non mediocriter conducere; et quidem de musica haec fere sunt, quae tenemus : "Et numerum", inquit, "et musicam plerisque in locis in scripturis honorabiliter posita inuenimus.
[115,1101] But the other arts—indeed those more minute, yet acute—Quintus Fabius thinks conduce not moderately to the orator, and in like manner Aurelius to the theologian; and indeed concerning music these are roughly the things that we hold : "Both number", he says, "and music we find honorably positioned in many places in the Scriptures."
[115,1103] Deinde autore Varrone unde ea sit fabula nata, aperit subiiciens : "Sed siue se ita habeat, quod Varro retulit, siue non ita, nos tamen propter superstitionem prophanorum non debemus musicam fugere, si quid inde utile ad intelligendas scripturas rapere potuerimus".
[115,1103] Then, with Varro as author, he opens up whence that fable arose, subjoining: "But whether it is so, as Varro related, or not so, nevertheless we ought not to flee music on account of the superstition of the profane, if we can snatch anything useful thence for understanding the scriptures"
[116,1106] Porro physicen in primis ad sacrarum literarum cognitionem necessariam arbitratur, quod passim scateat uocabulis tum animantium, tum herbarum, tum lapidum, quorum omnium ni monstratrice physica uim naturamque teneas, temerarius uideberis, si ea coneris interpretari.
[116,1106] Moreover, he deems physics in the first place necessary for the cognition of the sacred letters, because they everywhere teem with the vocabulary both of animals, and of herbs, and of stones; and unless, with physics as guide, you grasp the force and the nature of them all, you will seem rash if you attempt to interpret them.
[116,1110] Porro de philosophis, quid tandem, penes quos beatae uitae professio potissimum est, mirum ni istos legendos negabit; qui cum se ueri magistros ut omnium rerum peritos profiteri sint ausi, omnium errorum autores extiterunt, e quorum disciplinis nulla fere non haeresis nata est nobis, quorum contortis enthymematibus, quasi quibusdam arietibus Christianae fidei moenia toties sunt pulsata, audite et quid de his dicat uir aequissimus.
[116,1110] Moreover, concerning the philosophers—what then? in whose hands the profession of the blessed life is chiefly placed—it would be a marvel if he were to deny these to be read; who, since they dared to profess themselves masters of truth, as experts in all things, have turned out to be authors of all errors; from whose disciplines almost no heresy has not been born for us; by whose twisted enthymemes, as by certain battering-rams, the walls of the Christian faith have so often been beaten—hear also what a most equitable man says about these.
[116,1113] Legimus, inquit, in Exodo, Hebraeos, cum duce Mose ab Aegyptia seruitute furtim fugam molirentur, plurimam omnis generis supellectilem, immensam uim signorum, uestium, uasorum a suo quaeque uicino commodato cepisse; itaque spoliatis Aegyptiis demigrasse clanculum, quam fugam, quod furtum, quia deo autore patratum nouimus, aliquid portendere creditur, scilicet iam tum diuina prouidentia quorundam trepidationi consulebat, qui fortasse Aegyptum spoliare, hoc est ethnicorum sapientiam usurpare timuissent, nisi huius rei tantum imperatorem, tantum ducem, tantum exemplum habuissent.
[116,1113] We read, he says, in Exodus, that the Hebrews, when under the leadership of Moses they were contriving a flight in stealth from Egyptian servitude, took by loan from each his neighbor a very great quantity of household stuff of every kind, an immense mass of ornaments, garments, and vessels; and so, the Egyptians having been despoiled, they departed quietly, which flight, which theft, since we know it was carried out with God as its author, is believed to portend something—namely, that already then Divine Providence was taking thought for the trepidation of certain people, who perhaps would have feared to despoil Egypt, that is, to usurp the wisdom of the Gentiles, unless in this matter they had had so great a commander, so great a leader, so great an exemplar.
[117,1117] Vt enim, inquit, olim Hebraei ea, quae sibi usui fore iudicassent, rapuerunt, relictis iis, quae aut molesta aut inutilia aut prophana existimassent, ita nos oportet sua quidem ethnicis uitia relinquere, superstitiones, libidines, cupiditates, haec inquam, apud dominos relinquenda.
[117,1117] For, he says, just as once the Hebrews seized those things which they had judged would be for their use, leaving behind those which they had considered either troublesome or useless or profane, so we ought to leave to the pagans their own vices—superstitions, lusts, cupidities—these things, I say, are to be left with their owners.
[117,1118] At si quod sapientiae aurum, si quod eloquentiae argentum, si qua bonarum literarum supellex penes illos erit, eam omnem conuasare et in nostros usus accommodare debemus, nihil furti calumniam ueriti, quin potius pulcherrimi etiam facinoris et laudem et praemium sperare ausi.
[117,1118] But if there be any gold of sapience, if any silver of eloquence, if any furnishing of good letters in their possession, we ought to gather up all of it and accommodate it to our uses, fearing no calumny of theft, but rather, daring to hope for both the praise and the reward even of a most beautiful deed.
[117,1120] Caeterum a sua illa diuisione non recedens et hoc suo more auro atque argento eas disciplinas sibi uideri signatas scripsit, quae essent ab ingeniis humanis animaduersae, sicut dialecticen, rhetoricen, physicen, historiam et id genus plura, quod haec homines "non ipsi quidem produxissent, sed tanquam aurum et argentum de quibusdam quasi metallis diuinae prouidentiae, quae ubique infusa est, eruissent".
[117,1120] Moreover, not departing from that division of his, he also wrote that, in this his manner, those disciplines seemed to him to be stamped as gold and silver, which had been observed by human wits, such as dialectic, rhetoric, physics, history, and many more of that kind, because men "had not indeed produced these themselves, but, as though gold and silver, had dug them out from certain, as it were, mines of divine providence, which is infused everywhere."
[117,1121] Vestes autem Aegyptiorum interpretatur disciplinas a mortalibus quidem institutas, sed uestium in morem accommodatas humanae societati, puta leges loquendi, plebiscita, decreta pontificum, quae quidem omnia quoniam plurimum habent usus, ab ethnicis quoquo pacto rapienda censet.
[117,1121] But the garments of the Egyptians he interprets as disciplines indeed instituted by mortals, but accommodated, after the manner of garments, to human society—namely, the laws of speaking, plebiscites, decrees of the pontiffs—which all, since they have very great use, he judges ought to be seized from the pagans by whatever means.
[118,1128] Quibus omnibus uiris superstitiosa gentium consuetudo et maxime illis temporibus, cum Christi recutiens iugum persequebatur Christianos, disciplinas quas utiles habebat, nunquam commodaret, si eas in usum colendi unius dei, quo uanus idolorum cultus excinderetur, conuersum iri suspicaretur".
[118,1128] To all these men the superstitious custom of the nations—and especially in those times, when, shaking off the yoke of Christ, it was persecuting Christians—would never have lent the disciplines which it held as useful, if it suspected that they would be converted to the use of worshiping the one God, whereby the vain cult of idols might be excised".
[118,1132] Imo, quod indignius est, iam Hieronymum non in theologorum numero, sed oratorum ponunt atque e suo sacrosancto senatu depulsum grammaticis annumerant, ipsi nescio quorum confusissimis collectaneis ac summulis insenescunt, nihil eruditum existimantes, nisi quod idem sit barbarum.
[118,1132] Nay, what is more unworthy, now they place Jerome not in the number of the theologians, but of the orators, and, expelled from their sacrosanct senate, they reckon him among the grammarians; while they themselves grow old in the most confused collectanea and little summaries of I know not whom, considering nothing learned unless it be at the same time barbarous.
[119,1143] In eo libro qui dubio autore Sapientiae inscribitur, quanta laus eruditionis, ut quod grauissime a Platone scriptum est, sapientiam incredibili esse specie, quae si oculis uideri queat, admirabiles sui sit excitatura amores, hic quisquis fuit scriptor non infacundus sapientiae quasi quandam effigiem expressisse uideatur, quo nos ad illius amorem accenderet.
[119,1143] In that book which, with its author doubtful, is entitled Wisdom, what great praise of erudition—so that what has been most weightily written by Plato, that sapience is of incredible aspect, which, if it could be seen by the eyes, would arouse admirable loves for herself—here, whoever the writer was, not ineloquent, seems to have expressed a kind of effigy of wisdom, in order to inflame us toward love of her.
[119,1145] Mentior nisi id ipsa uerba sonant: "Deus", inquit, "dedit mihi horum quae sunt scientiam, ut sciam dispositionem orbis terrarum et uirtutem elementorum, initium et consummationem et medietatem temporum et eorum mutationes, diuisiones, temporum, anni cursus, et stellarum dispositiones, naturas animalium et iras bestiarum, uim uentorum et cogitationes hominum, differentias uirgultorum et uirtutes radicum et quaecunque sunt absconsa et improuisa didici".
[119,1145] I lie unless the very words sound this: "God," he says, "gave me the science of these things that are, that I might know the disposition of the orb of the lands and the virtue of the elements, the beginning and the consummation and the median of times and their changes, the divisions of times, the course of the year, and the dispositions of the stars, the natures of animals and the rages of beasts, the force of the winds and the cogitations of men, the differences of shrubs and the virtues of roots, and whatever things are hidden and unforeseen I have learned".
[119,1151] Nec inficias iuero tamen eosdem ipsos nonnullis in locis perinde disserere ac si a seculari doctrina nos conentur dehortari et ira rhetorica contentione incadescant contra curiosam, superbam, uentosam, obstinatam eruditionem, ut non in abutentium uitium, sed in rem ipsam inuehi uideantur.
[119,1151] Nor indeed, however, do I deny that these very same men in some places discourse just as if they were trying to dissuade us from secular doctrine, and in wrath grow incandescent with rhetorical contention against curious, proud, windy, obstinate erudition, so that they seem to be inveighing not against the vice of those abusing it, but against the thing itself.
[120,1168] ERASMVS : At ego iamdudum, inquam, admiror mecum, quanquam orationem currentem interpellare nolui, qui tot uersus e tot ecclesiasticis autoribus tam apte, tam ad uerbum reddere ualueris, quod quidem a summo theologo tam scite fieri posse uix crediderim.
[120,1168] ERASMUS : But I for a long time now, I say, have been admiring to myself, although I did not wish to interrupt the oration as it was running, that you have been able to render so many verses from so many ecclesiastical authors so aptly, so verbatim, which indeed I would scarcely have believed could be done so skillfully by even a supreme theologian.
[121,1172] Nugas nostras uis prodere et de uerisimili laboras; uereris enim ne ubi hunc nostrum sermonem literis mandaris (sentio enim te id uelle) existat aliquis, qui te dialogum Platonico aut Ciceroniano more finxisse putans neque decorum, neque probabile satis obseruasse calumnietur, qui me et adolescentiorem et poetam tantum ecclesiasticarum literarum memoriter reddentem feceris.
[121,1172] You wish to publish our trifles and you are laboring over verisimilitude; for you fear lest, when you commit this our conversation to letters (for I perceive you wish that), there may arise someone who, thinking that you have fashioned the dialogue in the Platonic or Ciceronian manner, will calumniate you for not having sufficiently observed decorum or probability, seeing that you have made me both younger and a poet merely reciting ecclesiastical literature by rote.
[121,1173] Sed nihil est quod mireris, si homo non prodigiosa quidem, sed tamen haud maligna praeditus memoria, quae legi tanto intentius, quanto irritatior, quae decerpsi quae toties contra barbaros deprompsi, pauca potuerim memoria complecti.
[121,1173] But there is nothing for you to wonder at, if a man endowed with a memory not indeed prodigious, yet by no means paltry, could embrace in memory only a few of the things which I read all the more intently the more I was provoked, which I excerpted, which I so often brought forth against the barbarians.
[121,1175] Quoniam aduersarios inquit, primum rationibus deinde testibus reuicimus, unicum illis profugium superest exempla quorundam probatioris uitae, quos aut citra eruditionem doctos habitos aut uirtutis studio literas contempsisse obiiciunt, a quo illos praesidio si eiecerimus, reliquum est, ut aut in deditionem ueniant aut certe fuga turpissima uictos se profiteantur.
[121,1175] Since, he says, we have refuted the adversaries, first by reasons, then by witnesses, a single refuge remains to them: the examples of certain men of more approved life, whom they allege either to have been held learned without erudition, or to have contemned letters out of zeal for virtue; if we eject them from that protection, it remains that either they come into surrender, or at any rate by most disgraceful flight profess themselves conquered.
[121,1177] Videtis, inquiunt, fidem Christianam non a physicis, non a dialecticis, non a poetis, non a rhetoricis autoribus ortam, sed a rusticis hominibus, indoctis, rudibus, denique piscatoribus, non e Platonica Academia, non e porticibus Stoicorum, non e scholis Peripateticorum apostolos uocatos nouimus, sed a naui et rete, neque Christus ludos rhetorices aut dialectices aperuit, sed tantum uiuendi praecepta tradidit.
[121,1177] “You see,” they say, “that the Christian faith arose not from physicists, not from dialecticians, not from poets, not from rhetorical authors, but from rustic men, unlearned, raw—finally, from fishermen; we know the apostles were called not from the Platonic Academy, not from the porticoes of the Stoics, not from the schools of the Peripatetics, but from a ship and a net; nor did Christ open schools of rhetoric or of dialectic, but only handed down precepts for living.”
[123,1212] Ipsi cum iussi sint in lege domini, in sanctis literis die noctuque uersari, ab omni se prorsus studio cohibent, religioso quodam metu, opinor, adducti ne si libros tractare coeperint, in ethnicum aliquem autorem imprudentes incidant.
[123,1212] They themselves, though they have been ordered in the law of the Lord to be engaged in the holy letters day and night, altogether restrain themselves from every study, induced, I suppose, by a certain religious fear, lest, if they should begin to handle books, they might unwittingly fall upon some pagan author.
[124,1219] Nitet amplissima in domo supellex Attalica, ministris militaribus omnia perstrepunt, coenae Persico instruuntur apparatu, uideas illic agi Sybaritica conuiuia, et quidem assidue, uincitur audacia perdendae rei Cleopatra, uincitur Aesopus cum filio haudquaquam degenere.
[124,1219] In the most ample house the Attalic furnishings glitter, everything resounds with military attendants, dinners are set up with Persian apparatus, you might see Sybaritic banquets carried on there, and indeed continually; Cleopatra is outdone in the audacity of squandering wealth, Aesopus is outdone along with his son by no means degenerate.
[124,1223] Nuper cum in Flandria legationem uestro nomine obirem, incidi in huiusmodi portenti conuiuium, ibi inter pocula, ut fit, cum hospitalitatem nobis suam iactitaret, ut festiuiore fabulatione conuiuium exhilararem, Tantali et Lycaonis et his similes nonnullas fabellas commemoraui, rogabat me, ubinam illa legerentur; aio in poetis, orauit protinus, ne illos ethnicos ad suam mensam nominarem, ne foedis nominibus sanctum conuiuium prophanaretur.
[124,1223] Recently, when in Flanders I was discharging a legation in your name, I fell upon a banquet of such a portent; there, among the cups, as happens, while he was vaunting to us his hospitality, that I might cheer the banquet with more festive storytelling, I recalled some little fables of Tantalus and Lycaon and some like these, he asked me where those were read; I say, in the poets, straightway he begged that I not name those ethnics (pagans) at his table, lest by foul names the holy banquet be profaned.
[124,1226] Cum hoc mihi (assidebat enim proxime) de scriptorum ecclesiasticorum eloquentia sermo incidit, dicebamus Aurelium Augustinum acute quidem, sed subobscure ac perplexe et suo quodam more dicere, et huic tamen esse suam gratiam ob schemata, quae frequenter affectaret.
[124,1226] With this man (for he was sitting very near) the talk fell upon the eloquence of ecclesiastical writers; we were saying that Aurelius Augustine speaks indeed acutely, but somewhat obscurely and perplexedly, and in a certain manner of his own; and that this nevertheless has its own grace on account of the schemata which he frequently affected.
[125,1235] Intellecta hominis improbitate putaui malo nodo malum esse quaerendum cuneum, ac de industria quidem eum sermonem inieci, in quo illum sciebam ut plurimum ualere de uinorum generibus, de arte coquinaria, de uenaticis epulis.
[125,1235] With the man’s improbity understood, I thought that for a bad knot a bad wedge was to be sought, and indeed I deliberately threw in that topic of conversation in which I knew him, for the most part, to excel: about the kinds of wines, about the culinary art, about venatic (hunting) banquets.
[125,1240] Iam uero de epulis coquendis, condiendis, si disputantem audisses, quem tu non ibi coquum, quem non Catium, quem non Philoxenum, quem non Apitium, quem non Platynam contemneres ; hae nimirum sunt artes tetricae et graui sacerdote dignae, has didicerunt ipsi, nobisque tradiderunt apostoli, non syllogismorum laqueos nectere, non Ciceronem non Vergilium euoluere, non aliorum ingenia dictionemue taxare.
[125,1240] And indeed, about banquets to be cooked and seasoned, if you had heard him discoursing, whom there would you not despise as a cook, whom not Catius, whom not Philoxenus, whom not Apicius, whom not Platina? ; these forsooth are the grim arts and worthy of a grave priest, these they themselves learned, and to us the apostles handed down—not to weave the nooses of syllogisms, not to unroll Cicero, not Vergil, not to tax the genius or the diction of others.
[126,1247] Caeterum ridiculum, si quis e nobis manens inter Croesi opes et Sardanapali delicias de sola rusticitate se iactet, quasi omnes latrones et diuersorum criminum rei diserti sint, et cruentos gladios philosophorum uoluminibus et non arborum truncis occulant".
[126,1247] But it is ridiculous, if anyone of us, remaining amid the opulence of Croesus and the delights of Sardanapalus, should vaunt himself on rusticity alone, as though all robbers and defendants of diverse crimes were eloquent, and hid their bloody swords in the volumes of philosophers and not in the trunks of trees".
[126,1250] A Mose repetamus; quid eo imperatore sanctius ? et hic omnem disciplinam Aegyptiorum a puero doctus legitur; non huic fraudi fuit secularis, ut uocant, eruditio, quo minus e mortalium genere unus in domini familiaritatem ascisci meruerit.
[126,1250] Let us go back to Moses; what was more holy than that commander ? and this man is read to have been taught all the discipline of the Egyptians from boyhood; secular, as they call it, erudition was not a detriment to him, so as to hinder that he merited to be admitted, a single man from the race of mortals, into the familiarity of the Lord.
[127,1259] Clemens praeceptor Origenis, Alexandrinae ecclesiae presbyter, uir omnium longe doctissimus, idque indice uiro omnium longe doctissimo Hieronymo, ad sacrae religionis defensionem, quae tum negocium exhibentibus ethnicis in summo discrimine uersabatur, non parum adiumenti contulit tum eloquentia, tum libris eruditionis plenis.
[127,1259] Clement, the preceptor of Origen, presbyter of the Alexandrian church, a man by far the most learned of all—and this with Jerome, a man by far the most learned of all, as witness—contributed no small aid to the defense of the sacred religion, which at that time, with the pagans giving trouble, was in the utmost crisis, both by his eloquence and by books full of erudition.
[127,1261] Bis mille recensere possem, quorum insignis eruditio nisi fidei laboranti succurrisset, neque tam amplam, neque ita confirmatam, fortasse et nullam haberemus, et postea trepidant isti discere disciplinas humanas, quasi desint quorum exemplo id faciant.
[127,1261] I could enumerate two thousand, whose distinguished erudition, unless it had succored the faith as it labored, we would have neither so ample nor so confirmed—perhaps we would have none at all—and afterwards these people quail to learn the human disciplines, as though there were lacking those by whose example they might do it.
[127,1262] Deflectant paulisper obtutum ab exemplis domesticis, euoluant ueterum Chronica, euoluant eos, qui de scriptoribus scripserunt illustribus; inuenient Origenem, Gregorium Nazanzenum, Didymum, Ioannem Chrysostomum et, ut ad Latinos ueniam, Lactantium, Hilarium, Seuerum, ad summam, omnes prope ad unum qui in defensanda fide ac tractandis mysteriis scripturarum operam nauarunt, scholasticis fuisse disciplinas instructissimos; quorum omnium ethnicam eruditionem, imo et Christianam effert ac miratur Hieronymus, ne nos contemnamus : at nos, qua sumus religione, nihil quantumuis politum eruditione mouere potest, nisi sit idem pium.
[127,1262] Let them turn their gaze aside for a little while from domestic examples, let them unroll the Chronicles of the ancients, let them unroll those who wrote about illustrious writers; they will find Origen, Gregory Nazianzen, Didymus, John Chrysostom, and—to come to the Latins—Lactantius, Hilary, Severus; in sum, almost all to a man who applied their efforts to defending the faith and handling the mysteries of the Scriptures, to have been most thoroughly equipped in scholastic disciplines; the pagan learning of all of whom, nay even their Christian learning, Jerome extols and admires, so that we should not despise it : but we, such as our religion is, nothing, however polished by erudition, can be moved by, unless it be pious as well.
[128,1289] Et quanto religiosius ille quam nos, qui animis rudibus repente ad diuinitatis arcana non ingredimur, sed irrumpimus, non ascendimus, sed inuolamus, et tanquam gigantes extructis in coelum molibus, inuito Ioue, arcem illius occupare conamur; eoque ille quia gradatim ascendit receptus est, nos repellimur, deiicimur, praecipitamur.
[128,1289] And how much more religious was he than we, we who with rude minds do not enter suddenly into the arcana of divinity, but irrupt, we do not ascend, but we fly upon it; and, like giants, with masses piled up into heaven, with Jove unwilling, we endeavor to occupy his citadel; and for that reason he, because he ascended step by step, was received; we are repelled, cast down, hurled headlong.
[130,1329] CONSVL: Tum consul: At tu, inquit, Batte, in ista disputatione uehementi magis quam apta, bis mihi peccare uideris, nam et de prophana literatura instituta erat disputatio, non diuina, quam apostolos accepisse constat, et eam ipsam non humano studio, sed coelesti munere sunt consequuti.
[130,1329] CONSUL: Then the consul: But you, said he, Batte, in that disputation, more vehement than fitting, you seem to me to err twice; for the disputation had been instituted about profane literature, not divine, which it is agreed the apostles received, and that very thing they attained not by human study, but by a celestial gift.
[131,1341] Nos cutem curemus ac uini somnique benigni (ut ait Flaccus) coelitus expectemus, donec oscitantibus nobis spiritus illabatur aethereus ac deinde perinde ac fonte Aonio poti repente theologi prosiliamus, nisi malumus expectare, dum Pauli more uel in paradisum uel in tertium usque coelum rapiamur audituri, quae nephas sit hominem homini prodere.
[131,1341] Let us tend our skin and await from heaven wine and kindly sleep (as Flaccus says), until, while we are gaping, an ethereal spirit glides down into us and then, just as if, having drunk from the Aonian fountain, we suddenly spring forth as theologians—unless we prefer to wait until, after the manner of Paul, we are caught up either into Paradise or even to the third heaven to hear things which it is an impiety for a man to divulge to a man.
[131,1354] Addit ibidem, uulgo iactatam fuisse fabulam, de nescio quo, cui citra humanam operam literarum peritia contigerit, quam ille quidem non magnopere confutat, parui tamen ducit, propterea quod etiam si maxime uera fuisset, non cuiuis idem sperandum esset.
[131,1354] He adds in the same place that a tale had been widely bandied about, concerning I-know-not-whom, to whom, without human labor, skill in letters had befallen; which indeed he does not greatly confute, yet he esteems it of little account, for this reason, that even if it had been most true, the same thing would not be to be hoped for by just anyone.
[132,1363] Cedo, num tibi Christus istis uerbis quae modo recitasti discipulos deterruisse uidetur, ne apud principes dicturi, quid essent dicturi cogitarent, quod nemo nisi phreneticus non fecit, cum Christus ipse, quatenus homo erat, non sine praemeditatione sit locutus.
[132,1363] Tell me, does it seem to you that Christ, by those words which you have just recited, deterred the disciples, lest, when about to speak before princes, they should think what they were going to say—a thing which everyone, save a phrenetic, has done—since Christ himself, in so far as he was man, did not speak without premeditation.
[132,1364] Non igitur apostolis, quod prudentis hominis proprium uidetur, terrorem incutere sed metum adimere studuit, ne quid homines contempti et imperiti apud principes et doctos et facundos dicere trepidarent, apud quos summi et exercitatissimi oratores solent exalbescere, se enim non deserturum patronos suos, ipsi modo magno animo essent.
[132,1364] Not, then, did he strive to strike terror into the apostles, which seems the proper part of a prudent man, but to take away fear, lest men despised and unskilled should tremble to speak before princes and the learned and eloquent, in whose presence the highest and most thoroughly exercised orators are wont to grow pale; for he would not desert his patrons, provided only that they themselves were of great spirit.
[132,1366] Imo ausim dicere cum reliquos apostolos, tum uero Paulum meditata et fortassis scripta oratione nonnunquam dixisse, id quod ex eius defensionibus, quae sunt in Actibus apostolorum, haud obscure licet coniicere, tum neque Petri, neque Iacobi, neque Ioannis huiusmodi sunt epistolae, ut sine cura scriptae uideri possint.
[132,1366] Nay, I would dare to say that both the other apostles, and indeed Paul, sometimes spoke with a meditated and perhaps written oration—a thing which one may by no means obscurely conjecture from his defenses, which are in the Acts of the Apostles—and moreover, neither Peter’s, nor James’s, nor John’s are epistles of such a kind that they could seem to have been written without care.
[133,1379] Perditus et homicida sui iudicatur, qui coelestem alimoniam expectans, fame mari maluit, quam pane humano labore quaesito, mortem effugere et religiosus habebitur, qui turpiter nescire praeoptet magis, quam ab homine salutarem doctrinam accipere?
[133,1379] He is judged ruined and a self-homicide, who, expecting celestial nourishment, preferred to die of hunger rather than to escape death by bread obtained through human labor; and will he be held religious, who chooses rather to be shamefully ignorant than to receive salutary doctrine from a man?
[133,1382] Sed quam impium est uelle manna illud e coelo praestolari, tantundem aut etiam magis impium fuerit, apostolorum more sapientiam e nubibus ociosos expectare, nam uetamur euangelica uoce de crastino uictu uestituue esse solliciti, nusquam sapientiam quaerere prohibemur.
[133,1382] But as impious as it is to wish to await that manna from heaven, just as much—or even more—impious would it be, in the manner of the apostles, for the idle to expect wisdom out of the clouds; for we are forbidden by the evangelical voice to be solicitous about the morrow’s victual and vesture, yet nowhere are we forbidden to seek wisdom.
[133,1385] Promissa erat sapientia coelesti oraculo Solomoni, promissum erat patri regnum Israeliticum, neuter tamen ita oraculo confisus est, ut uel hic quicquam humani conatus praeterierit, quo se dignum praestaret, uel ille sapientiam languidiore studio quaesiuerit; intelligebant nimirum, quod grauissime a quodam scriptum est, deos omnia nobis laboribus uendere.
[133,1385] Wisdom had been promised by a celestial oracle to Solomon, the Israelite kingdom had been promised to the father; yet neither so trusted the oracle that either this one passed over anything of human endeavor by which he might show himself worthy, or that one sought wisdom with a more languid zeal; they understood, to be sure, what has been most gravely written by a certain writer: that the gods sell everything to us for our labors.
[133,1388] Iam dedimus apostolis infusam sapientiam, mitto enim quod ante resurrectionem et post resurrectionem assiduis praeceptionibus ab optimo doctore Christo sunt formati, mitto quod apud se assidue legerint et inter sese de scripturis contulerint, cur non aequam omnibus partem immisit? cur plus sapuit Paulus quam Petrus? cur facundior est Iacobus Petro?
[133,1388] We have already conceded to the apostles an infused wisdom; I pass over, namely, that before the resurrection and after the resurrection they were formed by assiduous precepts by the best teacher, Christ; I pass over that they read assiduously among themselves and conferred among themselves about the Scriptures. Why did he not impart an equal share to all? Why was Paul wiser than Peter? Why is James more eloquent than Peter?
[134,1393] Nos rudem massam offerimus et spiritum omnia nobis dormientibus confecturum speramus nec meminimus Paulum ipsum, cui in tertium usque coelum rapi contigit, libros, qui in membranis essent, per literas petisse ac postea cum Petro caeterisque apostolis de fidei doctrina contulisse.
[134,1393] We offer a rough mass and hope that the spirit will accomplish everything for us while we sleep, nor do we remember that Paul himself, to whom it befell to be rapt up as far as the third heaven, asked by letters for the books, which were on parchments, and afterward conferred with Peter and the other apostles about the doctrine of the faith.
[134,1404] CONSVL: Hic consul: E duobus, inquit, scrupulis altero me propemodum liberasti, si hoc unum expedias, quod nemo barbarorum mihi non obiicit, diuum Bernardum praeter sanctitatis laudem uirum ex recentioribus nec indoctum, nec infacundum nescio quonam in loco ipsum fateri se quercubus et fagis usum pro magistris.
[134,1404] CONSUL: Here the consul: ‘Of two scruples,’ he says, ‘you have well-nigh freed me from one, if you will unravel this one point: which every one of the barbarians throws in my teeth, that Saint Bernard—apart from the praise of sanctity, a man among the more recent, neither unlearned nor ineloquent—I know not in what place, confesses that he himself used oaks and beeches as teachers.’
[134,1406] Sapientes profecto arbores, inquit Battus, quae talem discipulum nobis reddidere, indignae prorsus, quae in montibus senescerent ac sues alerent, dignae quae in cathedris theologorum potius praesiderent aut certe, ut de nauibus illis Aeneae fabulatur Maro, in Nymphas transformarentur.
[134,1406] “Truly wise trees,” says Battus, “which have rendered back to us such a disciple, altogether unworthy to grow old in the mountains and to feed swine, worthy rather to preside in the chairs of theologians, or at any rate, as Maro fabulizes about those ships of Aeneas, to be transformed into Nymphs.”
[135,1411] Aut si id non placet quando species non conuenit, quanquam nec apud nos species nominatur et crebra plantatione degenerare potuerunt, ex illarum certe genere, quae canentem Orpheum admiratae consecutaeque fuisse narrantur, inter quas quercus in primis fuisse compertum est.
[135,1411] Or if that does not please, since the species does not agree—although among us the species is not even named, and by frequent planting they could have degenerated—certainly they are of the kind of those which are said to have admired and followed Orpheus as he was singing, among which it has been ascertained that oaks were in the first rank.
[135,1413] Quid si quercus illae et fagi summi olim fuerunt philosophi, quorum longa incommoda miserati dii arbores eos esse iusserunt; sed utcunque res habet, unum hoc uehementer optarim, ut essent Erasmo aliquot ex sapientissimis illis arboribus surculi, quos in nouis pomariis, quae molitur, inserat, "haberet domi", ut Comicus ait, "unde disceret".
[135,1413] What if those oaks and beeches were once the highest philosophers, whom the gods, pitying their long inconveniences, ordered to be trees; but however the matter stands, this one thing I would most vehemently wish: that there might be for Erasmus some scions from those most wise trees, which he might graft into the new orchards he is contriving, "he would have at home," as the Comic says, "whence he might learn".
[135,1419] Figurate dictum est, inquit, orabat sub arborum umbraculis, imo et legebat et lecta animo uoluebat et scribebat et scribenda suo cum animo tractabat: ergo non tam discendi quam docendi cupidus ad quercus confugiebat, secessum uidelicet et silentium scribentibus necessarium captans.
[135,1419] It was said figuratively, he says, he was praying under the umbrage of the trees; nay rather, he both was reading, and he was revolving the things read in his mind, and he was writing, and he was handling with his own mind the things to be written: therefore, desirous not so much of learning as of teaching, he took refuge to the oaks, aiming at, namely, the secession and the silence necessary for those who are writing.
[136,1424] Quod si in his ethnicas fuisse negabis, ego oculos esse tibi negauero, sin diuinam scientiam illis orantibus infusam esse, humanam uero sibi peperisse dixeris, ridebo commentum et te uicissim criminabor, qui contra tantorum exempla uirorum, praeteritis humanis literis, ad diuinam scientiam tam stolide irrumpas.
[136,1424] But if you will deny that among these there were pagans, I in turn will deny that you have eyes; but if you will say that divine science was infused into them as they prayed, whereas human science they begot for themselves, I will laugh at the contrivance and will in turn accuse you, who, against the examples of so great men, with human letters set aside, so foolishly burst into divine science.
[136,1425] CONSVL: Hic cum Battus dicendi finem facturus uideretur : Perge quaeso, consul inquit, me etiam altero leuare scrupulo, nam nodum ipsum modo tua sponte tetigisti, nulli apostolorum spiritus coelestis prophanas literas infudit, de quibus hic erat instituta disputatio, non dialecticen, non rhetoricen, non poesim, infusurus haud dubie, sicubi haec usui futura fuissent.
[136,1425] CONSUL: Here, when Battus seemed about to make an end of speaking : “Proceed, I beg,” says the consul, “to relieve me also of another scruple; for you have just of your own accord touched the very knot: to none of the apostles did the heavenly Spirit infuse profane letters, about which the dispute here had been instituted—neither dialectic, nor rhetoric, nor poesy—he would, without doubt, have infused them, if anywhere these were going to be of use.”
[136,1428] Si datum esset quauis lingua et integre loqui et loquentes intelligere, nihil esset causae, cur grammatici miseros adolescentes excarnificarent, si is esset mortalium animus, qui nulla nube praepeditus facile statimque uerum et uideret et ostenderet, frustra et raciocinatione et dialecticis argutiis exerceremur.
[136,1428] If it were given to speak in any language and correctly, and to understand those speaking, there would be no cause why grammarians should excoriate miserable adolescents; if the mind of mortals were such as, hindered by no cloud, both to see and to show the truth easily and at once, we would be exercised in vain both by ratiocination and by dialectical subtleties.
[137,1435] Hic cum Battus paulisper intersiluisset: Vnam, inquit, aciem, ut arbitror, profligauimus, quam tamen non ita magni negocii fuit uincere, quippe neque satis armatam, neque ita capitaliter infestam; reliquum est, ut confutemus eos, qui negant eloquentiae dare operam Christianum oportere, uerum huic bello non paulo difficiliori imperatorem praeficiendum censeo, cum integrum, tum meliorem.
[137,1435] Here, when Battus had fallen silent for a little while: “One battle-line,” he says, “as I judge, we have prostrated, which, however, was not such a great business to conquer, since it was neither sufficiently armed nor so mortally (capitally) hostile; what remains is that we confute those who deny that a Christian ought to devote his efforts to eloquence; but for this war, by no small measure more difficult, I am of the opinion that a general should be put in charge of it, one both fresh and better.”
[137,1440] GVILHELMUS: Tum Guilhelmus pudenti risu: Te ne, inquit, Batte, iniussu senatus ante negocium confectum de tradita prouincia decedere, ac cum iam prope debellatum sit, successorem tibi nullo exemplo petere, penes quem omnis belli profligati sit gloria?
[137,1440] WILLIAM: Then William, with a modest smile: “Do you, Battus, without the Senate’s leave, before the business is finished, seek to depart from the entrusted province, and, when now the war is almost debellated, to ask for a successor for yourself—without any example—upon whom would rest all the glory of the war brought to an end?”
[137,1441] Quod uero de meliore imperatore quaerendo dicis, ambitiosus tu quidem uideri non uis, caeterum eum adhuc te ducem praestitisti, cui prorogandum etiam sit imperium, tantum abest, ut successor ante tempus sit mittendus; quare uolente senatu perge ac strenue, ut coepisti, tuo munere defungere.
[137,1441] But as to what you say about seeking a better imperator, you indeed do not wish to seem ambitious; however, you have thus far proved yourself a leader to whom even the imperium ought to be prorogued, so far is it from the case that a successor should be sent before the time; therefore, with the senate willing, proceed and strenuously, as you have begun, discharge your office.
[137,1443] Dum haec inter se cauillantur illi, consulis puerum ab illius uilla recurrentem conspicimus; is cum domi instructa esse omnia, corrumpi prandium, uxorem iamdudum nos operiri renunciasset: Age, inquit consul, eamus omnes; ad prandium philosophicum, non consulare uos uoco; quod reliquum est disputationis, id pomeridiano consessu in hortis meis conficiemus.
[137,1443] While those men were caviling among themselves over these things, we catch sight of the consul’s boy running back from that man’s villa; he, after having reported that at home everything was prepared, that the luncheon was being spoiled, that the wife had for some time now been waiting for us: “Come,” says the consul, “let us all go; I invite you to a philosophical luncheon, not a consular one; what remains of the disputation, that we will complete in an afternoon session in my gardens.”
[137,1445] Hic ego: Ita ne mecum agitur, inquam? ni tam esses iurisconsultus, in ius te uocarem, iniuriae tecum agerem, qui tam charos hospites sic abducas, quia luxuriosior sit tibi culina, quasi domi nostrae, si frugaliter, tamen non lautissime sint accipiendi.
[137,1445] Here I: Is it thus that one deals with me, say I? if you were not so much a jurisconsult, I would call you into court, I would bring an action for injury against you, you who thus lead away guests so dear, because your kitchen is more luxurious, as though at our house, even if frugally, yet they were not to be received most splendidly.