Bacon: HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE

VII. DURANTE adhuc hac regis profectione, Perkinus, videns tempus et moram quae (dum incoepta sua occulta fuissent, nec in lucem prodissent, et in Anglia satis prospere successisent) rebus suis conducebant, nunc vicissim, cum consilia sua patefacta essent, contra eum potius facere (propterea quod cum res in declivi positae sint, non facile sustinentur aut sistuntur absque novo impetu) constituit fortunam suam per novam in Angliam ipsam impressionem experiri, spem adhuc ponens in populi inclinatione et favore erga familiam Eboracensem. At corpus illud vulgi neutiquam similibus artibus tractari oportere ac personas eminentes iudicabat.

7. While this royal expedition was still ongoing, Perkin, seeing that the timing and delay which (so long as his undertakings had been concealed, had not come forth into the light, and had in England succeeded quite prosperously) were conducive to his affairs, now in turn, since his counsels had been laid open, judged that they worked rather against him (for when matters are set on a decline, they are not easily sustained or stayed without a new impetus); he resolved to try his fortune by a new inroad into England itself, still placing his hope in the people’s inclination and favor toward the House of York. But he judged that that body of the common folk ought by no means to be handled by the same arts as eminent persons.

Sed nullum aliud affectuum vulgi experimentum capi recte posse quam vexillo in campis expanso. Delegit autem ex locibus in quibus invasio fieri deberet oras Cantii.

But no other experiment of the affections of the multitude could rightly be taken than with the standard unfurled in the fields. He chose, however, among the places where the invasion ought to be made, the shores of Kent.

2. Interea vero regis prudentia et providentia ad tale opinionis et famae culmen ascenderunt, ut quicquid prospere evenerat de industria et ex compositio ab eo factum esse existimaretur. Itaque creditum est etiam hunc particularem Perkini de Cantio invadendo conatum regi praevisum et praecognitum fuisse. Ideoque, quo facilius Perkinum in Cantium alliceret, eum in partes septentrionales procul profectionem suscepisse, luctatorum more latus apertum Perkino ostendendo ut irrueret et incaute deiiceretur, cum rex eam Cantii provinciam iam antea sibi fidam et erga se bene animatam effecisset.

2. Meanwhile indeed the king’s prudence and providence ascended to such a pinnacle of opinion and fame that whatever had turned out prosperously was supposed to have been done by him deliberately and by pre-concert. Thus it was believed that even this particular attempt of Perkin on invading Kent had been foreseen and pre-known by the king. And therefore, in order the more easily to allure Perkin into Kent, he himself undertook a far journey into the northern parts, in the manner of wrestlers showing an open side to Perkin, that he might rush in and be incautiously cast down, since the king had already before made that province of Kent faithful to himself and well-disposed toward him.

3. Perkinus autem eo tempore colluviem quandam ex omnibus nationibus collegerat, nec numero certe nec animis aut fortitudine contemnendam, sed qui tali essent ingenio et fortuna ut non minus amicis quam hostibus essent formidabiles, cum plurimi eorum exleges erant et facinorosi, quique ex rapto vivere solerent. Hos in naves imposuit, iisque comitatus Sandwicum et Dealam oppida provinciae Cantii circa mensem Iulii appulit.

3. But Perkin at that time had gathered together a certain rabble out of all nations, not to be despised either for number or for spirits and fortitude, but who were of such a disposition and fortune that they were no less formidable to friends than to enemies, since very many of them were outlaws and criminal, and were wont to live by rapine. These he put aboard ships, and, accompanied by them, about the month of July he made landfall at Sandwich and Deal, towns of the province of Kent.

4. Illic ancoras iecit, atque ut animos plebis tentaret aliquos ex suis in littus exposuit, multa iactando de copiis quae praesto essent statim subsecuturis. At populus Cantii (cum satis perspexissent in copiis Perkini neminem comparare ex Anglis melioris notae, sed exteros tantum eosque infimae conditionis homines ac fere latrones, longe magis idoneos ad oras maritimas depopulandas quam ad regnum domino suo recuperandum) ad primarios Cantii viros se contulerunt, studium suum et fidem versus regem professi et operam suam ultro offerentes, et praecipi sibi petentes quibus modis regi maxime utiles esse possint. Primarii illi viri, consilio inter se habito, iusserunt ut copiae nonnullae numero haud exiguo se circa littora ostenderent, aliquaeque ex ipsis copias Perkinianas signis allicerent tanquam se cum illis coniuncturae, aliique nonnulli a littore se in interiora recipere et aufugure simularent, quo Perkinum ad homines suos in terram exponendos animarent.

4. There he dropped anchor, and, to test the spirits of the commons, he put some of his men ashore, vaunting many things about forces at hand which would straightway follow up. But the people of Kent (since they had clearly perceived that in Perkin’s forces he enrolled no one of the English of better note, but only foreigners, and those men of the lowest condition and almost brigands, far more fit to ravage the sea-coasts than to recover the kingdom for their lord) betook themselves to the chief men of Kent, professing their zeal and loyalty toward the king and of their own accord offering their service, and asking to be instructed by what means they might be most useful to the king. Those chief men, having taken counsel among themselves, ordered that some forces, in no small number, should display themselves about the shores, and that some of these should entice Perkin’s troops by signals as though they were going to join with them, and that certain others should withdraw from the shore into the interior and feign flight, to encourage Perkin to disembark his men on land.

At Perkinus (qui in partibus regis agendis iam peritus, aut fortasse a Friono secretario instructus, didicerat milites imperio parentes primo stare, postea ordine incedere, rebelles contra confuse omnia agere et miscere), omnia sedate et sine tumultu agi observans, rem in duriorem partem interprebatur. Itaque, quo erat ingenio subdolo, pedem e navi movere noluit priusquam omnia in tuta videret. Quamobrem copiae regis animadvertentes se plures allicere non posse quam eos qui primo in terram expositi fuerant, rebelles statim adortae sunt et consciderunt priusquam in naves se recipere potuissent.

But Perkin (who, already skilled in playing the parts of a king—or perhaps instructed by the secretary Frion—had learned that soldiers obedient to command first stand their ground, then advance in order, whereas rebels, on the contrary, do everything in confusion and mix things together), observing that all was being conducted sedately and without tumult, interpreted the matter in the harsher sense. And so, being of a crafty disposition, he was unwilling to move a foot from the ship before he saw everything safe. Wherefore the king’s forces, noticing that they could allure no more than those who had first been put ashore, straightway attacked the rebels and cut them to pieces before they could regain the ships.

Qua pugna (praeter occisos et eos qui fuga se eripuerunt) capti sunt circiter centum quinquagenta homines, quos omnes (quoniam rex iudicabat morem illum paucos ad terrorem reliquorum supplicio afficiendi melioris notae hominibus competere, verum faecem populi protinus internecioni dandam, praesertim in principio rebellionis, simulque animo prospiciens copias Perkini posthac ex colluvie et sentina hominum proiectorum compositas iri) in patibulo suspendi iussit ad maiorem terrorem eiusmodo nebulonibus incudiendum. Omnes Londinum perducti sunt funibus utrinque alligati, ut equi in plaustro, et morte affecti, alii Londini et Wappingi, alii circa oras maritimas Cantii, Sussexiae, et Norfolciae, ut loco signorum nauticorum et lanternarum essent, quae Perkini asseclas a littoribus Angliae absterrere possent. Rex, cum primum de rebellium in Cantium impressione certior factus fuisset, profectionem suam abrumpere cogitavit, sed proximo die, nuncio accepto quod partim devicti, partim fugati fuissent, iter suum continuavit, et Richardum Guildfordum equitem auratum in Cantium misit.

In that fight (besides the slain and those who by flight snatched themselves away) about one hundred fifty men were captured, all of whom (since the king judged that the practice of afflicting a few with punishment for the terror of the rest was suitable for men of better note, but that the dregs of the people were to be given straightway to internecion, especially at the beginning of a rebellion, and at the same time, looking ahead in spirit, that Perkin’s forces thereafter would be composed from the colluvies and bilge of cast-off men) he ordered to be hanged on the gallows, to imprint greater terror upon knaves of that sort. All were led to London, bound with ropes on either side, like horses in a wagon, and put to death, some at London and Wapping, others around the sea-coasts of Kent, Sussex, and Norfolk, so that they might be in the place of nautical signals and lanterns which could frighten Perkin’s associates away from the shores of England. The king, as soon as he had been made more certain about the incursion of the rebels into Kent, considered breaking off his departure; but on the next day, a report being received that they had been partly defeated, partly put to flight, he continued his journey, and sent Sir Richard Guildford, a knight, into Kent.

Qui populum convocans eos (ex parte regis) laudibus cumulavit quod non solum in fide permansissent, sed operam suam tam prompte et prudenter praestitissent, atque universis gratias egit, praemia etiam aliquibus privatim pollicitus.

Who, convening the people, heaped them with praises (on the king’s part), because they had not only remained in fidelity, but had rendered their service so promptly and prudently; and he gave thanks to all, even promising rewards privately to some.

5. Decimo sexto Novembris, anno autem regis undecimo, electio servientium ad legem in aedibus episcopi Elisensis celebrata est, qua novem in eum ordinem cooptati fuerint. Rex solennitatem illam praesentia propria et reginae suae honoravit, utpote princeps qui semper lureconsultos ornare et decorare consueverat, id agens, ut subidos legibus suis, leges autem iureconsultis regeret et flecteret.

5. On November 16, in the king’s 11th year, the election of the serjeants-at-law was held in the house of the Bishop of Ely, at which nine were co-opted into that order. The king honored that solemnity with his own presence and that of his queen, as a prince who had always been accustomed to honor and adorn the jurisconsults, aiming at this: that he might rule his subjects by his own laws, and the laws, in turn, by the jurisconsults, to govern and bend them.

6. Hoc etiam anno foedus iniit rex cum principibus Italis pro defensione Italiae contra Gallos. Carolus enim regnum Neapolitanumm subiugaverat et paulo post amiserat, quasi per somnium foelix. Universam longitudinem Italiae pervaserat, nusquam arma expertus.

6. In this same year the king entered into a treaty with the Italian princes for the defense of Italy against the Gauls. For Charles had subjugated the Neapolitan kingdom and a little later had lost it, happy as if in a dream. He had traversed the entire length of Italy, nowhere experiencing arms.

Adeo ut verum esset quod Alexander papa dicere solutus est, Gallos in Italiam venisse cum creta in manibus qua diversoria sua notarent, potius quam cum armis quibus pugnarent. Etiam ipso regno Neapolitano universo potitus est gladium vix stringendo. Verum statim post, tot et tantos errores cumulavit ut iis nulla fortuna, licet optima, par esse posset.

To such a degree that what Pope Alexander was accustomed to say proved true: that the Gauls had come into Italy with chalk in their hands, with which they would mark their lodgings, rather than with arms with which they would fight. He even took possession of the entire Neapolitan kingdom scarcely by drawing the sword. But immediately after, he accumulated so many and so great errors that no fortune, though the best, could be equal to them.

Barones Neapolitanos partium Angeovinarum minime demeruit, sed praemia sua pro arbitrui quorundam famulorum suorum qui lucra captabant dispersit. Italiam universam contra se excitavit, eo quod Ostiam cepisset et tenuisset, et libertatem Pisanorum protexisset, quae suspicionem omnibus iniecerunt ambitionem eius ultra regnum Neapolitanum extendere. Nimis propere amicitiam cum Ludovico Sforza dirupit, qui revera claviger fuit, Gallumque introduxit et exclusit.

He by no means won over the Neapolitan barons of the Angevin party, but dispersed his rewards at the discretion of certain of his own famuli who were hunting lucre. He stirred up the whole of Italy against himself, because he had taken and held Ostia, and had protected the liberty of the Pisans—things which injected into everyone the suspicion that his ambition extended beyond the Kingdom of Naples. He broke off friendship with Ludovico Sforza far too hastily, who in truth was the claviger, and both introduced the Gaul and drove him out.

Nonnullas etiam belli reliquas in regno Neapolitano adhuc fumantes extinguere neglexit. Postremo, quia Italiam sine oppositione pervaserat, arma Italorum nimis despicire coepit, unde regnum Neapolitanum Italorum copiis minus instructum reliquit. Ita ut, paulo post reditum eius universum regnum ad Ferdinandum iuniorem defecerit et Gallos expulerit.

He also neglected to extinguish several remnants of the war still smoking in the Neapolitan kingdom. Lastly, because he had overrun Italy without opposition, he began to despise too much the arms of the Italians, whence he left the Neapolitan kingdom less equipped with Italian forces. So that, a little after his return, the entire kingdom defected to Ferdinand the Younger and expelled the French.

Nihilominus Carolus cum ingentibus minis et magno copiarum apparatu novam expeditionem in Italiam destinebat. Itaque ad instantiam statuum Italiae complurium (et maxime papae Alexandri) foedus ictum est inter eundem Alexandrum papam, Maximilianum Romanorum regem, Henricum regem Angliae, Ferdinandum et Isabellam reges Hispaniarum (ita enim in tractatu orginali nomina principum illorum constanter collocantur), Augustinum Bardicum ducem Venetiarum, et Ludovicum Sforzam ducem Medliolani, pro communi defensione statuum suorum singulorum. In quo tractatu, licet nomen Ferdinandi iunioris ut partis principalis non fuisset insertum, nihilominus regnum Neapolitanum proculdubio erat inclusum tanquam feodum ecclesiae Romanae.

Nonetheless Charles, with enormous menaces and a great apparatus of forces, was intending a new expedition into Italy. And so, at the insistence of several of the states of Italy (and especially of Pope Alexander), a treaty was struck between that same Pope Alexander, Maximilian, king of the Romans, Henry, king of England, Ferdinand and Isabella, kings of the Spains (for thus in the original treaty the names of those princes are consistently set), Augustinus Bardicus, duke of the Venetians, and Ludovico Sforza, duke of Milan, for the common defense of their several states. In which treaty, although the name of Ferdinand the Younger as a principal party had not been inserted, nonetheless the kingdom of Naples was without doubt included as a fief of the Roman Church.

7. Mortua etiam est hoc anno Cecilia ducissa Eboraci, Edwardi Quarti mater, apud castrum suum de Barkhamsted, aetate extrema. Quaeque eo vitam produxerat donec vidisset tres principes ex sobole sua coronatos, quatuor autem trucidatos. Sepulta est apud Foderinghamiam iuxta ducem maritum suum.

7. Also in this year died Cecilia, Duchess of York, mother of Edward IV, at her castle of Barkhamsted, at a very advanced age. And she had prolonged her life to that point until she had seen three princes of her offspring crowned, and four, however, butchered. She was buried at Fotheringhay beside her husband the duke.

8. Hoc etiam anno rex comitia ordinum convocavit, in quibus complures leges latae fuerunt naturae magis privatae et vulgaris quam ut historiae lectorem detinere mereantur. Atque merito quis suspicari possit ex iis quae postea secuta sunt, regem, sicut in salubribus legibus ordinandis praecelleret, ita in secreto apud se constituisse ex legibus suis fructum percipere, non minus ad colligendas pecunias quam ad corrigendos mores, atque in hunc finem eas in maius accumulasse.

8. In this same year the king convoked the assemblies of the estates, in which numerous laws were carried, of a nature more private and commonplace than to deserve to detain the reader of history. And with good reason one might suspect from what afterwards ensued that the king—just as he excelled in ordering salutary laws—so had determined in secret to reap fruit from his laws, no less for collecting monies than for correcting morals, and to this end had accumulated them to a greater degree.

9. Lex principalis quae his comitiis perlata est fuit mirae cuiusdam naturae, iusta potius secundum aequitatem naturalem quam ex norma iuris, et magnanima magis quam cauta. Statuit haec lex ut nemo qui regis partes tunc de facto regnantis secutus fuerat propter eiusmodi crimen unquam impeteretur aut condemnaretur, vel processu legis vel actum parlamenti. Atque insuper, si tale aliquod actum parlamenti condemnatorium fieri post contigisset, irritum et invalidum prorsus foret.

9. The principal law which was carried in these assemblies was of a certain wondrous nature, just rather according to natural equity than by the norm of law, and more magnanimous than cautious. This law enacted that no one who had followed the king’s party then reigning de facto should ever be proceeded against or condemned for a crime of such a kind, either by process of law or by an act of parliament. And moreover, if any such condemnatory act of parliament should afterwards happen to be made, it would be altogether null and void.

Ista constitutio in hoc fundabatur, quod rationibus status magnopere conveniret ut subditi de iure regni mimime inquirerent, atque rursus conscientiae leges hoc postularent ut (quicunque belli exitus foret) subditi obedientiae suae poenas non darent. Genius huius legis pius et nobilis certe fuit, cum id in bello statueret quod David in peste a Deo petiit, qui dixit "Si peccavi, percute me; istae autem oves quid fecerunt?" Simul occulto sapiebat ista lex providentiam et prudentiam quandam profundam. Nam omnem occasionem sustulit cur subditi in regis titulum curiose inquiererent, cum ipsorum securitate, quaecunque esset belli fortuna, cautum iam esset.

This constitution was founded on this: that it greatly suited reasons of state that subjects should not at all inquire into the right of the kingdom, and, in turn, that the laws of conscience required this—that (whatever the outcome of the war might be) subjects should not pay penalties for their obedience. The genius of this law was surely pious and noble, since it established in war what David asked from God in the pestilence, who said, "If I have sinned, strike me; but what have these sheep done?" At the same time this law, in a hidden way, savored of a certain profound providence and prudence. For it removed every occasion for subjects to inquire curiously into the king’s title, since their own security—whatever might be the fortune of the war—was already provided for.

Praeterea, non potuit non corda et amorem subditorum sibi conciliare, quoniam magis videbatur prospicere illis quam regi ipsi. Attamen interea milites haec lex exuebat et exolvebat magno illo vinculo et calcari necessitatis (quae illis alias incumbebat) pugnandi, et non nisi parta victoria abscedendi, quandoquidem vitae militum et fortunae in tuto essent sive fortiter pugnarent sive terga verterent. Verum quoad partem legis secundam, vis ipsius plane vana fuit et illusioria, cum scilicet per statutum praecens statutum aliquod futurum frustrari posse quis cogitet.

Furthermore, it could not but conciliate to itself the hearts and love of the subjects, since it seemed to look out for them rather than for the king himself. Yet meanwhile this law stripped off and loosed the soldiers from that great bond and spur of necessity (which otherwise lay upon them) to fight, and not to withdraw except with victory won, since the lives and fortunes of the soldiers would be in safety whether they fought bravely or turned their backs. But as to the second part of the law, its force was plainly vain and illusory, inasmuch as one considers that by a present statute some future statute could be frustrated.

Absoluta enim et suprema potestas seipsam constringere non potest, neque, quod natura revocabile est, figi potest, non magis quam si quis testamento suo declaraverit quod si testamentum novum conderet illud irritum esse. Et quantum ad casum acti parlamenti, memorabile prorsus accessit exemplum temporibus Henrici Octavi, qui se durante minore aetate filii sui mortem obire posse praevidens statutum condi fecit, ut nullum statutum durante minore aetate regis latum regem aut successores eius teneret, nisi a rege, postquam ad plenam aetatem pervenisset, sub sigillo magno Angliae confirmatum foret. Verum primum statutum quod tempore regis Edwardi Sexti tunc minoris inactitatum fuit illud prius actum prorus rescidit.

For absolute and supreme power cannot bind itself, nor can that which is by nature revocable be fixed—no more than if someone should declare in his testament that, if he were to make a new testament, that (new) one would be void. And as to the case of an act of parliament, there occurred a quite memorable example in the times of Henry VIII, who, foreseeing that he might meet death during the minority of his son, caused a statute to be enacted, that no statute passed during the minority of the king should bind the king or his successors, unless, after the king had come to full age, it were confirmed under the Great Seal of England. But the first statute which, in the time of King Edward VI, then a minor, was enacted utterly rescinded that earlier act.

Verum res quae non sent peremptoriae ad obligandum possint tamen esse commodae pro tempore ad satisfaciendum populo.

However, things which are not peremptory for obligating can nevertheless be expedient for the time, to satisfy the people.

10. Lata est etiam lex in adminiculum et firmamentum contributionis eius quae dicta est benevolentia. Quae sancivit ut pecuniae summa in quam aliquis consenserat, neque tamen soluta esset, legis processu exigeretur. Quod statutum, sicut pecuniarum detentarum solutionem acceleravit, ita rei ipsi auctoritatem addidit.

10. A law also was passed in adminicle and firmament of that contribution which was called a benevolence. It sanctioned that the sum of money to which someone had consented, and yet had not been paid, should be exacted by process of law. Which statute, just as it accelerated the payment of detained moneys, so added authority to the matter itself.

Lata autem lex est (ut praetendebatur) ad instantiam ipsorum qui diam antea solvissent.

Moreover, a law was passed (as was alleged) at the instance of those very persons who had already previously paid.

11. His etiam comitiis lata est lex illa bona quae breve de attincti vocatum introduxit, per quod iudicia iuratorum (quae veredicta vocantur) falsa rescindi posint, quae ante illud tempus evangelii cuiusdam instar erant, atque plane irrevocabilia. Ad caussas capitales haec lex se non extendit, tam quia plerumque regis nomine eae caussae agunatur quam quia illae (si per viam indictamenti, quod regis nomine semper procedit, tractentur) duplici veredicto transiguntur, nimirum eorum qui inquirunt et quorum qui quaestionem terminant. Unde fit ut non duodecim viri tantum, sed viginti quatuor viri de re pronuncient.

11. At these same comitia a good law was also passed which introduced the writ called de attincta, by which false judgments of jurors (which are called verdicts) can be rescinded—judgments which before that time were after the manner of a certain gospel, and plainly irrevocable. This law does not extend itself to capital causes, both because for the most part those causes are prosecuted in the king’s name and because those (if they are handled by way of indictment, which always proceeds in the king’s name) are concluded by a double verdict, namely, of those who inquire and of those who terminate the question. Whence it comes about that not twelve men only, but twenty-four men pronounce on the matter.

Verum (ut videntur) non fuit id solum in caussa, quod a capitalia lex non extendretur. Ista enim ratio, ubi caussa capitalis a parte gravata peragitur, non tenet. Sed illud in primis in considerationem venerat, ne forte iuratores in caussis capitalibus timidius se gererent, si obnoxii essent novis litibus et periculis, ubi favor vitae contra eos faceret.

But (as it seems) that was not the only thing in the case, namely that the law was not extended to capital cases. For that rationale does not hold where a capital case is prosecuted by the aggrieved party. Rather, this above all had come into consideration: lest perhaps jurors in capital cases should conduct themselves more timidly, if they were liable to new litigations and perils, where the favor for life would act against them.

Neque enim extenditur ista lex ad litem aliquam infra valorem quadraginta librarum, quia in litibus tam exigui valoris superaturae essent impensae summam principalem si retractarentur.

For neither is that law extended to any suit below the value of 40 pounds, because in suits of so small a value the expenses would surpass the principal sum if they were re-heard.

12. Lex alia sancita est contra ingratitudinem foeminarum quae a maritis suis aut maritorum suorum parentibus aut cognatis ad terras promotae eas alienarent, in praeiudicium et exhaeredationem haeredum aut eorum ad quos post mortem ipsarum terrae illae redire deberent. Hic malo remedium porrigebat lex, ut scilicet liceret haeredibus et caeteris in terrarum possessionem nomine forisfacturae, non expectata morte mulieris, continuo venire.

12. Another law was sanctioned against the ingratitude of women who, having been advanced to lands by their husbands or by their husbands’ parents or kinsmen, alienated them, to the prejudice and disinheritance of the heirs or of those to whom after their death those lands ought to revert. Here the law extended a remedy to the evil, namely, that it should be permitted to the heirs and the others to come forthwith into possession of the lands by title of forfeiture, without awaiting the woman’s death.

13. Lata est etiam illa lex charitatis plena, ut scilicet homines egeni lege agentes admitterentur in forma pauperis, hoc est, ut nihil solvant advocatis, procuratoribus, aut scribis. Unde tamen factum est ut homines egeni, sicut lege experiri melius possent, ita ad alios litibus vexandos promptiores essent. Fuerunt et aliae iisdem comitiis leges introductae bonae et sanae, ut prius dictum est, sed more nostro eas excerpimus quae naturae sunt minime vulgaris.

13. That law also was passed, full of charity, namely that needy persons prosecuting by law should be admitted in forma pauperis, that is, that they pay nothing to advocates, procurators, or scribes. Whence, however, it came about that needy persons, just as they could try the law better, so were the readier to vex others with lawsuits. There were also other good and sound laws introduced at the same comitia, as was said before; but according to our custom we have excerpted those which are of a nature least common.

14. Rex interim, licet comitiorum negotiis incumberet tanquam in plena pace, viderique vellet consilia Perkini (qui iam in Flandriam redierat) veluti floraliae quaedam despectui habere, tamen regis prudentissimi constitutionem nactus (foris animosi, intra providi) mandavit ut phari ad oras maritimas vigiliis custodirentur, et plures etiam phari erigerentur ubi nimium inter se distarent. Et diligenter observabat ubi tandem nimbus iste erraticus erupturus foret. Sed Perkinus, a suis monitus ut ignem suum (qui hactenus tantum in viridi ligno despasceret) vivum servaret follibus veluti assiduis, iterum in Hiberniam navigavit, unde prius propter spes praebitas a Gallis, potius quam propter aliquod impedimentum aut tepeditatem quam in illo populo expertus esset, discesserat.

14. Meanwhile the king, although he was occupied with the business of the parliaments as if in full peace, and wished to seem to hold Perkin’s counsels (who had now returned into Flanders) in contempt as a kind of Floralia, nevertheless, having assumed the disposition of a most prudent king (spirited without, provident within), ordered that beacons along the sea-coasts be guarded by watches, and that more beacons also be erected where they were too far distant from one another. And he carefully observed where at last that wandering storm-cloud would be about to burst. But Perkin, warned by his own men to keep his fire (which thus far grazed only on green wood) alive, as it were, by constant bellows, sailed again into Ireland, whence previously he had departed because of hopes proffered by the French, rather than on account of any impediment or lukewarmness which he had experienced in that people.

Verum tempus ipsum, cum regis ipsius diligentia et Poyningi prudente administratione ita res Hiberniae composita erat ut nihil reliquum fieret Perkino praeter turbulentos impetus sylvestrium et nudorum hominum, itaque qui res eius curabant consilium ei dederunt ut a rege Scotorum auxilia peteret, principe iuvene et animoso, et populo suo ac proceribus acceptissimo, et erga regem Henricum male affecto. Hoc etiam ipso tempore tam Maximilianus rex quam Carolus coeperunt a rege Henrico averso animo esse, alter in malam partem accipiens prohibitionem commercii cum Flandria, alter regi iam diffidens propter foedus nuper ictum cum Italis. Itaque praeter auxilia aperta ducissae Burgundae, quae tanquam velis et remis contendebat ut Perkini conatus promoverentur, non deerant secreti quidem favores a Maximiliano et Carolo.

But the time itself, since by the king’s own diligence and by Poynings’s prudent administration the affairs of Ireland had been so composed that nothing was left to Perkin except the turbulent incursions of forest-dwelling and naked men, those who managed his business therefore gave him counsel to seek auxiliaries from the King of Scots, a young and high-spirited prince, most acceptable to his people and nobles, and ill-disposed toward King Henry. At this very time as well both King Maximilian and Charles began to be alienated in mind from King Henry—the former taking ill the prohibition of commerce with Flanders, the latter already distrusting the king because of the treaty recently struck with the Italians. Accordingly, besides the open aid of the Duchess of Burgundy, who strove, as with sails and oars, that Perkin’s attempts might be promoted, there were not lacking, to be sure, secret favors from Maximilian and Charles.

Adeo ut occultis literis et nunciis res eius regi Scotiae commendasse putentur.

So much so that by secret letters and messengers they are thought to have commended his cause to the king of Scotland.

15. Perkinus igitur, huiusmodi fiducia fultus in Scotiam adveniens cum comitatu decente, a rege Scotiae (ad hoc antea bene praeparato) honorifice exceptus est, et paulo post adventum suum ad regis conspectum admissus ritu solenni. Etenim rex eum excepit in camera praesentiali, astantibus multis ex proceribus Scotiae. Perkinus autem cum satis splendido comitatu, tam eorum quos ipse adduxerat quam eorum quos rex ei advorsum miserat, ingressus est cubiculum ibi rex assiderat, et ad regem accedens, seque aliquantum incurvans eum amplexurus, retro se aliquot passus recepit, atque voce clara (ut a praesentibus omnibus exaudiretur) tali declaratione usus est:

15. Therefore Perkin, supported by confidence of this kind, on arriving in Scotland with a decent retinue, was honorably received by the king of Scotland (well prepared beforehand for this), and a little after his arrival was admitted to the king’s presence with solemn rite. For the king received him in the presence chamber, with many of the nobles of Scotland standing by. But Perkin, with a sufficiently splendid retinue, both of those whom he himself had brought and of those whom the king had sent to meet him, entered the chamber where the king was seated; and approaching the king, and bending himself somewhat as if to embrace him, he drew himself back several paces, and with a clear voice (so as to be heard by all present) used such a declaration:

16. "Rex excelse et potens, celsitudo vestra, et proceres hi vestri qui asdunt, benigne (si placet) aures praebeatis tragicae narrationi adolescentis qui iure debuerat pilam regni in manu sua gestare, sed fortunae iniquitate factus est ipse pila de calamitate in calamitatem, et de regione in regionem iactatus. Conspicitis ance oculos vestros positam Plantagenistae effigiem, qui a gynecaeo abreptus fuit in asylum, ab asyli in dirum carcerem, a carcere in manum cruenti carnificis, atque ab eius manu expositus in desertum. Sic enim orbem terrarum nobis vocare par est.

16. "Exalted and potent king, your Highness, and these your nobles who stand by, graciously (if it please) lend ears to the tragic narration of a youth who by right ought to have borne the ball of the kingdom in his hand, but by the iniquity of fortune has himself been made the ball, tossed from calamity to calamity, and from region to region. You behold set before your eyes the effigy of a Plantagenist, who from the gynaeceum was snatched into an asylum, from asylum into a dire prison, from prison into the hand of a bloody executioner, and from his hand cast out into a desert. For thus indeed it is fitting for us to call the orb of the lands.

Ita ut ille, qui in spem et ius regni potentis natus est, ne palmam quidem terrae in qua pedem possideat praeter in qua pedem sistat possideat, praeter eam in qua nunc stat, regio vestro favore admissus. Edwardus Quartus, nuper Angliae rex (quod celsitudinem vestram fugere non potest), duos reliquit filios, Edwardum principem et Richardum ducem Eboraci, utrunque aetate tenera. Primogenitus in regnum patris successit, Edwardus Quintus dicatus.

So that he, who was born into the hope and right of a potent kingdom, does not possess even a palm-breadth of earth on which to set his foot, save that on which he now stands, admitted by your royal favor. Edward IV, lately king of England (which cannot escape Your Highness), left two sons, Edward the prince and Richard, Duke of York, both of tender age. The firstborn succeeded to his father’s kingdom, styled Edward V.

Verum Richardus dux Glocestriae patruus eorum crudelis, primo per ambitionem regnum, deinde nepotum sanguinem ad status sui securitatem sitiens, cuidam scelerato et sibi (ut putabat) fido mandavit ut utrunque iugularet. Verum carnifex ille, qui ad hoc facinus missus est, postquam Edwardum primogenitum crudeliter trucidasset, motus est, partim compunctione quadam, partim aliis modis (de quibus silemus) ut Richardum iuniorem filium servaverit, tyranno tamen referens se iussa eius in utroque interficiendo executum. Isti relationi a tyranno fides adhibita est, eademque publicis declarationibus est confirmata.

But Richard, duke of Gloucester, their cruel uncle, first through ambition thirsting for the kingdom, then for the blood of his nephews for the security of his own status, commanded a certain wicked man, and (as he supposed) faithful to himself, to cut the throats of both. But that executioner, who had been sent for this crime, after he had cruelly butchered Edward the firstborn, was moved, partly by a certain compunction, partly by other ways (of which we keep silence), to have preserved Richard the younger son, yet reporting to the tyrant that he had carried out his commands in putting both to death. Credence was given by the tyrant to this report, and the same was confirmed by public declarations.

Ita ut generalis invaluerit opinio utrunque sublatum fuisse, etsi veritas fere semper quosdam igniculos habeat, qui passim volant donec tempore suo manifestetur et emicet, quod etiam in hoc negotio contigit. Verum Deus omnipotens omniaque disponens, qui leonum ora obturavit parvumque Ioam conservavit a tyrannide Athaliae cum regis liberos neci mandasset, atque etiam Isaacum liberavit in ipso temporis ariticulo in quo manus ad eum iugulandum extensa est, fratrem iuniorem conservavit. Ille enim ego, qui coram adsum, verus sum Richardus dux Eboraci, infelicis principis Edwardi Quinti frater legitimusque haeres masculus inclyti illius regis Edwardi Quarti nuper Angliae regis.

Thus the general opinion prevailed that both had been removed, although truth almost always has certain little sparks, which fly everywhere until in its own time it is manifested and flashes forth—which also happened in this affair. But God omnipotent, the disposer of all things, who stopped the mouths of lions and preserved little Joash from the tyranny of Athaliah when she had commanded the king’s children to death, and who also delivered Isaac at the very nick of time when the hand was stretched out to slit his throat, preserved the younger brother. For I myself, who am present before you, am the true Richard, Duke of York, the brother of the unhappy Prince Edward V and the legitimate male heir of that renowned king Edward IV, lately king of England.

Quod ad modum emissionis meae e turri attinet, consentaneum est ut silentio praetermittatur, aut saltem relatione secretiore tradatur, quoniam nonnullorum adhuc superstitum interesse possit, atque etiam memoria aliquorum qui iam facto functi sunt. Satis sit memorasse me matrem eo tempore in vivis habuisse, reginam illam quidem, quaeque indies mandatum a tyranno de nece filiorum expectaverat. Hoc modo, aetete mea adhuc tenera, summa Dei misericordia e Londino migrans in partes transmarinas occulto transvectus fui, ubi qui mei curam habebat (utrum novis timoribus, aut animi inconstantia, aut aliorum artibus et sollicitatione adductus novit Deus) subito me deseruit.

As to the manner of my release from the Tower, it is consonant that it be passed over in silence, or at least delivered by a more secret relation, since it may touch the interest of certain still surviving, and also the memory of some who have now departed. Let it suffice to have recalled that at that time I had my mother among the living—indeed that queen—who day by day expected a mandate from the tyrant concerning the slaying of her sons. Thus, my age being still tender, by the highest mercy of God, departing from London I was conveyed secretly into transmarine parts, where he who had the care of me (whether led by new fears, or by inconstancy of spirit, or by the arts and solicitation of others—God knows) suddenly deserted me.

Unde huc illuc errare et tenues conditiones subire compulsus sum ad vitam sustentandam. Quare diversis passionibus distractus, ex altera parte metu ne re res palam fieret, tyrannique insidiis rursus exponerer, ex altera parte dolore et indignatione quod ignotus in tam vili et abiecta vitae conditione degerem, decrevi mecum mortem tyranni opperiri, et tunc me in manus sororis meae, quae proximi haeres esset, committere. Verum interea evenit ut quidam Henricus Tidderus, filius Edmundi Tidderi comitis Richmondiae, e Gallia appelleret in Angliam atque modis subtilibus et turpibus coronam Angliae acquireret, quae iure mihi debebatur.

Whence I was compelled to wander hither and thither and to undergo slender conditions in order to sustain life. Therefore, torn by diverse passions—on the one hand by fear lest the matter become public and I be again exposed to the tyrant’s plots, on the other by grief and indignation that, unknown, I should live in so vile and abject a condition of life—I resolved with myself to await the death of the tyrant, and then to commit myself into the hands of my sister, who would be the next heir. But meanwhile it happened that a certain Henry Tudor, son of Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond, put in from France into England and by subtle and base methods acquired the crown of England, which by right was owed to me.

Adeo ut res meae non proveherentur in melius, sed tantum tyrannum mutarent. Henricus iste, hostis meus infensissimus et capitalis, quamprimum me vivere intellexerat, omnis viis et modis perniciem meam machinari caepit. Nam capitalis ille hostis meus non solum me falso et impudenter criminatus est, quod persona ficta et supposititia essem, mihi nomina imponens contumeliosa ut mundo illuderet, verumetiam ut reditus meus in Angliam prohiberetur, amplas obtulit pecuniarum summas quibus principes apud quos receptus fueram, aut saltem eorum ministros, corrumperet.

Adequately that my affairs were not advanced for the better, but only the tyrant was changed. That Henry, my most hostile and capital enemy, as soon as he had understood that I lived, began to machinate my destruction by all ways and means. For that capital enemy of mine not only falsely and shamelessly accused me, that I was a feigned and supposititious person, imposing contumelious names upon me so as to delude the world, but also, in order that my return into England might be prohibited, offered ample sums of money with which to corrupt the princes with whom I had been received, or at least their ministers.

Quinetiam importune cum quibusdam ex famulis meis interioribus egit ut veneno vel alio modo me a medio tolleret, cum aliis autem ut a caussa mea iusta desciscerent atque ex servitio meo abscederent, quemadmodum Robertus Cliffordus et alii a Tiddero seducti fecerunt. Ita ut quivis animi compos facile perspicere posset Henrici isti, se dicenti regem Angliae, non opus fuisse tantas pecuniarum largitiones et impensas profundere, neque tam indefesso labore et sollicitudine necem meam et ruinam moliri, si eiusmodi ficta persona fuissem. Verum caussae meae iustitia, tam liquido apparens, Christianissimum regem Carolum necnon nobilissimam heroinam ducissam dotariam Burgundiae, amitam meam charissimam, permovit ut non solum caussam meam probarent, sed etiam auxiliis benigne iuvarent.

Nay more, he dealt importunately with certain of my inner household-servants that they should take me out of the way by poison or by some other means, and with others that they should defect from my just cause and withdraw from my service, as Robert Clifford and others seduced by Tidder did. So that anyone in his right mind could easily perceive that this Henry, styling himself king of England, had no need to pour out such largesses and expenditures of money, nor with such indefatigable labor and solicitude to contrive my death and overthrow, if I had been a feigned person of that sort. But the justice of my cause, so clearly apparent, moved the Most Christian King Charles, as well as the most noble heroine the dowager duchess of Burgundy, my most dear aunt, not only to approve my cause, but also to assist it graciously with aids.

Verum (ut videtur) numini coelesti compla et (ad bonum commune insulae huius universae, quo haec regna potentissima Angliae et Scotiae melius et arctius amicitiae foedere ex tanto merito conglutinarentur) collocationem mei in solio avorum meorum regnum Angliae armis et auxiliis celsitudinis vestrae reservare. Neque hae primae visae sunt quibus rex Scotiae reges Angliae regno exutos restituit, sicut recente memoria factum est in persona Henrici Sexti. Itaque, cum celsitudo vestra iam pridem specimen egregium ediderit se nulla virtute regia progenitoribus suis esse inferiorem, ego, afflictus et calamatosus princeps, veluti divino nutu monitus ad vos accesi, meque fortunasque meas in manus vestras regias trado, opem vestram implorans qua in regnum meum Angliae restituar, fideliter vobis pollicitus me erga celsitudinem vestram non aliter affectum iri quam si frater vester essem germanus, atque post regni mei adeptionem grate omnia pro viribus meis praestiturum, quae tanta me obligatione exsolvere possint."

But (as it seems) it pleases the heavenly numen (for the common good of this whole island, whereby these most powerful realms of England and Scotland might be better and more tightly cemented by a bond of amity through so great a service) to reserve the placing of me upon the throne of my grandsires, the kingdom of England, to the arms and aids of your Highness. Nor do these seem the first occasions on which a king of Scotland has restored kings of England stripped of their kingdom, as in recent memory was done in the person of Henry VI. Therefore, since your Highness has long since given a distinguished proof that you are in no royal virtue inferior to your progenitors, I, an afflicted and calamitous prince, as though admonished by a divine nod, have come to you, and I hand over myself and my fortunes into your royal hands, imploring your help whereby I may be restored to my kingdom of England, faithfully promising you that I shall be affected toward your Highness no otherwise than if I were your own brother, and that after the acquisition of my kingdom I will gratefully perform, to the utmost of my powers, all things which may discharge me from so great an obligation."

17. Postquam Perkinus hanc declarationem suam finiverat, rex Iacobus generose et prudenter respondit, quisquis tandem ille fuerit, fore ut eum nunquam poeniteret quod se in manus eius tradidisset. Atque ab illo tempore, etsi non deessent qui persuadere ei conarentur haec omnia meras esse praestigias, tamen, sive Perkini blandis obsequiis captus, sive in gratiam magnorum illorum principum exterorum, sive promptus ad arripiendam belli contra Henricum occasionem, eum excepit in omnibus, ac si verus fuisset dux Eboracensis, caussamque eius suscepit, atque (quo magis fidem faceret se pro magno principe eum habere, minime autem pro persona ficta) consensit ut dux iste Perkinus in matrimonium diceret dominam Catharinam Gordonam, praenobilem foeminam, comitis Huntleii filiam regique ipse sanguine coniunctam, virginemque in flore aetatis, eximilae formae et virtutis.

17. After Perkin had finished this declaration of his, King James answered generously and prudently that, whoever he might turn out to be, he would never have cause to repent that he had delivered himself into his hands. And from that time, although there were not wanting those who tried to persuade him that all these things were mere prestiges (illusions), nevertheless—whether captivated by Perkin’s bland compliances, or to gratify those great foreign princes, or being prompt to seize an occasion for war against Henry—he received him in all respects as if he were the true Duke of York, and took up his cause; and (that he might the more make it credible that he regarded him as a great prince, and by no means as a feigned person) he consented that this Duke Perkin should take to wife Lady Katherine Gordon, a most-noble woman, daughter of the Earl of Huntly and herself allied to the king by blood, a maiden in the flower of her age, of exceptional beauty and virtue.

18. Non diu post, rex Scotiae in persona propria, Perkinum secum ducens, Northumbriam exercitu magno invasit, licet ex limitaneis quos subito coegerat maxima ex parte conflato. Perkinus autum, pro suffitu quodam in locis ad quae venerat, promulgare fecit edictum, in tenorem sequentium, sub nomine Richardi Quarti Angliae regis:

18. Not long after, the king of Scotland in his own person, leading Perkin with him, invaded Northumbria with a great army, although for the most part composed of borderers whom he had suddenly mustered. Perkin, however, as a kind of sweetening incense in the places to which he had come, caused an edict to be promulgated, in the following tenor, under the name of Richard IV, king of England:

19. "Placuit Deo omnipotenti (qui potentes de solio eorum deiicit et humiles attolit, neque spes iustorum in exitu perire sinit) nobis tandem benigne indulsisse ut armatos nos, subiditis nostris Angliae ostenderemus. Verum absit ut eorum damnum aut nocumentum cogitemus, aut bello illos impetere in animo habeamus, aliter quam ut illos nobiscum una a tyrannide et oppressione vindicemus. Etenim capitalis hostis noster Henricus Tidderus, falsus coronae Angliae usurpator (quae iure naturali et haereditario ad nos devoluta est) satis sibi conscius de iure nostro indibutato (cum simus verus Richardus Quartus Angliae rex, utpote haeres masculus inclyti et gloriosi Edwardi Quarti nuper regis Angliae) non solum regno nostro nos deiecit, sed omnibus modis pravis et sceleratis nos prodere et vita privare conatus est.

19. "It has pleased Almighty God (who casts down the powerful from their throne and raises up the lowly, nor does he allow the hope of the just at the last to perish) at length graciously to have indulged us so that we might show ourselves in arms to our subjects of England. But far be it from us to contemplate their loss or harm, or to have in mind to assail them by war, otherwise than that we may, together with ourselves, vindicate them from tyranny and oppression. For our mortal enemy Henry Tudor, the false usurper of the crown of England (which by natural and hereditary right has devolved to us), being well aware of our indubitable right (since we are the true Richard IV, king of England, as the male heir of the renowned and glorious Edward IV, lately king of England), has not only cast us down from our kingdom, but has attempted by all depraved and wicked means to betray us and to deprive us of life.

Attamen si tyrannis eius ad personam tantummodo nostram se extenderet (etsi sanguis noster regius iniuriarum sensum adaugeat), minus dolore afficeremur. Verum Tidderus iste, qui se de tyranno excidio iactat, nihil aliud fere ab introitu in regnum suum malefico usurpatum exercet et executus est praeter tyrannidem, et tyrannidis artes et facinora.

Nevertheless, if his tyranny were to extend itself only to our person (although our royal blood augments the sense of injuries), we would be less afflicted with grief. But this Tudor, who boasts of a tyrant’s overthrow, has exercised and executed almost nothing else, from the time of his wicked, usurping entry into his kingdom, except tyranny, and the arts and crimes of tyranny.

20. "Richardus enim patruus noster impius, etsi regnandi cupiditas eum occoacaverit, tamen in alis rebus et actis suis (ut verus Plantagenista) generosi animi fuit, et honoroem gentis Anglicae adamavit, atque procerum et populi sui solatia et commoda procuravit. Verum capitalis iste hostis noster (pro generis sui ignobilitate) honorem gentis Anglicae conculcavit, foederatos nostros charissimos vendendo et mercaturuam quandam sanguinis et fortunarum nobilium et aliorum subditorum nostrorum exercendo per bella ficta et paces ignominiosas, non alium in finem quam ut arcas suas thesauris imperet. Neque dissimile extitit odiosum suum regimen et malae versationes domo.

20. "For our uncle Richard, impious though he was, and although the desire of reigning blinded him, yet in other matters and his acts (as a true Plantagenet) was of a generous spirit, and he loved the honor of the English nation, and he looked after the consolations and advantages of his nobles and his people. But that arch-enemy of ours (in keeping with the ignobility of his lineage) trampled the honor of the English nation underfoot, by selling our dearest allies and exercising a kind of traffic in the blood and fortunes of the nobles and other of our subjects through feigned wars and ignominious peaces, to no other end than to cram his own coffers with treasures. Nor has his hateful government and evil dealings at home been different."

Primo enim (ut caussam suam iniustissimam crudelitate muniret) plures ex nobilibus regni quos suspectos habebat sibique infensos atrocissime necare iussit, veluti charissimum consanguineum nostrum Guilielmum Stanleium camerarium, Simonem Mountfortum, Robertum Ratcliffum, Guilielmum Dawbeneium, Humpredum Staffordum, et complures alios praeter eos qui vitas suas immani pretio redemerunt, ex quibus haud pauci iam in asylis degunt. Etiam diu in carcere detinuit, et ahduc detinet, excellentissimum et praecharissimum consanguinem nostrum Edwardum filium et haeredem patrui nostri ducis Clarentiae, et alios, eos possessionibus eorum spolians in eum finem, unt opibus destitui nobis in caussa nostra iustissima pro ligeantia et fidelitate ipsorum auxiliari non possint. Etiam per vim et minas aliquas ex sororibus nostras, necnon sororem praedicti consanguinei nostri comitis Warwici atque complures alias praenobilis foeminas sanguinis regii, nuptas dedit nullis ex cognatis et amicis suis, humilis conditionis hominibus.

First indeed (so that he might fortify his most unjust cause by cruelty) he ordered, most atrociously, many of the nobles of the realm whom he held suspect and hostile to himself to be slain, such as our dearest kinsman William Stanley, chamberlain, Simon Mountfort, Robert Ratcliff, William Dawbeney, Humphrey Stafford, and many others, besides those who redeemed their lives at an enormous price, of whom not a few now live in asylums. He also detained for a long time in prison, and still detains, our most excellent and most dear kinsman Edward, son and heir of our uncle the Duke of Clarence, and others, despoiling them of their possessions to the end that, destitute of resources, they might not be able to aid us in our most just cause according to their liege-duty and fidelity. He likewise by force and threats gave some of our sisters in marriage, as well as the sister of the aforesaid kinsman of ours, the Earl of Warwick, and several other most noble women of royal blood, not to any of their kinsmen and friends, but to men of humble condition.

Atque, sepositis nobilibus quibus patria sua cordi est, nullos circa habet quibus fidit praeter Foxum episcopum, Smithum, Braium, Lovellum, Oliverum Kingum, Davidem Audoenum, Risleium, Turbervillum, Tilerum, Cholmleium, Empsonum, Iacobum Hobartum, Ioannem Cuttum, Garthum, Henricum Wiatum, et huiusmodi alios villanos et terrae filios, qui callidis inventis et expilatione populi praecipua extiterunt instrumenta consiliarii et caussae malorum et calamitatum quae nunc ubique regnant in Anglia.

And, the nobles—whose fatherland is dear to their heart—being set aside, he has none around him whom he trusts except Fox, the bishop, Smith, Bray, Lovell, Oliver King, David Owen, Risley, Turberville, Tiler, Cholmley, Empson, James Hobart, John Cutt, Garth, Henry Wyatt, and other such villeins and sons of the soil, who by crafty inventions and by the expilation of the people have proved the principal instruments, counselors, and causes of the evils and calamities which now everywhere reign in England.

21. "Nos in memoriam revocantes praemissa, necnon immania et execrabilia malefica assidue perpetrata per hostem istum nostrum capitalem eiusque complices violando libertates et immunitates sanctae nostrae matris ecclesiae sub praetextibus mundanis et quae hominem mere animalem sapiunt, non sine summa omnipotentis Dei indignatione, cui accedunt multiplices proditiones, infanda murdra, homicidia, latrocinia, concussiones, extortiones, perpetuae populi expilationes per decimas, tributa, tallagia, benevolentias, et alias a lege prohibitas impositiones et graves exactiones, cum multis aliis factis odiosis quae ruinam et desolationem regno in propinquo minantur, gratia divini fulti atque ope et auxilio illustrium procerum regii nostri sanguinis, adhibitis etiam aliorum hominum prudentium consiliis, providebimus in posterum atque ut rempublicam ordinabimus, ut merces regni nostri nativae maximo cum lucro impendantur, commercia regni cum partibus exteris ita administrentur, ut in maius emolumentum cedant subditis nostris, et omnes illae (quas recensuimus) decimae, tributa, tallagia, benevolentiae, impositiones, et graves exactiones penitus aboleantur et in desuetudinem veniant, neque unquam posthac resuscitentur, nisi in allis casibus in quibus inclyti progenitores nostri reges Angliae ab antiquo subsidia et collationes subditorum et fidorum ligeorum recipere consueverunt.

21. "We, recalling to memory the aforesaid, as well as the enormous and execrable malefices assiduously perpetrated by that mortal enemy of ours and his accomplices—by violating the liberties and immunities of our holy mother the Church under worldly pretexts, and such as savor of a merely animal man—not without the highest indignation of Almighty God, to which are added manifold treasons, unspeakable murders, homicides, latrociny, shakedowns, extortions, the perpetual expilations (plunderings) of the people through tithes, tributes, tallages, benevolences, and other impositions prohibited by law and grave exactions, with many other hateful deeds which threaten ruin and desolation to the realm in the near future—supported by divine grace and by the help and aid of the illustrious nobles of our royal blood, the counsels also of other prudent men being employed, will hereafter provide and will so order the commonwealth, that the native commodities of our realm be turned to the greatest profit, that the trade of the realm with foreign parts be so administered as to redound to the greater emolument of our subjects, and that all those (which we have enumerated) tithes, tributes, tallages, benevolences, impositions, and grave exactions be utterly abolished and come into desuetude, nor ever hereafter be revived, except in those other cases in which our renowned progenitors, the kings of England, from of old were accustomed to receive subsidies and contributions of their subjects and faithful liegemen.

22. "Atque ulterius ex gratia et clementia nostra per praesentes simul promulgamus et promittimus omnibus subditis nostris plenam et gratuitam remissionem et condonationum omnium praeteritorum delictorum et offensarum cuiuscunque generis contra personam aut coronam nostram in adhaerendo hosti illi nostri capitali a quo satis scimus eo fuisse seductos, si infra tempus conveniens se nobis submittant. Quantum vero ad eos qui cum primis nobis se aggregaverint in defensionem et auxlium iuris nostri, eos tam ampliter sentire faciemus regiam nostram gratiam et munificentiam ut in magnum solatium cessurum sit, tam illis ipsis quam suis, et durante ipsorum vita et post mortem suam. Atque insuper, omnibus viis et mediis quae Deus in manus nostras dederit ita sceptra tractabimus ut omnibus hominum gradibus et ordinibus solatia et beneficia praestemus, immunitates sanctae ecclesiae illaesas conservando, honores, privilegia, et praeeminentias nobilitatis nostrae pro dignitate natalium eorum a contemptu et vilipendio vindicando.

22. "And further, out of our grace and clemency, by these presents we at once promulgate and promise to all our subjects full and gratuitous remission and condonation of all past crimes and offenses of whatever kind against our person or our crown, in adhering to that our capital enemy, by whom we well know that they were seduced, if within a suitable time they submit themselves to us. But as for those who from the first shall have joined themselves to us in defense and aid of our right, we will cause them to feel our royal favor and munificence so amply that it will redound to great consolation, both to them themselves and to their own, both during their life and after their death. And moreover, by all the ways and means that God has given into our hands, thus will we wield the scepters, that we may bestow consolations and benefits upon all ranks and orders of men, preserving inviolate the immunities of holy Church, vindicating from contempt and vilipendation the honors, privileges, and preeminences of our nobility in proportion to the dignity of their birth.

Item iuga solvemus subditis nostris universis onerum et gravaminum omnigenium. Civitatibus quoque nostris, burgis et oppidis, chartas suas et libertates confirmabimus et amplificabimus etiam si merebuntur. Denique in omnibus rebus subditis nostris occasionem praebebimus existimandi foelix illud et clementissimum Edwardi incylti patris nostri posteribus viae suiae annis regimen in nobis revixisse.

Likewise we will loosen the yokes of burdens and grievances of every kind from all our subjects. To our cities, burghs, and towns, we will confirm and amplify their charters and liberties also, as they may merit. Finally, in all matters we will afford to our subjects the occasion to esteem that that happy and most clement governance of Edward, our illustrious father, in the later years of his life, has revived in us.

23. "Quoniam vero mors aut captivitas praedicti hostis nostri capitalis multae sanguinis effusione parcere possit aliter proculdubio secuturae, si terrore aut promissis compures ex subiditis nostris in partes suas contra nos pertraxerit, quod protinus evitare cupimus (etsi pro certo informemur praedictum hostem nostrum decrevisse iamque in procinctu esse quo e regno aufugiat, magnis thesauris coronae nostrae in exteras partes iamdudum transmissis ut copiosius vitam in exilio sustentare possit) per praesentes edicimus si quis hostem illum nostrum ceperit aut afflixerit (qualiscunque demum fuerint conditionis qui hoc fecerit) eam remuneratum iri mille libris pecuniae in manus suas statim numerandis, atque insuper centum mercis redituum per annum sibi et haeredibus suis concedendis in perpetuum, praeterquam quod Deo et omnibus subditis bonis rem gratiam faciet eiusmodi tyrannum tollendo.

23. "Since indeed the death or captivity of the aforesaid capital enemy of ours may spare the effusion of much blood which would otherwise without doubt follow, if by terror or by promises he shall have drawn many out of our subiditis into his own party against us, which we desire at once to avoid (although we are informed for certain that the aforesaid enemy of ours has decreed and is already in readiness to flee from the kingdom, large treasures of our Crown having long since been transmitted into foreign parts so that he may more copiously sustain life in exile), by these presents we do proclaim that if anyone shall have captured or afflicted that enemy of ours (whatever may be the condition of him who shall have done this) he shall be remunerated with a thousand pounds of money to be counted out immediately into his hands, and in addition with one hundred marks of revenues per annum to be granted to himself and his heirs in perpetuity, besides the fact that he will do a favor to God and to all good subjects by removing such a tyrant.

24. "Postremo omnibus notum facimus Deumque omnipotentem testamur, cum Deus cor charissimi consanguinei nostri regis Scotiae excitaverit quo huic caussae nostrae iustissimae in propria persona sua adesset, hoc ab eo factum esse absque alio pacto et promissio, aut etiam postulato, in praeiudicium coronae aut subditorum nostorum, sed contra, fida data ex parte dicti consanguinei nostri se, quandocunquem nos invenerit satis virium habere ad hostem nostrum debellandum (quod speramus brevi futurum) confestim pacifice in regnum suum reversurum, gloria tantum tam egregii incoepti contentum, uno cum vero et fido nostro amore et amicitia. Quam (gratia divina aspirante) ita semper dispensabimus et fovebimus, ut magno solatio futura sit utriusque regni subditis."

24. "Lastly we make known to all, and call God Almighty to witness, that when God stirred the heart of our dearest kinsman, the King of Scotland, to be present to this our most just cause in his own person, this was done by him without any other pact and promise, or even demand, to the prejudice of our crown or of our subjects; but on the contrary, a faithful pledge having been given on the part of our said kinsman that he, whenever he shall find that we have strength enough to subdue our enemy (which we hope will be shortly), will forthwith return peacefully into his own kingdom, content with the glory only of so distinguished an undertaking, together with our true and faithful love and friendship. Which (with divine grace breathing upon it) we will thus always dispense and foster, that it may be a great solace to the subjects of both kingdoms."

25. Verum edictum Perkini populum Angliae parum permovit, neque gratior erat eius adventus propter consortium illius cum quo venerat. Itaque rex Scotiae animadvertens neminem ad Perkinum venire, neque alicubi in favorem caussae eius se armare, bellum in incursionem vertit, et provinciam Northumbriae gladio et incendiis vastavit et diripuit. Verum postquam audisset copias contra se venire, neque volens homines suos spoliis onustos et graves deprehendi, in Scotiam cum praeda ampla rediit, incoepti prosecutionem in aliud tempus differens.

25. However, Perkin’s edict moved the people of England little, nor was his arrival more welcome because of his association with the one with whom he had come. And so the king of Scotland, observing that no one came to Perkin, nor anywhere armed himself in favor of his cause, turned the war into an incursion, and laid waste and plundered the province of Northumbria by sword and fires. But after he heard that forces were coming against him, and not wishing his men, laden and heavy with spoils, to be apprehended, he returned into Scotland with ample booty, deferring the prosecution of the undertaking to another time.

Traditum est Perkinum personam principis probe imitantem, cum videret Scotos regionem illam depopulantes, queribundum ad regem accessisse eumque obsecrasse ne bellum in eum modum reretur. Sibi enim nullam coronam tam charam esse ut eam patriae suae sanguine et ruina redimere vellet. Cui rex Scotiae fere per ironiam respondit se multum vereri quod de re non sua sollicitudinem susciperet, quodque ipse nimis providus villicus hosti futurus est, si regionem in usus eius servasset.

It is handed down that Perkin, very well imitating the persona of a prince, when he saw the Scots depopulating that region, approached the king in a complaining spirit and besought him not to conduct the war in that manner. For to himself no crown was so dear that he would wish to redeem it by the blood and ruin of his fatherland. To which the king of Scotland replied, almost in irony, that he greatly feared that he was taking up solicitude for a matter not his own, and that he himself would be an over‑provident bailiff for the enemy, if he had kept the region for his use.

26. Per hoc tempus, annum scilicet regis undecimum, interruptio commercii inter Anglos et Flandros coepit mercatores utriusque nationis graviter pungere. Maiorem igitur in modum commoti omnem lapidem moverunt ut principes suos respective flecterent ad commercium illud denuo aperiendum. Qua in re tempus iis favit.

26. About this time, namely the eleventh year of the king, the interruption of commerce between the English and the Flemings began to sting the merchants of each nation grievously. Therefore, being moved in greater measure, they turned every stone to bend their respective princes toward opening that commerce anew. In which matter time favored them.

Coeperunt enim iam archidux et consiliarii sui cernere Perkinum erronem et cosmopolitam inventum iri, quodque puerorum esset circa pupas rixari. Quin et rex ipse Henricus post impressionas illas Perkini in Cantium et Northumbriam factas et frustratas Perkini negotium minus aestimare coepit. Adeo ut, aliquo consilio status eius rationem habere consentaneum non putaverit.

For by now the archduke and his counsellors began to perceive that Perkin would be found out as a vagabond and cosmopolitan, and that it was boys’ business to wrangle about dolls. Nay, even King Henry himself, after those incursions of Perkin into Kent and Northumbria had been made and had miscarried, began to esteem Perkin’s business less; to such a degree that, in some council of state, he did not think it fitting to take account of him.

Verum quod eum maxime movit illud fuit, quod cum rex esset thesauri et opum appetentissimus, pati non potuerit commercium tanquam apostrophia languescere, aut ullam manere obstructionem in vena porta per quam sanguis ille flueret. Attamen maiestatem suam eo usque tuebatur ut se rogari primum vellet. Quinetiam mercatores qui adventurarii dicebantur (quorum societas tunc opulentia floruit, et magno locupletum numero et bonis contributionibus corroborata erat) nihil humile fecerunt, sed nativas regni merces coemerunt, etsi in manibus suis veluti mortuae iacerent, exportatione cessante.

But what moved him most was this: that, since the king was most appetent of treasure and wealth, he could not endure that commerce should languish as by atrophy, or that any obstruction should remain in the portal vein through which that blood flowed. Nevertheless he maintained his majesty so far as to wish first to be entreated. Nay even, the merchants who were called the Adventurers (whose company then flourished in opulence, and had been corroborated by a great number of the wealthy and by good contributions) did nothing abject, but bought up the native wares of the realm, though they lay in their hands as if dead, exportation ceasing.

Tandem Londini convenere delegati ex utraque parte qui de negotio tractarent. Ex parte regis Foxius episcopus privati sigilli custos, vicecomes Wellensis, Kendallus prior Sancti Ioannis, Warrhamus custos rotulorum, qui in regis gratia et bona opinione indies magnopere proficiebat, Urswicus qui in omnibus fere negotiis adhibitus est, et Risleius. Ex parte archiducis dominus Beverus admirallius eius, dominus Verunsellus praeses Flandriae, et alii.

At length in London delegates from either side met to treat of the business. On the king’s side: Fox, bishop and keeper of the Privy Seal; the Viscount Welles; Kendall, Prior of St. John; Warham, keeper of the rolls, who day by day was greatly advancing in the king’s favor and good opinion; Urswick, who was employed in almost all negotiations; and Risley. On the archduke’s side: Lord Bever, his admiral; Lord Verunsel, President of Flanders; and others.

Hi tractatum ad exitum perduxerunt tam de amicitia quam de commercio inter regem et archiducem, articulos complectentem tum status tum commercii et liberae piscationis. Hic est ille tractatus quam Belgae in hodiernum diem vocant Intercursum Magnum, tam quia omnibus numeris suis is esset absolutus quam tractatus praecedentes tertii et quarti annorum regis, praecipue vero ad discrimen alterius tractus qui secutus est anno vicesimo primo regis, quem Intercursum Malum vocant. In hoc tractatu continebantur articulus expressus ne alteruter princeps alterius rebelles reciperet in hunc tenorem, "Ut si alter ex principibus a foederatio suo rebellem aliquem suum sibi tradi petiisset, statim foederatus ille eum e territoriis suis edicto iuberet.

They brought the negotiation to an outcome both concerning friendship and concerning commerce between the king and the archduke, comprising articles both of state and of commerce and of free fishing. This is that treaty which the Belgians to this day call the Intercursum Magnum, both because in all its particulars it was complete, and also in order to distinguish it from the other treaty which followed in the twenty-first year of the king, which they call the Intercursum Malum. In this treaty there was contained an express article that neither prince should receive the other’s rebels, in this tenor: “That if either of the princes should have requested from his confederate that any rebel of his be handed over to him, forthwith that confederate should by edict order him out of his territories.”

Cui nisi rebellis intra quindecim dies paruisset, statim pro proscripto esset." Verum in isto articulo Perkinus nominatus non est, nec fortasse inclusus, quia rebellis non erat. Sed tamen per hoc alae eius succisae erant quatenus ad sequaces suos ex Anglia. Quin insuper in tractu disertis verbis insertum erat ut haec prohibitio ad territoria ducissae viduae extenderet.

“To which, unless the rebel obeyed within fifteen days, he would straightway be held as proscribed.” But in that article Perkin was not named, nor perhaps included, because he was not a rebel. Yet nevertheless by this his wings were clipped so far as concerned his followers from England. Nay further, in the treaty it was inserted in express words that this prohibition should extend to the territories of the dowager duchess.

Post commercium redintegratum, mercatores Angli in sedem suam Antuerpiae redierunt, ubi solenni processione et insigni laetitia excepti sunt.

After trade was reintegrated, the English merchants returned to their seat at Antwerp, where they were received with a solemn procession and remarkable rejoicing.

27. Hyeme sequente, nimirum anno duodecimo regis, rex comitia sua iterum convocavit. In quibus maiorem in modum questus est de malitia regis Scotiae et de crudeli ac praedatorio bello quo Angliam invaserat. Regem illum, qui foedere sibi iunctus esset, et nulla re a se provocatus, tanto erga se odio arsisse ut faeces Perkini intoxicationis epotaret, quos iam caeteri omnes ubique abiecerant et despexerant.

27. The following winter, namely in the twelfth year of the king, the king convoked his comitia again. In it he complained in the highest degree of the malice of the king of Scotland and of the cruel and predatory war with which he had invaded England. That king, who had been joined to him by treaty and in no way provoked by him, had burned with such hatred toward him that he drained the dregs of Perkin’s intoxication, which all the others everywhere had already cast away and despised.

Cumque vidisset supra vires suas esse ut regi noceret, arma sua in inermes et imparatos vertisse, spoliando et depopulando agros contra iura et pacis et belli. Orationem autem suam se non posse absque honoris sui iactura et subditorum suorum periculo (quibus protectionem debebat) iniurias illas inultas pati. comitia quid rex sibi vellet satis intellexerunt, eique subsidium concesserunt, limitatum certe, sed tamen amplissimum, ad summam videlicet centum et viginti mille librarum, una cum quindecimis duabus.

And when he had seen that it was beyond his powers to harm the king, he had turned his arms upon the unarmed and unprepared, despoiling and depopulating the fields contrary to the laws both of peace and of war. Moreover, in his oration he declared that he could not, without a loss of his honor and with peril to his subjects (to whom he owed protection), suffer those injuries to go unavenged. the parliament well understood what the king wished for himself, and granted him a subsidy—limited, to be sure, yet very ample—namely to the sum of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, together with two fifteenths.

Bella enim regis Henrici ei semper fuerunt instar minerae cuiusdam admirabilis, quae ferrum habebat in summo, aurum vero et argentum in fundo. His comitiis (quia anno superiore tantum temporis in ferendis legibus impensum fuit, atque etiam quia haec comitia ob Scotiae bellum solummodo convocata erant) nulla leges memoria dia\gnae sancitae sunt praeter unam, quae perlata est ad instantatiam mercatorum adventurariorum per Angliam sparsorum contra mercatores adventurarios Londinenses propter monopolium quoddam et exactiones novas mercibus impositas. Quod, ut videtur, a Londinensibus factum st ut sibi paulum subvenirent post dura tempora quae sustinuerunt ob defectum exportationis.

For the wars of King Henry were always to him like a certain admirable mine, which had iron at the top, but gold and silver at the bottom. At these Parliament-sessions (because in the previous year so much time had been expended in bearing laws, and also because these sessions had been convened solely on account of the war of Scotland) no laws worthy of memory were enacted except one, which was carried at the insistence of the Merchant Adventurers scattered through England against the Merchant Adventurers of London on account of a certain monopoly and new exactions imposed upon merchandise. Which, as it seems, had been done by the Londoners so that they might somewhat relieve themselves after the hard times which they had endured because of the failure of exportation.

Verum novitates illae a parlamento sublatae sunt.

But those innovations were removed by parliament.

28. Sed regi fatale erat pro pecuniis suis dimicare. Etsi enim pugnam cum hostibus exteris devitaret, tamen semper pugnare compulsus est cum rebellibus domi. Quamprimum enim coepit subsidium exigi in provincia Cornibiae, populus confestim murmura et verba odiosa iactare coepit, cum Cornubienses genus hominum essent animis obstinatum, corporis compage et viribus robustissimum, quique duriter in terra sterili degerent.

28. But it was fated for the king to fight for his moneys. For although he avoided battle with foreign enemies, nevertheless he was always compelled to fight with rebels at home. For as soon as a subsidy began to be exacted in the province of Cornwall, the people immediately began to vent murmurs and odious words, since the Cornish were a race of men obstinate in spirit, most robust in bodily frame and strength, and who lived harshly in a sterile land.

Quinetiam complures ex iis (si necessitas postularet) sub terra vivere poterant, cum stannarii essent. Illi immaniter frendebant rem esse prorsus non tolerabilem, ut propter pusillos motus Scotiae cito dissipatos ipsi ad pulverem usque exactionibus permolerentur. Quin et vociferabantur solutiones eiusmodi iis competere qui haberent quod solvere possent, quique vivebant ociose.

And moreover, many of them (if necessity required) were able to live under ground, since they were stannaries—tin-miners. They gnashed their teeth savagely, saying the matter was utterly intolerable, that on account of the petty commotions of Scotland, quickly dispersed, they themselves were ground by exactions down to the very dust. Nay, they even vociferated that payments of this kind belong to those who have what they can pay, and who live at ease.

Se vero panem quem in sudore vultus parassant plane comesturos, neque quenquam eum ipsis erupturum. Quemadmodum autem accidit ut cum aestus populorum saevire incipiant, non desint plerunque venti turbidi qui eos maiorem in modum exagitent, ita populus iste in duos incidit antesignanos et rebelliones faces. Alter erat nomine Michael Iosephus, faber ferrarius es villa Bodmini, nebulo audax et loquax, et qui infimorum sermonibus celebrari gestiebat.

But they themselves were surely going to eat the bread which they had prepared in the sweat of their brow, and that no one would wrench it from them. And just as it happens that, when the surges of peoples begin to rage, there are not usually lacking turbid winds which agitate them all the more, so that people fell upon two standard-bearers and torches of rebellion. The one was by name Michael Joseph, a blacksmith from the village of Bodmin, an audacious and loquacious knave, who longed to be celebrated in the talk of the lowest sort.

Alter erat Thomas Flammockus iureconsultus, qui multum apud vicinos suos poterat, quia scilicet cum de iure consuleretur legem ab eorum parte stare fere semper responderet. Iste sciolus erudite loqui volebat, quasi modum tenerent quo rebellio possit iniri absque violatione pacis. Populum autem magno cum supercilio edocuit subsidia in hoc praesenti casu iure concedi non potuisse, hoc est, propter bella Scotiae (quia lex aliud excogitaverat remedium, nimirum servitium scutagii, pro huiusmodi expeditionibus), multo minus cum rebus satis pacatis bellum tantum praetextebatur ad expilandum populum.

The other was Thomas Flammockus, a jurist, who had much influence among his neighbors, because, namely, whenever he was consulted on law he almost always answered that the law stood on their side. This smatterer wished to speak eruditely, as though they possessed a method by which rebellion could be entered upon without a violation of the peace. Moreover, with great superciliousness he instructed the people that subsidies in this present case could not have been granted by right—that is, on account of the wars of Scotland (since the law had devised another remedy, to wit the service of scutage, for expeditions of this kind)—much less when affairs were quite pacified and war was only being used as a pretext to despoil the people.

Itaque consentaneum esse ut neutiquam starent tanquam oves coram tonsore, sed se armarent et tela irriperent. Ita tamen, ut nulli creaturae nocumentum infligerent, sed tantum regi petitionem valida manu porrigerent, ut eiusmodi graves exactiones revocaret, atque eos qui consilii eius auctores fuerant aut suasores supplicio afficeret, quo caeteris metus incuteretur ne similia in tempus futurum auderent. Atque pro sua parte non videre se quomodo officio Anglorum fidelium et bonorum ligiorum satisfacere possent, nisi regem a tam perniciosis consiliariis liberarent, qui tam ipsum quam populum suum protinus eversuri essent.

Therefore it was consonant with reason that they should by no means stand like sheep before the shearer, but arm themselves and snatch up weapons. Yet in such a way that they would inflict harm on no creature, but only proffer to the king a petition with a strong hand, that he revoke such grievous exactions, and visit with punishment those who had been the authors or advisers of his counsel, whereby fear might be struck into the rest, lest they dare similar things in time to come. And for their part they did not see how they could satisfy the duty of the faithful and good liegemen of the English, unless they freed the king from such pernicious counselors, who were forthwith about to overthrow both himself and his people.

Innuebant cardinalem Mortonum et Reginaldum Braium, qui regi umbrellae in huiusmodi rebus erant.

They were alluding to Cardinal Morton and Reginald Bray, who were the king’s umbrellas in matters of this kind.

29. Postquam istu duo, Flammockus et faber ferrarius, garrulitate sua, partim publice partim secreto aures populi implessent, et animus vulgi inclinatos et promptos ad consilia sua invenissent, se pro ductoribus populo offerebant donec alii viri eminentioris gradus a partibus suis se declararent, quod brevi fore dixerunt. Se vero nihil aliud quam servos ipsorum futuros in periculis tantum primos. Minime vero dubitare quin fines extreme occidentales et orientales Angliae in tam iusta caussa concursuri sint, quidquie universa ista (si quis recte rem intelligeret) pro regis servitio et bono facerent.

29. After these two, Flammock and the blacksmith, by their garrulity, partly publicly and partly in secret, had filled the ears of the people, and had found the spirit of the crowd inclined and prompt for their counsels, they offered themselves to the people as leaders until other men of more eminent rank should declare themselves on their side, which they said would be shortly. As for themselves, they would be nothing other than their servants, only first in perils. They did not at all doubt that the far western and eastern borders of England would rally in so just a cause, and that all this (if one rightly understood the matter) they were doing for the king’s service and good.

Populus huiusmodi seditiosis sermonibus instigatus arma sumpsit (plurimis eorum arcus et sagittas, et falces, atque huiusmodi agrestium tela gestantibus) et continuo sub imperio ductorum suorum (quod imperium in huiusmodi casibus semper tenetur ad bene placitum populi) e Cornubia per Devoniam usque ad oppidum Tauntoni in provincia Sommersettensi perrexerunt sine ulla caede, violentia, aut praeda. Apud Tauntonam autem oestro percito unum ex exactoribus subsidii rigidioribus, qui appellatus est praepositus Perni, trucidarunt. Inde profecti sunt Wellesiam, ubi baro Audleius (cum quo ductores rebellium consilia antea secreto miscuerant), vir nobilis ex antiqua prosapia sed ingenio turbido et in ruinam propriam aspirante, secum illis coniunxit, atque ab illis laetis clamoribus pro imperatore ipsorum agnitus fuit, animos iam novos sumentibus ipsis, cum senserint se ab uno ex proceribus duci.

The people, instigated by seditious speeches of this sort, took up arms (very many of them bearing bows and arrows, and sickles, and rustic weapons of that kind), and straightway under the command of their leaders (which command in such cases is always held at the good pleasure of the people) they proceeded from Cornwall through Devon as far as the town of Taunton in the province of Somerset, without any slaughter, violence, or plunder. At Taunton, however, when the gadfly was pricking them, they butchered one of the sterner collectors of the subsidy, who was called the Provost of Perin. Thence they set out for Wells, where Baron Audley (with whom the leaders of the rebels had earlier secretly mingled counsels), a noble man of ancient lineage but of a turbulent disposition and aspiring to his own ruin, joined himself to them, and by them with joyful shouts was recognized as their commander, they themselves now taking on new spirits, since they felt that they were being led by one of the nobles.

Dominus Audleius Wellesia Salisburiam, Salisburia Wintoniam eos duxit. Inde stultus populus (qui scilicet ductores suos ducebat) omnino in Cantium duci volebat, secum fingentes populum Cantii sibi haesurum, insulsissimo prorsus consilio, cum Cantiani nuper magnam fidelitatem et animi promptitudinem erga regem ostendissent. Verum fatuus ille populus audierat Flammockum dicere Cantium nunquam fuisse subiugatum, atque Cantianos fuisse homines inter Anglos in libertate asserenda accerrimos.

Lord Audley led them from Wells to Salisbury, from Salisbury to Winchester. Thence the foolish populace (who, namely, were leading their own leaders) altogether wished to be led into Kent, imagining to themselves that the people of Kent would cleave to them—an utterly most insipid counsel, since the Kentish had recently shown great fidelity and promptitude of spirit toward the king. But that fatuous populace had heard Flammock say that Kent had never been subjugated, and that the men of Kent were, among the English, most keen in asserting liberty.

Atque his frivolis sermonibus magna de iis sibi promiserant in caussa quam pro libertate subditorum susceptam credi volebant. Sed cum in Cantium venissent, provincia illa adeo bene composita ereat et sedata, tam recenti regis erga eos comitate, quam auctoritate et existimatione comitis Cantii, barnonis Abergavennii, et baronis Cobhami, ut ne unus quidem sive ex eminentioribus sive ex inferioribus ad eos accederet. Quod haud parum terruit et fregit multos ex iis qui minus erant contumaces.

And by these frivolous speeches they had promised themselves great things from them in the cause which they wished to be believed was undertaken for the liberty of the subjects. But when they came into Kent, that province was so well composed and calmed, as much by the king’s recent comity toward them as by the authority and estimation of the earl of Kent, the baron of Abergavenny, and the baron of Cobham, that not a single man, whether of the higher or the lower sort, came over to them. Which not a little terrified and broke many of those who were the less contumacious.

Adeo ut ab exercitu aufugerint et domum redierint. Verum pertinaciores, quique se promptissimos in caussa declaverint persistebant et superbiebant potius quam animos submittebant. Quemadmodum enim illud nonnihil eos terrebat, quod nemo se iis adiungeret, ita et spiritus addebat quod copiae regis minime eos invaserant, cum ab occidentali ad orientalem extremitatem Angliae pertransissent.

To such an extent that they fled from the army and returned home. But the more pertinacious—and those who had declared themselves most prompt in the cause—persisted and grew proud rather than submitting their spirits. For just as this somewhat terrified them, that no one joined them, so also it added to their spirit that the king’s forces had in no way assailed them, though they had traversed from the western to the eastern extremity of England.

Itaque profectionem suam continuarunt, et castrametati sunt super Blackheath inter Grenovicum et Elthamam, minantes se aut cum rege praelium conserturos (iam enim fluctus se altius quam ad Mortonum aut Braium extulerunt) aut Londinum in conspectu eius capturos, sperantes se in urbe inventuros non minus formidinis quam opulentiae.

Thus they continued their march, and encamped upon Blackheath between Greenwich and Eltham, threatening that they would either engage battle with the king (for now the waves had lifted themselves higher than at Morton or at Bray) or seize London in his sight, hoping that in the city they would find no less of dread than of opulence.

30. Sed ut ad regem revertamur, cum primum certior factus esset de insurrectione Cornubiensium propter levationem subsidii, maiorem in modum commotus est, non rei ipsius ergo, sed propter aliorum periculorum quae eodem tempore ei impendebant concursum. Metuebat enim ne bellum e Scotia, rebellio illa ex Cornubia, et coniuratio Perkini eiusque sequacium simul in eum ingruerent, satis gnarus periculosam esse eam monarchiae triplicitatem, cum bellum externum, rebellio intestina, et competitor titularis simul impenderent. Attamen occasio eum ex parte invenit paratum.

30. But to return to the king, as soon as he was made certain of the insurrection of the Cornish on account of the levying of the subsidy, he was exceedingly agitated, not on account of the matter itself, but because of the concurrence of other dangers that at the same time were impending over him. For he feared lest a war from Scotland, that rebellion from Cornwall, and the conspiracy of Perkin and his followers might simultaneously break upon him, well aware that such a triplicity for a monarchy is perilous, when an external war, an internal rebellion, and a titular competitor are at once threatening. Nevertheless, the occasion found him in part prepared.

Simulac enim comitia soluta fuissent, rex potentem exercitum coegerat quo Scotiae bellum inferret. Quin et rex Scotiae Iacobus similiter magnas copias instruxerat, vel quo regnum suum defenderet vel quo regnum Angliae iterum invaderet. Verum regis Henrici copiae non solum praeparatae erant sed plane in procinctu sub ducto Daubeneii camerarii sui.

As soon as the Parliament had been dissolved, the king had gathered a powerful army with which to wage war upon Scotland. Indeed, the king of Scotland, James, likewise had mustered great forces, either to defend his own realm or to invade the realm of England again. But King Henry’s forces were not only prepared, they were plainly in battle array, under the command of Daubeney, his chamberlain.

Sed audita rebellione Cornubiae, rex eas copias apud se tenuit ad praesidium suum proprium. Attamen interea Comitem Surriae in partes boreales celeriter misit ad defensionem et rober earum regionum, si forte Scoti aliquid molirentur. Verum quoad modum suum cum rebellibus procedendi, is longe diversus erat a praecedente sua consuetudine et practica, quae semper fuit cum magna alacritate et celeritate coniuncta.

But on hearing of the rebellion in Cornwall, the king kept those forces with himself for his own proper guard. Yet meanwhile he sent the Earl of Surrey quickly into the northern parts for the defense and strength of those regions, if perchance the Scots should attempt anything. But as to his manner of proceeding with the rebels, it was far different from his preceding custom and practice, which had always been conjoined with great alacrity and speed.

Solebat enim eis sine mora resistere, aut etiam eos adoriri. Hoc ei prius in more fuerat, verum nunc, praeterquam quod erat aetate provectior minusque periculorum appetens propter diutinam fruitionem regni, tempus eius generis fuit ut varia periculorum facies, diversae naturae, et a partibus diversis, eum in hoc consilium adduceret ad vires suas unitas conservandas in sede et centro regni, secundum vetus illud Indorum emblema in rebus tam tumidis, manum in medium vesicae imponere, ut neutrum latus insurgeret. Praeterea nulla ei incumbebat necessitas propter quam ab huius consilio decederet.

For he used to resist them without delay, or even to assail them. This had formerly been his custom; but now, besides that he was more advanced in age and less appetent of perils because of the long-continued fruition of the kingdom, the time was of such a kind that the various faces of perils, of diverse nature, and from diverse quarters, brought him to this counsel: to conserve his forces united in the seat and center of the realm, according to that old emblem of the Indians, that in matters so tumid one should lay the hand upon the middle of the bladder, so that neither side might rise up. Moreover, no necessity lay incumbent on him for which he should depart from this counsel.

Neque enim rebelles regiones depopulabantur, quo casu parum ei honorificum fuisset populo non succurrere. Neque ex altera parte eorum copiae ulla accessione augebantur quae eum moveret ut properaret et rem praecipitaret antequam in vires nimias excrescerent. Postremo et status et belli rationes ab hoc constare videbantur, quia motus populares plerunque magis furiosi sunt in principio.

For neither were the rebels devastating the regions, in which case it would have been scarcely honorable for him not to succor the people. Nor, on the other side, were their forces being increased by any accession that might move him to make haste and precipitate the affair before they should swell into excessive strength. Lastly, both the posture and the calculations of war seemed to consist with this, since popular commotions are for the most part more furious at the beginning.

Atque insuper, hoc modo eos plus in arcto habebat et magis sibi obnoxios, cum longe a patria sua remoti essent, ideoque fieri non poterat ut domum se recipereunt et motus fortasse renovarent.

And moreover, in this way he kept them more in a tight strait and more subject to himself, since they were far removed from their own fatherland, and thus it could not come about that they should withdraw home and perhaps renew the disturbances.

31. Cum igitur rebelles (ut dictum est) super collem de Blackeheath castrametati essent, unde circumspicere possent urbem Londini et pulcherrimam vallem circumiacentem, rex secum reputans plurimum honoris sui interesse ut, quo magis in iis adoriendis rem hactenus distulisset, eo citius praelium consereret, ne cunctatio illa ex aliqua tepiditate, sed ex prudentia et opportuna temporis electione provenisse videatur, decrevit omni mora seposita cum iis congredi, hocque nihilominus ea cum providentia et circumspectione ut parum fortunae relinqueret. Cumque amplissimas copias coegisset quo magis omnia accidentia in ordinem redigeret, eaque veluti superior regeret, illas trifariam divisit. Atque exercitus primus a comite Oxoniae ut generali, cui subessent comites Essexiae et Suffolciae, ducebatur.

31. Therefore, when the rebels (as has been said) had encamped upon the hill of Blackheath, whence they could look around upon the city of London and the most beautiful surrounding valley, the king, considering with himself that it concerned his honor most that, in proportion as he had hitherto deferred the matter in assailing them, by so much the sooner he should join battle, lest that delay seem to have arisen from some tepidity, but rather from prudence and an opportune choice of time, decided, all delay set aside, to engage with them; and nonetheless with such providence and circumspection as to leave little to Fortune. And when he had gathered very ample forces, that he might the more bring all contingencies into order and, as a superior, govern them, he divided them into three parts. And the first army was led by the Earl of Oxford as general, under whom were the Earls of Essex and Suffolk.

His datum est in mandatis ut cum turmis aliquot equitum, et peditum cohortibus, et tormentorum firmo apparatu collem circumirent ubi rebelles castrametati fuerunt, seque ultra eos sisterent, omnesque collis fimbrias et declivia obsisterent praeter ea quae versus Londinum patebant, ut ferae istae tanquam indagine clauderentur. Secundum exercitum (qui maxime in pugnam venturus esset, in cuius manu fortuna praelii eius dei maxime sita foret) domino camerario attribuit, cui praeceperat ut a fronte rebelles invaderet, ex ea parte quae Londinum prospiciebat. Tertium exercitum, maximum certe et instructissimum, circa se retinuit, ut in omnes eventus paratus esset, vel ad pugnam instaurandam vel ad victoriam consummendam, atque interim ut urbs in securo esset.

To them it was given in commands that, with several troops of cavalry and cohorts of infantry, and with a firm apparatus of artillery, they should go around the hill where the rebels had encamped, and station themselves beyond them, and block all the fringes and slopes of the hill except those that lay open toward London, so that those beasts might be shut in as if by a hunting-net. The second army (which was most to come into the fight, in whose hand the fortune of that day’s battle would be chiefly set) he assigned to the Lord Chamberlain, to whom he had ordered that he should assail the rebels from the front, on that side which looked toward London. The third army, certainly the largest and best-equipped, he kept about himself, so that he might be prepared for all events, either for renewing the fight or for consummating the victory, and meanwhile that the city might be in safety.

Atque in eum finem castrametatus est in campis S. Georgii, ut se medium poneret inter rebelles et urbem. Civitas autem Londini, praecipue sub initiis cum rebelles tam prope castrametatos cerneret, magno tumultu egit, ut fieri solet in opulentis et populosis civitatibus (praesertim iis quae regionum suarum tanquam reginae sint) quae raro admodum ex fenestris aut turribus ipsarum hostilem exercitum vident. Verum quod maxime eos pupugit illud erat, quod cum incondita turba rem habituri essent, cum qua nulla erat compositionis, aut conditionum, aut legitimi alicuius tractatus spes, si opus esset, sed quae in rapinas et praedam ruitura videbatur.

And to that end he encamped in the fields of St. George, so that he might place himself in the midst between the rebels and the city. The City of London, however, especially at the outset when it saw the rebels encamped so near, was in great tumult, as is wont to happen in opulent and populous cities (especially those which are, as it were, queens of their regions), which very rarely see from their own windows or towers a hostile army. But what stung them most was this: that, since they would have to deal with an ill‑ordered rabble, with which there was no hope of composition, or of conditions, or of any legitimate negotiation, should there be need, it seemed likely to rush headlong into rapine and prey.

Etsi enim audiissent rebelles in itinere suo se pacate et modeste gessisse, tamen male metuebant hoc ipsorum temperamentum non diu duraturum, sed potius hoc ipsum eos acuere posse ad spolia in fine captanda. Itaque populus Londinensis perpetuo huc illuc cursitabat, alii ad portas, alii ad muros, alii ad littora fluvii, sibi ubique metus et pannicos terrores iniiciendo. Nihilominus praetor civitatis Tatus, necnon Shauus et Haddonus vicecomites, officio strenue et fortiter functi sunt in populo armando et instruendo.

Although indeed they had heard that on their march the rebels had conducted themselves peaceably and modestly, nevertheless they greatly feared that this temper of theirs would not endure long, but rather that this very thing could whet them to seize spoils at the end. And so the people of London kept running continually hither and thither, some to the gates, others to the walls, others to the shores of the river, everywhere injecting upon themselves fear and panic terrors. Nonetheless the city’s praetor, Tatus, and also Shauus and Haddonus, the sheriffs, discharged their duty strenuously and bravely in arming and arranging the people.

Quibus rex adiunxit nonnullos ex viris militaribus qui cives consilio et opera iuvarent. Verum haud multo post, cum intellexissent cives regem ita rem administrare ut necesse foret rebelles ter victores evadere antequam ad civitatem appropinquarent, quodque personam suam propriam inter eos et rebelles mediam stitisset, quodque cura maior esset rebelles circumcludendi ne aliquis eorum effugeret, quam quod de victoria in ipsos omnino dubitatio subesset, tumultuari desisterunt et se in tuto esse credebant. Eo magis, quod magnam fiduciam habuerunt in tribus ductoribus, comitibus Oxoniae et Essexiae, et Daubeneio, qui omnes celebrati et gratiosi fuerunt apud populum.

To these the king added some from among the military men to assist the citizens by counsel and by effort. But not long after, when the citizens had understood that the king was so managing the affair that it would be necessary for the rebels to come out thrice victors before they could approach the city, and that he had set his own person in the midst between them and the rebels, and that there was more care about enclosing the rebels lest any of them should escape than that there was any doubt at all about victory over them, they ceased to tumultuate and believed themselves to be in safety. All the more, because they had great confidence in three leaders, the earls of Oxford and Essex, and Daubeney, who were all celebrated and in high favor with the people.

Quantum vero ad Iasparum ducem Bedfordiae (quem rex bellis suis praeficere solebat), tunc temporis aegrotabat, neque diu superstes fuit.

But as for Jasper, Duke of Bedford (whom the king was accustomed to place in charge of his wars), at that time he was ill, and he did not long survive.

32. Dies praelii insecuti fuit vicesimus secundus Iunii et dies Saturni (quem diem hebdomade rex pro fausto ducebat), etsi rex qua potuerat arte falsum diem in vulgus iecerat, ac si in animo haberet rebelles proximo die Lunae invadere, quo magis eos imparatos et ordinibus solutos deprehenderet. Nobiles illi, quibus ea pars belli assignata erat ut collem circumsepirent, aliquot ante dies in locis opportunis se stiterunt rebelles intercepturi. Tempora autem pomeridiano, die paulum declinante (quod factum est ut rebelles certius crederent se eo die non conflicturos) Daubeneius contra eos copias duxit.

32. The day ensuing for the battle was the 22nd of June and a Saturday (which day of the week the king held to be auspicious), although the king, by whatever art he could, had cast abroad among the common people a false day, as if he intended to assail the rebels on the next Monday, that he might catch them the more unprepared and loosed from their ranks. Those nobles, to whom that part of the war had been assigned, to encircle the hill, had set themselves several days before in advantageous places, to intercept the rebels. At the afternoon time, the day a little declining (which was done so that the rebels would more surely believe that they would not join battle that day), Daubeny led forces against them.

Ac primo cohortes aliquot a ponte Detfordiensi retro re recipere compulit, licet fortissime et acerrime pugnasserit. Sed cum numerus eorum haud magnus esset, se ad aciem ipsam quae in colle morabatur receperunt. At exercitus rebellium, audito quod copiae regis iam adessent, ordines suos instruebat, sed non sine magna confusione.

And at first he compelled several cohorts to fall back from the Deptford bridge, although they had fought most bravely and most fiercely. But since their number was not great, they withdrew to the battle-line itself which was lingering on the hill. Meanwhile the army of the rebels, upon hearing that the king’s forces were now at hand, was marshalling its ranks, but not without great confusion.

Verum neque copias, ut ratio belli postulabat, in primo collis ascensu versus pontem collocaverunt, quae iis subsidio essent quae pontem custodirent, neque exercitum suum promoverunt ad acclivia collis, ubi iniquo loco a regis copiis pugnam conseri necessum fuisset, sed in planitie collis procul instruxerunt. Ita ut Daubeneius collem ascenderet, et aequo loco se sisteret antequam ei resisteretur. Daubeneius eos ferociter admodum adortus est, ita ut fortuna eius dei periclitaretur.

But they neither stationed their forces, as the logic of war demanded, on the first ascent of the hill toward the bridge—forces which might be for succor to those who were guarding the bridge—nor did they advance their army to the slopes of the hill, where on unfavorable ground it would have been necessary for the king’s forces to join battle; instead they drew up on the plateau of the hill at a distance. Thus Daubeneius ascended the hill and took his stand on equal ground before he was resisted. Daubeneius assailed them very fiercely, to such a degree that his fortune of that day was put in peril.

Etenim cum fronte copiarum suarum oblitus salutis suae temere dimicaret, a rebellibus captus est, sed statim ereptus. Rebelles pugnam in breve tempus sustinebant, neque ignave rem gesserunt. Sed cum male armati essent et sub ducibus imperitis, neque ab equitatu aut tormentis instructi, absque difficultate magna devicti et in fugam coniecti sunt.

For indeed, while at the front of his forces, forgetful of his own safety, he was fighting recklessly, he was captured by the rebels, but immediately rescued. The rebels sustained the fight for a short time, nor did they act in a cowardly fashion. But since they were ill-armed and under inexperienced leaders, and not furnished with cavalry or artillery, they were defeated with no great difficulty and driven into flight.

Quantum vero ad tres illos ductores suos, Audleium scilicet, fabrum ferrarium, et Flammockum (ut fere popularium motuum auctores ignavi sunt et semifortes) illi se vivos capi sustinuerunt. Numerus occisorum ex parte rebellium fuit circa bis mille hominum, cum totus eorum exercitus numerum sedecim millium (ut dictum est) complesset. Reliqui plerique omnes capti sunt, cum collis undiquaque regis copiis obsessus esset.

As for those three leaders of theirs, namely Audley, the blacksmith, and Flammock (as the authors of popular movements are commonly cowardly and half-brave), they allowed themselves to be taken alive. The number of the slain on the rebels’ side was about 2,000 men, since their whole army had made up the number of 16,000 (as has been said). The rest, almost all, were captured, since the hill had been beset on every side by the king’s forces.

Ex regis parte trecenti circiter occubuerunt, plurimi eorum sagittis confixi. Quae sagittae,kut fama ferebat, longitudinis erant virgae scissoriae. Tam potentibus scilicet arcubus Cornubienses usi sunt.

On the king’s side about 300 fell, most of them pierced by arrows. Those arrows, as report had it, were of the length of a cutter’s rod (a yardstick). Such powerful bows, namely, did the Cornish employ.

33. Victoria in hunc modum parta, rex complures equites banarettos creavit, tam in colli de Blackheath ubi locumtenens eius praelio vicerat (quo ipse equo vectus est ut ceremoniam illam praesens praestaret) quam in campis Georgianis, ubi ipse castrametatus fuerat. Quantum vero ad munificentiam aut donativa, edixit ut omnia praelio captorum bona iis, qui illos ceperant, cederent, sive in specie, sive per viam redemptionis. Honores et munificentiam severitas et supplicia secuta sunt.

33. Victory having been won in this manner, the king created several knights bannerets, both on the hill of Blackheath, where his lieutenant had won the battle (whither he himself rode on horseback so that, being present, he might perform that ceremony), and in the Fields of St. George, where he himself had encamped. As for munificence or donatives, he decreed that all the goods of those captured in the battle should pass to those who had taken them, whether in specie or by way of redemption. Honors and munificence were followed by severity and punishments.

Baro Audleius a carcere de Porta Nova ad collem turris ductus est in tunica papyracea insignis suis depicta, insignibus autem reversis et tunica lacerata, ibique decapitatus est. Flammockus et faber ferrarius ad furcas de Tiburne super crates tracti, suspensi, et deartuati sunt, fabro etiam super cratem, ut ex verbis eius nonnullis perspicere licebat, gestiente se temporibus futuris memorabilem fore. Rex paulo ante constituerant Flammockum et fabrum in Cornubiam remittere, ut ibi in maiorem terrorem supplicio afficerentur.

Baron Audley was led from the prison of Newgate to Tower Hill, in a paper tunic marked with his own insignia painted upon it, his insignia however reversed and the tunic torn, and there he was decapitated. Flammock and the blacksmith were drawn on hurdles to the gallows of Tyburn, hanged, and quartered, the smith also, upon the hurdle—as it was permitted to perceive from certain of his words—exulting that he would be memorable to future times. The king a little before had determined to send Flammock and the smith back into Cornwall, that there, for greater terror, they might be punished.

Sed certior factus provinciam illam adhuc intumescere, secunda usus cogitatione populum neutiquam irritare consultius putabat. Reliquis omnibus edicto rex veniam largitus est, cuius diplomata sub magno sigillo procurare poterat qui vellet. Ita ut, excepto sanguine quem praelium hauserat, rex sibi satisfieri passus sit trium tantummodo hominum supplicio ad tantae rebellionis expiationem.

But, being informed that that province was still intumescing, upon second thought he judged it more advisable by no means to irritate the people. By an edict the king granted pardon to all the rest, whose letters patent under the Great Seal whoever wished could procure. Thus, except for the blood which the battle had drained, the king allowed himself to be satisfied with the punishment of only three men for the expiation of so great a rebellion.

34. Erat prefecto res mira regis illa inaequalitas et alternatio in infligendis suppliciis et spargendis gratiis, ac primo quidum intuitu rem quis forte aut casu guberari putaret. Verum si magis a prope introspiciat, reperiet magna ratione factum fuisse, maiore fortasse quam post tantum temporis intervallum notari iam queat. Motu Cantanio (cum manipulus tantum rebellium esset) ad numerum centum et quinquaginta morte mulctati sunt, at in hac rebellione tam numerosa homines tres tantum, sive illud in caussa fuerat quod rex satisfactum in parte putaret sanguine in acie effuso, sive quod in caussa populari severius agere inconsultum arbitraretur, sive quod populi istius innocentia quaedam (cum longitudinem Angliae emensi essent, vere absque maleficio vel praeda) cor regis aliquantum emollisset et ad misericordiam flexisset, sive denique quod res magni discriminis putaret rebellionem ex lascivia et rebellionem ex inopia.

34. To the prefect that inequality and alternation of the king in inflicting punishments and scattering graces was a remarkable thing, and at first glance one might think the matter was governed by chance or accident. But if one look more closely from near at hand, he will find it was done with great reason, perhaps greater than can now be noted after so long an interval of time. In the Kentish rising (since it was only a small handful of rebels) up to the number of 150 were punished with death, but in this rebellion, so numerous, only three men, whether the cause was that the king thought himself partly satisfied by the blood poured out in the battle-line, or that in a popular cause he judged it ill-advised to proceed more severely, or that a certain innocence of that people (since they had traversed the length of England truly without misdeed or plunder) had somewhat softened the king’s heart and bent it to mercy, or finally that he considered there to be a great discrimination between a rebellion from wantonness and a rebellion from need.