Valerius Maximus: FACTORVM ET DICTORVM MEMORABILIVM LIBRI NOVEM

Praef. Vrbis Romae exterarumque gentium facta simul ac dicta memoratu digna apud alios latius diffusa sunt quam ut breuiter cognosci possint, ab inlustribus electa auctoribus digerere (sic Kempf, codd. deligere) constitui, ut documenta sumere uolentibus longae inquisitionis labor absit.

Preface. The deeds and sayings of the city of Rome and of foreign peoples worthy of remembrance have been spread among others more widely than they can be known briefly; it was decided to compile them from chosen illustrious authors (sic Kempf, manuscripts: deligere), so that those wishing to take up these documents may be spared the toil of long inquiry.

nec mihi cuncta conplectendi cupido incessit: quis enim omnis aeui gesta modico uoluminum numero conprehenderit, aut quis compos mentis domesticae peregrinaeque historiae seriem felici superiorum stilo conditam uel adtentiore cura uel praestantiore facundia traditurum se sperauerit? te igitur huic coepto, penes quem hominum deorumque consensus maris ac terrae regimen esse uoluit, certissima salus patriae, Caesar, inuoco, cuius caelesti prouidentia uirtutes, de quibus dicturus sum, benignissime fouentur, uitia seuerissime uindicantur: nam si prisci oratores ab Ioue optimo maximo bene orsi sunt, si excellentissimi uates a numine aliquo principia traxerunt, mea paruitas eo iustius ad fauorem tuum decucurrerit, quo cetera diuinitas opinione colligitur, tua praesenti fide paterno auitoque sideri par uidetur, quorum eximio fulgore multum caerimoniis nostris inclitae claritatis accessit: reliquos enim deos accepimus, Caesares dedimus. et quoniam initium a cultu deorum petere in animo est, de condicione eius summatim disseram.

nor did a desire to embrace all things seize me: for who could, in a small number of volumes, comprehend the deeds of an entire age, or who, of sound mind, would hope to transmit the sequence of domestic and foreign history, composed in the fortunate style of predecessors, with more attentive care or superior eloquence? I therefore invoke you to this undertaking, in whose hands—by the consensus of men and gods—the rule of sea and land was wished to be placed, the most certain safety of the fatherland, Caesar, whose heavenly providence most kindly nourishes the virtues which I shall speak of, whose faults it most severely avenges: for if the ancient orators rightly began from Jove, Best and Greatest, if the most eminent seers drew their principles from some divinity, my smallness will have run the more rightly to your favour, inasmuch as divinity in other respects is gathered by opinion, and your present loyalty seems equal to the paternal and ancestral star, whose extraordinary brightness has added much to the renown famed by our rites: for we received other gods, we gave Caesars. And since it is in my mind to seek the beginning from the worship of the gods, I will briefly speak of that condition.

1.1.1 Maiores statas sollemnesque caerimonias pontificum scientia, bene gerendarum rerum auctoritates augurum obseruatione, Apollinis praedictiones uatum libris, portentorum depulsis Etrusca disciplina explicari uoluerunt. prisco etiam instituto rebus diuinis opera datur, cum aliquid conmendandum est, precatione, cum exposcendum, uoto, cum soluendum, gratulatione, cum inquirendum uel extis uel sortibus, inpetrito, cum sollemni ritu peragendum, sacrificio, quo etiam ostentorum ac fulgurum denuntiationes procurantur.

1.1.1 The greater fixed and solemn ceremonies are explained by the science of the pontiffs, the authorities for well-conducted affairs by the observation of the augurs, Apollo’s predictions by the books of the vates, and the Etruscan disciplina—portents having been driven away—was wished to be set forth. By ancient custom attention is likewise given to divine matters: when something is to be commended, by precation (prayer); when to be demanded, by a votum (vow); when to be discharged, by gratulation (thanksgiving); when to be inquired into, either by entrails or by sorts, by haruspicy; when to be performed with solemn rite, by sacrifice, by which also the announcements of omens and of lightnings are procured.

Tantum autem studium antiquis non solum seruandae sed etiam amplificandae religionis fuit, ut florentissima tum et opulentissima ciuitate decem principum filii senatus consulto singulis Etruriae populis percipiendae sacrorum disciplinae gratia traderentur, Cererique, quam more Graeco uenerari instituerant, sacerdotem a Velia, cum id oppidum nondum ciuitatem accepisset, nomine Calliphanam peterent [uel, ut alii dicunt, Calliphoenam], ne deae uetustis ritibus perita deesset antistes.

So great, however, was the zeal among the ancients not only for preserving but also for enlarging religion, that in that most flourishing and most opulent city the sons of ten leading men, by decree of the senate, were handed over to each of the peoples of Etruria for the sake of being instructed in the sacred discipline; and for Ceres, whom they had instituted to be venerated in the Greek manner, they sought a priestess from Velia, since that town had not yet attained the status of a city, by the name Calliphanam [or, as others say, Calliphoenam], lest a minister skilled in the goddess’s ancient rites be lacking.

Cuius cum in urbe pulcherrimum templum haberent, Gracchano tumultu moniti Sibyllinis libris ut uetustissimam Cererem placarent, Hennam, quoniam sacra eius inde orta credebant, X uiros ad eam propitiandam miserunt. item Matri deum saepe numero imperatores nostri conpotes uictoriarum suscepta uota Pessinuntem profecti soluerunt.

Since they had in the city a most beautiful temple of her, and, warned by the Gracchan tumult and by the Sibylline books to placate the most ancient Ceres, they sent Henna — because her sacred rites were believed to have arisen thence — ten men to propitiate her. Likewise our emperors, often numbered among the Mother of the Gods as fellow-drinkers, having undertaken vows of victory, set out for Pessinus and discharged them.

1.1.2 Metellus vero pontifex maximus Postumium consulem eundemque flaminem Martialem ad bellum gerendum Africam petentem, ne a sacris discederet, multa dicta urbem egredi passus non est, religionique summum imperium cessit, quo tuto se Postumius Martio certamini conmissurus non uidebatur caerimoniis Martis desertis.

1.1.2 Metellus, however, as pontifex maximus, would not allow Postumius the consul, likewise flamen Martialis, who was setting out to wage war in Africa, to leave the city, uttering many words so that he might not depart from the sacred rites; and he yielded the supreme charge of religion, since Postumius did not seem likely to entrust himself safely to the Martial contest with the ceremonies of Mars forsaken.

1.1.3 Laudabile duodecim fascium religiosum obsequium, laudabilior quattuor et XX in consimili re oboedientia: a Tiberio enim Graccho ad collegium augurum litteris ex prouincia missis, quibus significabat se, cum libros ad sacra populi pertinentes legeret, animaduertisse uitio tabernaculum captum comitiis consularibus, quae ipse fecisset, eaque re ab auguribus ad senatum relata iussu eius C. Figulus e Gallia, Scipio Nasica e Corsica Romam redierunt et se consulatu abdicauerunt.

1.1.3 Praiseworthy service of twelve fasces in religious obedience, and more praiseworthy the 24 in a like act of obedience: for when Tiberius Gracchus, having sent letters from the province to the college of augurs in which he signified that, while he was reading books pertaining to the sacred rites of the people, he had observed a defect in the tabernacle seized at the consular comitia which he himself had held, and this matter having been reported by the augurs to the senate at his order, C. Figulus from Gaul and Scipio Nasica from Corsica returned to Rome and abdicated the consulship.

1.1.4 Consimili ratione P. Cloelius , M. Cornelius Cethegus, C. Claudius propter exta parum curiose admota [deorum inmortalium uariis temporibus bellisque diuersis] flaminio abire iussi sunt coactique etiam.

1.1.4 In a similar fashion P. Cloelius , M. Cornelius Cethegus, and C. Claudius were ordered to be removed from the flaminate because the entrails had been offered rather carelessly [of the immortal gods at various times and in different wars], and were also compelled to depart.

1.1.5 At Sulpicio inter sacrificandum e capite apex prolapsus idem sacerdotium abstulit, occentusque soricis auditus Fabio Maximo dictaturam, C. Flaminio magisterium equitum deponendi causam praebuit.

1.1.5 But when the apex slipped from the head of Sulpicius in the midst of sacrifice, it deprived him of that sacerdotium; and, the dictatorship having been announced to Fabius Maximus by the sound heard of a mouse, C. Flaminio furnished the cause for deposing the magisterium equitum.

1.1.6 Adiciendum his quod P. Licinio pontifici maximo uirgo Vestalis, quia quadam nocte parum diligens ignis aeterni custos fuisset, digna uisa est quae flagro admoneretur.

1.1.6 It should be added to these things that to P. Licinius, pontifex maximus, a Vestal virgin, because on a certain night she had been somewhat negligent as guardian of the eternal fire, seemed worthy to be admonished by the flame.

1.1.7 Maximae uero uirginis Aemiliae discipulam extincto igne tutam ab omni reprehensione Vestae numen praestitit. qua adorante, cum carbasum, quem optimum habebat, foculo inposuisset, subito ignis emicuit.

1.1.7 To the great virgin Aemilia, moreover, when the flame had been extinguished, the numen of Vesta granted her disciple protection from all reproach. While she was worshipping, having placed on the hearth the carbasus which she had as her best, suddenly the fire flashed forth.

1.1.8 Non mirum igitur, si pro eo imperio augendo custodiendoque pertinax deorum indulgentia semper excubuit, quo tam scrupulosa cura paruula quoque momenta religionis examinari uidentur, quia numquam remotos ab exactissimo cultu caerimoniarum oculos habuisse nostra ciuitas existimanda est. in qua cum Marcellus quintum consulatum gerens templum Honori et Virtuti Clastidio prius, deinde Syracusis potitus nuncupatis debitum uotis consecrare uellet, a collegio pontificum inpeditus est, negante unam cellam duobus diis recte dicari: futurum enim, si quid prodigii in ea accidisset, ne dinosceretur utri rem diuinam fieri oporteret, nec duobus nisi certis diis una sacrificari solere. ea pontificum admonitione effectum est ut Marcellus separatis aedibus Honoris ac Virtutis simulacra statueret, neque aut collegio pontificum auctoritas amplissimi uiri aut Marcello adiectio inpensae inpedimento fuit quo minus religionibus suus tenor suaque obseruatio redderetur.

1.1.8 It is therefore not surprising that, for the purpose of increasing and guarding that authority, by the persistent indulgence of the gods it always stood on watch, since with so scrupulous a care even the smallest moments of religion seem to be examined, because our city must be thought never to have taken its eyes from the most exact observance of ceremonies. In it, when Marcellus, holding his fifth consulship, wished first to consecrate at Clastidium a temple to Honor and Virtue, and then, having become master of Syracuse as was said, to dedicate what was owed by vows, he was impeded by the college of pontiffs, the latter denying that one cell could rightly be said to belong to two gods: for it would be that, if any prodigy happened there, it could not be discerned to which divine thing the matter ought to be referred, and that one altar is not accustomed to be sacrificed to two gods except to certain specified deities. By that admonition of the pontiffs it came about that Marcellus, with the houses of Honor and Virtue separated, set up the images; nor was either the authority of the college of pontiffs, or the addition of expense to the very distinguished man Marcellus, an impediment so as to prevent his religious rites from receiving their proper tenor and observance.

1.1.9 Obruitur tot et tam inlustribus consularibus L. Furius Bibaculus exemplique locum uix post Marcellum inuenit, sed pii simul ac religiosi animi laude fraudandus non est. qui praetor a patre suo collegii Saliorum magistro iussus sex lictoribus praecedentibus arma ancilia tulit, quamuis uacationem huius officii honoris beneficio haberet: omnia namque post religionem ponenda semper nostra ciuitas duxit, etiam in quibus summae maiestatis conspici decus uoluit. quapropter non dubitauerunt sacris imperia seruire, ita se humanarum rerum futura regimen existimantia, si diuinae potentiae bene atque constanter fuissent famulata.

1.1.9 L. Furius Bibaculus is overwhelmed by so many and so illustrious consulars, and scarcely found a place as an exemplar immediately after Marcellus, yet he must not be denied the praise of a pious and religious mind. He, when praetor, at the command of his father, master of the college of the Salii, carried the ancilia with six lictors preceding him, although by the favour of the honour he enjoyed exemption from this duty; for our state always held that all things must be subordinated to religion, even those in which it wished the splendour of highest majesty to be conspicuous. Therefore they did not hesitate to place commands at the service of the sacred rites, thinking that the future governance of human affairs would fare well if it were duly and steadily served by divine power.

1.1.10 Quod animi iudicium in priuatorum quoque pectoribus uersatum est: urbe enim a Gallis capta, cum flamen Quirinalis uirginesque Vestales sacra onere partito ferrent, easque pontem sublicium transgressas et cliuum, qui ducit ad Ianiculum, ascendere incipientes L. Albanius plaustro coniugem et liberos uehens aspexisset, propior publicae religioni quam priuatae caritati suis ut plaustro descenderent inperauit atque in id uirgines et sacra inposita omisso coepto itinere Caere oppidum peruexit, ubi cum summa ueneratione recepta. grata memoria ad hoc usque tempus hospitalem humanitatem testatur: inde enim institutum est sacra caerimonias uocari, quia Caeretani ea infracto rei publicae statu perinde ac florente sancte coluerunt. quorum agreste illud et sordidius plaustrum tempestiue capax cuiuslibet fulgentissimi triumphalis currus uel aequauerit gloriam uel antecesserit.

1.1.10 Which judgment of the mind was turned also in the breasts of private men: for when the city had been taken by the Gauls, and the flamen Quirinalis and the Vestal virgins bore the sacred rites with the burden shared, and when L. Albanius, driving a wagon with his wife and children, had seen them beginning to cross the Sublician bridge and to climb the slope that leads to the Janiculum, he commanded them to dismount from his wagon for the public religion rather than for private affection, and, having set aside their begun journey and the sacred things placed upon them, conveyed them to the town of Caere, where they were received with the highest veneration. For this the grateful memory to this very time attests a hospitable humanity: hence it was instituted that the ceremonies be called sacra, because the Caeretani, in an unbroken state of the res publica, cultivated those things as reverently as they did in flourishing times. Of them is that rustic and more sordid wagon which, being seasonably large enough, has either equalled the glory of any most splendid triumphal chariot or gone before it.

1.1.11 Eadem rei publicae tempestate C. Fabius Dorsuo memorabile exemplum seruatae religionis dedit: namque Gallis Capitolium obsidentibus, ne statum Fabiae gentis sacrificium interrumperetur, gabino ritu cinctus, manibus umerisque sacra gerens per medias hostium stationes in Quirinalem collem peruenit. ubi omnibus sollemni more peractis in Capitolium propter diuinam uenerationem uictricium armorum perinde ac uictor rediit.

1.1.11 In the same crisis of the res publica, C. Fabius Dorsuo gave a memorable example of preserved religio: for with the Gauls besieging the Capitol, lest the sacrament of the gens Fabia for the state be interrupted, clad in the Gabine rite, bearing the sacra in his hands and on his shoulders, he passed through the midst of the enemy stations and reached the Quirinal Hill. There, the rites having been performed in the customary solemn manner, because of divine veneration he returned to the Capitol as conqueror of arms just as much as as victor.

1.1.12 Magna conseruandae religionis etiam P. Cornelio Baebio Tamphilo consulibus apud maiores nostros acta cura est. si quidem in agro L. Petili scribae sub Ianiculo cultoribus terram altius uersantibus, duabus arcis lapideis repertis, quarum in altera scriptura indicabat corpus Numae Pompili fuisse, in altera libri reconditi erant Latini septem de iure pontificum totidemque Graeci de disciplina sapientiae, Latinos magna diligentia adseruandos curauerunt, Graecos, quia aliqua ex parte ad soluendam religionem pertinere existimabantur, Q. Petilius praetor urbanus ex auctoritate senatus per uictimarios facto igni in conspectu populi cremauit: noluerunt enim prisci uiri quidquam in hac adseruari ciuitate, quo animi hominum a deorum cultu auocarentur.

1.1.12 The preservation of religion was also a great concern in the deeds of our ancestors in the consulship of P. Cornelius Baebius Tamphilus. For when in the field of L. Petilius, the scribe, beneath the Janiculum, some cultivators digging deeper turned up two stone chests, in one of which an inscription indicated the body of Numa Pompilius to have been, and in the other were hidden seven Latin books on the law of the pontiffs and an equal number of Greek books on the discipline of wisdom, they took care with great diligence that the Latin books be preserved; the Greek ones, because they thought them in some part pertinent to the loosening of religion, Q. Petilius, praetor urbanus, by authority of the senate had thrown them to the fire by the victimarii in the sight of the people: for the ancients would not permit anything in this city to be preserved that might draw men’s minds away from the worship of the gods.

1.1.13 Tarquinius autem rex M. Atilium duumuirum, quod librum secreta rium ciuilium sacrorum continentem, custodiae suae conmissum corruptus Petronio Sabino describendum dedisset, culleo insutum in mare abici iussit, idque supplicii genus multo post parricidis lege inrogatum est, iustissime quidem, quia pari uindicta parentum ac deorum uiolatio expianda est.

1.1.13 King Tarquinius moreover ordered that M. Atilius the duumvir—who, having been corrupted, had delivered to Petronius Sabinus for copying a book entrusted to his custody containing the secrets of the rites of civil sacred things—be cast into the sea sewn up in a sack; and that kind of punishment was imposed much later by law for parricide, most justly indeed, because by equal vindication the violation of parents and of the gods must be expiated.

1.1.14 Sed quae ad custodiam religionis adtinent, nescio an omnes M. Atilius Regulus praecesserit, qui ex uictore speciosissimo insidiis Hasdrubalis et Xantippi Lacedaemonii ducis ad miserabilem captiui fortunam deductus ac missus ad senatum populumque Romanum legatus, ut [ex] se et uno et sene conplures Poenorum iuuenes pensarentur, in contrarium dato consilio Karthaginem petiit, non quidem ignarus ad quam crudeles quamque merito sibi infestos [deos] reuerteretur, uerum quia his iurauerat, si captiui eorum redditi non forent, ad eos sese rediturum. potuerunt profecto dii inmortales efferatam mitigare saeuitiam. ceterum, quo clarior esset Atilii gloria, Karthaginienses moribus suis uti passi sunt, tertio Punico bello religiosissimi spiritus tam crudeliter uexati urbis eorum interitu iusta exacturi piacula.

1.1.14 But as to those things pertaining to the guardianship of religion, I do not know whether all were surpassed by M. Atilius Regulus, who, having been led from the most splendid victor into a miserable captive fortune by the ambushes of Hasdrubal and Xanthippus, the Lacedaemonian leader, and sent as envoy to the senate and people of Rome so that, in exchange for himself and one and six others, several young Carthaginians might be weighed, despite counsel given to the contrary, sought Carthage — not, indeed, ignorant to which cruel and deservedly hostile gods he would return, but because he had sworn to them that, if their captives were not restored, he would return to them. The immortal gods could indeed have tempered their savage ferocity. Moreover, that the glory of Atilius might be the more famous, the Carthaginians suffered their customs to prevail, that in the Third Punic War their most religious minds, so cruelly harassed, might by the destruction of their city exact just expiations.

1.1.15 Quanto nostrae ciuitatis senatus uenerabilior in deos! qui post Cannensem cladem decreuit ne matronae ultra tricesimum diem luctus suos extenderent, uti ab his sacra Cereris peragi possent, quia maiore paene Romanarum uirium parte in execrabili ac diro solo iacente nullius penates maeroris expertes erant. itaque matres ac filiae coniugesque et sorores nuper interfectorum abstersis lacrimis depositisque doloris insignibus candidam induere uestem et aris tura dare coactae sunt.

1.1.15 How much more venerable is the senate of our city toward the gods! For it decreed, after the Cannae slaughter, that the matrons should not prolong their mourning beyond the thirtieth day, so that from them the sacred rites of Ceres might be performed; because, with almost the greater part of Roman strength lying on that accursed and dreadful soil, no Penates were free from sorrow. And so mothers and daughters and wives and sisters of the newly slain, with their tears wiped away and the marks of grief laid aside, were compelled to don a white garment and to offer incense at the altars.

qua quidem constantia optinendae religionis magnus caelestibus iniectus est rubor ulterius aduersus eam saeuiendi gentem, quae ne iniuriarum quidem acerbitate ab eorum cultu absterreri potuerit.

By that very constancy required for the preservation of religion, a great shame was thrown upon the heavenly ones, further provoking cruelty against that people, who could not be deterred from their cult even by the bitterness of injuries.

1.1.16 Creditum est Varronem consulem apud Cannas cum Karthaginiensibus tam infeliciter dimicasse ob iram Iunonis, quod, cum ludos circenses aedilis faceret, in Iouis optimi maximi tensa eximia facie puerum histrionem ad exuuias tenendas posuisset. quod factum, post aliquot annos memoria repetitum, sacrificiis expiatum est.

1.1.16 It was believed that Varron, as consul, fought at Cannae with the Carthaginians so disastrously because of the anger of Juno; for when, as aedile, he was putting on the circus games, in the tent of Jupiter Best and Greatest he had placed a boy actor of distinguished appearance to hold the spoils. That deed, recalled to memory after some years, was expiated by sacrifices.

1.1.17 Hercules quoque detractae religionis suae et grauem et manifestam poenam exegisse traditur: nam cum Potitii sacrorum eius ritum, quem pro dono genti eorum ab ipso adsignatum uelut hereditarium optinuerant, auctore Appio censore ad humile seruorum ministerium transtulissent, omnes, qui erant numero super XXX, puberes intra annum extincti sunt nomenque Potitium in XII familias diuisum ~ prope interiit, Appius uero luminibus captus est.

1.1.17 Hercules likewise is said to have exacted a grave and manifest penalty for their religion having been detracted: for when the Potitii had transferred the rite of his sacra, which as a gift to their people from himself they had obtained and held as hereditary, by the instigation of Appius the censor to the low service of public slaves , all who were in number above 30, puberes, were extinguished within a year, and the name Potitium, divided among 12 families, nearly perished; Appius indeed was struck blind.

1.1.18 Acer etiam sui numinis uindex Apollo, qui Karthagine a Romanis oppressa ueste aurea nudatus id egit ut sacrilegae manus inter fragmenta eius abscisae inuenirentur.

1.1.18 Apollo, the fierce avenger of his divine numen, too — who at Carthage, stripped of his golden vestment when the Romans overpowered [it] — brought it about that sacrilegious hands, having been cut off, should be found among its fragments.

1.1.19 Nec minus efficax ultor contemptae religionis filius quoque eius Aesculapius, qui (consecratum templo suo lucum a Turullio praefecto Antonii ad naues ei faciendas magna ex parte succisum dolens) inter ipsum nefarium ministerium, deuictis partibus Antonii, imperio Caesaris morti destinatum Turullium manifestis numinis sui uiribus in eum locum, quem uiolauerat, traxit effecitque ut ibi potissimum a militibus Caesarianis occisus eodem exitio et euersis iam arboribus poenas lueret et adhuc superantibus inmunitatem consimilis iniuriae pareret suamque uenerationem, quam apud colentes maximam semper habuerat, deus multiplicauit.

1.1.19 No less efficacious an avenger was his son Aesculapius, who (grieving that the grove consecrated to his temple had been for the most part cut down by Turullius, prefect of Antonius, for the making of ships for him) in the very midst of that nefarious service, the forces of Antonius having been routed and Turullius by the authority of Caesar destined to death, by manifest powers of his divinity dragged him to the place which he had violated, and brought it about that there, above all, slain by Caesarian soldiers, he should pay penalties in that same destruction and, with the trees already overturned, make atonement; and to those yet surviving he granted protection against like injury, and the god multiplied his veneration, which among his worshippers he had always held in the greatest degree.

1.1.20 Q. autem Fuluius Flaccus inpune non tulit, quod in censura tegulas marmoreas ex Iunonis Laciniae templo in aedem Fortunae equestris, quam Romae faciebat, transtulit: negatur enim post hoc factum mente constitisse. quin etiam per summam aegritudinem animi expirauit, cum ex duobus filiis in Illyrico militantibus alterum decessisse, alterum grauiter audisset adfectum. cuius casu motus senatus tegulas Locros reportandas curauit decretique circumspectissima sanctitate inpium opus censoris retexuit.

1.1.20 But Q. Fulvius Flaccus did not go unpunished for transferring marble tiles from the temple of Juno Lacinia into the aedes of Fortuna Equestris, which he was building at Rome: for it is said that after this deed he was not of sound mind. Indeed he expired through the deepest sorrow of spirit, when, his two sons serving in Illyricum, he learned that one had died and the other had been grievously stricken. Moved by this event, the senate took care that the tiles be returned to the Locrians, and by a decree of most circumspect sanctity it undid/exposed the impious work of the censor.

1.1.21 tam me hercule quam Plemini legati Scipionis in thesauro Proserpinae spoliando sceleratam auaritiam iusta animaduersione uindicauit: cum enim eum uinctum Romam pertrahi iussisset, ~ qui ante causae dictionem in carcere taeterrimo genere morbi consumptus est, pecuniam dea eiusdem senatus imperio et quidem summam duplicando recuperauit.

1.1.21 she avenged, both me by Hercules and Pleminius, Scipio’s legate, for plundering Proserpina’s treasury, punishing wicked avarice with a just reprimand: for when she had ordered him to be dragged to Rome bound — he who before the pleading of his cause was consumed in prison by a most loathsome sort of disease — the goddess, by the command of that same senate, recovered the money, indeed restoring the sum by doubling it.

1.1.ext.1 Quae, quod ad Plemini facinus pertinuit, bene a patribus conscriptis uindicata, quod ad uiolentas regis Pyrri sordes attinuerat, se ipsa potenter atque efficaciter defendit: coactis enim Locrensibus ex thesauro eius magnam illi pecuniam dare, cum onustus nefaria praeda nauigaret, ui subitae tempestatis tota cum classe uicinis deae litoribus inlisus est, in quibus pecunia incolumis reperta sanctissimi thesauri custodiae restituta est.

1.1.ext.1 Which, insofar as it pertained to Pleminus’ crime, was rightly vindicated by the fathers conscripted, and insofar as it touched the violent sordes of King Pyrrhus, she herself defended powerfully and effectively: for when the Locrians were compelled to give him from her thesaurus a great sum of money, while he sailed burdened with nefarious prey, by the force of a sudden storm he was dashed with his whole fleet upon the neighbouring shores of the goddess, in which the money was found unharmed and restored to the custody of the most sacred treasury.

1.1.ext.2 At non similiter Masinissa rex. cuius cum praefectus classis Melitam appulisset et aeque ex fano Iunonis dentes eburneos eximiae magnitudinis sublatos ad eum pro dono adtulisset, ut conperit unde essent aduecti, quinqueremi reportandos Melitam inque templo Iunonis conlocandos curauit, insculptos gentis suae litteris significantibus regem ignorantem eos accepisse, libenter deae reddidisse. factum Masinissae animo quam Punico sanguini conueniens!

1.1.ext.2 But not likewise King Masinissa. When his prefect of the fleet had landed at Melita and had likewise brought to him from the temple of Juno ivory teeth of exceptional magnitude taken as a gift, when it was discovered whence they had been conveyed, he saw to it that the quinquereme be returned to Melita and placed in the temple of Juno, (and) that they be inscribed with the letters of his gens, indicating that the king, ignorant, had received them and had willingly restored them to the goddess. A deed more fitting Masinissa's animus than Punic blood!

1.1.ext.3 Quamquam quid attinet mores natione perpendi? in media barbaria ortus sacrilegium alienum rescidit: Syracusis genitus Dionysius tot sacrilegia sua, quot iam recognoscemus, iocosis dictis prosequi uoluptatis loco duxit: fano enim Proserpinae spoliato Locris, cum per altum secundo uento classe ueheretur, ridens amicis 'uidetisne' ait 'quam bona nauigatio ab ipsis dis inmortalibus sacrilegis tribuatur?' detracto etiam Ioui Olympio magni ponderis aureo amiculo, quo eum tyrannus Gelo e manubiis Karthaginiensium ornauerat, iniectoque ei laneo pallio dixit aestate graue esse aureum amiculum, hieme frigidum, laneum autem ad utrumque tempus anni aptius. idem Epidauri Aesculapio barbam auream demi iussit, quod adfirmaret non conuenire patrem Apollinem inberbem, ipsum barbatum conspici.

1.1.ext.3 Although what matters whether manners are weighed by nation? Born in the midst of barbarism, he cut loose a foreign sacrilege: Dionysius, born at Syracuse, pursued so many of his sacrileges, as we shall now recall, with jesting words in the place of pleasure: for when the shrine of Proserpina had been despoiled from Locri and he was borne by his fleet over the deep with a fair wind, laughing to his friends he said, “Do you see how excellent a navigation is granted by the immortals themselves to sacrilegists?” Having even stripped Jupiter Olympius of a heavy golden cloak with which the tyrant Gelo had adorned him from the spoils of the Carthaginians, and throwing a woolen pall over him, he said that the golden cloak was burdensome in summer, cold in winter, whereas the woolen was more fitting for either season of the year. The same man ordered the golden beard of Aesculapius at Epidaurus to be cut off, asserting that it was not fitting for Father Apollo to be seen beardless while he himself was bearded.

idem mensas argenteas atque aureas e fanis sustulit, quodque in his more Graeciae scriptum erat bonorum deorum eas esse, uti se bonitate eorum praedicauit. idem Victorias aureas et pateras et coronas, quae simulacrorum porrectis manibus sustinebantur, tollebat et eas se accipere, non auferre dicebat, perquam stultum esse argumentando, a quibus bona precamur, ab his porrigentibus nolle sumere. qui, tametsi debita supplicia non exsoluit, dedecore tamen fili mortuus poenas pependit, quas uiuus effugerat: lento enim gradu ad uindictam sui diuina procedit ira tarditatemque supplicii grauitate pensat.

He likewise carried off the silver and golden tables from the temples, and because it was written in the Greek custom that these belonged to the benevolent gods, he used them to proclaim his own goodness. He likewise took the golden Victories and paterae and crowns, which were borne out by the outstretched hands of the images, and, refusing to call it theft, said he was receiving them — arguing it very foolish that we who pray to them should not take the goods from those from whom we ask, from those who offer. He who thus acted, although he did not pay the punishments due in life, yet died the dishonor of his son and hung the penalties which alive he had escaped; for divine anger advances to its vengeance with a slow step and makes up for the tardiness by the gravity of the punishment.

1.1.ext.4 In quam ne incideret Timasitheus Liparitanorum princeps ~ consilio sibi aliter atque uniuersae patriae utili prouidit exemplo: excepta namque in freto a ciuibus suis piraticam exercentibus magni ponderis aurea cratera, quam Romani Pythio Apollini decimarum nomine dicauerant, incitato ad eam partiendam populo, ut comperit * * * [, eam Delphos perferendam curauit.] *******

1.1.ext.4 Lest he should fall into that, Timasitheus, prince of the Liparitans, by a counsel different for himself and useful to the whole fatherland provided an example: for a heavy-weighted golden cratera having been taken in the strait by his own citizens practising piracy — which the Romans had dedicated to Pythian Apollo in the name of the tithe(s) — with the people incited to divide it, when he learned * * * [, he saw to it that it be borne to Delphi.] *******

1.5.init. Ominum etiam obseruatio aliquo contactu religioni innexa est, quoniam non fortuito motu, sed diuina prouidentia constare creduntur.

1.5.init. The observation of omens is also in some contact linked to religion, since they are believed to consist not by a fortuitous motion but by divine providence.

1.5.1 Quae effecit ut urbe a Gallis disiecta, deliberantibus patribus conscriptis utrum Veios migrarent an sua moenia restituerent, forte eo tempore praesidio cohortibus redeuntibus centurio in comitio exclamaret 'signifer, statue signum, hic optime manebimus': ea enim uoce audita senatus accipere se omen respondit e uestigioque Veios transeundi consilium omisit. quam paucis uerbis de domicilio futuri summi imperii confirmata est condicio! credo indignum diis existimantibus prosperrimis auspiciis Romanum nomen ortum Veientanae urbis appellatione mutari inclitaeque uictoriae decus modo abiectae urbis ruinis infundi.

1.5.1 Which brought it about that, the city having been scattered by the Gauls, the patres conscripti deliberating whether they should migrate to Veii or restore their own walls, by chance at that time with cohorts returning as a garrison a centurion in the comitium cried out, “signifer, set up the sign, here we shall stay excellently”: for with that voice heard the senate replied that it took it as an omen and from that moment abandoned the plan of passing over to Veii. How, in few words, was the condition of the future domicile of the supreme empire confirmed! I think it unworthy — the gods judging the auspices most prosperous — that the Roman name, having arisen, should be changed to the appellation of the Veientine city, and that the glory of the famed victory should now be poured into the ruins of the city recently overthrown.

1.5.2 Huius tam praeclari operis auctor Camillus, cum esset precatus ut, si cui deorum nimia felicitas populi Romani uideretur, eius inuidia suo aliquo incommodo satiaretur, subito lapsu decidit. quod omen ad damnationem, qua postea oppressus est, pertinuisse uisum est. merito autem de laude inter se uictoria et pia precatio amplissimi uiri certauerint: aeque enim uirtutis est et bona patriae auxisse et mala in se transferri uoluisse.

1.5.2 The author of this so renowned a deed, Camillus, when he had been entreated that, if to anyone the excessive felicity of the Roman people should seem, he should sate its envy by some harm to himself, suddenly fell by a slip. That omen seemed to pertain to the condemnation under which he was afterwards crushed. And rightly they have disputed among themselves about the praise of victory and the pious prayer of that most distinguished man: for it is equally of virtue both to have increased the goods of the fatherland and to have desired that evils be transferred onto oneself.

1.5.3 Quid illud, quod L. Paulo consuli euenit, quam memorabile! cum ei sorte obuenisset ut bellum cum rege Perse gereret et domum e curia regressus filiolam suam nomine Tertiam, quae tum erat admodum paruula, osculatus tristem animaduerteret, interrogauit quid ita eo uultu esset. quae respondit Persam perisse.

1.5.3 What of that, which happened to L. Paulus, how memorable! when it had fallen to his lot that he should wage war with King Perse, and having returned home from the curia he kissed his little daughter named Tertia, who was then very small, and, observing her sad, asked why she had that countenance. She replied that Perse had perished.

decesserat autem catellus, quem puella in deliciis habuerat, nomine Persa. arripuit igitur omen Paulus exque fortuito dicto quasi * * * certam spem clarissimi triumphi animo praesumpsit.

but the little dog, which the girl had among her delights, had died, named Persa. Paulus therefore seized the omen and, from the chance remark, as if * * *, assumed in his mind a certain hope of a most famous triumph.

1.5.4 At Caecilia Metelli, dum sororis filiae, adultae aetatis uirgini, more prisco nocte concubia nuptiale petit omen, ipsa fecit: nam cum in sacello quodam eius rei gratia aliquamdiu persedisset nec [aliqua] ulla uox proposito congruens esset audita, fessa longa standi mora puella rogauit materteram ut sibi paulisper locum residendi adcommodaret. cui illa 'ego uero' inquit 'libenter tibi mea sede cedo'. quod dictum ab indulgentia profectum ad certi ominis processit euentum, quoniam Metellus non ita multo post mortua Caecilia uirginem, de qua loquor, in matrimonium duxit.

1.5.4 But Caecilia Metella, while seeking an omen for the nuptial bed in the ancient fashion during the night on behalf of her sister's daughter, a maiden of grown age, made it herself: for when she had sat for some time in a certain little shrine for that purpose and no voice at all fitting the proposed thing was heard, the girl, wearied by the long delay of standing, asked her maternal aunt to accommodate her with a place to sit down for a little while. To this the aunt said, "I indeed will gladly yield to you my seat." This saying, born of indulgence, advanced to the fulfillment of a sure omen; for not long after, Metellus, upon Caecilia's death, took into marriage the virgin of whom I speak.

1.5.5 C. autem Mario obseruatio ominis procul dubio saluti fuit, quo tempore hostis a senatu iudicatus in domum Fanniae Minturnis custodiae causa deductus est. animaduertit enim asellum, cum ei pabulum obiceretur, neglecto eo ad aquam procurrentem. quo spectaculo deorum prouidentia quod sequeretur oblatum ratus, alioquin etiam interpretandarum religionum peritissimus, a multitudine, quae ad opem illi ferendam confluxerat, inpetrauit ut ad mare perduceretur ac protinus nauiculam conscendit eaque in Africam peruectus arma Sullae uictricia effugit.

1.5.5 But the observation of the omen was, beyond doubt, salutary for C. Marius, at which time the enemy, having been judged by the senate, was led into the house of Fannia at Minturnae for the sake of custody. For he observed a little ass, when fodder was being thrown to it, abandoning it and running down to the flowing water. Esteeming that spectacle as an indication of the providence of the gods concerning what would follow, he — otherwise most expert in the interpretation of religions — obtained from the multitude, which had flocked to bring him aid, that he be conducted to the sea, and at once boarded a little boat and, conveyed to Africa, escaped the victorious arms of Sulla.

1.5.6 Pompeius uero Magnus in acie Pharsalica uictus a Caesare, fuga quaerens salutem cursum in insulam Cyprum, ut aliquid in ea uirium contraheret, classe direxit adpellensque ad oppidum Paphum conspexit in litore speciosum aedificium gubernatoremque interrogauit quod ei nomen esset. qui respondit Katvbas§leia uocari. quae uox spem eius [quae] quantulamcumque [restabat] conminuit, neque id dissimulanter tulit: auertit enim oculos ab illis tectis ac dolorem, quem ex diro omine ceperat, gemitu patefecit.

1.5.6 Pompeius Magnus, however, defeated by Caesar in the battle of Pharsalus, seeking safety by flight made for the island of Cyprus, that he might there gather together some forces; he directed his fleet and, landing at the town of Paphus, sighted on the shore a handsome building and asked the governor what his name was. He answered that he was called Katvbas§leia. That word broke whatever little hope remained to him, and he did not bear it without showing it: for he averted his eyes from those roofs and disclosed by a groan the grief which he had taken from the dreadful omen.

1.5.7 M. etiam Bruti dignus admisso parricidio euentus omine designatus est, si quidem post illud nefarium opus natalem suum celebrans, cum Graecum uersum expromere uellet, ad illud potissimum Homericum referendum animo tetendit: Èll“ me Mo•r' loÿ ka LhtoÀw ktanen uœ"w, qui deus Philippensi acie a Caesare et Antonio signo datus in eum tela conuertit.

1.5.7 M. moreover was marked out by the omen as worthy of a fate fitting the admitted parricide, for indeed after that nefarious deed, celebrating his birthday, when he wished to utter a Greek verse he especially bent his mind to that Homeric line: Èll“ me Mo•r' loÿ ka LhtoÀw ktanen uœ"w, which, he thought, was the god who at the battle of Philippi, given as a sign by Caesar and Antony, turned weapons against him.

1.5.8 Consentaneo uocis iactu C. Cassii aurem fortuna peruellit, quem orantibus Rhodiis ne ab eo cunctis deorum simulacris spoliarentur, Solem a se relinqui respondere uoluit, ut rapacissimi uictoris insolentiam dicti tumore protraheret abiectumque Macedonica pugna non effigiem Solis, quam tantummodo supplicibus cesserat, sed ipsum solem re uera relinquere cogeret.

1.5.8 With a consonant throw of voice Fortune struck the ear of C. Cassius, whom, the Rhodians begging that by him all the simulacra of the gods not be despoiled, he wished to reply that the Sun should be left by him, so that by that saying he might prolong the insolence of the most rapacious victor, and, the Macedonian battle having cast him down, compel him to leave not merely the effigy of the Sun—which had only yielded to suppliants—but the Sun itself in truth.

1.5.9 Adnotatu dignum illud quoque omen, sub quo Petilius consul in Liguria bellum gerens occiderit: nam cum montem, cui Leto cognomen erat, oppugnaret interque adhortationem militum dixisset 'hodie ego Letum utique capiam', inconsideratius proeliando fortuitum iactum uocis leto suo confirmauit.

1.5.9 Also that omen worthy of note, under which Petilius the consul, waging war in Liguria, was slain: for when he was assaulting the mountain that bore the surname Leto, and, amid the exhortations of his soldiers, had said "hodie ego Letum utique capiam" ("today I will surely take Letum"), heedless in fighting he confirmed by a chance outcry his utterance into Letum, and so brought it about.

1.5.ext.1 Adici nostris duo eiusdem generis alienigena exempla non absurde possunt. Sami Prienensibus auxilium aduersus Caras inplorantibus adrogantia instincti pro classe et exercitu sibullam eis derisus gratia miserunt. quam illi uelut diuinitus datum praesidium interpretati libenter receptam uera fatorum praedictione uictoriae ducem habuerunt.

1.5.ext.1 Two foreign examples of the same kind can not unreasonably be added to ours. The Sami, moved by arrogance, sent the Prienians a Sibyl as a mock favour for their fleet and army when they implored aid against the Carians. Which the Prienians, interpreting as a divinely given praesidium, gladly received, and by the true prophecy of the Fates held her as the leader of their victory.

1.5.ext.2 Ne Apolloniatae quidem paenitentiam egerunt, quod, cum bello Illyrico pressi Epidamnios ut sibi opem ferrent orassent atque illi flumen uicinum moenibus suis nomine Aeantem in adiutorium eorum sese mittere dixissent, 'accipimus quod datur' responderunt eique primum in acie locum perinde ac duci adsignarunt: ex insperato enim superatis hostibus successum suum omini acceptum referentes et tunc Aeanti ut deo immolauerunt et deinceps omnibus proeliis duce uti instituerunt.

1.5.ext.2 Not even the Apolloniates showed penitence, for when, pressed in the Illyrian war, they had begged Epidamnus to bring them aid and those men had said that they would send to their walls a nearby river called Aeantem in their support, they answered, "we accept what is given," and assigned him the first place in the battle-line just as to a leader: for, the enemies being unexpectedly overcome, they regarded the success as bestowed upon the man, and then sacrificed to Aeantus as to a god and thereafter established him to be used as leader in all engagements.

1.6.1 Prodigiorum quoque, quae aut secunda aut ad uersa acciderunt, debita proposito nostro relatio est.

1.6.1 Of the prodigies likewise, which either occurred as favorable or as turned to the adverse, a report has been duly made in accordance with our purpose.

Seruio Tullio etiam tum puerulo dormienti circa caput flammam emicuisse domestico<rum> oculi adnotauerunt. quod prodigium Anci regis Marci uxor Tanaquil admirata, serua natum in modum filii educauit et ad regium fastigium euexit.

They noted with the household’s eyes that even then, while little Servius Tullius was sleeping, a flame had sprung about his head. This prodigy, admired by Tanaquil, wife of King Ancus Marcus, she, having preserved the child, reared him in the manner of a son and brought him up to the royal fastigium.

1.6.2 Aeque felicis euentus illa flamma, quae ex L. Marci ducis duorum exercituum, quos interitus Publi et Gnaei Scipionum in Hispania debilitauerat, capite contionantis eluxit: namque eius aspectu pauidi adhuc milites pristinam recuperare fortitudinem admoniti VIII et XXX milibus hostium caesis magnoque numero in potestatem redacto bina castra Punicis opibus referta ceperunt.

1.6.2 Equally fortunate was that flame which shone from the head of L. Marcus, commander of the two armies—whose strength had been weakened in Spain by the destruction of Publius and Gnaeus Scipio—while he addressed the assembly: for at his aspect the soldiers, still fearful, were reminded to recover their former fortitude, and with 8,000 and 30,000 of the enemy slain and a great number reduced into captivity, they took two camps, filled with Punic riches.

1.6.3 Item, cum bello acri et diutino Veientes a Romanis intra moenia conpulsi capi non possent, eaque mora non minus obsidentibus quam obsessis intolerabilis uideretur, exoptatae uictoriae iter miro prodigio di inmortales patefecerunt: subito enim Albanus lacus neque caelestibus auctus imbribus neque inundatione ullius amnis adiutus solitum stagni modum excessit. cuius rei explorandae gratia legati ad Delphicum oraculum missi rettulerunt praecipi sortibus ut aquam eius lacus emissam per agros diffunderent: sic enim Veios in potestatem populi Romani. quod prius quam legati renuntiarent, aruspex Veientium a milite nostro, quia domestici interpretes deerant, raptus et in castra perlatus futurum dixerat.

1.6.3 Likewise, when the Veientes, driven within their walls by a fierce and prolonged war, could not be taken by the Romans, and that delay seemed no less intolerable to the besiegers than to the besieged, the immortal gods opened the way to the longed-for victory by a strange portent: for suddenly the Alban lake, neither increased by heaven-sent rains nor aided by the overflow of any river, departed from its accustomed pondlike manner. For the purpose of investigating this affair envoys were sent to the Delphic oracle, who reported that the lots had commanded that the water of that lake be let out and spread over the fields: thus Veii into the power of the Roman people. Which thing, before the envoys could announce it, the haruspex of the Veientes had said would happen, having been seized by one of our soldiers and carried into the camp, because household interpreters were lacking.

ergo senatus duplici praedictione monitus eodem paene tempore et religioni paruit et hostium urbe potitus est.

therefore the senate, warned by a twofold prediction, at nearly the same time gave heed to religion and gained possession of the enemy city.

1.6.4 Nec parum prosperi successus quod sequitur. L. Sulla consul sociali bello, cum in agro Nolano ante praetorium immolaret, subito ab ima parte arae prolapsam anguem prospexit. qua uisa Postumi aruspicis hortatu continuo exercitum in expeditionem eduxit ac ~ fortissima Samnitium castra cepit.

1.6.4 Nor was the success that follows any small prospering. L. Sulla, consul in the Social War, while sacrificing in the Nola field before the praetorium, suddenly caught sight of a snake having slipped from the lower part of the altar. At the urging of Postumius the haruspex, with that seen, he at once led the army out on an expedition and captured the very strong camp of the Samnites.

quae uictoria futurae eius amplissimae potentiae gradus et fundamentum extitit.

which victory became the step and foundation of his future most ample power.

1.6.5 Praecipuae admirationis etiam illa prodigia, quae C. Volumnio Ser. Sulpicio consulibus in urbe nostra inter initia motusque bellorum acciderunt: bos namque mugitu suo in sermonem humanum conuerso nouitate monstri audientium animos exterruit. carnis quoque in modum nimbi dissipatae partes ceciderunt, quarum maiorem numerum praepetes diripuerunt aues, reliquum humi per aliquot dies neque odore taetro neque deformi aspectu mutatum iacuit.

1.6.5 Those prodigies also of chief admiration which befell in our city in the consulship of C. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpicius, amid the beginnings and movements of wars: for a bull, by its lowing turned into human speech through the novelty of the portent, terrified the minds of those hearing. Parts of flesh, scattered like a cloud, likewise fell down, of which swift birds tore away the greater number, the remainder lying on the ground for several days, changed neither by a foul odor nor by a deformed aspect.

Eiusdem generis monstra alio tumultu credita sunt: puerum infantem semenstrem in foro boario triumphum <clamasse>, alium cum elephantino capite natum, in Piceno lapidibus pluisse, in Gallia lupum uigili e uagina gladium abstulisse, in Sardinia scuta duo sanguinem sudasse, Antii metentibus cruentas spicas in corbem decidisse, Caerites aquas sanguine mixtas fluxisse. bello etiam Punico secundo constitit Cn. Domiti bouem dixisse 'caue tibi, Roma'.

Monstra eiusdem generis alibi nuntiata sunt: puerum infantem semenstrem in Foro Boario triumphum <clamasse>; alium, cum elephantino capite natus, in Piceno lapidibus pluisse; in Gallia lupum, durante vigilia, e vagina gladium abstulisse; in Sardinia duo scuta sanguinem sudasse; Antiis, metentibus, cruentas spicas in corbem decidisse; Caerites aquas sanguine mixtas fluxisse. etiam in bello Punico secundo relata est Cn. Domitii bovem dixisse, "caue tibi, Roma."

1.6.6 C. autem Flaminius inauspicato consul creatus cum apud lacum Trasimennum cum Hannibale conflicturus conuelli signa iussisset, lapso equo super caput eius humi prostratus est nihilque eo prodigio inhibitus, signiferis negantibus signa moueri sua sede posse, malum, ni ea continuo effodissent, minatus est. uerum huius temeritatis utinam sua tantum, non etiam populi Romani maxima clade poenas pependisset! in ea namque acie xv Romanorum caesa, vi capta, x fugata sunt.

1.6.6 Caius Flaminius, having been elected consul without auspices, when about to engage Hannibal at Lake Trasimene ordered the standards to be torn up; his horse having slipped he was thrown, prostrate with his head upon the ground, and not at all checked by that prodigy, and when the standard-bearers declared that the standards could not be moved from their station, he threatened them with evil if they did not immediately dig them up. Would that the penalty for this rashness had been borne by him alone and not also by the Roman people with the greatest disaster! For in that very battle 15 Romans were slain, 10 taken by force, 10 put to flight.

consulis obtruncati corpus ad funerandum ab Hannibale quaesitum, qui, quantum in ipso fuerat, Romanum sepelierat imperium.

the slain consul’s corpse was demanded from Hannibal for burial, who, insofar as it lay within him, had buried the Roman imperium.

1.6.7 Flamini autem praecipitem audaciam C. Hostilius Mancinus uaesana perseuerantia subsequitur. cui consuli in Hispaniam ituro haec prodigia acciderunt: cum Lauinii sacrificium facere uellet, pulli cauea emissi in proximam siluam fugerunt summaque diligentia quaesiti reperiri nequiuerunt. cum ab Herculis portu, quo pedibus peruenerat, nauem conscenderet, talis uox sine ullo auctore ad aures eius peruenit, 'Mancine, mane'. qua territus, cum itinere conuerso Genuam petisset et ibi scapham esset ingressus, anguis eximiae magnitudinis uisus e conspectu abiit.

1.6.7 But to Flamininus' headlong audacity succeeds the mad perseverance of C. Hostilius Mancinus. To that consul, about to go into Hispania, these prodigies happened: when he wished to make a sacrifice at Lavinium, the young birds, the pulli, being let out of their cage fled into the nearest wood and, though sought with the greatest diligence, could not be found. When from the Port of Hercules, to which he had come on foot, he was to board a ship, such a voice without any author reached his ears, "Mancine, mane" — whereupon, terrified, having turned his course and made for Genoa and there entered a little boat, a snake of extraordinary size was seen and disappeared from sight.

ergo prodigiorum <numerum> numero calamitatium aequauit, infelici pugna, turpi foedere, deditione funesta.

Therefore he made the number of prodigies equal to the number of calamities <numerum>: by an unlucky battle, by a shameful treaty, by a disastrous surrender.

1.6.8 Minus miram in homine parum considerato temeritatem Ti. Gracchi grauissimi ciuis tristis exitus et prodigio denuntiatus nec euitatus consilio facit: consul enim cum in Lucanis sacrificaret, angues duae ex occulto prolapsae repente hostiae, quam immolauerat, adeso iocinore in easdem se latebras retulerunt. ob id deinde factum instaurato sacrificio idem prodigii euenit. tertia quoque caesa uictima diligentiusque adseruatis extis neque adlapsus serpentium arceri neque fuga inpediri potuit.

1.6.8 The temerity of Titus Gracchus—less marvelous in a man so little considered—brought about a grievous end and was forewarned by a prodigy yet not averted by counsel: for when the consul was sacrificing among the Lucanians, two snakes, having slipped forth from concealment, suddenly devoured the victim which he had immolated, and with that mockery they returned to the same lairs. Because of that event, with the sacrifice renewed, the same prodigy occurred. A third slain victim likewise, and with its entrails more carefully preserved, neither could the snakes’ approach be warded off nor could flight be impeded.

quod quamuis aruspices ad salutem imperatoris pertinere dixissent, Gracchus tamen non cauit ne perfidi hospitis sui Flaui insidiis in eum locum deductus, in quo Poenorum dux Mago cum armata manu delituerat, inermis occideretur.

which, although the haruspices had declared to pertain to the emperor’s safety, Gracchus nevertheless did not take heed, so that—being led by the perfidy of his guest Flauius into that place in which the Carthaginian leader Mago had lain hidden with an armed hand—he might be slain unarmed.

1.6.9 Et consulatus collegium et erroris societas et par genus mortis a Ti. Graccho ad Marcelli memoriam me trahit. is captarum Syracusarum et Hannibalis ante Nolana moenia a se primum fugere coacti gloria inflammatus, cum summo studio niteretur ut Poenorum exercitum aut in Italia prosterneret aut Italia pelleret, sollemnique sacrificio uoluntates deorum exploraret, quae prima hostia ante foculum cecidit, eius iecur sine capite inuentum est, proxima caput iocinoris duplex habuit. quibus inspectis aruspex tristi uultu non placere sibi exta, quia secundum truncata laeta apparuissent, respondit.

1.6.9 And the consulship, a collegiality and partnership in error and the same sort of death draw me from Ti. Gracchus to the memory of Marcellus. He, kindled by glory after first being driven to flight from captured Syracuse and from the walls of Nola before Hannibal, strove with the greatest zeal either to overthrow the Carthaginian army in Italy or to drive it out of Italy, and by a solemn sacrifice sought the wills of the gods; the first victim that fell before the hearth was found with its liver but without a head, the next possessed a head of double mockery. Seeing these things, the haruspex, with a sad countenance, answered that the entrails did not please him, because the second, having been truncated, had appeared auspicious.

ita monitus M. Marcellus ne quid temere conaretur, insequenti nocte speculandi gratia cum paucis egredi ausus, a multitudine hostium in Bruttis circumuentus aeque magnum dolorem ac detrimentum patriae interitu suo attulit.

Thus warned, M. Marcellus, lest he attempt anything rash, on the following night, for the sake of reconnoitering, dared to go out with a few men, and, being surrounded by a multitude of enemies in Bruttii, he brought equally great grief and loss to the fatherland by his own destruction.

1.6.10 Nam Octauius consul dirum omen quemadmodum timuit, ita uitare non potuit: e simulacro enim Apollinis per se abrupto capite et ita infixo humi, ut auelli nequiret, armis cum collega suo dissidens Cinna praesumpsit animo ea re significari exi tium suum in quem ð metus augurium tristi fine uitae incidit, ac tum demum immobile dei caput terra refigi potuit.

1.6.10 For Octavius, the consul, could not avoid the dire omen however he feared it: for from the simulacrum of Apollo the head had come off by itself and was so fixed in the ground that it could not be torn away, and Cinna, quarrelling in arms with his colleague, rashly took it into his mind that these things signified his own exitium, into which that fear and augury fell with the sad end of his life; and then at last the immobile head of the god could be re-fixed in the earth.

1.6.11 Non sinit nos M. Crassus, inter grauissimas Romani imperii iacturas numerandus, hoc loco de se silentium agere, plurimis et euidentissimis ante tantam ruinam monstrorum pulsatus ictibus. ducturus erat a Carris aduersus Parthos exercitum. pullum ei traditum est paludamentum, cum in proelium exeuntibus album aut purpureum dari soleat.

1.6.11 Marcus Crassus does not permit us to hold silence about him here, to be reckoned among the most grievous losses of the Roman empire, having been struck before so great a ruin by very many and most evident blows of portents. He was to lead an army from Carrhae against the Parthians. A dark cloak (pullum) was handed to him, since when men go forth into battle a white or purple one is wont to be given.

maesti et taciti milites ad principia conuenerunt, qui uetere instituto cum clamore alacri adcurrere debebant. aquilarum altera uix conuelli a primo pilo potuit, altera aegerrime extracta in contrariam ac ferebatur partem se ipsa conuertit. magna haec prodigia, sed [et] illae clades aliquanto maiores, tot pulcherrimarum legionum interitus, tam multa signa hosti<li>bus intercepta manibus, tantum Romanae militiae decus barbarorum obtritum equitatu, optimae indolis filii cruore paterni respersi oculi, corpus imperatoris inter promiscuas cadauerum strues auium ferarumque laniatibus obiectum.

sad and silent the milites gathered at the principia, who by ancient institute ought to have run up with an eager shout. one of the aquilae was scarcely able to be torn away by the primus pilus, the other, most painfully drawn out and carried into the opposite part, turned itself. these were great prodigies, but [and] those disasters much greater: the destruction of so many most beautiful legions, so many standards intercepted by hostile hands, so great the glory of the Roman militia crushed by barbarian cavalry, sons of the best character with their eyes besprinkled with paternal blood, the emperor’s corpus thrown among the mixed heaps of cadavera, exposed to the laniations of birds and beasts.

uellem quidem placidius, ~ sed quod relatu uerum est. sic deorum spreti monitus excandescunt, sic humana consilia castigantur, ubi se caelestibus praeferunt.

I would indeed wish it more peacefully, but this is what is true to relate. Thus the gods’ warnings, scorned, blaze up; thus human counsels are chastised when they place themselves before the celestial.

1.6.12 Cn. etiam Pompeium Iuppiter omnipotens abunde monuerat ne cum C. Caesare ultimam belli fortunam experiri contenderet, egresso a Dyrrachio aduersa agmini eius fulmina iaciens, examinibus apium signa obscurando, subita tristitia implicatis militum animis, nocturnis totius exercitus terroribus, ab ipsis altaribus hostiarum fuga. sed inuictae leges necessitudinis pectus alioquin procul amentia remotum prodigia ista iusta aestimatione perpendere passae non sunt. itaque, dum illa eleuat, auctoritatem amplissimam et opes priuato fastigio excelsiores omniaque ornamenta, quae ab ineunte adulescentia ad inuidiam usque contraxerat, spatio unius diei confregit.

1.6.12 Gn. Pompey also had been abundantly warned by Jupiter Omnipotent not to strive to test the final fortune of war with C. Caesar; and when he set out from Dyrrachium, lightning was cast against his column, the entrails of the sacred chickens overturned so as to obscure the auspicial signs, a sudden gloom entangling the soldiers’ minds, nocturnal terrors throughout the whole army, even flight from the very altars of the victims. But the invincible ties of kinship, his breast otherwise far removed from frenzy, allowed these prodigies to be weighed with a just estimation. Thus, while that hope exalted him, in the space of one day he shattered that most ample authority and wealth, higher than a private summit, and all the ornaments which he had contracted from his earliest youth even unto envy.

quo constat in delubris deum sua sponte signa conuersa, militarem clamorem strepitumque armorum adeo magnum Antiochiae et Ptolemaide auditum, ut in muros concurreretur, sonum tympanorum Pergami abditis delubri editum, palmam uiridem Trallibus in aede Victoriae sub Caesaris statua inter coagmenta lapidum iustae magnitudinis enatam. quibus apparet caelestium numen et Caesaris gloriae fauisse et Pompei errorem inhibere uoluisse.

that in the temples of the gods the statues of their own accord were turned, and that a military shout and clash of arms so great was heard at Antioch and Ptolemais that people ran to the walls; the sound of tambourines was issued from Pergamum’s hidden shrine; a green palm sprang up for the Trallians in the temple of Victory beneath the statue of Caesar, appearing between the joints of stones of just fitting size. From these signs it is plain that the celestial numen favored Caesar’s glory and wished to curb Pompey’s error.

1.6.13 Tuas aras tuaque sanctissima templa, diue Iuli, ueneratus oro ut propitio ac fauenti numine tantorum casus uirorum sub tui exempli praesidio ac tutela delitescere patiaris: te enim accepimus eo die, quo purpurea ueste uelatus aurea in sella consedisti, ne maximo studio senatus exquisitum et delatum honorem spreuisse uidereris, priusquam exoptatum ciuium oculis conspectum tui offerres, cultui religionis, in quam mox eras transiturus, uacasse mactatoque opimo boue cor in extis non repperisse, ac responsum tibi ab Spurinna aruspice pertinere id signum ad uitam et consilium tuum, quod utraque haec corde continerentur. erupit deinde eorum parricidium, qui, dum te hominum numero subtrahere uolunt, deorum concilio adiecerunt.

1.6.13 Your altars and your most sacred temples, divine Julius, I invoke having venerated them, and I pray that by a propitious and favouring numen you suffer the calamities of men of such magnitude to lie hid under the protection and guardianship of your example: for we received you on that day on which, veiled in a purple robe, you sat upon the golden seat, lest you should seem to have spurned the honor, sought out and brought by the greatest zeal of the senate, before you offered to the eyes of the citizens the longed‑for sight of yourself; that the cult of religion, into which you were soon to pass, had been vacant, and that a heart in the entrails, after the fat ox had been sacrificed, was not found; and that the sign given to you by the haruspex Spurinna belonged to your life and your counsel, inasmuch as both these things were contained in the heart. Then their parricide burst forth, those who, while they wish to remove you from the number of men, have added you to the council of the gods.

1.6.ext.1 Claudatur hoc exemplo talium ostentorum domestica relatio, ne, si ulterius Romana adprehendero, e caelesti templo ad priuatas domos non ~ consentaneos usus transtulisse uidear. adtingam igitur externa, quae Latinis litteris inserta, ut auctoritatis minus habent, ita aliquid gratae uarietatis adferre possunt. In exercitu Xerxis, quem ~ aduersus prouinciam Graeciam contraxerat, equae partu leporem editum constat.

1.6.ext.1 Let this example of such portents be closed with a domestic account, lest, if I take up Roman matters further, I seem to have transferred from a heavenly temple to private houses uses not consonant therewith. I will therefore touch the externals, which, being inserted in Latin letters, have less authority, yet can bring something of agreeable variety. In the army of Xerxes, which he had gathered against the province of Greece, it is reported that from the foaling of a mare a hare was produced.

quo genere monstri tanti apparatus significatus est euentus: nam qui mare classibus, terram pedestri * * * et fugax animal pauido regressu regnum suum repetere est coactus. Eidem montem Athon uix tandem transgresso, priusquam Athenas deleret, Lacedaemonis inuadendae consilium agitanti admirabile inter cenam prodigium incidit: infusum namque paterae eius uinum in sanguinem, nec semel sed iterum et tertio conuersum est. qua de re consulti magi monuerunt ut se ab incepto proposito abstineret: et si quod uestigium in uaecordi pectore sensus fuisset, * * * ante de Leonida et ~ a caesare Spartanis abunde monitum.

by what kind of monster so great an array signified the event: for he who had the sea by fleets, the land by footsoldiers * * * and the fleet-footed beast was forced, by a fearful retreat, to seek again his kingdom. To the same man, having scarcely at last crossed Mount Athos, before he laid waste Athens, while pondering the plan of attacking Lacedaemon, an admirable prodigy occurred during a dinner: for the wine poured into his patera was turned into blood, not once but a second and a third time. Concerning this matter the consulted magi advised that he refrain from his undertaken design: and if any trace of sense had been in his forgetful heart, * * * previously about Leonidas and ~ by Caesar the Spartans had been abundantly warned.

1.6.ext.2 Midae uero, cuius imperio Phrygia fuit subiecta, puero dormienti formicae in os grana tritici congesserunt. parentibus deinde eius corsus prodigium tenderet explorantibus augures responderunt omnium illum mortalium futurum ditissimum. nec uana praedictio extitit: nam Midas cunctorum paene regum opes abundantia pecuniae antecessit infantiaeque incunabula uili deorum munere donata onustis auro atque argento gazis pensauit.

1.6.ext.2 Midas, moreover, under whose imperium Phrygia was subject, while the boy slept the formicae heaped grana of triticum into his mouth. To his parents then, when the corsus prodigy was shown, the augures answering their inquiries declared that he would be the richest of all mortales. Nor was the praedictio vain: for Midas surpassed almost all reges in opes by an abundance of pecunia, and the incunabula of his infancy, bestowed as a vili munus of the deities, were weighed down with auro and argento gazes.

1.6.ext.3 Formicis Midae iure meritoque apes Platonis praetulerim: illae enim caducae ac fragilis, hae solidae et aeternae felicitatis indices extiterunt, dormientis in cunis paruuli labellis mel inserendo. qua re audita prodigiorum interpretes singularem eloquii suauitatem ore eius emanaturam dixerunt. ac mihi quidem illae apes non montem Hymettium tymi flore redolentem, sed Musarum Heliconios colles omni genere doctrinae uirentis dearum instinctu depastae maximo ingenio dulcissima summae eloquentiae instillasse uidentur alimenta.

1.6.ext.3 I would rightly and deservedly prefer Plato’s bees to Midas’s ants: for those were fleeting and fragile, these proved tokens of solid and eternal felicity, placing honey upon the little one’s lips in the cradle while he slept. When this was heard, interpreters of prodigies said that a singular sweetness of speech would issue from his mouth. And to me indeed those bees seem not to have fed him on Hymettus, redolent of thyme-flower, but to have, by the goddesses’ impulse and with the greatest genius, fed him on the Heliconian hills of the Muses, green with every kind of learning, and so instilled the most sweet nutriment of supreme eloquence.

1.7.1 Sed quoniam diuitem Midae disertumque Platonis somnum adtigi, referam quam certis imaginibus multorum quies adumbrata sit. quem locum unde potius ordiar quam a diui Augusti sacratissima memoria? eius medico Artorio somnum capienti nocte, quam dies insecutus est, quo in campis Philippiis Romani inter se exercitus concurrerunt, Mineruae species oborta praecepit ut illum graui morbo implicitum moneret ne propter aduersam ualitudinem proximo proelio non interesset.

1.7.1 But since I have touched upon the sleep of the wealthy Midas and the eloquent Plato, I will relate how the rest of many was foreshadowed by certain images. From what place should I rather begin than from the most sacred memory of the divine Augustus? To his physician Artorius the apparition of Minerva, appearing on the night that followed the day on which on the fields of Philippi the Roman armies met one another, commanded that he warn him, who was entangled in a grievous malady, lest on account of his adverse health he fail to be present at the coming battle.

quod cum Caesar audisset, lectica se in aciem deferri iussit. ubi dum supra uires corporis pro adipiscenda uictoria excubat, castra eius a Bruto capta sunt. quid ergo aliud putamus quam diuino numine effectum ne destinatum iam immortalitati caput indignam caelesti spiritu fortunae uiolentiam sentiret?

When Caesar heard this, he ordered himself to be borne in a litter into the battle line. While there, beyond the powers of his body, keeping watch to win victory, his camp was seized by Brutus. What then shall we think but that it was brought about by divine numen, lest a head already destined for immortality should feel the unworthy violence of fortune, bereft of its celestial spirit?

1.7.2 Augustum uero praeter naturalem animi in omnibus rebus subtiliter perspiciendis uigorem etiam recens et domesticum exemplum ut Artori somnio obtemperaret admonuit: audiuerat enim diui Iuli patris sui uxorem Calpurniam nocte, quam is ultimam in terris egit, in quiete uidisse multis eum confectum uulneribus in suo sinu iacentem, somnique atrocitate uehementer exterritam rogare non destitisse ut proximo die curia se abstineret. at illum, ne muliebri somnio motus id fecisse existimaretur, senatum, in quo ei parricidarum manus adlatae sunt, habere contendisse. ~ non est inter patrem et filium ullius rei conparationem fieri praesertim diuinitatis fastigio iunctos, sed iam alter operibus suis aditum sibi ad caelum struxerat, alteri longus adhuc terrestrium uirtutum orbis restabat.

1.7.2 Augustus, moreover, besides the natural vigor of mind for subtly discerning all things, also recently and familiarly admonished to obey Artor’s dream: for he had heard that the divine Julius, his father’s wife Calpurnia, on the night which she spent as his last on earth, had in sleep seen him laid upon her breast, exhausted with wounds, and, exceedingly terrified by the atrocity of the dream, had begged without ceasing that on the next day he refrain from the curia. But he strove to hold a senate, lest it be thought that he had done this moved by a woman’s dream, a senate in which the hands of parricides had been laid upon him. ~ There is no comparison to be made between father and son in any matter, especially when joined at the summit of divinity; for already one by his works had built for himself an approach to heaven, while to the other a long orbit of terrestrial virtues still remained.

quapropter ab hoc tantummodo <im>pendentem mutationem status cognosci, ab illo etiam differri dii immortales uoluerunt, ut aliud caelo decus daretur, aliud promitteretur.

wherefore the change of state hanging only from this <im> was to be known as from him, and from that one the immortal gods willed it also to be deferred, so that one honor might be given to heaven, another promised.

1.7.3 Illud etiam somnium et magnae admirationis et clari exitus, quod eadem nocte duo consules P. Decius Mus et T. Manlius Torquatus Latino bello graui ac periculoso non procul a Vesuui montis radicibus positis castris uiderunt: utrique enim quaedam per quietem species praedixit ex altera acie imperatorem, ex altera exercitum diis Manibus matrique Terrae deberi: utrius autem dux copias hostium superque eas sese ipsum deuouisset, uictricem abituram. id luce proxima consulibus sacrificio uel expiaturis, si posset auerti, uel, si certum deorum etiam monitu uisum foret, exsecuturis hostiarum exta somnio congruerunt, conuenitque inter eos, cuius cornu prius laborare coepisset, ut is capite suo fata patriae lueret. quae neutro reformidante Decium depoposcerunt.

1.7.3 That same dream, also of great wonder and of a famous outcome, which on the same night the two consuls P. Decius Mus and T. Manlius Torquatus saw in the Latin war, grievous and dangerous, while encamped not far from the roots of Mount Vesuvius: for a certain apparition in sleep foretold to each that from one battle‑line a commander was due, from the other that the army was owed to the Manes and to Mother Earth; but whichever leader should have devoted the enemy forces and himself above them would depart victorious. At the next dawn, when the consuls, by sacrifice, would either expiate it if it could be averted, or, if the vision were shown certain even by a divine admonition, execute it, the entrails of the sacrificial victims agreed with the dream; and they agreed between themselves that whose horn should first begin to labor, he should expiate the fates of the fatherland with his head. Which, with neither of them shrinking, they demanded of Decius.

1.7.4 Sequitur aeque ad publicam religionem pertinens somnium. cum plebeis quidam ludis pater familias per circum Flaminium, prius quam pompa induceretur, seruum suum uerberibus mulcatum sub furca ad supplicium egisset, . Latinio homini ex plebe Iuppiter in quiete praecepit ut consulibus diceret sibi praesultorem ludis circensibus proximis non placuisse: quae res nisi adtenta ludorum instauratione expiata esset, secuturum non mediocre urbis periculum. ille ueritus ne cum aliquo incommodo suo religione summum implicaret imperium, silentium egit, e uestigioque filius eius subita ui morbi correptus interiit.

1.7.4 There follows likewise a dream pertaining to the public religion. When, at certain plebeian games, a paterfamilias, through the Circus Flaminius, before the procession was introduced, had driven his servant, scourged, under the fork to punishment, . Latinius, a man of the plebs, was commanded by Jupiter in sleep to tell the consuls that a praesultor had not pleased him for the next circensian games: which matter, unless expiated by postponing the renewal of the games, would bring upon the city no small danger. That man, fearing lest by his own mishap he embroil the supreme power with religion, kept silence; and forthwith his son, struck by a sudden violence of disease, died.

ipse etiam per quietem ab eodem deo interrogatus an satis magnam poenam neglecti imperii sui pependisset, in proposito perseuerans debilitate corporis solutus est ac tum demum ex consilio amicorum lecticula ad tribunal consulum et inde ad senatum perlatus ordine totius casus sui exposito magna cum omnium admiratione recuperata membrorum firmitate pedibus domum rediit.

he himself also, in sleep, being questioned by the same god whether he had borne a sufficiently great penalty for his neglect of command, persevering in his purpose, was overcome by debility of the body and then at last, by the counsel of friends, a little couch was carried to the tribunal of the consuls and thence to the senate, his whole case having been set forth in order; to the great admiration of all, with the firmness of his limbs recovered he went home on foot.

1.7.5 Ac ne illud quidem inuoluendum silentio. inimicorum conspiratione urbe pulsus M. Cicero, cum in uilla quadam campi Atinatis deuersaretur, animo in somnum profuso per loca deserta et inuias regiones uaganti sibi C. Marium consulatus ornatum insignibus putauit obuium factum, interrogantem eum quid ita tam tristi uultu incerto itinere ferretur. audito deinde casu, quo conflictabatur, conprehendisse dexteram suam ac se proximo lictori in monumentum ipsius ducendum tradidisse, quod diceret ibi esse ei laetioris status spem repositam.

1.7.5 And not even that is to be wrapped in silence. Driven from the city by a conspiracy of enemies, M. Cicero, when he was lodging in a certain villa of the Atinate plain, in a mind poured into sleep and wandering through deserted places and pathless regions, fancied that G. Marius, clad in the ornaments of the consulship, met him and asked him why he carried so gloomy a countenance on an uncertain journey. Then, having heard of the misfortune by which he was being afflicted, he seized his right hand and handed himself over to the nearest lictor to be led as that man’s monument, saying that there his hope of a more joyous condition had been laid up.

nec aliter euenit: nam in aede Iouis Mariana senatus consultum de reditu est eius factum.

nor did it happen otherwise: for in the temple of Jupiter Mariana a senatorial decree concerning his return was made.

1.7.6 C. autem Graccho inminentis casus atrocitas palam atque aperte per quietem denuntiata est: somno enim pressus Tiberii [Gracchi] fratris effigiem uidit dicentis sibi nulla ratione eum uitare posse ne eo fato [non] periret, quo ipse occidisset. id ex Graccho prius quam tribunatum, in quo fraternum exitum habuit, iniret multi audierunt. Caelius etiam certus Romanae historiae auctor sermonem de ea re ad suas aures illo adhuc uiuo peruenisse scribit.

1.7.6 The atrocity of the impending fate for C. Gracchus was proclaimed openly and plainly even during repose: for, pressed by sleep, he saw the effigy of Tiberius [Gracchus] speaking to him, saying that in no way could he avoid perishing [not] by that fate by which he himself had been killed. Many heard that this came upon Gracchus before he entered the tribunate, in which he suffered a fraternal end. Caelius also, a certain authority on Roman history, writes that a report of this matter reached his ears while he was still alive.

1.7.7 Vincit huiusce somni dirum aspectum quod insequitur. apud Actium M. Antonii fractis opibus Cassius Parmensis, qui partes eius secutus fuerat, Athenas confugit. ubi concubia nocte cum sollicitudinibus et curis mente sopita in lectulo iaceret, existimauit ad se uenire hominem ingentis magnitudinis, coloris nigri, squalidum barba et capillo inmisso, interrogatumque quisnam esset respondisse kakŽn da§mona.

1.7.7 The dreadful visage that follows surpasses the omen of this dream. At Actium, with the resources of M. Antonius broken, Cassius of Parma, who had followed his faction, fled to Athens. There, when at night he lay in bed, his mind soothed to sleep by anxieties and cares, he thought that a man of enormous stature came to him, of black complexion, filthy with beard and with hair unkempt; and when asked who he was, he answered "kakon daimon."

perterritus deinde taetro uisu et nomine horrendo seruos inclamauit sciscitatusque est ecquem talis habitus aut intrantem cubiculum aut exeuntem uidissent. quibus adfirmantibus neminem illuc accessisse, iterum se quieti et somno dedit, atque eadem animo eius obuersata species est. itaque fugato somno lumen intro ferri iussit puerosque a se discedere uetuit.

Then, terrified by the ghastly sight and the horrid name, he cried out to his servants and inquired whether any of such appearance had been seen either entering the bedroom or going out. When they affirmed that no one had come there, he again yielded himself to rest and sleep, and the same figure presented itself to his mind. Therefore, with sleep driven off, he ordered a light to be brought in and forbade the boys to depart from him.

inter hanc noctem et supplicium capitis, quo eum Caesar adfecit, paruulum admodum temporis intercessit.

Between that night and the capital punishment by which Caesar afflicted him, a very short space of time intervened.

1.7.8 Propioribus tamen, ut ita dicam, lineis Haterii Rufi equitis Romani somnium certo euentu admotum est. qui, cum gladiatorium munus Syracusis ederetur, inter quietem retiari se manu confodi uidit idque postero die in spectaculo consessoribus narrauit. incidit deinde ut proximo ab equite loco retiarius cum murmillone introduceretur.

1.7.8 Yet the dream of Haterius Rufus, a Roman eques, was, so to speak, brought to a certain event by nearer lines. He, when a gladiatorial show was being given at Syracuse, saw in sleep that a retiarius was pierced—himself—with a hand, and he related this to those seated at the spectacle the next day. It then fell out that a retiarius was introduced, together with a murmillo, in the place next to the eques.

cuius cum faciem uidisset, isdem dixit ab illo retiario trucidari putasse protinusque inde discedere uoluit. illi sermone suo metu eius discusso causam exitii misero attulerunt: retiarius enim in eum locum conpulso murmillone et abiecto, dum iacentem ferire conatur, traiectum gladio Haterium interemit.

when he had seen the face of that man, he at once said that he thought he had been slaughtered by that same retiarius and wished immediately to withdraw from there. They, by their speech dispelling his fear, brought the cause of the miserable man’s death: for the retiarius, driven into that spot by the murmillone and cast down, while he endeavoured to strike him as he lay, pierced Haterius with a sword and slew him.

1.7.ext.1 Hannibalis quoque ut detestandum Romano sanguini, ita certae praedictionis somnium, cuius non uigiliae tantum sed etiam ipsa quies hostilis imperio nostro fuit: hausit enim proposito et uotis suis conuenientem imaginem existimauitque missum sibi ab Ioue mortali specie excelsiorem iuuenem inuadendae Italiae ducem. cuius monitu primo uestigia nullam in partem secutus oculis, mox humani ingenii prona uoluntate uetita scrutandi pone respiciens animaduertit inmensae magnitudinis serpentem concitato impetu omne, quidquid obuium fuerat, proterentem postque eam magno cum caeli fragore erumpentes nimbos lucemque caliginosis inuolutam tenebris. adtonitus deinde quidnam esset monstri et quid portenderet interrogauit.

1.7.ext.1 As for Hannibal, as abhorrent to Roman blood, so too was a dream of certain prophecy — of which not only his vigils but even his very sleep were hostile to our empire: for he drew from his purpose and his vows an image fitting to them and judged that Jupiter had sent to him, in mortal guise, a youth loftier than mortal to be the leader for the invading of Italy. By whose admonition at first he followed the footprints without turning his eyes in any direction ; soon, his human ingenium, by a submissive will forbidden to examine, looking back after abandoning inquiry, he perceived a serpent of immense magnitude, with impetuous onset trampling down all that lay in its path, and after it clouds bursting forth with a great crash of the sky and a light wrapped in murky darkness. Astonished, then, he asked what that monster was and what it portended.

hic dux 'Italiae uides' inquit 'uastitatem: proinde sile et cetera tacitis permitte fatis'.

Then the leader said, "Do you see the devastation of Italy? Therefore be silent, and commit the rest to the tacit Fates."

1.7.ext.2 Quam bene Macedoniae rex Alexander per quietem uisa imagine praemonitus erat ut uitae suae custos esset diligentior, si eum cauendi etiam periculi consilio fortuna instruere uoluisset: namque Cassandri pestiferam sibi dexteram somnio prius cognouit quam exitu sensit: existimauit enim ab illo se interfici, cum eum numquam uidisset. interposito deinde tempore postquam in conspectum uenit, nocturni metus patefacta imagine, ut Antipatri filium esse cognouit, adiecto uersu Graeco, qui fidem somniorum eleuat, praeparati iam aduersus caput suum ueneficii, quo occidisse Cassandri manu creditur, suspicionem animo repulit.

1.7.ext.2 How well the king of Macedon, Alexander, by an image seen in sleep was forewarned to be more diligent as guardian of his life, if Fortune had wished also to instruct him by counsel for avoiding the danger: for he recognized by a dream beforehand Cassander’s baneful right hand towards him before he felt its effect: for he supposed that he would be killed by that man, although he had never seen him. Then, after time had passed and he came into view, the fear of the night, the image being revealed, when he knew him to be the son of Antipater, with a Greek verse added, which raises the credence of dreams, he drove from his mind the suspicion already prepared against his head of the poison by which he is believed to have been slain by Cassander’s hand.

1.7.ext.3 Longe indulgentius dii in poeta Simonide, cuius salutarem inter quietem admonitionem consilii firmitate roborarunt: is enim, cum ad litus nauem appulisset inhumatumque corpus iacens sepulturae mandasset, admonitus ab eo ne proximo die nauigaret, in terra remansit. qui inde soluerant, fluctibus et procellis in conspectu eius obruti sunt: ipse laetatus est, quod uitam suam somnio quam naui credere maluisset. memor autem beneficii elegantissimo carmine * * * aeternitati consecrauit, melius illi et diuturnius in animis hominum sepulcrum constituens quam in desertis et ignotis harenis struxerat.

1.7.ext.3 Much more indulgently the gods treated the poet Simonides, whose salutary admonition they strengthened amid rest by the firmness of counsel: for when he had landed on the shore and had committed to burial a body lying unburied, being warned by it not to sail on the next day, he remained ashore. Those who then put to sea were overwhelmed by waves and storms in his sight: he himself rejoiced, because he had preferred to entrust his life to a dream rather than to the ship. But he consecrated the memory of the benefaction to eternity with a most elegant song * * *, thereby establishing for him a tomb in the minds of men better and more enduring than the one he had built on deserted and unknown sands.

1.7.ext.4 Efficax et illa quietis imago, quae Croesi regis animum maximo prius metu, deinde etiam dolore confecit: nam e duobus filiis et ingeni agilitate et corporis dotibus praestantiorem imperiique successioni destinatum Atym existimauit ferro sibi ereptum. itaque quidquid ad euitandam denuntiatae cladis acerbitatem pertinebat, nulla ex parte patria cura cessauit aduertere. solitus erat iuuenis ad bella gerenda mitti, domi retentus est: habebat armamentarium omnis generis telorum copia refertum, id quoque amoueri iussum: gladio cinctis comitibus utebatur, uetiti sunt propius accedere.

1.7.ext.4 That efficacious image of repose, which first exhausted King Croesus's spirit with the greatest fear and then also with sorrow: for he thought that Atys, one of his two sons, superior in quickness of intellect and in the endowments of the body and destined for the succession of the empire, had been snatched from him by the sword. And so whatever pertained to avoiding the bitterness of the foretold disaster, paternal care did not cease in any part to attend to. The youth, who was wont to be sent to wage wars, was kept at home: he had an armoury filled with a store of weapons of every kind, this also was ordered to be removed; he used companions girded with the sword, they were forbidden to approach nearer.

necessitas tamen aditum luctui dedit: cum enim ingentis magnitudinis aper Olympi montis culta crebra cum agrestium strage uastaret inusitatoque malo regium inploratum esset auxilium, filius a patre extorsit ut ad eum opprimendum mitteretur, eo quidem facilius, quod non dentis sed ferri saeuitia in metu reponebatur. uerum dum acri studio interficiendi suem omnes sunt intenti, pertinax casus inminentis uiolentia lanceam petendae ferae gratia missam in eum detorsit et quidem eam potissimum dextram nefariae caedis crimine uoluit aspergi, cui tutela filii a patre mandata erat, quamque Croesus inprudentis homicidii sanguine uiolatam hospitalis ueritus deos supplicem sacrificio expiauerat.

Necessity, however, gave an opening to grief: for when a boar of immense size, reared on the slopes of Mount Olympus, was devastating the countryside with frequent slaughter of shepherds and with an unusual evil the royal house implored aid, the son extorted from his father that he be sent to press it down — all the more easily because it was the fury of iron, not of teeth, that was feared. But while all were intent with keen zeal on slaying the boar, stubborn chance, by the violence of the imminent danger, turned a spear cast for the sake of seeking the beast against him; and indeed fate willed above all that that right hand should be bespattered with the crime of a wicked slaughter — the hand which had been entrusted to the son by his father’s guardianship, and which Croesus, fearing it to have been defiled by the blood of an unwitting homicide, had appeased the gods for with a suppliant sacrifice.

1.7.ext.5 Ne Cyrus quidem superior inuictae fatorum necessitatis paruulum argumentum est. cuius ortus ad imperium totius Asiae spectantis maternus auus Astyages duo praenuntios somnii frustra discutere temptauit, Mandanen filiam suam, quod in quiete uiderat urinam eius omnes Asiaticas gentes inundasse, non Medorum excellentissimo, ne in eius familiam regni decus transferretur, sed Persarum modicae fortunae uiro conlocando natumque Cyrum exponi iubendo, quia similiter quietis temporibus existimauerat genitali parte Mandanes natam uitem eo usque creuisse, donec cunctas dominationis suae partes inumbraret: frustratus est enim se ipse nepotis felicitatem caelestium iudicio destinatam humanis consiliis inpedire conando.

1.7.ext.5 Nor is Cyrus even a small argument of the necessity of invincible fate. His birth, since it pertained to the rule of all Asia, his maternal grandfather Astyages tried in vain to dispel two portentous dreams, seeing in his sleep that the urine of Mandane his daughter had flooded all the peoples of Asia; and, not trusting a man of the Medes most exalted, lest the glory of kingship be transferred into his house, he ordered her to be given in marriage to a man of the modest fortune of the Persians and Cyrus, born thus, to be exposed — because he had likewise judged in quiet times that the wombal seed of Mandane had grown to such a degree that it would overshadow all the parts of his domination. For he frustrated himself in attempting by human counsels to hinder the felicity of his grandson destined by the judgment of the heavens.

1.7.ext.6 Intra priuatum autem habitum Dionysio Syracusano adhuc se continente Himerae quaedam non obscuri generis femina inter quietem opinione sua caelum conscendit atque ibi[dem] deorum omnium lustratis sedibus animaduertit praeualentem uirum flaui coloris, lentiginosi oris, ferreis catenis uinctum, Iouis solio pedibusque subiectum, interrogatoque iuuene, quo considerandi caeli duce fuerat usa, quisnam esset, audiit illum Siciliae atque Italiae dirum esse fatum solutumque uinculis multis urbibus exitio futurum. quod somnium postero die sermone uulgauit. postquam deinde Dionysium inimica Syracusarum libertati capitibusque insontium infesta fortuna caelesti custodia libertatum uelut fulmen aliquod otio ac tranquillitati iniecit, Himeraeorum moenia inter effusam ad officium et spectaculum eius turbam intrantem ut aspexit, hunc esse, quem in quiete uiderat, uociferata est.

1.7.ext.6 Now while Dionysius of Syracuse still kept himself in private retirement, a certain woman of no obscure rank at Himera, amid her repose and in her own opinion, ascended the sky and there, among the purified seats of all the gods, perceived a prevailing man of blond hue, with a freckled face, bound in iron chains, placed upon Jupiter’s throne and under his feet; and, when asked by the youth by what leader of the observing heavens she had been guided in her vision and who he was, she heard that he would be a dire fate for Sicily and Italy and, once loosened from his bonds, would be the ruin of many cities. She spread that dream by word on the next day. Afterwards, when hostile fortune, adverse to the liberty of the Syracusans and to the heads of the innocent, by a heavenly guardianship cast Dionysius into leisure and tranquillity as if by some thunderbolt, she, seeing the walls of the Himerans and the crowd poured forth to his duty and spectacle as he entered, cried aloud that this was he whom she had seen in sleep.

id cognitum tyranno causam tollendae mulieris dedit.

When this was learned, it gave the tyrant a cause for removing the woman.

1.7.ext.7 Tutioris somni mater eiusdem Dionysi. quae, cum eum conceptum utero haberet, parere uisa est Satyriscum consultoque prodigiorum interprete clarissimum ac potentissimum Grai sanguinis futurum certo cum euentu cognouit.

1.7.ext.7 On a safer dream: the mother of that same Dionysius, who, when she had him conceived in her womb, seemed destined to bear a Satyriscum, and, with the interpreter of prodigies consulted, certainly learned—when the event confirmed it—that he would be most illustrious and most powerful of Greek blood.

1.7.ext.8 At Karthaginiensium dux Hamilcar, cum obsideret Syracusas, inter somnum exaudisse uocem credidit nuntiantem futurum ut proximo die in ea urbe cenaret. laetus igitur perinde ac diuinitus promissa uictoria exercitum pugnae conparabat. in quo inter Siculos et Poenos orta dissensione, castris eius Syracusani subita inruptione oppressis ipsum intra moenia sua uinctum pertraxerunt.

1.7.ext.8 But Hamilcar, leader of the Carthaginians, while besieging Syracuse, believed that he had heard a voice in sleep announcing that he would dine in that city on the next day. Joyful therefore, as if divinely promised victory, he arrayed the army for battle. In which, when a dissension arose between the Sicilians and the Phoenicians, and his camps were overwhelmed by a sudden assault of the Syracusans, they dragged him himself, bound, within their walls.

ita magis spe quam somnio deceptus cenauit Syracusis captiuus, non, ut animo praesumpserat, uictor.

thus, more deceived by hope than by a dream, he dined at Syracuse as a captive, not, as he had presumptively supposed in his mind, as victor.

1.7.ext.9 Alcibiades quoque miserabilem exitum suum haud fallaci nocturna imagine speculatus est: quo enim pallio amicae suae dormiens opertum se uiderat, interfectus et insepultus iacens contectus est.

1.7.ext.9 Alcibiades also foresaw his miserable end in a not-deceptive nocturnal vision: for when he had seen himself, sleeping, covered by the pallium of his mistress, he was slain and, lying unburied, was covered up.

1.7.ext.10 Proximum somnium etsi paulo est longius, propter nimiam tamen euidentiam ne omittatur impetrat. duo familiares Arcades iter una facientes Megaram uenerunt, quorum alter se ad hospitem contulit, alter in tabernam meritoriam deuertit. is, qui in hospitio erat, uidit in somnis comitem suum orantem ut sibi coponis insidiis circumuento subueniret: posse enim celeri eius adcursu se inminenti periculo subtrahi.

1.7.ext.10 The next dream, although it is a little longer, he obtains not to be omitted because of its excessive obviousness. Two Arcadian familiar friends, traveling together, came to Megara, of whom one betook himself to an inn, the other turned aside into a meretorious tavern. He who was in the inn saw in a dream his companion beseeching that, being surrounded by the ambushes of a copon, he be come to his aid: for by his swift running he could withdraw himself from the imminent peril.

quo uiso excitatus prosiluit tabernamque, in qua is deuersabatur, petere conatus est. pestifero deinde fato eius humanissimum propositum tamquam superuacuum damnauit et lectum ac somnum repetiit. tunc idem ei saucius oblatus obsecrauit ut, quoniam uitae suae auxilium ferre neglexisset, neci saltem ultionem non negaret: corpus enim suum a caupone trucidatum tum maxime plaustro ferri ad portam stercore coopertum.

Having seen this he sprang up and strove to make for the tavern in which he had lodged. Then a pestilential fate condemned his most humane design as if superfluous, and he returned to his bed and to sleep. Then the same man, offered to him wounded, begged that, since he had neglected to bring aid to his life, he at least not deny vengeance for the death: for his body, cut down by the innkeeper, was then for the most part borne on a cart to the gate, covered with dung.

tam constantibus familiaris precibus conpulsus protinus ad portam cucurrit et plaustrum, quod in quiete demonstratum erat, conprehendit cauponemque ad capitale supplicium perduxit.

Thus, driven by his companion’s so steadfast pleas, he at once ran to the gate and seized the wagon that had been pointed out while at rest, and led the innkeeper off to capital punishment.

1.8.init. Multa etiam interdiu et uigilantibus acciderunt perinde ac tenebrarum somnique nube inuoluta. quae, quia unde manauerint aut qua ratione constiterint dinoscere arduum est, merito miracula uocentur.

1.8.init. Many things likewise by day and while watchful befell, just as when enwrapped in the cloud of darkness and of sleep. Which, because whence they flowed or in what manner they took shape is difficult to discern, are rightly called miracles.

quorum e magno aceruo in primis illud occurrit.

of which, from a great heap, that first of all occurred.

1.8.1 Cum apud lacum Regillum A. Postumius dictator et Tusculanorum dux Mamilius Octauius magnis uiribus inter se concurrerent ac neutra acies aliquamdiu pedem referret, Castor ac Pollux Romanarum partium propugnatores uisi hostiles copias penitus fuderunt.

1.8.1 When at Lake Regillus A. Postumius, dictator, and Mamilius Octavius, leader of the Tusculans, with great forces met and for some time neither line gave ground, Castor and Pollux, appearing as defenders of the Roman ranks, utterly routed the hostile troops.

Item bello Macedonico P. Vatinius Reatinae praefecturae uir noctu urbem petens existimauit duos iuuenes excellentis formae albis equis residentes obuios sibi factos nuntiare die, qui praeterierat, Persen regem a Paulo captum. quod cum senatui indicasset, tamquam maiestatis eius et amplitudinis uano sermone contemptor in carcerem coniectus, postquam Pauli litteris illo die Persen captum apparuit, et custodia liberatus et insuper agro ac uacatione donatus est. Castorem uero et Pollucem etiam illo tempore pro imperio populi Romani excubuisse cognitum est, quo ad lacum Iuturnae suum equorumque sudorem abluentis uisi sunt, iunctaque fonti aedis eorum nullius hominum manu reserata patuit.

Likewise, in the Macedonian war P. Vatinius, a man of the prefecture of Reate, riding by night to the city, thought that two young men of outstanding beauty, sitting on white horses, who had passed by him the previous day, had been sent to announce to him by day that King Perses had been captured by Paulus. When he reported this to the senate, he was, as if a contemner of its majesty and grandeur by empty speech, thrown into prison; after Paulus’s letters that day made clear that Perses had been captured, he was freed from custody and furthermore granted land and exemption from public duties. It was also learned at that time that Castor and Pollux kept watch for the authority of the Roman people, when they were seen at the lake of Juturna washing the sweat of themselves and their horses, and the shrine joined to the spring was found open, its doors unbarred by any human hand.

1.8.2 Sed ut ceterorum quoque deorum propensum huic urbi numen exequamur, triennio continuo uexata pestilentia ciuitas nostra, cum finem tanti et tam diutini mali neque diuina misericordia neque humano auxilio inponi uideret, cura sacerdotum inspectis Sibyllinis libris animaduertit non aliter pristinam recuperari salubritatem posse quam si ab Epidauro Aesculapius esset accersitus. itaque eo legatis missis unicam fatalis remedii opem auctoritate sua, quae iam in terris erat amplissima, impetraturam se credidit. neque eam opinio decepit: pari namque studio petitum ac promissum est praesidium, e uestigioque Epidauri Romanorum legatos in templum Aesculapii, quod ab eorum urbe v passuum distat, perductos ut quidquid inde salubre patriae laturos se existimassent pro suo iure sumerent benignissime inuitauerunt.

1.8.2 But that we may also follow the kindly numen of the other gods toward this city: our commonwealth, vexed for three successive years by pestilence, when it saw that neither divine misericordia nor human aid could impose an end to so great and so prolonged an evil, by the care of the priests and the inspection of the Sibylline books perceived that the former health could be recovered in no other way than if Aesculapius were summoned from Epidaurus. Therefore, legates being sent thither, they believed that the sole help of the fated remedy would be obtained by their auctoritas, which was already most ample on earth. Nor did that opinion deceive them: for with equal zeal the promised succor was sought, and from the footsteps of Epidaurus the Roman legates were led into the temple of Aesculapius, which stands five paces from their city, and they were most kindly invited to take for their right whatever they thought would be healthful and profitable for the patria.

quorum tam promtam indulgentiam numen ipsius dei subsecutum uerba mortalium caelesti obsequio conprobauit: si quidem is anguis, quem Epidauri raro, sed numquam sine magno ipsorum bono uisum in modum Aesculapii uenerati fuerant, per urbis celeberrimas partes mitibus oculis et leni tractu labi coepit triduoque inter religiosam omnium admirationem conspectus haud dubiam prae se adpetitae clarioris sedis alacritatem ferens ad triremem Romanam perrexit pauentibusque inusitato spectaculo nautis eo conscendit, ubi Q. Ogulni legati tabernaculum erat, inque multiplicem orbem per summam quietem est conuolutus. tum legati perinde atque exoptatae rei conpotes expleta gratiarum actione cultuque anguis a peritis excepto laeti inde soluerunt, ac prosperam emensi nauigationem postquam Antium appulerunt, anguis, qui ubique in nauigio remanserat, prolapsus in uestibulo aedis Aesculapii murto frequentibus ramis diffusae superimminentem excelsae altitudinis palmam circumdedit perque tres dies, positis quibus uesci solebat, non sine magno metu legatorum ne inde in triremem reuerti nollet, Antiensis templi hospitio usus, urbi se nostrae aduehendum restituit atque in ripam Tiberis egressis legatis in insulam, ubi templum dicatum est, tranauit aduentuque suo tempestatem, cui remedio quaesitus erat, dispulit. 1.8.3 Nec minus uoluntarius in urbem nostram Iunonis transitus.

whose so ready indulgence the deity himself followed, and the words of mortals were confirmed by a celestial compliance: for indeed that serpent, which at Epidaurus was seen rarely, but never without great benefit to the people and in the guise of Aesculapius venerated, began to glide through the most celebrated parts of the city with gentle eyes and a soft touch, and for three days amid the religious admiration of all its beholders, clearly bearing the alacrity of the more illustrious seat it sought, proceeded to the Roman trireme; and, the sailors terrified by the unusual spectacle, it boarded where the tent of Q. Ogulnius the legate was, and in the crowded chamber, through the highest calm, was coiled into a manifold coil. Then the legates, as equal sharers and recipients of the longed-for event, after the thanksgiving had been completed and the serpent, taken by the experts, freed, joyfully released it there, and having sailed prosperously and landed at Antium, the serpent, which had remained everywhere on the voyage, having slipped into the vestibule of the temple of Aesculapius, wound itself about a lofty palm crowned with myrtle branches spread thick, and for three days, its accustomed food set aside, — not without great fear on the part of the legates that it might refuse to return to the trireme — having made use of the temple’s hospitality at Antium, it returned to be conveyed to our city, and having gone out upon the bank of the Tiber the legates carried it to the island where the temple is dedicated; by its arrival it dispersed the tempest for which a remedy had been sought. 1.8.3 Nor less voluntary was Juno’s passage into our city.

captis a Furio Camillo Veis milites iussu imperatoris simulacrum Iunonis Monetae, quod ibi praecipua religione cultum erat, in urbem translaturi sede sua mouere conabantur. quorum ab uno per iocum interrogata dea an Romam migrare uellet, uelle se respondit. hac uoce audita lusus in admirationem uersus est, iamque non simulacrum, sed ipsam caelo Iunonem petitam portare se credentes laeti in ea parte montis Auentini, in qua nunc templum eius cernimus, collocauerunt.

Having captured the Veians under Furius Camillus, the soldiers, by order of the imperator, were attempting to move the simulacrum of Juno Moneta — which there was worshipped with chief religio — from its seat to carry into the city. When the goddess, asked by one of them in jest whether she would migrate to Rome, answered that she would, that voice heard turned the jest into admiration; and now, believing themselves to be bearing not a mere simulacrum but Juno herself summoned from heaven, they gladly placed her in that part of the Aventine hill where we now behold her temple.

1.8.4 Fortunae etiam Muliebris simulacrum, quod est Latina uia ad quartum miliarium, eo tempore cum aede sua consecratum, quo Coriolanum ab excidio urbis maternae preces reppulerunt, non semel sed bis locutum constitit ~ prius his uerbis: 'rite me, matronae, dedistis riteque dedicastis'.

1.8.4 The image of Fortuna Muliebris likewise, which stands on the Latin road at the fourth mile, at the time when it was consecrated with its shrine — when the prayers of mothers turned Coriolanus back from the destruction of his native city — stood and spoke not once but twice: first with these words: "rite me, matronae, dedistis, riteque dedicastis" — "you duly gave me, matrons, and duly dedicated me."

1.8.5 Valerio autem Publicola consule, qui post exactos reges bellum cum Veientibus Etruscis gessit, illis Tarquinio pristinum imperium restituere, Romanis nuper partam libertatem retinere cupientibus, Etruscis et Tarquinio in cornu dextro proelio superioribus tantus terror subito incessit, ut non solum uictores ipsi profugerent, sed etiam pauoris sui consortes secum Veientes traherent. cuius rei pro argumento miraculum adicitur, ingens repente uox e proxima silua Arsia, quae ore Siluani in hunc paene modum missa traditur: 'uno plus e Tuscis cadent, Romanus exercitus uictor abibit'. miram dicti fidem digesta numero cadauera exhibuere.

1.8.5 Valerius Publicola, consul, who after the kings had been expelled waged war with the Veientes and Etruscans, those desiring to restore to Tarquin his former rule and to retain for the Romans the liberty newly won, on the right wing in the battle being superior, such a sudden terror came upon the Etruscans and Tarquin that not only did the victors themselves flee, but even the companions of their panic dragged the Veientes away with them. As proof of this matter a marvel is added: a huge voice suddenly from the nearby Arsian wood, which is said to have been sent by the mouth of Silvanus almost in this manner: 'one more of the Tuscans will fall; the Roman army, victorious, will depart.' The wondrous truth of the saying the corpses, gathered and counted, displayed.

1.8.6 Quid? Martis auxilium, quo uictoriam Romanorum adiuuit, nonne memoria celebrandum est? cum Bruttii atque Lucani odio incitatissimo maximisque uiribus Thurinae urbis peterent excidium ac praecipuo studio incolumitatem C. Fabricius Luscinus consul protegeret, resque ancipiti euentu conlatis unum in locum utriusque partis copiis gereretur, non audentibus Romanis proelium ingredi eximiae magnitudinis iuuenis primum eos hortari ad capessendam fortitudinem coepit.

1.8.6 What then? Is not the aid of Mars, by which he helped secure the Romans’ victory, to be celebrated in memory? When the Bruttii and Lucani, urged by the most fierce hatred and with the greatest force, sought the destruction of the city of Thurii, and Consul C. Fabricius Luscinus with singular zeal protected its safety, and with the event doubtful and the forces of both parties having been brought together the fight was carried on in one place, the Romans not daring to enter into battle, a youth of extraordinary stature first began to exhort them to seize fortitude.

deinde, ubi tardiores animaduertit, arreptis scalis per mediam hostium aciem ad contraria castra euasit et admotis uallum conscendit. inde uoce ingenti clamitans factum uictoriae gradum et nostros ad aliena castra capienda et Lucanos Bruttiosque ad sua defendenda illuc traxit, ubi conferti dubio certamine terebantur. sed idem inpulsu armorum suorum prostratos hostes iugulandos capiendosque Romanis tradidit: XX enim milia caesa, quinque cum Statio Statilio duce utriusque gentis et tribus atque XX militaribus signis capta sunt.

then, when he noticed the slower men, having seized ladders he made his way through the middle of the enemy line to the opposite camp and, with the ramp brought up, climbed it. Thence, shouting with a mighty voice the step of victory, he drew our men thither to seize the enemy camp and the Lucanians and Bruttians to defend their own, where, packed together, they were worn down by an uncertain struggle. But the same man, by the impulse of his arms, delivered over to the Romans the enemies, prostrate, to be slaughtered and captured: for 20,000 were cut down, five, with Statio Statilius as leader of both peoples, and 23 military standards were captured.

postero die cum consul inter honorandos, quorum strenua opera fuerat usus, uallarem coronam ei se seruare dixisset, a quo castra erant oppressa, nec inueniretur qui id praemium peteret, cognitum pariter atque creditum est Martem patrem tunc populo suo adfuisse. inter cetera huiusce rei manifesta indicia galea quoque duabus distincta pinnis, qua caeleste caput tectum fuerat, argumentum praebuit. itaque Fabricii edicto supplicatio Marti est habita et a laureatis militibus magna cum animorum laetitia oblati auxilii testimonium ei est redditum.

On the next day, when the consul, among those to be honored whose strenuous service he had employed, had said he would reserve the vallary crown for him from whom the camp had been pressed, and no one was found to claim that prize, it was at once recognized and believed that Mars the Father had then been present with his people. Among other manifest tokens of this matter the helmet also, adorned with two distinct plumes by which the heavenly head had been covered, furnished proof. Therefore, by Fabricius’s edict a supplication to Mars was held, and to him the testimony of the aid offered was rendered by the laurel-crowned soldiers with great joy of spirit.

1.8.7 Referam nunc quod suo saeculo cognitum manauit ad posteros, penetrales deos Aeneam Troia aduectos Lauini conlocasse: inde ab Ascanio filio eius Albam, quam ipse condiderat, translatos pristinum sacrarium repetisse, et quia id humana manu factum existimari poterat, relatos Albam uoluntatem suam altero transitu significasse. nec me praeterit de motu et uoce deorum inmortalium humanis oculis auribusque percepto quam in ancipiti opinione aestimatio uersetur, sed quia non noua dicuntur, sed tradita repetuntur, fidem auctores uindicent: nostrum est inclitis litterarum monumentis consecrata perinde ac uera non refugisse.

1.8.7 I will now relate what in his age was handed down to posterity as known: that the penetralia gods brought by Aeneas from Troy were placed at Lavinium; that from there, by his son Ascanius, they were transferred to Alba, which he himself had founded, and that the original shrine was sought again; and because this might be thought done by human hand, it is said that, when brought to Alba, they signified their will by a second transit. Nor does it escape me by the movement and voice of the immortal gods perceived by human eyes and ears how the judgment swings in a twofold opinion, but since these things are not said as new but repeated as handed down, let the authors vindicate belief: it is ours that, consecrated in the renowned monuments of letters, they did not shrink from being treated as true.

1.8.8 Facta mentione urbis, e qua primordia ciuitas nostra traxit, diuus Iulius fausta proles eius se nobis offert. quem C. Cassius numquam sine praefatione publici parricidii nominandus, cum acie Philippensi ardentissimo animo perstaret, uidit humano habitu augustiorem, purpureo paludamento amictum, minaci uultu et concitato equo in se impetum facientem. quo aspectu perterritus tergum hosti dedit uoce illa prius emissa: 'quid enim amplius agam, si occidisse parum est?' non occideras tu quidem, Cassi, Caesarem, neque enim ulla extingui diuinitas potest, sed mortali adhuc corpore utentem uiolando meruisti ut tam infestum haberes deum.

1.8.8 With the city mentioned, from which the beginnings of our commonwealth were drawn, the divine Julius offers to us his auspicious offspring. Gaius Cassius—never to be named without the preface “public parricide”—when he stood in the battle of Philippi with the most ardent spirit, saw him in a human guise more august, clad in a purple cloak, with a menacing countenance and on a startled horse making an onset upon him. Terrified by that sight, he turned his back to the enemy and with that voice first uttered: “for what more shall I do, if to have killed is not enough?” You had not killed, indeed, Cassius, Caesar; for no divinity can be extinguished, but by violating one still using a mortal body you deserved to have the god so hostile.

1.8.9 Iam quod L. Lentulus litus praenauigans, in quo Cn. Pompei Magni perfidia Ptolomaei regis interempti corpus concisae scaphae lignis conburebatur, ignarus casus eius, cum ipsi Fortunae erubescendum rogum uidisset, conmilitonibus dixit 'qui scimus an hac flamma Cn. Pompeius cremetur?' diuinitus missae uocis miraculum est.

1.8.9 Now concerning the fact that L. Lentulus, sailing past the shore where by the perfidy of King Ptolemy the body of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, slain, was being burned on a pyre of cleft ship-timber, ignorant of his fate, when he saw the very pyre that ought to make Fortune herself blush, said to his fellow-soldiers, "who knows whether by this flame Gnaius Pompeius will be cremated?" — it is a miracle of a voice sent divinely.

1.8.10 Atque hoc quidem hominis et casu, illud tantum non ore ipsius Apollinis editum, quo Appii interitum ueridica Pythicae uaticinationis fides praecucurrit. is bello ciuili, quo se Cn. Pompeius a Caesaris concordia pestifero sibi nec rei publicae utili consilio abruperat, euentum grauissimi motus explorare cupiens, uiribus imperii++namque Achaiae praeerat++antistitem Delphicae cortinae in intimam sacri specus partem descendere coegit, unde ut certae consulentibus sortes petuntur, ita nimius diuini spiritus haustus reddentibus pestifer existit. igitur inpulsu capti numinis instincta uirgo horrendo sono uocis Appio inter obscuras uerborum ambages fata cecinit: 'nihil' enim inquit 'ad te hoc, Romane, bellum: Euboeae coela obtinebis'. at is ratus consiliis se Apollinis moneri ne illi discrimini interesset, in eam regionem secessit, quae inter Rhamnunta, nobilem Attici soli partem, Carystumque Chalcidico freto uicinam interiacens Coelae Euboeae nomen obtinet, ubi ante Pharsalicum certamen morbo consumptus praedictum a deo locum sepultura possedit.

1.8.10 And this indeed was of a man and of chance, that only thing not uttered by the very mouth of Apollo, by which the veridical faith of the Pythic vaticination anticipated the doom of Appius. He, wishing to explore the event of that most grievous upheaval in the civil war by which Gnaeus Pompeius, severing himself from Caesar’s concord in a pestiferous counseil neither useful to himself nor to the res publica, had been wrecked, compelled the priestess of the Delphic cortina, for she presided++for indeed she was chief of Achaia++to descend with force into the inner part of the sacred cave, from whence, as divinatory lots are sought by those who consult certainly, so an excessive inhalation of the divine spirit proved pestiferous to those who returned it in words. Therefore, seized by the impulse of the divine numen and inspired, the maiden in a horrendous sound of voice, amid the obscure ambiguities of words, sang forth the fates concerning Appius: 'Nothing,' she said, 'of this war is for you, Roman: you will hold Coela of Euboea.' But he, thinking that he was being warned by the counsels of Apollo so as not to be involved in that danger, withdrew to that region which between Rhamnunta, a noble part of the Attic soil, and Carystus lying near the Chalcidian strait interposes, and bears the name Coela of Euboea, where, before the Pharsalic contest, consumed by disease, he possessed the place foretold as his burial by the god.

1.8.11 Sunt et illa miraculorum loco, quod deusto sacrario Saliorum nihil in eo praeter lituum Romuli integrum repertum est: quod Serui Tulli statua, in uestibulo templi Matris deum posita bis ea aede incendio consumpta, prius P. Nasica Scipione [et] L. Bestia, item M. Seruilio L. Lamia consulibus, in sua basi flammis intacta stetit.

There are also those wonders in that place: that in the burnt sanctuary of the Salii nothing therein was found intact except the Romulean lituus; that the statue of Servius Tullius, <when the temple of Fortune had burned, remained inviolate>; that <the statue of Quinta Claudia> placed in the vestibule of the temple of the Mother of the gods, twice consumed by fire in that same temple, first in the consulship of P. Nasica Scipio [and] L. Bestia, and again in the consulship of M. Servilius and L. Lamia, stood on its own base untouched by the flames.

1.8.12 Aliquid admirationis ciuitati nostrae Acilii etiam Auiolae rogus adtulit, qui et a medicis et a domesticis mortuus creditus, cum aliquamdiu domi iacuisset, elatus, postquam corpus eius ignis corripuit, uiuere se proclamauit auxiliumque paedagogi sui++nam is solus ibi remanserat++inuocauit, sed iam flammis circumdatus fato subtrahi non potuit. L. quoque Lamiae praetorio uiro aeque uocem fuisse super rogum constitit.

1.8.12 Something of wonder the funeral-pyre of Acilius Auiola also brought to our city: he, believed dead both by physicians and by household slaves, after he had lain at home for some time, was carried out; after his body the fire seized, he proclaimed that he was alive and called for the help of his paedagogus ++for he alone had remained there++ , but already surrounded by flames he could not be snatched away from fate. It was likewise reported that L. Lamia, a praetorian man, likewise had a voice upon the pyre.

1.8.ext.1 Quae minus admirabilia fere Eris Pamphyli casus facit, quem Plato scribit inter eos, qui in acie ceciderant, X diebus iacuisse, biduoque post quam inde sublatus esset, inpositum rogo reuixisse ac mira quaedam tempore mortis uisa narrasse.

1.8.ext.1 Which makes the Pamphylian case of Eris scarcely less admirable, which Plato writes: that among those who had fallen in the battle line he lay for 10 days, and two days after he had been taken from there, placed upon the pyre he revived and, having been seen at the time of death, recounted certain remarkable things.

1.8.ext.2 Et quoniam ad externa transgressi sumus, quidam Athenis uir eruditissimus, cum ictum lapidis capite excepisset, cetera omnia tenacissima memoria retinens litterarum tantum modo, quibus praecipue inseruierat, oblitus est. dirum malignumque uulnus in animo percussi quasi de industria scrutatis sensibus in eum potissimum, quo maxime laetabatur, [et] acerbitate nocendi erupit, singularem doctrinam hominis pleno inuidiae funere efferendo. cui si talibus studiis perfrui fas non erat, utilius aliquando fuit ad illa aditum non impetrasse quam iam percepta eorum dulcedine caruisse.

1.8.ext.2 And since we have passed to external matters, a certain most learned man at Athens, when he had received the blow of a stone upon his head, retaining all other things by a very tenacious memory, forgot only the letters in which he had especially been versed. A dire and malignant wound, struck in the mind, as if with deliberate probing of the senses, burst forth chiefly against that thing in which he most rejoiced, and, with the bitterness of harming, erupted, bringing the man's singular learning forth amid a funeral full of envy. If it was not lawful for him to enjoy such studies, it would at some time have been more useful not to have obtained access to them than afterwards to have been bereft of the sweetness of what had once been perceived.

1.8.ext.3 Miserabilior tamen sequentis casus narratio: Nausimenis enim Atheniensis uxor, cum fili ac filiae suae stupro interuenisset, inopinati monstri perculsa conspectu et in praesens tempus ad indignandum et in posterum ad loquendum obmutuit. illi nefarium concubitum uoluntaria morte pensarunt.

1.8.ext.3 The account of the following case is yet more miserable: Nausimenis, the wife of an Athenian, when her son and daughter had been violated by rape, struck by the sight of the unexpected monster, was struck dumb — for the present unable to show indignation and for the future to speak. They expiated that wicked concubinage by voluntary death.

1.8.ext.4 Hoc modo fortuna saeuiens uocem ademit, illo propitia donat. Echecles Samius athleta mutus, cum ei uictoriae, quam adeptus erat, titulus et praemium eriperetur, indignatione accensus uocalis euasit.

1.8.ext.4 In this way, raging Fortune took away the voice; to that one she graciously gave gifts. Echecles Samius, a mute athlete, when the title and prize of the victory which he had obtained were snatched from him, kindled with indignation, burst into speech.

1.8.ext.5 Gorgiae quoque Epirotae fortis et clari uiri origo , quod in funere matris suae utero elapsus inopinato uagitu suo lectum ferentes consistere coegit nouumque spectaculum patriae praebuit, tantum non ex ipso genetricis rogo lucem et cunas adsecutus: eodem enim momento temporis altera iam fato functa perit, alter ante elatus quam natus est. 1.8.ext.6 Diuinae fortunae uulnus Pheraeo Iasoni * * * exitii eius cupidus intulit: nam cum inter insidias gladio eum percussisset, uomicam, quae a nullo medicorum sanari potuerat, ita rupit, ut hominem pestifero malo liberaret.

1.8.ext.5 Gorgias also, an Epirote, of the origin of a brave and renowned man, was admirable, because at his mother’s funeral, having slipped forth from the womb, by his unexpected cry he forced those bearing the bier to halt and offered a new spectacle to his country, so that he had almost gained light and a cradle from the very pyre of his mother: for at the same moment the other, already done by fate, perished, the one borne away before he was born. 1.8.ext.6 The wound of divine fortune to Jason of Pherae * * * eager for his destruction inflicted it: for when, amid ambushes, he had struck him with a sword, he burst a vomic which by no physicians could be healed, so that he freed the man from a pestiferous malady.

1.8.ext.7 Aeque dis inmortalibus acceptus Simonides, cuius salus ab inminenti ~ officio defensa ruinae quoque subtracta est: cenanti enim apud Scopam Crannone, quod est in Thessalia oppidum, nuntiatum est duos iuuenes ad ianuam uenisse magnopere rogantes ut ad eos continuo prodiret. ad quos egressus neminem repperit ibi. ceterum eo momento temporis triclinium, in quo Scopas epulabatur, conlapsum et ipsum et omnes conuiuas oppressit.

1.8.ext.7 Equally acceptable to the immortal gods was Simonides, whose safety by a forthcoming ~ service was defended and likewise removed from ruin: for while dining at Scopas’ at Crannon, which is a town in Thessaly, it was announced that two youths had come to the door, earnestly begging that he should immediately go out to them. When he went out to them he found no one there. Moreover, at that very moment the dining-room in which Scopas was feasting collapsed and crushed him and all the guests.

quid hac felicitate locupletius, quam nec mare nec terra saeuiens extinguere ualuit!

what richer in this felicity, which neither sea nor land, raging, could extinguish!

1.8.ext.8 Non inuitus huic subnecto Daphniten, ne quis ignoret quantum interfuerit cecinisse deorum laudes et numen obtrectasse. hic, cum eius studii esset, cuius professores sophistae uocantur, ineptae et mordacis opinationis, Apollinem Delphis inridendi causa consuluit an equum inuenire posset, cum omnino nullum habuisset. cuius ex oraculo reddita uox est, inuenturum equum, sed ut eo proturbatus periret.

1.8.ext.8 Not unwillingly I append here Daphnites, lest anyone be ignorant how much it availed to have sung the praises of the gods and to have disparaged the numen. This man, being of that studium whose teachers are called sophistae, of a foolish and mordant opinion, consulted Apollo at Delphis for the sake of mockery to see whether he could find a horse, although he had absolutely none. From the oracle a voice was returned to him: he would find a horse, but that, having been driven upon it, he would perish.

inde cum iocabundus quasi delusa sacrarum sortium fide reuerte<re>tur, incidit in regem Attalum saepe numero a se contumeliosis dictis absentem lacessitum, eiusque iussu saxo, cui nomen erat Equi, praecipitatus ad deos usque cauillandos dementis animi iusta supplicia pependit.

Thereupon, jesting, as if returning with the faith of the sacred lots betrayed, he fell upon King Attalus, provoked in absentia by the insulting words he himself had often uttered; and by his command was hurled against a rock named Equus, and, cast down, he hung, paying the just punishments of a maddened mind, even to be jeered at by the gods.

1.8.ext.9 Eodem oraculo Macedonum rex Philippus admonitus ut a quadrigae uiolentia salutem suam custodiret, toto regno disiungi currus iussit eumque locum, qui in Boeotia Quadriga uocatur, semper uitauit. nec tamen denuntiatum periculi genus effugit: nam Pausanias in capulo gladii, quo eum occidit, quadrigam habuit caelatam.

1.8.ext.9 By the same oracle King Philip of the Macedonians, admonished to guard his safety from the violence of a quadriga, ordered chariots to be dispersed throughout the whole kingdom and always avoided that place in Boeotia called Quadriga. Yet he did not escape the foretold kind of danger: for Pausanias had a quadriga engraved on the pommel of the sword with which he killed him.

1.8.ext.10 Quae tam pertinax necessitas in patre filio Alexandro consimilis apparuit: si quidem Callanus Indus sua sponte se ardenti rogo superiecturus, interpellatus ab eo ecquid aut mandaret aut dicere uellet, 'breui te' inquit 'uidebo': nec id sine causa, quia uoluntarium eius e uita excessum rapida mors Alexandri subsecuta est.

1.8.ext.10 Which so persistent a necessity appeared similarly in the father and in the son Alexander: for indeed Callanus the Indian, about to throw himself of his own will upon a burning pyre, when interrupted by him as to whether he wished to command or to say anything, said, "I will see you shortly"; nor was that without cause, for his voluntary passing from life was followed by the swift death of Alexander.

1.8.ext.11 Regios interitus magnitudine miraculi remigis casus aequat, quem in hexere Tyriorum sentinam haurientem cum e naui fluctus abiecisset, altero latere repercussum contrarius fluctus in nauem retulit. itaque miseri simul ac felicis conplorationi permixta fuit gratulatio.

1.8.ext.11 The royal death, in the magnitude of its miracle, equals the mishap of the rowers: which, when a wave had cast overboard the bailer of the Tyrians drawing out the bilge from the ship, a reflected contrary wave from the other side carried him back into the ship. and so the wretched man's comploration was mingled with the felicis gratulation.

1.8.ext.12 Quid? illa nonne ludibria naturae in corporibus humanis fuisse credenda sunt, tolerabilia quidem, quia saeuitia caruerunt, ceterum et ipsa miraculis adnumeranda? nam et Prusiae regis Bithiae filius eodem nomine quo pater pro superiore ordine dentium unum os aequaliter extentum habuit nec ad speciem deforme neque ad usum ulla ex parte incommodum.

1.8.ext.12 What? Should those not be believed to have been mockeries of nature in human bodies, tolerable indeed because they lacked savagery, yet nevertheless to be reckoned among miracles? For even the son of Prusias, king of Bithiae, of the same name as his father, had in place of the upper row of teeth one jaw equally extended, neither deformed in appearance nor in any part inconvenient for use.

1.8.ext.13 Mitridatis uero regis filia Drypetine, Laodice regina nata, duplici ordine dentium deformis admodum comes fugae patris a Pompeio deuicti fuit.

1.8.ext.13 But Drypetina, daughter of King Mitridates, born queen Laodice, very deformed by a double row of teeth, was the companion of her father's flight, he having been defeated by Pompey.

1.8.ext.14 Ne illius quidem paruae admirationis oculi, quem constat tam certa acie luminum usum esse, ut a Lilybaeo portum Karthaginiensium egredientes classes intueretur.

1.8.ext.14 Not even the eyes of that small marvel , whose use of sight is said to be so certain in the keen acuteness of his vision that he could behold the Carthaginian fleets departing from the harbour at Lilybaeum.

1.8.ext.15 Oculis eius admirabilius Aristomenis Messeni cor, quod Athenienses ob eximiam calliditatem exectum pilis refertum inuenerunt, cum eum aliquotiens captum et astutia elapsum cepissent.

1.8.ext.15 More wonderful to his eyes was the heart of Aristomenes the Messenian, which the Athenians, on account of his exceptional cunning, found reported as pierced with spears, after they had on several occasions taken him and he had escaped by craft.

1.8.ext.16 Et poeta Antipater Sidonius omnibus annis uno tantum modo die, quo genitus erat, febri inplicabatur, cumque ad ultimam aetatem peruenisset, natali suo certo illo circuitu morbi consumptus est.

1.8.ext.16 And the poet Antipater Sidonius, every year on one and only one day — the day on which he was born — was seized by a fever; and when he had reached extreme old age, he was consumed, on that very natal circuit of disease, by the illness.

1.8.ext.17 Hoc loco apte referuntur Polystratus et Hippoclides philosophi, eodem die nati, eiusdem praeceptoris Epicuri sectam secuti, patrimonii etiam possidendi habendaeque scholae communione coniuncti eodemque momento temporis ultima senectute extincti. tantam aequalem fortunae pariter atque amicitiae societatem quis non ipsius caelestis Concordiae sinu genitam, nutritam et finitam putet?

1.8.ext.17 At this place aptly are recounted Polystratus and Hippoclides, philosophers, born on the same day, followers of the sect of the same preceptor Epicurus, joined by the communion of both possessing a patrimony and holding a school, and at the same moment of time they perished in extreme old age. Who would not deem so great equal a fellowship of fortune and of friendship alike to have been born, nourished, and brought to an end in the very bosom of heavenly Concord?

1.8.ext.18 Quapropter haec potissimum aut in liberis potentissimorum regum aut in rege clarissimo aut in uate ingenii florentis aut in uiris eruditissimis aut in homine sortis ignotae * * * , ne ipsa quidem, omnis bonae malaeque materiae fecunda artifex, rationem rerum natura reddiderit: non magis quam quid ita siluestres capreas Cretae genitas tantopere dilexerit, quas sagittis confixas ad salutare auxilium herbae dictamni tantum non suis manibus deducit efficitque ut comesta ea continuo et tela et uim ueneni uulneribus respuant: aut in Cephalania insula, cum omnia ubique pecora haustu aquae cotidie recreentur, capras maiore ex parte anni ore aperto ex alto uentos recipientes sitim suam sedare instituerit: aut quapropter Crotonae in templo Iunonis Laciniae aram ad omnes uentos inmobili cinere donauerit: potissimumue quare alteram in Macedonia, alteram in Caleno agro aquam proprietatem uini, qua homines inebrientur, possidere uoluerit. non admiratione ista, sed memoria prosequi debemus, cum sciamus recte ab ea plurimum licentiae uindicari, penes quam infinitus cuncta gignendi labor consistit.

1.8.ext.18 Wherefore let nature rather than give an account of things in children of the most powerful kings, or in a most famous king, or in a prophet of flourishing genius, or in most learned men, or in a man of fate unknown * * * , nay even in herself, the fruitful artisan of all good and bad matter: no more than to explain why she so greatly loved the wild goats born in Crete, which, pinned by arrows to the salutary aid of the herb dictamnus, she brings down almost with her own hands and makes it so that, when eaten, they immediately repel both weapons and the force of poison from their wounds; or why in the island Cephalania, while everywhere flocks refresh themselves by drinking water daily, she has ordained that goats for a greater part of the year, with mouths open to the high winds, receive winds to quench their thirst; or why at Crotona in the temple of Juno Lacinia she endowed the altar with ash immovable against all winds; or above all why she willed that one water in Macedonia, another in the field of Calenus, possess the property of wine by which men are made drunk. We must follow up not this wonder, but the memory, since we rightly know that most freedom is claimed from her, in whose power the infinite labor of all things’ generation rests.

1.8.ext.19 Quae quia supra usitatam rationem excedentia attigimus, serpentis quoque a T. Liuio curiose pariter ac facunde relatae fiat mentio: is enim ait in Africa apud Bagradam flumen * tantae magnitudinis fuisse, ut Atilii Reguli exercitum usu amnis prohiberet, multisque militibus ingenti ore correptis, conpluribus caudae uoluminibus elisis, cum telorum iactu perforari nequiret, ad ultimum ballistarum tormentis undique petitam silicum crebris et ponderosis uerberibus procubuisse omnibusque et cohortibus et legionibus ipsa Karthagine uisam terribiliorem, atque etiam cruore suo gurgitibus inbutis corporisque iacentis pestifero adflatu uicina regione polluta Romana inde summouisse castra. adicit beluae corium centum et uiginti pedum in urbem missum.

1.8.ext.19 Since we have touched on matters surpassing the usual account, let mention also be made of a serpent curiously and eloquently related by T. Livius: for he says that in Africa, by the river Bagradas, there was one of so great magnitude that the river, by its very use, prevented the army of Atilius Regulus; and with many soldiers seized by its huge mouth and with many coils of its tail thrown out, since it could not be pierced by the cast of weapons, finally, having been assailed on all sides by the engines of ballistae and by stones with frequent and weighty blows, it fell prostrate, and itself, seen at Carthage more terrible to all cohorts and legions, and moreover by its blood the nearby streams soaked and the bodies lying with a pestilential breath the neighboring region was polluted, so that the Romans removed their camp thence. He adds that the hide of the beast, one hundred and twenty feet, was sent into the city.