Bacon: HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE

X. CIRCA hoc tempus Isabella regina Castiliae decessit, foemina heroica ac ornamentum et sexui sui et temporum, quaeque magnitudinis regni Hispanica quae sectua est lapis angularis fuit. Hoc accidens, rex, non ut nova peregrina accepit, sed tanquam illud quod magnum haberet cum rebus suis consensum, idque duplici respectu praecipue. Nimirum tam propter exemplum quam propter consequentiam.

10. AROUND this time Isabella, queen of Castile, died, a heroic woman and an ornament both to her sex and to her times, and the corner-stone of the magnitude of the Spanish kingdom which followed. This event the king did not receive as something novel or foreign, but as that which had great consonance with his own affairs; and that especially in a twofold respect—namely both on account of the example and on account of the consequence.

Primo secum reputabat casum Ferdinandi Arragoniae post mortem Isabella eundum prorsus esse cum casu suo post mortem Elizabethae, casumque Ioannae haeredis Castiliae convenire cum casu filii sui principis Henrici. Etenim si uterque rex regnum teneret in iure uxoris suae, descendabat utique ad haeredem, neque marito accrescebat. Et licet casus suus proprius magis quam ille Ferdinandi et ferro et membrana firmatus (hoc est, victoria in acie et actu parliamentario), nihilominus naturale illud ius sanguinis ita (etiam in animo viri prudentis) praeponderabat ut dubitationem iniiceret num reliquis duobus tuto et solide quis niti posset.

First, he was reckoning with himself that the case of Ferdinand of Aragon after the death of Isabella was to go entirely together with his own case after the death of Elizabeth, and that the case of Joanna, heiress of Castile, agreed with the case of his son, Prince Henry. For if each king held the kingdom in the right of his wife, it would of course descend to the heir, nor would it accrue to the husband. And although his own case was more properly than that of Ferdinand established both by iron and by parchment (that is, by victory in the battle line and by an act of Parliament), nevertheless that natural right of blood so preponderated (even in the mind of a prudent man) as to cast in doubt whether upon the other two one could safely and solidly rely.

Itaque diligentissime observabat quomodo cum rege Arragoniae actum foret in retentione regni Castiliae. Atque insuper, si forte retinuisset, utrum in iure proprio vel ut administrator bonorum filiae suae se illud tenere profiteretur. Secundo, animo volvebat statum Europae per hanc mortem conversionem quandam pati posse.

Therefore he most diligently observed how matters had been transacted with the king of Aragon regarding the retention of the kingdom of Castile. And moreover, if perchance he had retained it, whether he would profess that he held it in his own right, or as administrator of the goods of his daughter. Secondly, he revolved in mind that the state of Europe, by reason of this death, might be able to undergo a certain alteration.

Cum enim temporibus anteactis coniunctio sui ipsius cum Arragonia et Castilae (quae res una fuerant) amicitiaque Maximiliani et Philippi filius sui archiducis potentiam Gallarum longe superarunt, metuere iam coepit ne forte rex Gallus (qui in affectibus Philippi regis iuvenis Castiliae locum insignem obtinebat) et Philippus ipse iam Castiliae rex (cui inimicitiae intercedebant cum socero suo circa praesens regimen Castiliae), necnon et ipse Maximilianus Philippi pater (quo mobili esset ingenio, et de quo coniectura illa fere sola merito capi poterat, eum non diu eundum futurum qui paulo ante fuisset), hi tres potentissimi principes in arctum aliquam amicitiam et foedus inter se coirent. Quo facto, licet periculum minime sibi ab illis immineret, tamen amicitiae Arragoniae nudae relinqueretur. Unde fieret ut cum ipse prius velut arbite rerum Europae extitisset, iam potetaste minutus foret, et tanta coniunctione in ordinem redactus.

For whereas in former times the conjunction of himself with Aragon and Castile (which had been one thing), and the amity of Maximilian and Philip his son the archduke, far surpassed the power of the French, he now began to fear lest perhaps the French king (who held a distinguished place in the affections of Philip, the young king of Castile) and Philip himself, now king of Castile (between whom and his father‑in‑law there intervened enmities about the present regimen of Castile), and also Maximilian himself, Philip’s father (a man of so mobile an temper, about whom almost this conjecture alone could deservedly be made, that he would not long continue to be what a little before he had been), these three most potent princes might enter among themselves into some close amity and league. Which being done, although no danger at all would be impending to himself from them, nevertheless he would be left bare with only the friendship of Aragon. Whence it would come about that, whereas he had formerly stood as, as it were, the arbiter of the affairs of Europe, now, with his power diminished, he would by so great a conjunction be reduced to order.

Quin et rex Henricus (ut videtur) de nuptiis secundis coepit cogitare, et circumspicere quales conditiones matrimoniorum in Europa tunc se ostenderent. Inter alias audiverat de pulchritudine et moribus suavissimis reginae iuvenis Neapolitanae vidiuae Ferdinandi iunioris, tunc temporis matronali aetate, annorum circiter viginti septem. Per quas nuptias existimabat regnum Neapolitanum (de quo tam diu inter regem Arrgoniae et regem Gallum certatum ferat, quodque noviter tandem tranquillitatem sortitum est) posse saltem in parte deponi intra suas manus, qui pignus tam tuto tueri possit.

Nay even King Henry (as it seems) began to think of second nuptials, and to look around at what sort of matrimonial conditions were then presenting themselves in Europe. Among others he had heard of the pulchritude and most suave manners of the young Neapolitan queen, widow of Ferdinand the Younger, at that time of matronal age, of about twenty-seven years. By which nuptials he supposed the Neapolitan kingdom (about which for so long there had been contest between the king of Aragon and the French king, and which newly at length has obtained tranquillity) could at least in part be deposited into his hands, he who could guard such a pledge so securely.

Misit igitur tanquam legatos aut nuncios tres viros quibus multum fidebat, Franciscum Marsinum, Iacobum Braybrokum, et Ioannum Stilum, revera ad inquirendum potius quam negotiandum, idque super duas materias. Prima erat de persona et fortunis reginae iuvenis Neapolitanae, altera de omnibus rebus quae relationem quampiam habebant ad fortunam et consilia Ferdinandi. Cum autem ii commodissime observare possint qui ipse minime observantur, eos misit sub praetexitibus speciosis, tradens is in manus literas amoris et comitatis a Catharina principissa ad amitam suam et neptim, seniorem et iuniorem reginas Neapolis.

M accordingly he sent, as if legates or nuncios, three men in whom he greatly confided—Francis Marsin, James Braybrooke, and John Style—truly to inquire rather than to negotiate, and that on two subjects. The first was concerning the person and fortunes of the young queen of Naples; the second, concerning all matters that had any relation to the fortune and counsels of Ferdinand. And since those observe most conveniently who themselves are least observed, he sent them under specious pretexts, placing in their hands letters of love and comity from Princess Catherine to her aunt and her niece, the elder and the younger queens of Naples.

Etiam commisit iis librum articulorum novorum circa pacem. Qui liber, licet antea datus fuisset doctori de Puebla legato Hispano in Anglia residenti, ab illo in HIspaniam mittendus, tamen visum est regi, quia plusculum temporis intercessarat ex quo nihil ab Hispania accepisset, ut illi nuncii, postquam duas illas reginas vitiasset, recta ad aulam Ferdinandi pergerent atque secum exemplar libri perferrent. Mandata circa reginam Neapolis iuniorem tam accurata erant et exquisita, cum articulos continerent adeo praecisos ut veluti tabulam quandam conficerent personae eius quoad complexionem, aspectum, lineamenti corporis, staturam, valetudinem, annos, mores, gestum, fortunas, ut si rex iuvenis fuisset eum quis facile amoribus deditum iudicaret.

He also entrusted to them a book of new articles concerning peace. Which book, although it had previously been given to Doctor de Puebla, the Spanish legate residing in England, to be sent into Spain, nevertheless it seemed good to the king—because a somewhat long time had intervened since he had received nothing from Spain—that those nuncios, after they had visited those two queens, should go straight to Ferdinand’s court and carry with them a copy of the book. The instructions concerning the younger queen of Naples were so accurate and exquisite, since they contained articles so precise as to compose, as it were, a certain portrait of her person as to complexion, appearance, the lineaments of the body, stature, health, years, manners, bearing, fortunes, that, if the king had been young, one would readily judge him to be devoted to loves.

Cum vero aetate provectior esset, interpretari potius quis debeat eum proculdubio castum insigniter fuisse, utpote qui omnia in una foemina coniuncta desideraret quo affectus suos ab amoribus vagis contineret. Verum in his nuptiis rex cito refrixit postquam a legatis suis accepisset reginam istam iuvenem pulchris quidem et amplis reditibus in regno Neapolitano dotatam fuisse, quos integros recepit durante vita Frederici patrui sui, etiam durante tempore Ludovici regis Galli, intra cuius limites proventus illi iacebant. Verum postquam regnum ad regem Ferdinandum pervenisset omnes reditus regni exercitui et praesidiis assignatos fuisse, illam autem pensionem tantum aut exhibitionem ex arcis eius recipere.

But since he was advanced in age, one ought rather to interpret that he was, without doubt, remarkably chaste, inasmuch as he desired to find all things conjoined in one woman, whereby he might hold his affections back from wandering loves. Yet in this marriage the king quickly cooled after he had learned from his envoys that this young queen had indeed been endowed with fair and ample revenues in the Neapolitan kingdom, which she received entire during the life of Frederick, her uncle, even during the time of Louis, king of France, within whose borders those proceeds lay. But after the kingdom had passed to King Ferdinand, all the revenues of the realm had been assigned to the army and garrisons, while she received only a pension or an allowance from his coffers.

2. Alteri inquisitionis parti relatione gravi et diligenti satisfactum est, quae regem plene informabat de praesenti statu regis Ferdinandi. Ex hac relatione regi constitit Ferdinandum regimen Castiliae retinere in iure administratoris filiae suae Ioannae, adminiculo etiam testamenti Isabellae reginae defunctae et partem ex consuetudine regni, ut Ferdinandus praetexuit. Quodque omnia mandata et chartae regiae expediebantur nomine Ioannae filiae suae, suique ipsius tanquam administratoris, nulla facta mentione Philippi mariti eius.

2. To the other part of the inquisition satisfaction was given by a weighty and diligent report, which fully informed the king of the present status of King Ferdinand. From this report it became clear to the king that Ferdinand was retaining the governance of Castile by the right of administrator of his daughter Joanna, with the support also of the testament of Isabella the deceased queen and in part from the custom of the kingdom, as Ferdinand alleged. And that all mandates and royal charters were being issued in the name of Joanna his daughter, and of himself as administrator, no mention being made of Philip her husband.

Quodque rex Ferdinandus, licet nomine regis Castiliae abstineret, constitueret tamen apud se regnum tenere absoluta potestate absque reddendis rationibus.

And that King Ferdinand, although he refrained from the name of King of Castile, nevertheless established that he would hold the kingdom with absolute power, without rendering accounts.

3. Referebant etiam regem Ferdinandum se spe nonnulla pascere Philippum ei permissurum regimen Castiliae durante vita sua, quod Ferdinandus certe ei persuadere vehementer conatus est, tam opera consiliariorum quorundam ipsius Philippi quos Ferdinandus sibi devotos habuit, quam praecipue protestatione quod si Philippus in hoc non acquiesceret se iuvenem aliquam uxorem ducturum, unde eum successione in regna Arragoniae et Granadae privaret si forte ipsi filius natus foret, postremo intimando ei imperium Burgundorum ab Hispanis nullo modo toleratum iri antequam Philippus mora et tractu temporis factus esset tanquam Hispanus naturalis. Sed in iis omnibus rebus (etsi prudenter positis et captatis) Ferdinandus spe sua frustratus esset, nisi quod Pluto erga eum magis fuit propitius quam Pallas.

3. They also reported that King Ferdinand was feeding himself with some hope that Philip would permit to him the regimen of Castile during his lifetime, which Ferdinand certainly strove vehemently to persuade him of, as much by the agency of certain counselors of Philip himself, whom Ferdinand held as devoted to himself, as especially by the protestation that, if Philip did not acquiesce in this, he would take some young wife, whereby he would deprive him of succession to the kingdoms of Aragon and Granada if perchance a son should be born to himself; finally, by intimating to him that the imperium of the Burgundians would by no means be tolerated by the Spaniards before Philip, by delay and the tract of time, had been made as it were a natural Spaniard. But in all these matters (although prudently laid and contrived) Ferdinand would have been frustrated in his hope, except that Pluto was more propitious toward him than Pallas.

4. Eadem autem relatione legati, qui homines erant mediocris conditionis ideoque maiore apud regem libertate gaudebant, rem tetigerunt de qua tutum vix videbatur apud regem disserere. Etenim non dubitarunt regi apertis verbis narrare subditos Hispaniae, tam proceres quam populum, melius affectos esse erga partes Philippi (si modo uxorem secum in Hispaniam adduxisset) quam Ferdinandi, et caussam simul adiunxerunt quoniam Ferdinandus magis exactionibus gravaret, quae certe simul reprasesentata ipsissimum casum exprimebant inter regem et filium suum.

4. Moreover, in the same report the envoys—who were men of middling condition and therefore enjoyed greater liberty with the king—touched upon a matter about which it scarcely seemed safe to discuss before the king. For indeed they did not hesitate to relate to the king in open words that the subjects of Spain, both the nobles and the people, were better disposed toward the side of Philip (if only he had brought his wife with him into Spain) than toward Ferdinand’s; and they added the reason at the same time, because Ferdinand burdened them more with exactions, which things, certainly, when presented together, expressed the very case between the king and his own son.

5. Complectebatur etiam ista relatio declarationem de propositione quadam matrimonii quam Amason Ferdinandi secretarius legatis intimavit (sed tanquam magnum secretum) inter Carolum principem Castiliae et Mariam filiam regis secundogenitam, regi pro certo referentes tractatum de matrimonio tunc agitatum inter principem praefatum et filiam regis Galli ruptum iri, filiamque Galli proculdubio nuptam iri Angolesmio, qui haeres erat apparens regni Galliae.

5. This report also encompassed a declaration concerning a certain proposition of matrimony which Amason, Ferdinand’s secretary, intimated to the envoys (but as a great secret), between Charles, Prince of Castile, and Mary, the king’s second-born daughter, reporting to the king as certain that the negotiation of the marriage then being agitated between the aforesaid prince and the daughter of the King of France would be broken off, and that the French king’s daughter would without doubt be married to Angoulême, who was the heir apparent of the kingdom of France.

6. Etiam dispersum erat quidpiam de matrimonio Ferdinandi cum domina de Fois foemina nobili ex sanguine regio Galliae, quod postea certe completum est. Verum hoc referebant tanquam rem quam in Gallia perdidicerant, in Hispania autem silientio cohibitam.

6. There had also been spread abroad something about the matrimony of Ferdinand with the Lady of Foix, a noblewoman of the royal blood of France, which afterwards was certainly brought to completion. But they reported this as a matter which they had learned thoroughly in France, whereas in Spain it was kept under silence.

7. Rex hac relatione, quae magnam suis rebus lucem praebebat, bene informatus et edoctus fuit quomodo se gereret inter Ferdinandum regem Arragoniae et Philippum generum eius regem Castiliae. Decrevit autem apud se omnem navare operam ut illi inter se bene congruerent. Sed utcunque hoc successit, moderatis consiliis et ad personam amici communis prae se ferendo neutrius amicitia se privare, ita tamen ut interiori affectu Ferdinandi rebus faveret, externis vero demonstrationibus et officiis Philippum magis demereretur.

7. The king, by this relation, which supplied great light to his affairs, was well informed and instructed how he should conduct himself between Ferdinand, king of Aragon, and Philip, his son-in-law, king of Castile. He resolved with himself to devote every effort that they might agree well between themselves. But however this succeeded, by moderate counsels and by putting forward the persona of a common friend so as not to deprive himself of the friendship of either, yet in such wise that with inward affection he favored Ferdinand’s affairs, while by outward demonstrations and offices he won over Philip the more.

Sed ante omnia maxime delectatus est propositione matrimonii filiae suae Mariae cum principe Carolo, tum quod matrimonium esset inter omnia Europae Christianae celsissimum, tum quod ex utraque affinitate participaret.

But before all things he was most delighted by the proposal of a marriage of his daughter Mary with Prince Charles, both because the marriage would be the most exalted among all of Christian Europe, and because he would participate in both affinities.

8. Verum ad corroborandam affinitatem suam cum Philippo, venti colloquium ei detulerunt. Etenim Philippus hyemem potius eligens ut regem Arragoniae imparatum offenderet cum magna classe e Flandria in Hispaniam solvit mense Ianuarii, anno regis Henrici vicesimo primo. Coorta utem est dum navigaret atrox tempestas quae naves eius in diversas Angliae oras disiecit.

8. But to corroborate his affinity with Philip, the winds brought him a colloquy. For Philip, choosing winter rather, so that he might catch the king of Aragon unprepared, put to sea with a great fleet from Flanders to Spain in the month of January, in the 21st year of King Henry. However, while he was sailing, a fierce tempest arose which scattered his ships onto various shores of England.

Navis vero in qua rex et regina vehebantur (cum duabus aliis naviculis solis) lacerata et vix a furore tempestatis elapsa Waimoutham appulit. Philippus ipse (utpote mari et navigationibus insuetus) defessus et aeger in terram prorsus ascendere voluit ut vires suas reficeret, licet consiliarii eius contrarium suaderent, moram metuentes cum res eius celeritatem potius requirerent.

But the ship in which the king and queen were being conveyed (with only two other small boats), battered and scarcely escaped from the fury of the tempest, made landfall at Weymouth. Philip himself (being unaccustomed to the sea and to navigations), wearied and ill, wanted outright to go ashore to restore his strength, although his counselors advised the contrary, fearing delay since his affairs rather required celerity.

9. Fama classis potentis ad Angliae littora visae populum arma sumere adegit. Thomas autem Trenchardus eques auratus cum copiis quas subito coegerat nesciens quid rei esset Waimoutham venit. Ubi re intellecta summa cum humilitate et humanitate regem et reginam ad aedes suas invitavit, statimque equites expeditos ad aulam misit.

9. The report of a powerful fleet seen off the shores of England compelled the people to take up arms. Thomas, however, Trenchard, a knight of the golden spur, with the forces which he had suddenly gathered, not knowing what the matter was, came to Waimoutham. Where, the affair understood, with the greatest humility and humanity he invited the king and queen to his house, and straightway sent swift horsemen to the court.

Paulo post supervenit Ioannes Carous eques auratus cum magno comitatu armatorum, qui simile obsequium rege Philippo praestitit. Philippus autem merito dubitans hos equites, utpote subditos, non ausurus eum absque notitia et licentia regis sui dimittere, eorum postulatis annuit donec ex aula mandata acciperent. Rex quamprimum nova de hoc eventu accepisset iussit statim ut comes Arundeliae suo nomine regem Castiliae visitaret atque ei significaret se, sicut dolebat de infortunio eius, ita laetari quod periculum maris evasisset, quodque sibi occasio daretur eum honore debito prosequendi, et ab eo petere ut ipse se quasi in suo esse regno existimaret, ipsumque regem Henricum qua poterat celeritate in eius amplexus festinare.

Shortly after, John Carew, a knight of the golden spur, arrived with a great retinue of armed men, who rendered similar obeisance to King Philip. Philip, however, rightly doubting that these knights, as subjects, would not dare to let him depart without the knowledge and license of their own king, assented to their requests until they might receive mandates from the court. The king, as soon as he had received news of this event, immediately ordered that the Earl of Arundel, in his name, visit the King of Castile and inform him that, just as he grieved for his misfortune, so he rejoiced that he had escaped the peril of the sea, and that an occasion was given him to escort him with due honor; and to ask of him that he consider himself as if he were in his own kingdom; and that King Henry himself was hastening with all possible speed into his embraces.

Comes insigni cum magnificentia ad regem accessit cum turma splendida equitum trecentorum, et ad maiorem pompam noctu taedis accensis regem adiit. Philippus postquam comes mandata retulisset regis animum satis perspiciens, quo citius abiret equis citatis ad Henricum Windesoriae perrexit, regina sua parvis itineribus subsequente. Reges duo in occursu suo summis amoris et charitatis indiciis se mutuo exceperunt.

The earl, with remarkable magnificence, approached the king with a splendid troop of three hundred horsemen, and for greater pomp he came to the king by night with torches lit. After the earl had reported the mandates, Philip, clearly perceiving the king’s disposition, that he might depart the sooner, spurring his horses, proceeded to Henry at Windsor, his queen following by short stages. The two kings at their meeting received one another with the highest tokens of love and charity.

Rex Castiliae urbane Henrico dixit se poenas iam solvere quod intra munitum oppidum Caleti ingredi refugisset, cum prius collocuti essent. Cui rex respondit muros et maria pro nihilo esse ubi corda aperta essent, quodque hic ad nihil aliud adesset quam ut honore afficeretur. Post unius aut alterius diei intromissionem otio et levamento datae, reges sermones de renovando tractatu contulerunt, allegante Henrico quod, licet persona Philippi eadem esset, tamen fortuna eius et status altius evecta essent.

The king of Castile, courteously, said to Henry that he was already paying the penalties for having refused to enter within the fortified town of Calais before they had first conferred. To whom the king replied that walls and seas are as nothing where hearts are open, and that he was here for nothing else than to be honored. After an intermission of one or another day granted for ease and alleviation, the kings held conversations about renewing the tractate, Henry alleging that, although the person of Philip was the same, nevertheless his fortune and status had been elevated higher.

In quo casu tractatuum renovationes in more apud principes erant. Verum dum ista tractarentur, Henricus opportunum tempus deligens regemque Castiliae in interius cubiculum adducens ubi nemo praeter ipsos reges aderat, manuque leniter super brachium Philippi postita vultuque nonnihil ad serium composito, ei dixit, "Rex optime, tu ad oras meas salutem reperisti. Spero te minime permissurum ut ad oras tuas ego naufragrium faciam." Quaesivit ab eo rex Castiliae quid sibi vellet in sermo.

In which case renovations of treaties were in custom among princes. But while these matters were being handled, Henry, choosing an opportune time and leading the king of Castile into an inner chamber where no one was present except the kings themselves, and with his hand lightly placed upon Philip’s arm and his countenance composed somewhat to seriousness, said to him, “Best of kings, you found safety upon my shores. I hope you will by no means permit that I make shipwreck upon your shores.” The king of Castile asked him what he meant by this speech.

"Loquor (inquit rex Henricus) de temerario illo et cerebroso subdito meo comite Soffolciae, qui in ditione tua protectus est, et partes fatui iam arripit cum alii omnes eas fastidierint." Rex Castiliae respondit, "Putarem (domine mi) felicitatem tuam supra tales cogitationes sitam, verum si hoc molestum tibi sit, finibus meis eum eiiciam." Replicavit rex huiusmodo crabrones in nido proprio minus damni facere, atque pessimos esse cum circumvolitent. Se autem postulare ut in manus suas traderetur. Rex Castiliae hoc postulato nonnihil confusus et tanquam in se descendens dixit, "Hoc salvo honore meo facere non possum, minus etiam salvo honore tuo.

"I speak," said King Henry, "of that temerarious and hare‑brained subject of mine, the Earl of Suffolk, who is protected within your dominion, and now takes up the part of a fool, when all others have loathed it." The King of Castile replied, "I would think, my lord, that your felicity stood above such considerations; yet if this be troublesome to you, I will cast him out of my borders." The king rejoined that hornets of this kind do less harm in their own nest, and are worst when they are flying about; that he, however, requested he be delivered into his own hands. The King of Castile, somewhat confounded by this demand and, as it were, coming down into himself, said, "This I cannot do with my honor safe, still less with your honor safe."

Videberis enim me tanquam captivum habuisse." Cui rex Henricus subito respondit, "Tum vero res peracta est. Ego enim illam honores mei iacturam perferam, quo honor tuus illibatus servetur." Rex Castiliae, qui regem plurimi faciebat, non immemor etiam in quo loco esset, neque sciebat quanto usui amicitia regis ei esse posset quandoquidem ipse in regno Hispaniae novus esset, atque nec socero suo nec populo ipsi adhuc gratus, vultu sedatu dixit, "Legem tu quidem mihi imponis, ego itidem vicissim tibi. Habebis eum, sed honorem tuum obligabis te vitam ei minime adempturum." Rex Philippum amplexus dixit, "Assentior." Addidit rex Castiliae, "Neque tibi displicebit, si ad eum mittam tali modo ut partim sponte redire possit." Rex Henricus respondit regem Philippum rem bene disposuisse, seque, si ei placeret, in hoc cooperaturum et nuncium ad comitem in eum finem missurum.

“You will seem to have had me as a captive.” To this King Henry immediately replied, “Then indeed the matter is accomplished. For I will bear that loss to my honor, in order that your honor may be preserved unsullied.” The king of Castile, who set great value upon the king, not unmindful also of the position he was in, nor unaware how useful the king’s friendship could be to him, seeing that he was new in the kingdom of Spain and as yet pleasing neither to his father-in-law nor to the people themselves, with a composed countenance said, “You indeed impose a law upon me; I likewise in turn upon you. You shall have him, but you shall bind your honor that you will by no means take away his life.” The king, embracing Philip, said, “I assent.” The king of Castile added, “Nor will it displease you if I send to him in such a way that he may in part be able to return of his own accord.” King Henry replied that King Philip had arranged the matter well, and that he, if it pleased him, would cooperate in this and would send a messenger to the count for that end.

Ambo reges separatim miserunt, atque interea conviviis et triumphis tempus protrahebant, rege hoc agente ut comes in eius potestate esset antequam Philippus discederet, rege etiam Castiliae in hoc conveniente ut res manifestius a se extorta putaretur. Rex itidem Henricus multis prudentibus et egregiis monitis et argumentis Philippo suadebat ut soceri sui consiliis se regeret, principis scilicet tanta prudentia, tanta experientia, tanta felicitate. Rex Castiliae (qui a Ferdinando animo alieno erat) respondet, quod si socer eius ei permitteret ut regna sua, sicut par erat, regeret, ipse etiam ab illo libenter regi vellet.

Both kings sent separately, and meanwhile they were prolonging the time with banquets and triumphs, the king doing this so that the earl might be in his power before Philip departed, and the King of Castile also agreeing herein so that the matter might be thought more manifestly extorted from himself. King Henry likewise was persuading Philip with many prudent and distinguished counsels and arguments to govern himself by the counsels of his father-in-law—a prince, namely, of such great prudence, such great experience, such great felicity. The King of Castile (who was estranged in spirit from Ferdinand) replies that, if his father-in-law would permit him to rule his own realms, as was fitting, he too would willingly be ruled by him.

10. Confestim nuncii ab utroque rege missi sunt ad accersendum comitem Suffociae, qui blandis verbis facile incantatus fuit et in reditum suum libenter consentit, de vita sua securus et de libertate spem bonam habens. A Flandria Caletum adductus est, et inde Doroberniam appulit et, stipatus custodia conveniente, traditus et receptus in turrim Londinensem. Rex per hoc tempus regem Castiliae in fraternitatem periscelidis cooptavit, et reciproce filius eius Henricus princeps in ordinem aurei velleris admissus est.

10. Immediately messengers were sent by both kings to summon the Earl of Suffolk, who, easily enchanted by bland words, consented gladly to his return, secure as to his life and having good hope of liberty. From Flanders he was brought to Calais, and from there he made landfall at Canterbury, and, surrounded with a suitable guard, he was handed over and received into the Tower of London. During this time the king co-opted the king of Castile into the brotherhood of the Garter, and reciprocally his son Henry the prince was admitted into the Order of the Golden Fleece.

Et paulo post Philippus cum regina sua, rege comitante, ad urbem Londini venit, ubi excepti sunt omni magnificentia et apparatum quantum quidem temporis angustiae paterentur. Postquam autem comes Suffolciae ad turrim perductus esset (quod maxime Henricus expetebat) cessarunt triumphi, regesque mutuo sibi valedixerunt. Nihilominus durante mora Philippi in Anglia etiam conclusus est tractatus ille quem Belgae Intercursum Malum nominarunt, gerens datum apud Windesoriam, quoniam in eo continentur articuli nonnulli in favorem Anglorum potius quam Belgarum, praecipue quod articulus ille de libera Belgarum piscatione, qui in tractatu priore anno regis undecimo insertus erat, in hoc altero omissus est et minime confirmatus, omnibus quoque articulis qui ad priores tractatus confirmandos pertinernet praecise et caute limitatis, ut ad negotium commiercii tantum, nec ad alia extenderent.

And a little later Philip, with his queen, the king accompanying, came to the city of London, where they were received with all magnificence and with as much pageantry as the straits of time allowed. But after the earl of Suffolk had been conducted to the Tower (which Henry especially desired) the triumphs ceased, and the kings took leave of one another. Nevertheless, during Philip’s stay in England there was also concluded that treaty which the Belgians named the Intercursus Malus, bearing a date at Windsor, because in it there are contained several articles in favor of the English rather than the Belgians—especially that the article concerning the free fishing of the Belgians, which in the earlier treaty in the king’s eleventh year had been inserted, in this later one was omitted and by no means confirmed—and all the articles too which pertained to confirming the earlier treaties were precisely and cautiously limited, so that they extended only to the business of commerce and not to other matters.

11. Observatum est eandem tempestatem quae Philippum in oras Angliae compulerat etiam aquilam auratam de spira templi D. Pauli deiecisse. Inter cadendum autem impegit in signum aquilae nigrae quod in coemiterio erat, illudque confregit et in terram coniecit, quod erat profecto mira quaedam et praeceps accipitris in alitem advolatio. Hoc interpretabatur populus mali ominis loco in familiam imperialem, quod etiam impletum est in Philippo imperatoris filio, non solum in infortunio illo tempestatis, sed et in iis quae secuta sunt.

11. It was observed that the same tempest which had driven Philip onto the shores of England had also cast down the gilded eagle from the spire of the temple of St. Paul. In its falling, however, it struck against the sign of the black eagle which was in the cemetery, and broke it and hurled it to the ground—a truly marvelous and headlong swoop of a hawk upon a bird. The people interpreted this as an ill omen for the imperial family, which was also fulfilled in Philip, the emperor’s son, not only in that misfortune of the tempest, but also in the things that followed.

Philippus enim Hispaniam ingressus et regni Castiliae possessionem sine vi adeptus (adeo ut Ferdinandus, qui tam magnifice antea loquebatur, non sine difficultate ad colloquium generi sui admissus esset), paulo post morbo correptus est et diem suum obiit. Eo tamen ipso intervallo notatum est a prudentioribus quos si diutius vixisset Philippus, socer eius ita apud eum se insinuaturus fuisset ut, si minus in affectibus eius, at certe in consiliis et regimine magna apud eum auctoritate valiturus esset. Morte Philippi universum regnum Hispaniae ad Ferdinandum rediit statu pristino, praecipue per infirmitatem Ioannae filiae suae, quae maritum suum unice diligens (ex quo multos susceperat liberos), nec minus ab eo adamata (utcunque pater eius quo Philippo invidiam faceret apud populum Hispanae morose eum erge uxorem suam se gessise divulgaverat), mariti sui obitum impatienter ferebat, et inde in maniam plane cedidit.

For Philip, having entered Spain and having obtained possession of the kingdom of Castile without force (to such a degree that Ferdinand, who had formerly spoken so magnificently, was admitted to a colloquy of his son-in-law not without difficulty), a little after was seized by illness and departed this life. Nevertheless in that very interval it was noted by the more prudent that, if Philip had lived longer, his father-in-law would so have insinuated himself with him that, if less in his affections, yet certainly in his counsels and governance he would have prevailed with great authority. By the death of Philip the entire kingdom of Spain returned to Ferdinand in its former state, especially through the infirmity of Joanna his daughter, who, loving her husband uniquely (by whom she had received many children), and no less beloved by him (although her father, in order to cast odium on Philip among the people of Spain, had published that he had comported himself morosely toward his wife), bore the death of her husband impatiently, and thence plainly fell into mania.

Cuius morbi curationi pater eius incuriose incumbere existimabatur, quo imperium in Castilia retineret. Ita ut, queamadmodum felicitas Caroli Octavi solita erat dici felicitas somnii, ita enim res adversae Ferdinandi somni res adversae dicerentur, utraque tam subito transierunt.

He was thought to be applying himself negligently to the cure of her malady, in order that he might retain the sovereignty in Castile. So that, just as the felicity of Charles VIII used to be called the felicity of a dream, so indeed the adversities of Ferdinand would be called the adversities of a dream: both passed away so suddenly.

12. Circa hoc tempus regem cupiditas incessit introducendi in familiam Lancastriae honores coelestes, unde papae Iulio supplicavit ut regem Henricum Sextum pro sancto canonizaret, inter alia argumento usus quod de rege ipso in regnum successuro tam clare vaticinatus esset. Iulius (pro more) rem cardinalibus quibusdam commisit, qui verificationem de sanctis eius operibus et miraculis examinarent. Verum res sub hac commissione extincta est.

12. Around this time the king was seized by a desire of introducing into the family of Lancaster celestial honors, whence he supplicated Pope Julius to canonize King Henry VI, using among other arguments that he had so clearly vaticinated concerning the very king as destined to succeed to the kingdom. Julius (according to custom) committed the matter to certain cardinals, to examine the verification of his holy works and miracles. But the matter under this commission was extinguished.

Generalis fuit opinio Iulium papam rem nimio pretio aestimasse, regemque noluisse eam tanti emere. Sed verisimilius est papam illum Iulium (qui honors sedis Romanae et actorum eius fuit studiosissimus), satis gnarum eundem Henricum ubique pro homine simplice et minus capaci habitum, metuisse ne honor is tali admissione vilesceret, nimirum si discrimen rite servatum non esset inter innocentes et sanctos.

The general opinion was that Pope Julius had appraised the matter at too high a price, and that the king was unwilling to buy it at so great a price. But it is more likely that that Julius (who was most zealous for the honors of the Roman See and its acts), well aware that that same Henry was everywhere regarded as a simple and less capable man, feared lest the honor be cheapened by such an admission—namely, if the distinction were not duly kept between the innocents and the saints.

13. Eodem autem anno tractari coepit matrimonium inter regum ipsum et dominam Margaretam ducissam dotariam Sabaudae, unicam Maximiliani imperatoris filiam et Philippi regis Castiliae sororem, foeminam prudentem et famae intergerrimae. Huius rei mentio aliqua facta est inter duos reges quando convenerant, sed paulo post in deliberationem denuo venit. In quo negotio pro tyrocinio rex opera utebatur capellani sui Thomae Wolsae, illius qui postea ad tanti praelati culmen ascendit.

13. In the same year, there began to be negotiated a matrimony between the king himself and Lady Margaret, dowager duchess of Savoy, the only daughter of Maximilian the emperor and sister of Philip, king of Castile, a prudent woman and of most unimpeachable fame. Some mention of this matter was made between the two kings when they had met, but a little later it again came into deliberation. In this business, as a first essay, the king made use of the services of his chaplain Thomas Wolsey, that man who afterwards rose to so high a prelatical eminence.

Matrimonium hoc tandem conclusum est sub conditionibus in regis favorem amplissimis, sed firmatum tantum per verba de futuro. Fieri potest ut rex in hoc matrimonium eo magis inclinaret quod indies audisset procedere matrimonium inter veterem affinem et amicum suum Ferdinandum Arragoniae et foeminam de Fois, unde rex ille regi Gallo adhaerere coepi, a quo semper antea fuisset alienus. Adeo fatale est regum amicitias intimas et arctissimas citius aut tardius conversionem rotae experiri.

This marriage was at length concluded under the most ample conditions in the king’s favor, but confirmed only by words of the future (i.e., a betrothal). It may be that the king inclined the more to this marriage because he heard day by day that the marriage was proceeding between his former affine and friend Ferdinand of Aragon and a lady of Foix, whence that king began to adhere to the French king, from whom he had always before been alien. So fatal is it that the most intimate and closest friendships of kings, sooner or later, experience the revolution of the wheel.

Imo traditio quaedam invaluit (non certe apud nos, verum in Hispania) metuisse Ferdinandum, postquam accepissit matrimonium inter Carolum principem Castiliae et Mariam regis Henrici filiam secundogenitam abque impedimento procedere (quod matrimonium licet a rege Ferdinando primo propositum, postea tamen opera Maximiliani et amicorum eius praecipue promotum et ad exitum perductum fuisset), ne forte rex Henricus ad regimen Castiliae aspiraret ut administrator durante minori aetate generi sui. Videbantur enim futuri tres eius regiminis competitores, Ferdianandus avus ex parte matris, Maximilianus avus ex parte patris, et rex Henricus principis adolescentis socer. Certe non absimile vero est regimen Henrici (secum principem adolescentem adducentis) magis gratum futurum fuisse Hispanis quam reliquorum duorum.

Indeed, a certain tradition prevailed (not surely among us, but in Spain) that Ferdinand feared, after he had learned that the marriage between Charles, Prince of Castile, and Mary, the second-born daughter of King Henry, was proceeding without impediment (which marriage, although first proposed by King Ferdinand, was afterward chiefly promoted by the effort of Maximilian and his friends and brought to an outcome), lest perhaps King Henry should aspire to the regimen of Castile as administrator during the minority of his son-in-law. For there seemed likely to be three competitors for that regency: Ferdinand, the grandfather on the mother’s side; Maximilian, the grandfather on the father’s side; and King Henry, the father-in-law of the adolescent prince. Surely it is not unlike the truth that Henry’s regency (bringing the adolescent prince with him) would have been more pleasing to the Spaniards than that of the other two.

Etenim proceres Castiliae, qui regem Arragoniae tam recenter expulerant in favorem regis Philippi et sensa anima sui tam aperte protulerant, non poterant non habere pro suspecto et inviso regem Ferdinandum. Maximiliani autem ambitus propter caussas plurimas vanus proculdubio fuisset. Verum hoc regis inceptum quod iactatur nobis quidem videtur (regis mores reputantibus et consilia tuta et solida, nec cum vastis aut periculosis cogitationibus commista) minus probabile, nisi forte cupiisset spirare calidum, quod pulmones affectos haberet.

For indeed the grandees of Castile, who had so recently expelled the king of Aragon in favor of King Philip and had so openly set forth the sentiments of their soul, could not but hold King Ferdinand as suspect and hateful. But Maximilian’s ambition, for very many causes, would without doubt have been vain. Yet this undertaking of the king which is bruited about seems to us (reckoning the king’s character and his counsels as safe and solid, not commingled with vast or perilous cogitations) less probable, unless perhaps he wished to breathe warm air, because he had lungs affected.

Hoc matrimonium cum Margareta de die in diem procrastinatum fuit propter infirmam regis valetudinem, qui iam vicesimo secundo anno regni sui coepit laborare morbo arthritico. Verum catarrhus simul in pulmones delatus eos tabe infecit, adeo ut ter in anno (quasi perodis certis), praecipue autem vere, magnas experiretur accessiones et labores phthisis. Attamen negotiis se quantum umquam alias impertitus est, ita tamen ut his infirmitatibus monitus magis serio de vita futura meditaretur et seipsum consecraret, potius quam Henricum Sextum, thesauris melius erogatis quam si dati essent papae Iulio.

This marriage with Margaret was postponed from day to day because of the king’s infirm health, who already in the 22nd year of his reign began to suffer from an arthritic disease. But catarrh, at the same time carried down into the lungs, infected them with wasting, so that three times in the year (as if at set periods), and especially in spring, he experienced great attacks and sufferings of phthisis. Yet he devoted himself to affairs as much as ever at other times, and nevertheless, warned by these infirmities, he meditated more seriously on the future life and consecrated himself rather than Henry VI, the treasures being better disbursed than if they had been given to Pope Julius.

Etenim hoc anno maiores consuetis eleemosynas distribuit. Etiam incarceratos omnes circa civitatem Londini redemit qui detenti erant pro debitis aut foedis ad summam quadraginta solidorum aut infra. Accleravit etiam fundationes religiosas, et anno sequente (qui fuit regni sui vicesimus tertius) illam Savoiae perfecit.

Indeed, in this year he distributed alms greater than the customary. He also redeemed all the incarcerated around the city of London who were detained for debts or fees up to the sum of forty shillings or less. He likewise accelerated religious foundations, and in the following year (which was the twenty-third of his reign) he completed that one of the Savoy.

Quinetiam acerbas populi sui queremonias contra exactiones et oppressiones Dudleii et Empsoni et eorum sequacium audiens, partim per homines probos et devotos qui circa eum erant, partim per conciones publicas (concionatoribus in hac parte munere suo libere fungentibus), magna circa eas res poenitentia et conscientiae morsibus, ut pius princeps, tactus est. Nihilomonus Empsonus et Dudleius, et si non potuissent non audire de regis in hac parte conscientiae scrupulis, tamen acsi regis anima et pecunia distinctis officiis attributae et assignatae essent ut nihil rei haberet una earum cum altera, nihilo lentius populum gravabant quam antea. Eodem enim anno vicesimo tertio crudelissime actum est cum Guilielmo Capello equite aurato iam secunda vice, praetextu quod se male gessisset in praetura sua Londinensi.

Moreover, on hearing the bitter complaints of his people against the exactions and oppressions of Dudley and Empson and their followers, partly through upright and devout men who were about him, partly through public sermons (the preachers in this matter freely discharging their office), he was, as a pious prince, touched with great repentance and stings of conscience. Nevertheless Empson and Dudley, although they could not but hear of the king’s scruples of conscience in this regard, yet, as if the king’s soul and his money had been assigned and allotted to distinct offices so that the one had nothing to do with the other, burdened the people no whit less than before. For in the same 23rd year, most cruel proceedings were had against William Capel, a knight of the golden spurs, now for the second time, under the pretext that he had misconducted himself in his London praetorship (i.e., his mayoralty).

Crimen autem non aliud erat quam quod in solutionibus quibusdam nummos aliquot adulterinos sciens accepisset, neque tamen de illis qui nummos adulterassent inquisitionem diligentem et exactam fecisset. Propter hoc crimen et alia quaedam ei imputata, condemnatus est in summa bis mille librarum, cumque vir esset animosus et prioribus vexationibus induratus, ne dodrantem quidem solvere voluit, et simul (ut videtur) verbis quibusdam contumacibus in eiusmodi prosecutiones invectus est. Unde turri commissus est ibique remansit usque ad mortem regis.

The crime, moreover, was no other than that in certain disbursements he had knowingly accepted some adulterine coins, nor yet had he made a diligent and exact inquisition concerning those who had adulterated the coins. On account of this crime and certain others imputed to him, he was condemned in the sum of 2,000 pounds; and since he was a high-spirited man and hardened by prior vexations, he was unwilling to pay not even a farthing, and at the same time (as it seems) with certain contumacious words he inveighed against prosecutions of this kind. Whence he was committed to the Tower, and there he remained until the king’s death.

Knesworthus quoque, nuper maior Londinensis, et uterque vicecomes eiusdem anni pro delictis quibusdam in administratione munerum suorum in iudicium adducti, incarcerati, et postea solutione mille et quadringintarum librarum redempti. Item Hawisus, unus ex aldermannis Londini, impetitus fuit, et dolore et anxietate animi antequam lis ad finem perducta esset mortuus. Laurentius etiam Ailmerus eques auratus, qui similiter maior Londinensis fuerat, et ambo eius vicecomites mulctam mille librarum subierunt.

Knesworth also, recently mayor of London, and both sheriffs of the same year, for certain delicts in the administration of their offices, were brought into judgment, incarcerated, and afterward were ransomed by a payment of 1,400 pounds. Likewise Hawis, one of the aldermen of London, was prosecuted, and died from grief and anxiety of mind before the suit had been brought to an end. Laurence Ailmer also, a knight of the golden spur, who likewise had been mayor of London, and both his sheriffs, incurred a fine of 1,000 pounds.

Laurentius autem, quod solvere mulctam recusavit, custodiae commissus est, ubi remansit usquedum Empsonus ipse loco eius incarceratus esset.

Laurence, however, because he refused to pay the mulct (fine), was committed to custody, where he remained until Empson himself had been imprisoned in his place.

14. Minime mirum erat (cum delicta tam levia, mulctae tam graves essent) si thesauri regis reconditi quos moriens reliquit, quorumque pars maxima in locis occultis sub clave et custodia sua propria Rinchmondiae reposita erat, ascendissent ad summam quinque millionum et dimidiae aureorum, massam certe grandem pecuniae etiam pro ratione temporum praesentium.

14. It was by no means a marvel (since the offenses were so light, the fines so heavy) if the king’s treasures laid away, which he, dying, left — the greater part of which had been deposited in hidden places under key and his own custody at Richmond — had risen to the sum of five million and a half gold coins, certainly a great mass of money even by the reckoning of the present times.

15. Ultimum negotium status, quod regis huius felicitatem temporalem clausit, fuit conclusio gloriosissimum matrimonii inter filiam suam Mariam et Carolum principem Castiliae, postea imperatorem celeberrimum, utraque partae tenerae aetatis tunc existente. Qui tractatus consummatus erat per episcopum Foxum et alios regis delegatos Caleti anno proximo ante regis obitum. Qua affinitate (ut videtur) ita delectatus est et quasi raptus, ut in literis quas illa de re ad civitatem Londini scripsit (mandans ut omnia laetitiae et exultationis indicia exhiberent), gloriatur ac si muro aheneo regnum illud circumdedisset, cum generos sibi iam ascivisset regem Scotiae et principem Castiliae ac Burgundiae.

15. The last affair of state, which closed this king’s temporal felicity, was the conclusion of a most glorious matrimony between his daughter Mary and Charles, prince of Castile, afterwards a most celebrated emperor, both parties then being of tender age. Which treaty had been consummated by Bishop Fox and other delegates of the king at Calais in the year next before the king’s death. With which affinity (as it seems) he was so delighted and, as it were, rapt, that in the letters which on that matter he wrote to the City of London (mandating that all indications of joy and exultation be exhibited), he boasts as if with a brazen wall he had encircled that kingdom, since he had now adopted to himself as sons-in-law the king of Scotland and the prince of Castile and Burgundy.

Ita ut iam nihil videretur addi posse ad huius magni regis mundanam felicitatem usque ad summum fastigium evectum (sive quis intueatur excelsas illas liberorum suorum nuptias, sive famam eius longe lateque per orbem sparsam, sive divitias fidem fere superantes, sive successuum suorum perpetuam constantiam), praeter mortem opportunam quae eum ab aliquo fortunae impetu futuro subduceret. Qui certe (propter odia populi sui et titulum filii sui, tunc aetatem octodecim annorum implentis, principis certe audacis et liberalis, quique ipso aspectu et oris maiestate oculos populi in se trahebat) fortasse in eum irruere potuisset.

So that now nothing seemed able to be added to this great king’s worldly felicity, raised to the highest pinnacle (whether one gaze upon those exalted marriages of his children, or his fame spread far and wide through the world, or his riches almost surpassing belief, or the perpetual constancy of his successes), except a timely death which would withdraw him from some future onset of Fortune. Which certainly (on account of the hatreds of his people and the title of his son, then completing the age of eighteen years—a prince assuredly bold and liberal, and who by his very presence and the majesty of his countenance drew the people’s eyes to himself) might perhaps have rushed upon him.

16. Ad coronandum etiam vitae suae exitium, aeque ac regni sui initium, opus pietatis et misericordiae edidit eximium et imitatione dignum. Nam condonationem generalem promulgavit qualis in coronatione regum concedi solet, ut certus novae coronationis in regno meliore. Quin et testimonio suo declaravit se velle, ut restitutio fieret earum summarum pecuniae quae ab officiariis suis iniuste extorta fuissent.

16. To crown the close of his life, equally as the beginning of his reign, he performed a work of piety and mercy, outstanding and worthy of imitation. For he promulgated a general pardon such as is accustomed to be granted at the coronation of kings, as one assured of a new coronation in a better kingdom. Indeed, by his own testament he declared that he wished restitution to be made of those sums of money which had been unjustly extorted by his officers.

17. Hoc modo Salomon iste Anglorum (nam et Salomon ipse exactionibus populo suo gravis fuit), cum quinquaginta suos annos vixisset, atque viginti tres anno et octo menses regnasset, memoria integra et statu animae beatissimo in magna malacia morbi lenti ad coelum migravit vicesimo secundo Aprilis anno salutis 1508 apud palatium suum Richmondiae, quod ipse exaedificaverat.

17. In this way this Solomon of the English (for even Solomon himself was burdensome to his people with exactions), when he had lived his fifty years, and had reigned twenty-three years and eight months, with memory intact and with a most blessed state of soul, in the great calm of a lingering disease migrated to heaven on the twenty-second of April in the year of salvation 1508 at his palace at Richmond, which he himself had built.