Richerus: HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATUOR

1. Peractis autem exequiis, Gerberga regina, legatos dirigit fratribus suis, Ottoni regi, ac Brunoni ex praesule duci; necnon et Hugoni Galliarum duci, petens per eos, Lotharium filium suum in regnum patri defuncto succedere. Adveniunt itaque ab Ottone rege omnes ex Belgica duce Brunone principes, sed et ex Germania aliqui. Adest etiam Hugo Galliarum dux.

1. After the funeral rites were completed, Queen Gerberga sends legates to her brothers, to King Otto and to Bruno, a duke formerly a prelate; and likewise to Hugh, Duke of the Franks, asking through them that her son Lothair succeed to the kingdom on his father’s death. Accordingly all the princes from Belgica, led by Duke Bruno, arrive on behalf of King Otto, and some also come from Germany. Hugh, Duke of the Franks, is also present.

Conveniunt quoque Burgundiae et Aquitaniae simulque et Gothiae principes. Episcopi etiam e diversis regionum urbibus conveniunt. Atque hi omnes in urbem Remorum apud Gerbergam reginam pari voto collecti sunt.

Also the princes of Burgundy and Aquitaine and likewise of Gothia convene. Bishops also assemble from the diverse cities of the regions. And all these were gathered into the city of Reims at Queen Gerberga with a common purpose.

Omnium fit consensus; omnibus animo inest, Lotharium patri defuncto succedere.

A consensus arises among all; in every mind is the desire that Lotharium should succeed his deceased father.

2. Universorum itaque consensu, a domno Artoldo Remorum metropolitano, favente Brunone ejus avunculo, principibusque diversarum gentium laudantibus, Lotharius duodennis, rex creatur in basilica sancti Remigii, ubi pater suus tumulatus cum aliis regibus sepultis quiescebat. Creatusque rex, a matre Gerberga simulque et principibus Laudunum, ubi ex antiquo regia esse sedes dinoscitur, magna rerum ambitione inclitus deducitur. Dux continue ei individuus assidet; et ad multam regis benivolentiam animum intendens, postquam principes in sua discessere, privatis cum rege colloquiis coutebatur.

2. By the consent of all, therefore, by Lord Artold, metropolitan of Remorum, with his uncle Bruno favouring, and the princes of diverse peoples praising, Lotharius, twelve years old, is made king in the basilica of Saint Remigius, where his father, buried with other kings, lay at rest. And the king having been made, he is led to Laudunum by his mother Gerberga together with the princes, that seat known from antiquity to be royal, celebrated with great ambition for affairs. A duke continuously sits at his side as an inseparable attendant; and, giving much heed to the king’s goodwill, after the princes had departed to their homes, he was wont to hold private colloquies with the king.

Et ut suae fidelitatis virtutem penitus demonstraret, regem ejusque matrem suas urbes et oppida in tota Neustria visere petit, obtinetque.

And that he might thoroughly demonstrate the virtue of his fidelity, he sought to visit the king and his mother in their cities and towns throughout all Neustria, and he obtained it.

3. Deducitur ergo a duce rex cum matre regina per Neustriam, ac ab eo decentissime excipitur Parisii, Aurelianis, Carnoti, Turonis, Bleso, aliisque quam plurimis Neustriae urbibus oppidisque. Inde quoque cum exercitu in Aquitaniam feruntur. Et praemissis legatis, cum Wilelmus princeps occurrere nollet, Pictavim adoriuntur, principem ibi esse rati.

3. Thus the king is conducted by the duke with the queen mother through Neustria, and is very courteously received there at Paris, Aurelianis (Orléans), Carnoti (Chartres), Turonis (Tours), Bleso (Blois), and at very many other cities and towns of Neustria. From there also they are carried with the army into Aquitaine. And after sending forward envoys, when Prince William would not come out to meet them, they lay siege to Pictavium, supposing a prince to be there.

Cum ergo exercitus vehementissime urbem attereret, et diutissime pugnam urbanis inferret, a quibusdam regiis castrum sanctae Radegundis urbi contiguum, clandestina irreptione captum atque succensum est. Comperto vero principem non adesse, tandem post duorum mensium dies, victus indigentia exercitu fatigato, ab obsidione disceditur.

Therefore, when the army was battering the city most violently, and for a very long time waged battle upon the townspeople, by certain royal forces the fortress of Saint Radegund, contiguous to the city, was seized and set ablaze by a clandestine infiltration. But when it was discovered that the prince was not present, finally after two months’ time, with a lack of victuals and the army fatigued, they withdrew from the siege.

4. Wilelmus vero Arverniae fines perlustrans quae est Aquitaniae pars, ab oppidis milites educebat, ad pugnam exercitum colligens. Collectoque in regem fertur. Quo rex comperto, duce favente exercitum in hostem reducit.

4. William, however, scouring the borders of Arvernia, which is a part of Aquitaine, drew soldiers out from the towns, gathering an army for battle. When it had been assembled it was borne against the king. When this was learned by the king, the duke favoring, he led the army back out against the enemy.

Signisque infestis congreditur. Acerrime dimicatum est, nonnullis utrimque fusis. Sed regio equitatu praevalente, Aquitanos fuga exagitat.

And he joined battle under hostile standards. The fighting was most fierce, with some put to flight on both sides. But with cavalry prevailing in the region, the Aquitanians are driven into flight.

Regiae vero acies promtissime insecuntur. In qua fuga nonnulli Aquitanorum interfecti, plurimi autem capti fuerunt. Wilelmus vero devia secutus, cum duobus vix per abrupta profugit.

The royal ranks pursued most promptly. In that flight some of the Aquitani were slain, and very many were taken captive. William, however, having taken by-paths, with two men scarcely escaped through the rough ground.

5. Rex ergo prospero belli successu insignis, acies iterum Pictavis inferri jubet. Arbitrabatur etenim, urbem tunc facillime capi posse, cum exercitus recentis belli animositate adhuc ferveat, et urbani multo detineantur metu, ob principis sui fugam, ejusque militum infelicem eventum. Dux itaque regis magnanimitatem multo favore excipiens, exercitum licet fatigatum, et tamen sua benignitate captum, urbi reducit.

5. The king therefore, distinguished by the prosperous success of the war, orders the army once more to be brought against Pictavis. For he judged that the city could then be taken very easily, since the army still glowed with the ardour of recent battle, and the townsfolk were held back much by fear on account of the flight of their prince and the unlucky fate of his soldiers. The duke therefore, receiving the king’s magnanimity with great favour, leads the army back to the city, though fatigued, and yet taken by his kindness.

Urbani vero belli casu exanimes, vitam deposcunt, et pro urbis illesione supplicant. Cum autem exercitus urbem vi vellet irrumpere, et spolia asportare, dux habita apud eos dissuasione, intactam rege jubente reliquit. Rex autem ab urbanis obsides quot vult capit.

The townspeople, indeed, stricken by the chance of war, lay down their lives, and beseech for the city’s deliverance from destruction. But when the army wished to force an entry into the city and to carry off the spoils, the commander, having addressed them with persuasion, left it intact at the king’s bidding. And the king took from the townspeople as many hostages as he wished.

Sicque duce interveniente, urbs ab exercitu liberata est, et sub pace sequestra obsidio solvitur. Prosperaque rerum fortuna, rex cum duce et exercitu Laudunum repetit. Dux vero Parisii receptus, in egritudinem decidit, qua nimium affectus, vitae finem accepit (956). Sepultusque est in basilica sancti Dionisii martiris.

Thus, with the duke intervening, the city was freed from the army, and under the terms of a sequestered peace the siege was lifted. And with the prosperity of affairs, the king with the duke and the army returned to Laudunum. But the duke, received by the Parisians, fell into sickness, and, being overly afflicted by it, met the end of his life (956). And he was buried in the basilica of Saint Denis the martyr.

6. Interea Ottone rege Bulizlao Sarmatarum regi bellum inferente, Ragenerus quidam quem Otto rex ob custodiam in Belgica dimiserat, multa quae illicita erant praesumebat. Inter quae aedes regias et praedia regalia Gerbergae reginae quae in Belgica erant, tirannica temeritate pervadit. Regina vero apud suos de repetendis praediis et aedibus regiis privatim consultare non distulit.

6. Meanwhile, with King Otto waging war upon Bulizlao, king of the Sarmatians, a certain Ragenerus, whom King Otto had sent into Belgica for custody, was presuming many things that were illicit. Among these he seized, with tyrannical temerity, the royal houses and royal estates of Queen Gerberga which were in Belgica. The queen, however, did not delay to consult privately with her own men about reclaiming the estates and royal houses.

7. Inter quos cum pater meus hujus rei dispositioni videretur idoneus, ab eo id summopere ordinandum petebatur. Quod etiam ipse disponendum suscipiens: Sinite, inquit, per dies aliquot me istud explorare. Et si quidem nostris viribus id par fuerit, procul dubio per hoc temporis intervallum contemplabimur.

7. Among these, when my father seemed fit for the disposition of this matter, he was most earnestly asked by him to ordain it. And he himself, undertaking to dispose of it, said: Allow me, for several days, to examine this. And if indeed it shall be equal to our powers, without doubt we shall consider it during this interval of time.

Ad alia interim vos ipsos conferte. Illud tantum a vobis expediatur, ut si a Deo nobis rei gerendae oportunitas conferatur, apud vos nulla mora attemptandi opus habeatur. Sic quoque a sese soluti sunt.

Meanwhile turn your selves to other matters. Only this be provided by you, that if by God an opportunity for conducting the affair is granted to us, with you there be no delay in attempting it. Thus also they dismissed themselves.

8. Pater meus itaque ad oppidum praedicti Rageneri quod dicitur Mons castratiloci, ubi etiam uxor ejus cum duobus filiis parvis morabatur, quosdam suorum quos ipse in militaribus instruxerat dirigit, qui loci habitudinem militumque numerum, rerum etiam fortunam ac famulorum exitum, vigilumque diligentiam, cautissime considerent. Procedunt itaque duo tantum in habitu paupertino, ac usque ad oppidi portam deveniunt. Exstruebantur tunc muri per loca potioribus aedificiis.

8. My father therefore sent to the town of the aforesaid Ragenerus, which is called Mons Castratilocus, certain of his men whom he himself had trained in military matters, to consider most cautiously the layout of the place and the number of soldiers, likewise the state of affairs and the fate of the household-servants, and the diligence of the sentinels. Accordingly only two, in poor dress, proceeded and came as far as the town gate. At that time walls were being raised through the quarter by the more prominent buildings.

Unde et lapidum caementique portitores, saepe per portam egrediebantur, regrediebanturque praesente eorum qui operi praesidebat. Adsunt exploratores, et ad comportandum lapides offerunt sese. Deputantur operi.

From there also carriers of stones and rubble often went out through the gate, and returned with him who presided over the work being present. Scouts are present, and offer themselves for carrying the stones. They are assigned to the work.

Daturque eis clitellaria sporta. Comportant itaque caementum ac lapides, ac nummos singulos, singuli in dies accipiunt. Ante dominam etiam cum latomis et caementariis bis cibati sunt, curiose omnia contemplantes.

Saddle-baskets are given to them. They therefore carry the mortar and stones, and receive the coins one apiece, each day. Before the lady they were likewise fed twice with the quarriers and masons, curiously observing everything.

Dominae etiam cubiculum, ejusque natorum diverticulum, sed et famulorum egressum et regressum, actionumque tempestatem, ubi etiam oppidum insidiis magis pateat, multa consideratione pernotant. Et diebus quatuor consumtis, dies imminebat dominica. Sicque accepta laboris mercede, ab opere soluti sunt.

They likewise, with much consideration, keep watch over the lady’s bedchamber and the alcove of her sons, and also the comings and goings of the servants, and the timing of actions, where the town is moreover more open to ambushes. And after four days had been consumed, the Lord’s day was imminent. Thus, the wages of the work having been received, they were dismissed from the labor.

Redeunt igitur omnibus exploratis, ac patri meo talia referunt.

They therefore return, all things having been explored, and relate such things to my father.

9. Ille in multa spe omnia ponens, regina conscia, cum duabus cohortibus oppidum adit, ac ducentibus iis quos praemiserat, per locum competentem nocturnus ingreditur. Portas et exitus omnes pervadit, ac custodes, ne quis effugiat, deputat. Ipse ad cubiculum dominae, ferventissimus tendit.

9. He, placing all things in great hope, with the queen conscious, approaches the town with two cohorts, and, those whom he had sent before leading, enters by a suitable place at night. He passes through every gate and exit, and appoints guards so that no one may escape. He himself hastens, most fervent, to the lady’s chamber.

Eumque ingressus, matrem cum duobus natis comprehendit. Alii vero ornamentis asportandis insistebant. Comprehendit et milites, oppidumque succendit.

And entering it, he seized the mother with her two sons. Others, however, were intent on carrying off the ornaments. He also seized the soldiers, and burned the town.

Quo combusto, cum domina et natis, militibusque comprehensis, ad reginam Gerbergam reversus est.

With that burned, and the lady and her sons and the soldiers having been seized, he returned to Queen Gerberga.

10. Quod Ragenerus comperiens, tanta necessitate ductus, Brunonem fratrem reginae postulat, ut mature colloquium quo jubeat regina constituatur, ubi ipse uxorem et natos recipiat, et regina aedes et praedia resumat. Quod etiam statuto tempore factum est. Nam habitis utrimque rationibus, regina a tiranno praedia recepit, et ipse uxorem et natos, militesque reduxit.

10. When Ragenerus learned this, driven by so great a necessity, he demanded Brunonem, the queen’s brother, that a prompt colloquy be appointed at which the queen should give her orders, whereby he himself might take back his wife and children, and the queen regain the house and estates. Which also was done at the appointed time. For with reasons held on both sides, the queen received the estates from the tyrant, and he recovered his wife and children, and led back his soldiers.

11. (959.) His ita gestis, Rotbertus Trecarum princeps, Heriberti tiranni filius, Hugonis vero abdicati frater, Lothario regi injuriam hac arte molitus est. Castrum regium quod Divion dicitur, secus Oscaram torrentem conditum, multa cupiditate sitiebat, eo quod per eum si id habere posset, optimam Burgundiae partem ad suum jus transire posse arbitrabatur. Illum itaque qui castro praeesse videbatur, de transfugio ad sese per legatos alloquitur, plurima spondens, et majora sub jurejurando pollicens.

11. (959.) With these things thus accomplished, Rotbert, prince of the Three, son of Heribert the tyrant and brother indeed of Hugh the abdicated, contrived this injury against King Lothar by that art. He thirsted for the royal castle called Divion, founded beside the stream Oscara, with great desire, because he supposed that if he could possess it, the best part of Burgundy might pass into his right. Therefore he addresses him who seemed to preside over the castle about a defector to himself by envoys, promising very many things and pledging greater under oath.

Apud regem quoque multam rerum inopiam asserens, apud sese vero sufficientes opes, oppida nonnulla, aliaque desiderabilium insignia vehementissime protestans. Tunc juvenis rerum cupidine captus, pro transfugio mercedem quaerit. At illi mercedis nomen edicunt.

Claiming before the king a great scarcity of resources, yet boasting at his own house of sufficient wealth, some towns, and other marks of desirability with great vehemence. Then the youth, seized by a desire for gain, seeks a reward for his defection. But they proclaim the name — that is, the amount — of the payment.

Ille vero ex promissis jusjurandum postulat, capitque. Et tempore congruo, tirannum cum multa militum manu, intra oppidum excipit, ac sese ei commitens, fidem pro militia accommodat. Pervaso autem oppido, regii milites contumeliose pelluntur.

He, however, demands the oath from the promises, and takes it. And at a fitting time he admits the tyrant, with a great band of soldiers, into the town, and, committing himself to him, adapts his fidelity to military service. But once the town had been entered, the royal soldiers were shamefully driven off.

Deputantur vero ibi milites tiranni.

There the tyrant’s soldiers are deployed.

12. (960.) Perlata sunt haec ad regem. Rex vero Brunoni avunculo legatos dirigit, copias ab eo postulans. Nec moratur Bruno, et cum duobus milibus armatorum ex Belgica, terram tiranni occupat, urbemque Trecasinam obsidione circumdat.

12. (960.) These things were carried to the king. The king, however, dispatches legates to his uncle Bruno, demanding forces from him. Bruno delays not, and with two thousand armed men from Belgica seizes the tyrant’s territory, and surrounds the city of Trecasina with a siege.

Rex vero cum matre, erepto castro exercitum inducit. Cum ergo duplici exercitu tirannus urgeretur, caedit, et ab rege indulgentiam petit. Coactusque obsides et sacramenta dat; et insuper oppidi proditorem victus tradit.

But the king, with his mother, having retaken the castle, leads in the army. Therefore when the tyrant was pressed by the double army, he slew (many), and begged indulgence from the king. And, forced, he gives hostages and sacraments (oaths); and moreover, conquered, he hands over the town’s traitor.

Qui mox prolata ab rege sententia, ante oppidi portam, coram patre decollatur.

Who, the sentence having soon been delivered by the king, was beheaded before the town gate, in the presence of his father.

13. (961.) Rex vero oppido potitus, cum matre Laudunum redit. Huc ex diversis regionibus ad regem principes confluunt. Adsunt quoque ducis defuncti filii duo, Hugo et Otto, qui etiam regi fidelem militiam per jusjurandum coram omnibus spondent.

13. (961.) The king, however, having taken possession of the town, returns to Laudunum with his mother. Princes from diverse regions flow together to the king. Also present are the two sons of the deceased duke, Hugo and Otto, who likewise vow faithful military service to the king by oath before all.

Quorum benignitati rex non imparem liberalitatem demonstrans, Hugonem pro patre ducem facit, et insuper terram Pictavorum ejus principatui adjicit; Ottonem vero Burgundia donat.

To whose benignity the king, showing a liberality not unequal, makes Hugonem duke in the place of his father, and moreover annexes the land of the Pictavians to that principality; and he grants Burgundia to Ottonem.

14. In qua rerum distributione cum domnus ac reverendus Artoldus metropolitanus admodum in die laborasset, et prae solis fervore toto corpore sudasset, cum vestem abjiceret, per poros calore apertos, frigus autumnale irrepsit. Natoque ex interno frigdore epatis morbo, nimiis doloribus confectus, pridie Kalend. Octobr.

14. In this distribution of affairs, when the lord and reverend Artoldus, the metropolitan, had labored exceedingly by day, and, before the sun’s heat, had perspired with his whole body, when he cast off his garment, through pores opened by the heat an autumnal chill crept in. And having taken from that inward cold a disease of the liver, consumed by excessive pains, on the day before the Kalends of October (September 30).

a suo praesulatu annis 20 diem vitae clausit extremum.

after twenty years of his episcopate he closed the final day of his life.

15. (962.) Cujus peractis exsequiis, Hugo nuperrime dux Francorum ab rege factus, regem suppliciter adit, petitque pontificalem dignitatem ei restitui, eo quod ipse ante Artoldum ipsam adeptus fuerit, et non suo facinore sed Rodulfi regis invidia, Artoldum ei superductum memorat. Persistebat itaque ut redderetur. Et statim decreto regio, sinodus episcoporum post dies 40 habenda indicitur.

15. (962.) When his exsequies were completed, Hugh, very recently made duke of the Franks by the king, humbly approached the king and begged that the pontifical dignity be restored to him, on the ground that he himself had obtained it before Artold, and he related that Artold had been imposed upon him not by his own crime but by the envy of King Rudolf. He therefore persisted that it be returned. And immediately by royal decree a synod of bishops to be held after 40 days was proclaimed.

16. Colligitur ergo consummatis diebus in pago Meldensi secus fluvium Matronam, in vico qui vocatur..., ex Remensi ac Senonensi provinciis, sinodus 13 episcoporum praeside Senonense pontifice. Inter quos etiam fautores aliqui pro parte Hugonis videbantur, et maxime illi qui duci consuescebant, utpote Aurelianensis, et Parisiacus, Silletensis, quoque. Atque hi publice consultabant.

16. Therefore it is gathered that, the days having been completed, in the pagus Meldensis beside the river Matrona, in the village which is called..., from the Remensian and Senonensian provinces, a synod of 13 bishops was held, presided over by the Senonensian pontiff. Among whom some partisans on behalf of Hugo also seemed to be present, and especially those who were accustomed to the duke, namely the Aurelianensis, and the Parisiacus, and also the Silletensis. And these deliberated publicly.

Renitentibus autem Roricone Laudunensi, et Gubuino Catalaunico episcopis, et vehementissime asserentibus, quod a multitudine episcoporum excommunicatus, a minore eorum numero absolvi non posset, relinquitur ratio differenda, usque ad interrogationem papae Romani.

But with Roriconus of Laon and Gubuinus of Châlons, the bishops resisting, and most vehemently asserting that, being excommunicated by a multitude of bishops, he could not be absolved by a lesser number of them, the matter was left deferred until the interrogation of the Roman pope.

17. Nec multo post, et legatio dirigitur in Gallias a domno Johanne papa, qui jam succedebat Octoviano, domni Agapiti successori; asserens praedictum Hugonem abdicatum, tam sinodo Romana, quam Papiae nuperrime habita, ab episcopis Italiae anathematizatum, nisi ab iis quae illicite repetebat quiesceret. Qua legatione omnibus intimata, quaerimoniae ratio pessumdata est. Hugo itaque a fratre suo Rotberto receptus, nimia anxietate intra dies paucissimos Meldi defunctus est.

17. Not long after, a legation was sent into Gaul by Lord John the Pope, who now succeeded Octavian, the successor of Lord Agapitus; asserting that the aforesaid Hugo, having abdicated, had been anathematized by the bishops of Italy both at the Roman synod and at the recently held council of Pavia, unless he would desist from those things which he was illicitly claiming. When this legation was made known to all, the cause of complaint was dismissed. Hugo therefore, received by his brother Rotbert, died at Meldi within very few days from excessive anxiety.

18. Bruno itaque metropolitanus et dux, cuidam ex collegio canonicorum Mettensium nomine Odelrico apud regem praesulatum quaerebat. Quod cum obtinuisset, coram adesse facit. Qui vir memorabilis, cum esset divitiis et nobilitate, litterarumque scientia adeo clarus, an rege largiente episcopatum suscipere audeat sciscitatur.

18. Bruno therefore, metropolitan and duke, sought the bishopric at the king’s court for a certain member of the college of canons of Metz named Odelric. When he had obtained this, he caused him to be present. That memorable man, being so illustrious in riches and nobility and so clear in the science of letters, was asked whether, with the king bestowing it, he would dare to undertake the episcopate.

Etenim tunc expetebatur a quodam illustri, cui a duce auxilium ferebatur. At ille utpote vir magnanimus, si rex largiatur, sese contra omnes et suscepturum et defensurum respondit. Quod etiam multam sibi ducis invidiam comparavit.

For at that time he was sought by a certain illustrious man, to whom aid was being brought by the duke. But he, being a magnanimous man, answered that, if the king should grant (it), he himself would both undertake and defend it against all. Which also procured for him much envy from the duke.

19. Ordinatur itaque in basilica sancti Remigii ab episcopis Remensis metropolis diocesaneis, Widone scilicet Suessonico, Roricone Laudunensi, Gibuino Catalaunico, Hadulfo Noviomensi, atque Wicfrido Virdunensi (963). Factusque praesul, mox tirannos qui suae aecclesiae res pervaserant, ut ad satisfaciendum redeant, jure aecclesiastico advocat. Atque inde per tres dierum quadragenas concessit esse consulendum.

19. He is therefore ordained in the basilica of Saint Remigius by the diocesan bishops of the metropolitan see of Reims, namely Wido of Soissons, Rorico of Laon, Gibuin of Châlons, Hadulf of Noyon, and Wicfrid of Verdun (963). And having been made prelate, he forthwith, by ecclesiastical right, summons the tyrants who had pervaded the affairs of his church so that they return to make satisfaction. And from that time he granted that consultation be held for three forty‑day periods.

20. (964.) Evoluto vero tempore, Tetbaldum Turonicum cum aliis rerum aecclesiasticarum pervasoribus anathemate damnat. Post non multos autem dies penitentia ducti, ad praesulem satisfacturi redeunt, atque res pervasas legaliter reddunt (965). Recipit itaque domnus praesul ab Heriberto quidem Sparnacum vicum populosum ac opulentum, ab Tetbaldo vero castrum Codiciacum, eosque a vinculo anathematis absolvit. Et Tetbaldi quidem filio, qui sese sibi commiserat, militaturum, castrum sub conditione servandae fidelitatis concedit.

20. (964.) When, however, the time had run its course, he condemns Tetbald of Tours and the other plunderers of ecclesiastical affairs with an anathema. But not many days later, led by penitence, they return to the prelate to make satisfaction, and they legally restore the things they had plundered (965). Thus the lord prelate receives from Heribert indeed the village Sparnacum, populous and opulent, and from Tetbald the castle Codiciacum, and he absolves them from the bond of anathema. And to Tetbald’s son, who had entrusted himself to him as one who would do military service, he grants the castle on the condition of preserving fidelity.

21. Quo etiam tempore Arnulfus Morinorum princeps, hac vita decessit. Cujus terram Lotharius, rex ingressus, filio defuncti liberaliter reddit, eumque cum militibus jure sacramentorum sibi annectit.

21. At that same time Arnulf, prince of the Morini, departed this life. Lotharius, the king, having entered his land, liberally restores it to the son of the deceased, and annexes him to himself with the soldiers by the right of sacraments.

22. (969.) Huic quoque regalis nobilitatis vir Adalbero, ex Mettensium similiter collegio, strenue ac feliciter successit. Qui quanto suis profuerit, et quanta ab aemulis plus justo passus sit, opere sequenti declarabitur. Hic in initio post sui promotionem, structuris aecclesiae suae plurimum studuit.

22. (969.) To him also a man of regal nobility, Adalbero, likewise from the college of the Men of Metz, strenuously and prosperously succeeded. How much he profited his own, and how much he endured from rivals beyond what was just, will be made clear in the following work. In the beginning after his promotion he applied himself very greatly to the structures of his church.

Fornices enim qui ab aecclesiae introitu per quartam pene totius basilicae partem, eminenti structura distendebantur, penitus diruit. Unde et ampliore receptaculo, et digniore scemate, tota aecclesia decorata est. Corpus quoque sancti Kalisti papae et martiris, debito honore in ipso aecclesiae ingressu, loco scilicet editiore collocavit; ibique altare dedicans, oratorium fundendis Deo precibus commodissimum aptavit.

For he completely demolished the arches which, from the church’s entrance, stretched by an eminent structure through almost a fourth part of the whole basilica. Whence the entire church was adorned with a larger receptacle and a more dignified scheme. He also placed the body of Saint Callistus, pope and martyr, with due honour at the very entrance of the church, namely in a loftier place; and there, dedicating an altar, he fitted an oratory most commodious for pouring forth prayers to God.

Altare praecipuum crucibus aureis insigniens, cancellis utrimque radientibus obvelavit.

He adorned the principal altar with golden crosses, and veiled it with cancelli gleaming on either side.

23. Preter haec etiam altare gestatorium non viliori opere effinxit. Super quod sacerdote apud Deum agente, aderant quatuor evangelistarum expressae auro et argento imagines, singulae in singulis angulis stantes. Quarum uniuscujusque alae extensae, duo latera altaris ad medium obvelabant.

23. Besides this he fashioned a processional altar not in meaner workmanship. Above it, with the priest ministering before God, there were present images of the four evangelists wrought in gold and silver, each standing in each corner. The outstretched wings of each of them covered the two sides of the altar as far as the middle.

Facies vero agno immaculato conversas intendebant. In quo etiam ferculum Salomonis imitari videbatur. Fecit quoque candelabrum septifidum; in quo cum septem ab uno surgerent, illud significare videbatur, quod ab uno Spiritu septem gratiarum dona dividantur.

Their faces were turned and intent upon the spotless Lamb. In it even the ferculum of Solomon seemed to be imitated. He also made a seven‑branched candelabrum; in which, since seven rose from one, it seemed to signify that from one Spirit the seven gifts of grace are distributed.

Nec minus et arcam opere eleganti decoravit; in qua virgam et manna id est sanctorum reliquias operuit. Coronas quoque non minima inpensa fabrefactas in aecclesiae decus suspendit. Quam fenestris diversas continentibus historias dilucidatam, campanis mugientibus acsi tonantem dedit.

He no less adorned the ark with elegant workmanship; in which he enclosed the rod and the manna — that is, the relics of the saints. He also hung crowns, not made with a small expense, as an adornment of the church. Which he gave made luminous by windows containing diverse histories, and with the bells bellowing as if thunderous.

24. Canonicos etiam qui in propriis hospiciis degentes, tantum sua curabant, jure communicatis vivere instruxit. Unde et claustrum monasterio addidit, in quo die morantes, cohabitarent, necnon et dormitorium, ubi noctu in silentio quiescerent, refectorium quoque, ubi de communi considentes reficerentur. Legesque ascripsit, ut orationis tempore in ecclesia nihil nisi signo peterent, praeter quod necessitatis afferret inpulsio.

24. He instructed also that the canons, who dwelt in their own hospicia and cared only for their private things, should live with their goods communicated by right. Whence he added a cloister to the monastery, in which those remaining by day would cohabit, and likewise a dormitory, where by night they would rest in silence, and a refectory too, where, sitting at the common table, they would be refreshed. And he annexed laws that, during the time of prayer in the church, they should ask for nothing except by sign, save what the impulse of necessity would bring.

Cibum una taciturni caperent; post prandium, in gratiarum actione laudes Deo decantarent. Completorio vero expleto, silentium usque laudes matutinas nullatenus violarent. Jam horoscopo pulsante excitati, ad laudes persolvendas sese praevenire contenderent.

They took food together in silence; after the meal, in an act of thanksgiving they sang praises to God. When Compline was finished, they in no wise violated the silence until the morning praises. Now, with the hour‑bell striking and rousing them, they strove to hasten to anticipate one another in performing the praises.

Ante horam diei primam, libertas egrediendi a claustro, nemini concessa erat, praeter hos qui curis eorum insistebant. Et ne quis per ignorantiam quicquam faciendum relinqueret, sancti Augustini instituta, Patrumque decreta cotidie eis recitanda indixit.

Before the first hour of the day, liberty to go forth from the cloister was granted to no one, except those who attended to their own cares. And lest anyone through ignorance leave aught undone, he commanded the institutes of Saint Augustine and the decrees of the Fathers to be read aloud to them daily.

25. Monachorum quoque mores, quanta dilectione et industria correxit, atque a seculi habitu distinxit, sat dicere non est. Non solum enim religionis dignitate eos insignes apparere studuit, verum etiam bonis exterioribus augmentatos nullo modo minui prudens adegit. Quos cum multo coleret amore, praecipua tamen beati Remigii Francorum patroni monachos caritate extollebat; unde et eorum res stabiliri in posterum cupiens, Romam concessit (971?). Et utpote vir nobilis et strenuus, et fama celibis vitae omnibus clarus, a beatae memoriae Johanne papa, cum multa reverentia exceptus est.

25. It is scarcely sufficient to tell how greatly he corrected the monks’ manners with what love and industry, and how he set them apart from the habit of the secular world. For he strove not only that they appear distinguished by the dignity of religion, but likewise, prudent, he acted that those increased in outward goods should in no wise be diminished. Whom, since he cherished with much love, yet the monks he raised up by the special charity of blessed Remigius, patron of the Franks; and thence, wishing that their affairs be established for the future, he repaired to Rome (971?). And, being a noble and vigorous man, and by fame renowned to all for a celibate life, he was received with much reverence by Pope John of blessed memory.

A quo etiam post mutua colloquia jussus, in die natalitia Domini duodecim praecedentibus episcopis missarum sollempnia celebravit. In tanta ejus gratia habitus, ut ab eo rogaretur petere, si quid optaret.

From him also, after mutual conversations and by his command, on the Lord’s natal day he celebrated the solemnities of the Mass with twelve bishops in attendance. He was held in such favor that he was urged by him to ask for whatever he might wish.

26. Quod metropolitanus Adalbero de rebus sancti Remigii a papa Johanne privilegium fieri petiit, tunc vir memorabilis sic exorsus: Quoniam, inquit, pater sanctissime multa caritate filium complexus ad te amplius attraxisti, quod tibi onerosum sit petendum non arbitror. Novi enim, quod diligens pater, interdum filio gravari gaudeat. Sed illud petere me proposui, quod et tanto patri onerosum non fiat, et petenti satis commodi comparet.

26. Which thing the metropolitan Adalbero asked to be granted as a privilegium by Pope John concerning the affairs of Saint Remigius, the memorable man then began thus: "Since, he said, most holy Father, you, having embraced the son with much caritas, have drawn him more closely to you, I do not judge that it would be onerous for you to be asked. For I know that a diligent father sometimes delights to be burdened for his son. But I have resolved to ask that which neither will be burdensome to so great a pater, nor fail to appear sufficiently commodious to the petitioner."

Est mihi in Galliis monachorum coenobium, non longe ab urbe Remorum situm. Ubi etiam beati Remigii Francorum patroni corpus sanctissimum decentissime quiescit, cui etiam honor exhibetur debitus. Cujus res in posterum stabiliri firmiter quaerens, vestrae auctoritatis privilegio confirmari inpraesentiarum deposco, terras videlicet cultas atque incultas, silvas et pascua, vineas ac pemeria, torrentes et stagna; castri quoque illorum munitatem, villarumque liberalem intra et extra potestatem, tandem etiam res omnes mobiles atque inmobiles vestri apostolatus dignitas solidet atque confirmet.

There is to me in Gaul a coenobium of monks, not far from the city of the Remi. Where also the most holy body of blessed Remigius, patron of the Franks, most decorously rests, to whom also the due honour is rendered. Seeking firmly that its affairs be established for the future, I hereby ask to be confirmed by the privilege of your authority at the present time, namely the lands both tilled and untilled, woods and pastures, vineyards and pomeries, streams and ponds; also the fortification of that castrum, and the liberal jurisdiction of the villas within and without its potestative reach; and finally that all movables and immovables be made firm and confirmed by the dignity of your apostolate.

Abbatiam quoque sancti Timothei martiris quae nostri juris esse videtur, sub vestri praesentia, horumque episcoporum testimonio eis concedo, ut inde pauperibus administretur, et memoria nostri servis Dei in coenobio habeatur. Haec igitur superioribus addita in jus praedicti sancti transeat, atque illius propria, vestra similiter auctoritate confirmetur.

I also grant to them the abbey of Saint Timothy the Martyr, which seems to be of our jurisdiction, to be placed under your protection, and by the testimony of these bishops, so that from it provision may be administered to the poor, and the memory of our servants of God may be kept in the monastery. These things therefore, added to the rights of the aforesaid saint, shall pass into the law of that saint, and his own possessions shall likewise be confirmed by your authority.

27. Ad haec domnus papa: Res, inquit, domni ac patroni nostri Remigii, nostri apostolatus sententia stabiliri tutasque in perpetuum fieri, quin etiam de tuo quicquid placet addi, libentissime concedo. Scripto etiam id roborari non solum mea, set et horum qui adsunt episcoporum auctoritate constituo. Moxque scriptum iri jussit, coramque scriptum legi praecepit.

27. To this the lord pope: I most willingly grant that the matters of our lord and patron Remigius be established by the sentence of our apostolate and made safe for ever; nay, moreover, whatever of yours it pleases to add I gladly concede. I ordain that this be confirmed in writing not only by my authority but also by the authority of those bishops who are present. And straightway he ordered it to be written, and commanded that the writing be read aloud in his presence.

28. Cujus textus hujusmodi est: Johannes servus servorum Dei............

28. The text is as follows: John, servant of the servants of God............

29. Quod in auribus omnium qui aderant perlectum, sigilli sui nota insignivit, atque episcopis roborandum porrexit. Quibus gestis, metropolitanus domni papae atque episcoporum licentia digressus, Galliis sese recepit, directoque itinere sancti praedicti sepulchrum devotus petiit, eique in collegio monachorum privilegium scriptum legavit. Monachi datum excipientes, archivo servandum mandant, gratiasque pro tanta liberalitate decenter impertiunt.

29. Which, after being read aloud into the ears of all who were present, he marked with the sign of his seal, and offered to the bishops to be confirmed. These things done, the metropolitan, with the leave of the lord pope and of the bishops, departed, retired into Gaul, and by a direct route devotedly sought the tomb of the aforesaid saint, and read to him in the college of monks a written privilege. The monks, receiving what had been given, command it to be kept in the archive, and fittingly return thanks for so great a liberality.

30. Quod Adalbero privilegium in sinodo ab episcopis confirmari fecit. His ita habitis, post sex mensium tempus ad montem sanctae Mariae, qui locus est Remorum diocesaneus, ab eodem metropolitano sinodus episcoporum habita est. Quibus considentibus, post quaedam sinodo utilia, atque sanctae aecclesiae commoda, metropolitanus coram sic concionatus ait: Quoniam patres reverendi gratia sancti Spiritus hic collecti sumus, et quae de statu sanctae aecclesiae visa sunt utilia ordinavimus, restat adhuc res mihi adeo placens, et nonnullis nostrae aecclesiae filiis nunc et in posterum profutura; quam etiam vestrae dignitati indicandam arbitror, atque roborandam.

30. Which privilege Adalbero caused to be confirmed in a synod by the bishops. These things thus being done, after six months’ time a synod of bishops was held by the same metropolitan at the mount of Saint Mary, which place is in the diocese of the Remorum; and, the bishops sitting, after certain matters useful to the synod and to the good of the holy church had been considered, the metropolitan, having thus preached before them, said: Since, fathers, by the reverend grace of the Holy Spirit we are gathered here, and we have ordained those things which seemed useful for the state of the holy church, there still remains a matter so pleasing to me, and now and for the future profitable to some sons of our church; which I judge ought also to be made known to your dignity and to be confirmed.

Ante septem mensium dies, ut vobis quoque notissimum est, in Italiam concessi, Romamque deveni, ac domni et apostolici viri Johannis colloquio simulque et benivolentia familiarissime usus, ab eo petere si quid optarem monitus sum. Ratusque petendum ut res domni ac patroni nostri Remigii, suae auctoritatis privilegio contra quoslibet tirannos stabiliret, et abbatiam sancti Timothei martiris, a me datam illis uniret, id absque refragatione obtinui. Scripsit ergo, ac coram episcopis numero duodecim recitari jussit, eisque roborandum porrexit.

Seven days earlier, as is likewise most well known to you, I went into Italy and reached Rome, and, having used the very familiar converse and goodwill of the lord and apostolic man John, I was advised by him to ask if I desired anything. Thinking it proper to ask that the affairs of our lord and patron Remigius be confirmed by his authority’s privilege against any tyrants, and that the abbey of Saint Timothy the Martyr, given by me to them, be joined to them, I obtained this without contradiction. He therefore wrote it down, and ordered it to be read aloud before twelve bishops, and put it forth for them to confirm.

Quod et domni papae sigilli nota insignitum, vobis quoque roborandum attuli, ut plurimorum auctoritate subnixum, nullorum machinatione quandoque valeat dissolvi. Unde et a vobis idem roborari volo. Sinodus dixit: Roboretur.

Which, marked with the sign of the lord pope’s seal, I also brought to you to be confirmed, so that, supported by the authority of very many, it may by no one’s machination ever be able to be dissolved. Wherefore I wish the same to be confirmed by you. The synod said: Let it be confirmed.

Prolatum igitur a metropolitano, in concilio recitatum est eisque porrectum, et ab eorum singulis manu imposita roboratum. Quod etiam a monachis qui ibi aderant exceptum, archivo monasterii relatum est.

Therefore brought forward by the metropolitan, it was read aloud in the council and presented to them, and confirmed by the imposition of each of their hands. Which also, having been received by the monks who were present there, was carried to the archive of the monastery.

31. Conquestio metropolitani de monachorum religione, rituumque correctione. Inter hec quoque et alia utilia quae ibi constituta sunt, de monachorum religione a metropolitano motu gravissimo conquestio habita est, eo quod ritus a majoribus constituti, a quibusdam depravati et immutati viderentur. Unde et sub episcoporum praesentia ab eodem decretum est, ut diversorum locorum abbates convenirent, et inde utiliter consulerent.

31. The metropolitan’s complaint concerning the monks’ religion and the correction of rites. Among these and other useful things which were established there, a very grave complaint was made by the metropolitan about the monks’ religion, because the rites established by the elders seemed to have been corrupted and altered by some. Wherefore, and in the presence of the bishops, it was decreed by the same that the abbots of diverse places should convene, and thereupon give useful counsel.

Hujusque habendae rationis tempus et locus mox constituta sunt, et sic sinodus soluta est.

The time and place for holding this deliberation were soon fixed, and thus the synod was dismissed.

32. Quod abbas Rodulfus abbatum primas fuerit. Interea tempus advenit. Abbates quoque ex diverso in unum collecti sunt.

32. That Abbot Rodulf held the primacy of the abbots. Meanwhile the time arrived. The abbots also were gathered together from diverse places into one.

Quorum praecipuus et primas constitutus est, vir divae memoriae Rodulfus, ex coenobio sancti Remigii abbas. Quo praesidente et praelaturae dignitatem tenente, alii circum dispositi sunt. Metropolitanus vero, ex adverso in cliotedro resedit.

Of whom the foremost and primate was appointed, the man of blessed memory Rodulfus, abbot from the monastery of Saint Remigius. With him presiding and holding the dignity of the prelature, others were placed around. But the Metropolitan, on the opposite side, sat in the choir.

Qui primatis aliorumque patrum hortatu concionatus, sic praelocutus est:

At the urging of the primate and the other fathers, having addressed the assembly, he thus spoke:

33. Praelocutio metropolitani in sinodo abbatum. Magnum est patres sanctissimi bonos quosque convenire, si fructum virtutis quaerere elaborent. Inde enim et bonorum utilitates, et rerum honestas comparatur.

33. The metropolitan’s address in the synod of abbots. It is a great thing that the most holy fathers and good men should come together, if they strive to labor in seeking the fruit of virtue. For from this are obtained both the benefits of the good and the honesty (honour) of affairs.

Sicut econtra pernitiosum si pravi confluant, ut illicita quaerant et expleant. Unde et vos quos in Dei nomine collectos arbitror, optima quaerere hortor, atque ex malivolentia nihil moliri moneo. Amor secularis et odium, apud vos locum nullum habeant, quibus enervatur justitia, aequitas suffocatur.

Just as, conversely, it is pernicious if the depraved confluence, to seek and accomplish illicit things. Wherefore I exhort you, whom I judge gathered in the name of God, to seek the best, and I admonish you to undertake nothing from malivolence. Let secular love and hatred have no place among you, by whom justice is enervated and equity is suffocated.

Vestri ordinis antiqua religio, ab antiquitatis honestate ut fama est supra modum aberravit. Dissidetis enim inter vos, in ipsa regularis ordinis consuetudine, cum aliter alter, alter aliter velit ac sentiat. Quapropter et sanctitati vestrae hactenus multum derogatum est.

The ancient religion of your order, as fame reports, has strayed beyond measure from the honour of antiquity. For you disagree among yourselves even in the very customary rule of the order, one desiring and feeling one way, another another. Wherefore much has hitherto been detracted from your sanctity.

Unde et utile duxi, ut vobis hic gratia Dei in unum collectis, suadeam idem velle, idem sentire, idem cooperari, ut eadem voluntate, eodem sensu, eadem cooperatione, et virtus neglecta repetatur, et pravitatis dedecus vehementissime propulsetur.

Wherefore I judged it useful also that, you here having been gathered by the grace of God into one, I should exhort you to will the same, to feel the same, to cooperate the same; so that by the same voluntas, the same sensus, the same cooperation, neglected virtue may be regained, and the disgrace of depravity may be most vehemently driven away.

34. Responsio primatis et in pravos indignatio. Ad haec abbatum primas: Quod hic, inquit, a te promulgatum est pater sanctissime, alta memoria condendum est, eo quod et corporum dignitatem, et animarum salutem affectes. Constat enim ad habitum virtutis neminem pervenisse, nisi quem talis animus munivit, quo et appetenda peteret, et vitanda refelleret.

34. The primate’s reply and indignation at the wicked. To this the first of the abbots: “What has here been promulgated by you, most holy father,” he said, “ought to be set down in high memory, since you regard both the dignity of bodies and the salvation of souls. For it is certain that no one attains the habit of virtue unless he whom such a spirit has fortified, by which he would both seek things to be desired and repel things to be avoided.”

Unde et patet nos aliquid dedecoris contraxisse, quod ab appetendis aliquanto aberravimus. Quod etiam multa objurgatione reprehendendum est, cum nec ignavia nos praecipitaverit, nec inopia ad id impulerit.

Whence also it is plain that we have contracted some dishonor, because we have somewhat strayed from the things to be sought. This likewise must be blamed with much rebuke, since neither sloth has hurled us headlong, nor want has driven us to it.

35. Item indignatio primatis in monachos. Quae enim vis impulit, ut monachus intra claustra monasterii dominicis servitiis mancipandus, compatrem habeat, et compater dicatur? Et o quantum nostro ordini dissentiat considerate.

35. Likewise the primate’s indignation against the monks. For what force has driven that a monk, kept within the cloisters of the monastery and bound to the Lord’s services, should have a compatrem, and be called compater? And O how greatly, consider, this dissents from our order.

Si inquam compater est, ut a verisimili probabile efferam, cum eo qui pater est ipse est pater. Si vero pater est, filium vel filiam habere dubium non est. Unde et scortator potius quam monachus dicendus est.

If, I say, he is a compater, so that I may lift it from the probable to the plausible, since whoever is a father is a father along with him. But if he is indeed a father, there is no doubt that he has a son or a daughter. Whence he ought to be called a scortator rather than a monk.

Sed quid de commatre? Quid in hoc nomine a secularibus perpenditur, nisi turpitudinis consentanea? Hoc licet verisimile dicens, secularibus non praejudico, sed nostro ordini illicita reprehendo.

But what of the commater? What is weighed in that name by the seculars, except that which is consonant with turpitude? This I may call probable — I do no prejudice to the seculars — but I reprehend it as illicit for our order.

Quod quia ineptum videtur, vestra interminatione inhibendum est. His venerandus metropolitanus subjungens: Si, inquit, placet sinodo interdicetur. Sinodus dixit: Interdicatur.

Because this seems inept, it must be inhibited by your determination. To these things the venerable metropolitan adding: “If, he said, it pleases, let it be interdicted by the synod.” The synod said: “Let it be interdicted.”

Metropolitani itaque auctoritate, omnium consensu inhibitum est.

By the metropolitan's authority, with the unanimous consent of all, it was forbidden.

36. Secunda primatis objectio. Rursusque primas exorsus: Adhuc, inquit, nostro ordini inimica proferam. In quo quidam dinoscuntur, quibus mos inolevit, ut soli a monasteriis egrediantur, soli foris nullo sui operis teste maneant, et quod pessimum est, absque fratrum benedictione et exeant, et sine ea redeant.

36. A second objection against the primate. And again, having begun his first: "Moreover," he says, "I will bring forward something inimical to our order." In this some are discerned, in whom a custom has grown up that they alone depart from the monasteries, remain alone outside with no witness of their works, and, which is worst, go out without the blessing of the brothers, and return without it.

Unde non dubium est, eos facilius posse falli, quos fratrum orantium benedictio non munit. Inde est quod turpitudo vitae, morum pravitas, proprietatis peculium, nobis a calumniantibus intenduntur. Unde etiam necesse est, ut his calumniis subdamur, cum repulsioni testes habere non possimus.

Whence there is no doubt that those whom the benediction of praying brothers does not fortify can more easily be deceived. Hence it is that the baseness of life, depravity of morals, and a private peculium of property are imputed to us by our slanderers. Whence also it is necessary that we be subjected to these calumnies, since we cannot have witnesses for a rebuttal.

Hoc quoque vestra censura prohibeat. Sinodus dixit: Prohibeatur. Et memorabilis metropolitanus: Hoc quoque, inquit, nostra auctoritate prohibemus.

Let your censure forbid this also. The Synod said: Prohibit it. And the memorable metropolitan: "This also," he said, "we forbid by our authority."

37. Tertia primatis indignatio. His quoque primas alia adjungens: Quoniam, inquit, de vitiis nostri ordinis dicere coepi, nihil relinquendum putavi, ut his amotis, religio nostra acsi enubilata reluceat. Sunt enim inquam nostri ordinis quidam, quibus curae est pillea aurita capiti manifeste imponere, pellesque peregrinas pilleo regulari praeponere, pro abjectae vestis habitu, vestes lautissimas induere.

37. The third indignation of the primate. Adding to these also other primatial matters: “Since,” he said, “I began to speak of the vices of our order, I thought nothing should be left out, so that, these things removed, our religion may shine forth as if it had been clouded. For there are, I say, certain ones of our order who take care to place conspicuously on the head a little hat with ears, and to set foreign pelts above the regular cap, and, instead of the garb of a humble habit, to put on very sumptuous garments.

Nam tunicas magni emptas, plurimum cupiunt, quas sic ab utroque latere stringunt, manicisque et giris diffluentibus diffundunt, ut artatis clunibus et protensis natibus potius meretriculis quam monachis a tergo assimilentur.

For they greatly desire tunics bought at great expense, which they thus draw tight on either side and display with flowing sleeves and spreading girdles, so that, with the haunches bound and the buttocks thrust forward, they from behind resemble prostitutes rather than monks.

38. De superfluo vestitum colore. Quid vero de colore vestium? Unde tantum decepti sunt, ut dignitatis merita coloribus comparent.

38. On the superfluous color of garments. But what indeed of the color of garments? Whence have they been so deceived, as to compare the merits of dignity with colors?

Nam nisi tunica nigro colore deceat, ea indui nullo modo placet. Quod si etiam nigro albus laneficii opere intermixtus sit, hic quoque talis vestem abjectam facit. Fulvus quoque abjicitur.

For unless a tunic is fitting in the colour black, it in no way pleases to be put on. And if even white is intermixed with black by the wool-dyer’s art, this likewise makes the garment abject and despised. Tawny too is rejected.

Nec minus niger nativus, non sufficit, nisi etiam corticum inficiatur sucis. Atque haec de vestibus.

Nor is a native black any less sufficient, unless it is also dyed with the juices of bark. And these things about garments.

39. De calciamentorum superfluitate. De calciamentorum vero superfluitate quid referam? Tantum enim in his insaniunt, ut commoditatem sibi plurimam per ea auferant.

39. On the superfluity of footwear. But what shall I say about the superfluity of footwear? For they rave so much over these things that by them they take away from themselves the very greatest convenience.

Ea enim sic arta induunt, ut cippati pene impediantur. In quibus etiam rostra componunt; aures hinc inde erigunt; et ne folleant magno opere elaborant. Ut luceant quoque, famulis consciis indicunt.

For they put them on so tight that they are almost cippati and impeded. In them they even set rostra; they lift up the ears here and there; and they toil greatly so that they do not folle (sag, bulge). And that they may also shine, they display them with their servants as conscious witnesses.

40. De linteis et operibus superfluis. An lintea operosa atque pellicea operimenta sileam? Cum inquam a majoribus clementiae gratia prolenis indui pellibus mediocribus concessum sit, vitium superfluitatis irrepsit.

40. On linens and superfluous trappings. Shall I be silent about ornate linens and pellicled coverings? Since, I say, from our ancestors by grace of clemency it was conceded that descendants be clothed in moderate pelts, the vice of superfluity has crept in.

Unde et nunc peregrinis operimentis limbos bipalmos circumducunt, atque pannis Noricis ea desuper duplicant. Linteis vero pro stragulis minime uti concessum est; sed a quibusdam minus religiosis, caeteris superfluis id additum est. Quorum numerus cum ex locis diversis plurimus esset, a pluritate malorum bonorum paucitati id persuasum est.

Wherefore even now they draw two-palmed borders around foreign coverings, and over them double those with Noric cloths. Indeed it was not granted to use linens as coverlets; but by some less religious persons this was added as superfluous to the others. Since their number was very great from diverse places, by the plurality of evils it was agreed to the paucity of goods.

41. De femoralibus iniquis. Sed quid femoralia iniqua referam? Horum etenim tibiales quater sesquipede patent, atque ex staminis subtilitate etiam pudenda intuentibus non protegunt; in quorum compositione id uni non sufficit, quo duo contenti ad plenum esse valerent.

41. Concerning ill-fitting femoralia. But why speak of ill-made femoralia? For their tibiales extend four times a foot-and-a-half (six feet), and out of the fineness of the thread they do not even cover the pudenda from onlookers; in the composition of which it is one thing alone is not sufficient, by which two, being joined, would be able to be fully sufficient.

Haec coram hic relata, an prohiberi veliis, indicate. Caetera vero nostris conciliis in privato corrigenda sunt. Sinodus dixit: Et prohibeantur.

These things having been related here before those present, indicate whether you wish them to be prohibited. The other matters, however, must be corrected in our councils in private. The Synod said: And let them be prohibited.

42. Responsio metropolitani ad primatem. Ad haec quoque metropolitanus subjunxit: Gravitatis quidem vestrae fuit pauca dicendo pluribus parcere; sed quoniam haec quae reprehensimus in vestro ordine subjacent, alia nobis, alia vero privatis conciliis corrigenda judicatis, idem sentio, idem laudo. Unde etiam quae hic inhiberi vestra gravitas petit, nostra auctoritas interdicit.

42. The metropolitan’s reply to the primate. To these things likewise the metropolitan added: It was indeed of your gravity to spare many things by saying few; but since these things which we have blamed lie under your order, and you judge that some are to be corrected by us, others by private councils, I think the same, I praise the same. Wherefore also those things which here your gravity seeks to prohibit, our authority forbids.

Quae vobis silendo reservastis, vestris relinquimus inmutanda juditiis. His quoque dictis, sinodus soluta est. Quo tempore, monachorum religio admodum floruit, cum eorum religionis peritissimus metropolitanus, hujus rei hortator esset et suasor.

What things you reserved in silence for yourselves, we leave to your judgments, not to be altered. With these things likewise having been said, the synod was dissolved. At that time the monastic religion flourished greatly, since their metropolitan, most skilled in their religion, was the encourager and advocate of this matter.

Et ut nobilitati suae in omnibus responderet, aecclesiae suae filios studiis liberalibus instruere utiliter quaerebat.

And so that he might in all things live up to his nobility, he sought to usefully instruct the sons of his church in the liberal studies.

43. Adventus Gerberti in Galliam. Cui etiam cum apud sese super hoc aliqua deliberaret, ab ipsa Divinitate directus est Gerbertus, magni ingenii ac miri eloquii vir, quo postmodum tota Gallia acsi lucerna ardente, vibrabunda refulsit. Qui Aquitanus genere, in coenobio sancti confessoris Geroldi a puero altus, et grammatica edoctus est.

43. The arrival of Gerbert in Gaul. And while he was likewise deliberating to himself somewhat about this, Gerbert, a man of great ingenium and wondrous eloquence, was directed by Divinity itself; by whom afterward all Gaul seemed to shine forth, as it were a lamp burning and quivering. He, an Aquitanian by birth, was brought up from boyhood in the coenobium of Saint Confessor Gerold, and was instructed in grammatica.

In quo utpote adolescens cum adhuc intentus moraretur, Borrellum citerioris Hispaniae ducem orandi gratia ad idem coenobium contigit devenisse. Qui a loci abbate humanissime exceptus, post sermones quotlibet, an in artibus perfecti in Hispaniis habeantur, sciscitatur. Quod cum promptissime assereret, ei mox ab abbate persuasum est, ut suorum aliquem susciperet, secumque in artibus docendum duceret.

In which, as he was a youth and still intent on study, Borrellus, duke of Citerior Hispania, happened to come to the same coenobium for the sake of prayer. He was most courteously received by the abbot of the place, and after many conversations he inquired whether those perfected in the artes are to be found in the Hispaniæ. When he very readily affirmed this, the abbot soon persuaded him to take one of his own, and to lead him away with himself to be taught in the artes.

Dux itaque non abnuens, petenti liberaliter favit, ac fratrum consensu Gerbertum assumptum duxit, atque Hattoni episcopo instruendum commisitt Apud quem etiam in mathesi plurimum et efficaciter studuit. Sed cum Divinitatis Galliam jam caligantem magno lumine relucere voluit, praedictis duci et episcopo mentem dedit, ut Romam oraturi peterent. Paratisque necessariis, iter carpunt, ac adolescentem commissum secum deducunt.

The duke therefore, not refusing, generously favored the petitioner, and with the consent of the brothers took Gerbert up and committed him to Bishop Hatto to be instructed. With him he also studied very much and effectively in mathesis. But when he wished that the Divinity should cause Gaul, already growing dark, to shine again with a great light, he put into the minds of the aforesaid duke and bishop that they should set out for Rome to make petition. And with the necessary things prepared, they took up the journey, and led away the youth entrusted to them.

Inde Urbem ingressi, post praeces ante sanctos apostolos effusas, beate recordationis papam.... adeunt, ac sese ei indicant, quodque visum est de suo jocundissime impertiunt.

Thence entering the City, after prayers poured forth before the holy Apostles, they go to the pope of blessed memory.... and make themselves known to him, and most joyfully impart what seemed fitting about themselves.

44. Quod Atto Romae moratus decessit. Nec latuit papam adolescentis industria, simulque et discendi voluntas. Et quia musica et astronomia in Italia tunc penitus ignorabantur, mox papa Ottoni regi Germaniae et Italiae per legatum indicavit, illuc hujusmodi advenisse juvenem, qui mathesim optime nosset, suosque strenue docere valeret.

44. Atto, who had remained in Rome, died. Nor did the pope fail to notice the youth’s industry and likewise his will to learn. And because music and astronomy were then utterly unknown in Italy, the pope soon informed Otto, king of Germany and Italy, by an envoy, that such a young man had come there who knew mathematics excellently and was able to teach his own men vigorously.

Mox etiam ab rege papae suggestum est, ut juvenem retineret, nullumque regrediendi aditum ei ullo modo praeberet. Sed et duci atque episcopo qui ab Hispaniis convenerant, a papa modestissime indicitur, regem velle sibi juvenem ad tempus retinere, ac non multo post eum sese cum honore remissurum; insuper etiam gratias inde recompensaturum. Itaque duci ac episcopo id persuasum est, ut hoc pacto juvene dimisso, ipsi in Hispanias iter retorquerent.

Soon also it was suggested by the king to the pope that he should retain the youth, and in no way afford him any opportunity of returning. But to the duke and to the bishop who had come from the Spains, the pope most modestly indicated that the king wished to keep the youth for a time for himself, and that not long after he would send him back with honour; moreover he would recompense them with thanks for it. Thus the duke and the bishop were persuaded that, the youth dismissed under this pact, they themselves should turn their journey back to the Spains.

Juvenis igitur apud papam relictus, ab eo regi oblatus est. Qui de arte sua interrogatus, in mathesi se satis posse, logicae vero scientiam se addiscere velle respondit. Ad quam quia pervenire moliebatur, non adeo in docendo ibi moratus est.

Therefore the youth, left with the pope, was presented by him to the king. Who, when questioned about his art, answered that he was sufficiently skilled in mathematics, but wished to acquire the science of logic. Because he endeavored to attain this, he did not remain there long in teaching.

45. Quod ab Ottone rege logico commissus sit. Quo tempore G. Remensium archidiaconus in logica clarissimus habebatur. Qui etiam a Lothario Francorum rege eadem tempestate Ottoni regi Italiae legatus directus est.

45. Concerning what was entrusted to the logician by King Otto. At that time G., archdeacon of Rheims, was held most renowned in logic. Who also, by Lothair, king of the Franks, at the same season was sent as legate to Otto, king of Italy.

Cujus adventu juvenis exhilaratus, regem adiit, atque ut G..... o committeretur optinuit. E G..... o per aliquot tempora haesit, Remosque ab eo deductus est. A quo etiam logicae scientiam accipiens, in brevi admodum profecit, G..... s vero cum mathesi operam daret, artis difficultate victus, a musica rejectus est.

At his arrival the youth, cheered, approached the king and obtained that G..... o be entrusted to him. He clung to G..... o for several seasons, and was by him led away from Remos. From whom, also taking in the science of logic, he made quite rapid progress in a very short time; but when G..... s applied himself to mathesis, overcome by the difficulty of the art, he was cast off by music.

Gerbertus interea studiorum nobilitate praedicto metropolitano commendatus, ejus gratiam prae omnibus praemeruit. Unde et ab eo rogatus, discipulorum turmas artibus instruendas ei adhibuit.

Gerbertus meanwhile, commended to the aforesaid metropolitan by the nobility of his studies, above all won that prelate’s favour. Wherefore, at his request, the metropolitan set him to instruct bands of disciples in the arts.

46. Quem ordinem librorum in docendo servavit. Dialecticam ergo ordine librorum percurrens, dilucidis sententiarum verbis enodavit. Inprimis enim Porphyrii ysagogas id est introductiones secundum Victorini rhethoris translationem, inde etiam easdem secundum Manlium explanavit.

46. Whose order of books he preserved in teaching. Running through Dialectic in the order of the books, he expounded it in the lucid words of the sentences. For first he explained Porphyry’s Isagoges, that is, the Introductions, according to the translation of Victorinus the rhetorician; thence he also explained the same according to Manlius.

Cathegoriarum, id est praedicamentorum librum Aristotelis consequenter enucleans. Periermenias vero, id est de interpretatione librum, cujus laboris sit, aptissime monstravit. Inde etiam topica, id est argumentorum sedes, a Tullio de Greco in Latinum translata, et a Manlio consule sex commentariorum libris dilucidata, suis auditoribus intimavit.

Consecutively expounding Aristotle’s book of Cathegories, that is, of Predicaments. The Periermenias, that is, the book On Interpretation, he showed most aptly to be a work of that kind. He likewise made familiar to his auditors the Topica, that is, the seats of arguments, translated into Latin from the Greek by Tullius and elucidated by Manlius the Consul in six books of commentaries.

47. Quid provehendis rhethoricis providerit. Necnon et quatuor de topicis differentiis libros, de sillogismis cathegoricis duos, de ypotheticis tres, diffinitionumque librum unum, divisionum aeque unum, utiliter legit et expressit. Post quorum laborem, cum ad rhethoricam suos provehere vellet, id sibi suspectum erat, quod sine locutionum modis, qui in poetis discendi sunt, ad oratoriam artem ante perveniri non queat.

47. What he foresaw for advancing rhetorics. And likewise he usefully read and set forth four books on the topical differences, two on categorical syllogisms, three on hypothetical [syllogisms], one book of definitions, and likewise one of divisions. After this labour of theirs, when he wished to advance his followers to rhetoric, it was suspect to him that, without the modes of locution which are to be learned in the poets, one cannot previously attain the oratorical art.

Poetas igitur adhibuit, quibus assuescendos arbitrabatur. Legit itaque ac docuit Maronem et Statium Terentiumque poetas, Juvenalem quoque ac Persium Horatiumque satiricos, Lucanum etiam historiographum. Quibus assuefactos, locutionumque modis compositos, ad rhethoricam transduxit.

He therefore employed poets, whom he judged must be made accustomed. He therefore read and taught Maro and Statius and the poet Terence, also Juvenal and Persius and the satiric Horace, and even Lucan the historiographer. Having accustomed them to these and formed in the modes of locution, he led them over into rhetoric.

48. Cur eis sophistam adhibuerit. Qua instructis sophistam adhibuit; apud quem in controversiis exercerentur, ac sic ex arte agerent, ut praeter artem agere viderentur, quod oratoris maximum videtur. Sed haec de logica.

48. Why he employed a sophist. Having instructed these things, he employed a sophist; with him they were exercised in controversies, and thus would act from art so as to seem to act beyond art, which is regarded as the greatest quality of an orator. But these things concerning logic.

In mathesi vero quantus sudor expensus sit, non incongruum dicere videtur. Arithmeticam enim quae est matheseos prima, inprimis dispositis accommodavit.

In mathesis, however, how great a sweat has been expended, it seems not inappropriate to say. For he adapted arithmetic, which is the first of mathesis, especially to disposed (i.e., ordered) things.

49. Qui labor et in mathematicis impensus sit. Inde etiam musicam, multo ante Galliis ignotam, notissimam effecit. Cujus genera in monocordo disponens, eorum consonantias sive simphonias in tonis ac semitoniis, ditonis quoque ac diesibus distinguens, tonosque in sonis rationabiliter distribuens, in plenissimam notitiam redegit.

49. What labour was expended even in the mathematics. Thence also he made music, long before unknown to the Gauls, most famous. Disposing its genera on the monocord, distinguishing their consonances or simphonies in tones and semitones, in ditones and dieses, and distributing the tones among sounds rationally, he reduced them to the fullest knowledge.

50. Sperae solidae compositio. Ratio vero astronomiae quanto sudore collecta sit, dicere inutile non est, ut et tanti viri sagacitas advertatur, et artis efficacia lector commodissime capiatur. Quae cum pene intellectibilis sit, tamen non sine admiratione quibusdam instrumentis ad cognitionem adduxit.

50. The composition of the solid sphere. But it is not useless to tell with how much sweat the reasoning of astronomy was collected, so that both the sagacity of so great a man may be noticed, and the efficacy of the art may be most conveniently apprehended by the reader. And although these things are almost intelligible, yet he led them to cognition by certain instruments, not without admiration.

Inprimis enim mundi speram ex solido ac rotundo ligno argumentatus, minoris similitudine, majorem expressit. Quam cum duobus polis in orizonte obliquaret, signa septemtrionalia polo erectiori dedit, australia vero dejectiori adhibuit. Cujus positionem eo circulo rexit, qui a Graecis orizon, a Latinis limitans sive determinans appellatur, eo quod in eo signa quae videntur ab his quae non videntur distinguat ac limitet.

First, having fashioned a sphere from solid and rounded wood, he represented a larger by the likeness of a smaller. When he inclined it with its two poles toward the horizon, he assigned the northern signs to the higher pole and the austral to the lower. He governed its position by that circle which the Greeks call orizon and the Latins call limitans or determinans, because in it he distinguishes and bounds the signs that are visible from those that are not visible.

Qua in orizonte sic collocata, ut et ortum et occasum signorum utiliter ac probabiliter demonstraret, rerum naturas dispositis insinuavit, instituitque in signorum comprehensione. Nam tempore nocturno ardentibus stellis operam dabat; agebatque ut eas in mundi regionibus diversis obliquatas, tam in ortu quam in occasu notarent.

Placed thus in the orizonte, so that it might demonstrate both the rising and the setting of the signs usefully and with probability, he insinuated the natures of things by arranging them, and instituted a method for the comprehension of the signs. For by night he gave his attention to the burning stars; and he caused them to be noted as obliquated in the diverse regions of the mundus, both in their rising and in their setting.

51. Intellectilium circulorum comprehensio. Circuli quoque qui a Graecis paralleli, a Latinis aequistantes dicuntur, quos etiam incorporales esse dubium non est, hac ab eo arte comprehensi noscuntur. Effecit semicirculum recta diametro divisum.

51. The comprehension of the circles of intellects. The circles which by the Greeks are called paralleli, by the Latins aequistantes, which also it is no doubt are incorporeal, are known to be comprehended by this art. He made a semicircle divided by a straight diameter.

Sed hanc diametrum fistulam constituit, in cujus cacuminibus duos polos boreum et austronothum notandos esse instituit. Semicirculum vero a polo ad polum 30 partibus divisit. Quarum sex a polo distinctis, fistulam adhibuit, per quam circularis linea arctici signaretur.

But he made this diameter into a tube, at whose summits he ordained that two poles, the boreal and the austronoth, should be marked. He divided the semicircle, indeed, from pole to pole into 30 parts. Of these, six measured from the pole he applied a tube through which the circular line of the Arctic was to be marked.

Post quas etiam quinque diductis, fistulam quoque adjecit, quae aestivalem circulationem indicaret. Abinde quoque quatuor divisis, fistulam identidem addidit, unde aequinoctialis rotunditas commendaretur. Reliquum vero spatium usque ad notium polum, eisdem dimensionibus distinxit.

After these were further drawn out by five, he also added a tube which would indicate the summer circulation. Thence, four being likewise divided, he again added a tube, from which the equinoctial roundness would be denoted. He marked off the remaining space up to the southern pole with the same dimensions.

Cujus instrumenti ratio in tantum valuit, ut ad polum sua diametro directa, ac semicirculi productione superius versa, circulos visibus inexpertos, scientiae daret, atque alta memoria reconderet.

The principle of this instrument prevailed so greatly that, when its diameter was directed to the pole and the semicircle’s projection was turned upward, it presented circles to inexperienced sight, bestowed knowledge, and laid them up in deep memory.

52. Sperae compositio planetis cognoscendis aptissima. Errantiumque siderum circuli cum intra mundum ferantur, et contra contendant, quo tamen artificio viderentur scrutanti non defuit. Inprimis enim speram circularem effecit; hoc est ex solis circulis constantem.

52. The construction of the sphere most apt for discerning the planets. And since the circles of the wandering stars are borne within the world and move in contrary directions, the artifice by which they might be seen by the scrutator was not lacking. Above all he made a circular sphere; that is, one composed of mere circles.

In qua circulos duos qui a Graecis coluri, a Latinis incidentes dicuntur, eo quod in sese incidant complicavit; in quorum extremitatibus polos fixit. Alios vero quinque circulos, qui paralleli dicuntur, coluris transposuit, ita ut a polo ad polum 30 partes, sperae medietatem dividerent; idque non vulgo neque confuse. Nam de 30 dimidiae sperae partibus a polo ad primum circulum, sex constituit; a primo ad secundum quinque; a secundo ad tertium, quatuor; a tertio ad quartum, itidem quatuor; a quarto ad quintum, quinque; a quinto usque ad polum, sex.

In which he folded together two circles, which the Greeks call coluri and the Latins call incidentes, because they intersect one another; at the extremities of these he fixed the poles. He moreover transposed five other circles, called parallels, to the coluri, so that from pole to pole they would divide the half of the sphere into 30 parts; and this not vulgarly nor confusedly. For of the 30 half‑sphere parts from the pole to the first circle he set 6; from the first to the second, 5; from the second to the third, 4; from the third to the fourth, likewise 4; from the fourth to the fifth, 5; from the fifth to the pole, 6.

Per hos quoque circulos eum circulum obliquavit, qui a Graecis loxos, vel zoe, a Latinis obliquus vel vitalis dicitur, eo quod animalium figuras in stellis contineat. Intra hunc obliquum, errantium circulos miro artificio suspendit. Quorum absidas, et altitudines a sese etiam distantias, efficacissime suis demonstravit.

Through these circles also he inclined that circle which by the Greeks is called loxos, or zoe, by the Latins obliquus or vitalis, because it contains the figures of animals in the stars. Within this oblique he suspended the circles of the errant ones with wondrous art. Of these he most effectively demonstrated the apsides, and their altitudes and even their distances from one another, by his means.

Quod quemadmodum fuerit, ob prolixitatem hic ponere commodum non est, ne nimis a proposito discedere videamur.

As to how that was, on account of prolixity it is not convenient to set it down here, lest we seem to depart too far from the propositum.

53. Aliae sperae compositio signis cognoscendis idonea. Fecit praeter haec speram alteram circularem, intra quam circulos quidem non collocavit, sed desuper ferreis atque aereis filis signorum figuras complicavit. Axisque loco, fistulam trajecit, per quam polus coelestis notaretur, ut eo perspecto, machina coelo aptaretur.

53. The composition of other sphaerae suitable for knowing the signs. Besides these he made another circular sphaera, within which he did not set circles, but from above with iron and brazen wires he entwined the figures of the signs. And in place of an axis he passed a tube through, by which the celestial pole would be marked, so that, by looking through it, the machine might be fitted to the heavens.

Unde et factum est, ut singulorum signorum stellae, singulis hujus sperae signis clauderentur. Illud quoque in hac divinum fuit, quod cum aliquis artem ignoraret, si unum ei signum demonstratum foret, absque magistro cetera per speram cognosceret. Inde etiam suos liberaliter instruxit.

Whence it also came about that the stars of the several signs were enclosed within the corresponding signs of this sphere. That too was divine in this: that when someone was ignorant of the art, if one sign were shown to him, he would, without a master, recognize the others by the sphere. From this he also generously instructed his own.

Atque haec actenus de astronomia.

And these things thus far concerning astronomy.

54. Confectio abaci. In geometria vero non minor in docendo labor expensus est. Cujus introductioni, abacum id est tabulam dimensionibus aptam opere scutarii effecit.

54. Construction of the abacus. In geometry, moreover, no less labor was expended in teaching. For its introduction he caused an abacus, that is, a board apt in its dimensions, to be made by the workmanship of a shield‑maker.

Cujus longitudini, in 27 partibus diductae, novem numero notas omnem numerum significantes disposuit. Ad quarum etiam similitudinem, mille corneos effecit caracteres, qui per 27 abaci partes mutuati, cujusque numeri multiplicationem sive divisionem designarent; tanto compendio numerorum multitudinem dividentes vel multiplicantes, ut prae nimia numerositate potius intelligi quam verbis valerent ostendi. Quorum scientiam qui ad plenum scire desiderat, legat ejus librum quem scribit ad C. grammaticum; ibi enim haec satis habundanterque tractata inveniet.

To whose length, divided into 27 parts, he disposed nine marks, nine in number, signifying every number. And in likeness to these he made a thousand horn characters (counters), which, being used across the 27 parts of the abacus, would designate the multiplication or division of any number; by such a compendium dividing or multiplying a multitude of numbers, that because of their excessive multitude they were fitter to be shown than to be explained in words. Whoever desires to know the science of these fully, let him read his book which he writes to C. the grammarian; for there he will find these things treated sufficiently and abundantly.

55. (969.) Fama Gerberti per Gallias et Italiam diffusa. Fervebat studiis, numerusque discipulorum in dies accrescebat. Nomen etiam tanti doctoris ferebatur non solum per Gallias, sed etiam per Germaniae populos dilatabatur.

55. (969.) The fame of Gerbert spread through Gaul and Italy. He was fervent in studies, and the number of his disciples increased day by day. The name of so great a doctor was reported not only throughout Gaul, but was also disseminated among the peoples of Germany.

Transiitque per Alpes, ac diffunditur in Italiam, usque Thirrenum, et Adriaticum. Quo tempore, Otricus in Saxonia insignis habebatur. Hic cum philosophi famam audisset, adverteretque quod in omni disputatione, rata rerum divisione uteretur, agebat apud suos, ut aliquae rerum divisarum figurae, ab scolis philosophi sibi deferrentur, et maxime philosophiae, eo quod in rata ejus divisione, perpendere ipse facilius posset, an recte is saperet, qui philosophari videbatur, utpote in eo quod divinarum et humanarum scientiam profitetur.

And he crossed the Alps and spread into Italy as far as the Tyrrhenian and the Adriatic. At that time Otricus was held notable in Saxony. When this man heard of the philosopher’s fame, and perceived that in every disputation he employed an established division of things, he set it about among his own people that some figures of divided things should be brought to him from the schools of philosophy, and especially of philosophy itself, because by that established division he himself could more easily weigh whether he who seemed to philosophize was truly wise, namely in that he professed knowledge of divine and human things.

Directus itaque est Remos, Saxo quidam, qui ad haec videbatur idoneus. Is cum scolis interesset, et caute generum divisiones a Gerberto dispositas colligeret, in ea tamen maxime divisione, quae philosophiam ad plenum dividit, plurimum ordine abusus est.

He was therefore sent to Reims, a certain Saxon who seemed fit for these matters. He, while attending the schools and cautiously collecting the generic divisions set forth by Gerbert, nevertheless made great misuse—above all in that division which fully partitions philosophy—abusing its order greatly.

56. Figura Gerberti philosophica per malivolos depravata, ab Otrico reprehenditur. Etenim cum mathematicae phisica par atque coaeva a Gerberto posita fuisset, ab hoc mathematicae eadem phisica ut generi species subdita est; incertumque utrum industria an errore id factum sit. Sicque cum multiplici diversarum rerum distributione, Otrico figura delata est.

56. Gerbert’s philosophical figure, corrupted by malefactors, is reproved by Otricus. For when a physics of the mathematical, equal and coeval, had been proposed by Gerbert, by him that same mathematical physics was made subordinate to mathematics as a species to its genus; and it is uncertain whether this was done by design or by error. Thus, with a manifold distribution of diverse things, the figure was conveyed to Otricus.

Quam ipse diligentissime revolvens, Gerbertum male divisisse apud suos calumniabatur, eo quod duarum aequalium specierum, alteri alteram substitutam ut generi speciem figura mentiebatur. Ac per hoc nihil eum philosophiae percepisse audacter astruebat. Illudque eum penitus ignorare dicebat, in quo divina et humana consistunt, sine quibus etiam nulli sit philosophandum.

Having himself most diligently reviewed it, he accused Gerbert among his own of dividing badly, because, with two equal species, he lied that one was substituted for the other as a species for a genus by a figure. And by this he boldly asserted that Gerbert had perceived nothing of philosophy. He also said that he was utterly ignorant of that on which the divine and the human stand, without which no one ought to philosophize.

Tulit itaque ad palatium figuram eandem, et coram Ottone augusto iis qui sapientiores videbantur eam explicavit. Augustus vero cum et ipse talium studiosissimus haberetur, an Gerbertus erraverit admirabatur. Viderat etenim illum, et non semel disputantem audierat.

He therefore brought the same figure to the palace, and before Otto Augustus he explained it to those who seemed more learned. The Augustus, moreover, since he himself was counted a most eager student of such matters, wondered whether Gerbert had erred. For he had seen that man, and had heard him disputing more than once.

Unde et ab eo praedictae figure solutionem fieri nimium optabat. Nec defuit rei occasio.

Whence the emperor greatly desired that the solution of the aforesaid figure be made by him. Nor did an opportunity for the matter fail.

57. (970.) Nam venerandus Remorum metropolitanus Adalbero, post eundem annum Romam cum Gerberto petebat, ac Ticini augustum cum Otrico repperit. A quo etiam magnifice exceptus est, ductusque per Padum classe Ravennam. Et tempore oportuno, imperatoris jussu, omnes sapientes qui convenerant, intra palatium collecti sunt.

57. (970.) For the venerable metropolitan of the Remi, Adalbero, after the same year sought Rome with Gerbert, and found the august one at Ticinum with Otrico. From whom he was magnificently received, and led by a fleet along the Padus to Ravenna. And at a convenient time, by the emperor’s command, all the wise men who had assembled were gathered within the palace.

Affuit praedictus reverendus metropolitanus; affuit et Adso abbas Dervensis, qui cum ipso metropolitano advenerat; sed et Otricus praesens erat, qui anno superiore Gerberti reprehensorem sese monstraverat. Numerus quoque scolasticorum non parvus confluxerat, qui imminentem disputationis litem summopere praestolabantur. Haerebant etenim, an Otrico, quispiam resistere auderet.

The aforesaid reverend metropolitan was present; and Adso, abbot of Dervent, who had come with the metropolitan, was present; but Otric was also there, who in the previous year had shown himself a rebuker of Gerbert. A not small number of scholastics had likewise flocked together, who were eagerly awaiting the imminent strife of disputation. For they clung, that is, to whether anyone would dare to resist Otric.

Necnon et augustus hujusmodi certamen habendum callide pertractabat. Nitebatur autem Gerbertum incautum Otrico opponere, ut si incautus appeteretur, majorem controversandi animum in contrarium moveret. Otricum vero, multa proponere, nihilve solvere hortabatur.

And moreover the emperor was cleverly arranging that sort of contest to be held. He strove to set the unsuspecting Gerbert opposite Otric, so that if he were assailed unawares he would stir up a greater spirit of controversy against him. He, however, urged Otric to propound many things and to resolve nothing.

Atque his omnibus ex ordine considentibus, augustus eorum medius, sic e sublimi coepit:

And with all these sitting in order, the august one, in their midst, thus from on high began:

58. Allocutio augusti Ottonis in conventu sapientium pro emendatione figurae. Humanam, inquiens, ut arbitror scientiam, crebra meditatio vel exercitatio reddit meliorem, quotiens rerum materia competenter ordinata, sermonibus exquisitis, per quoslibet sapientes effertur. Nam cum per otium sepissime torpemus, si aliquorum pulsemur questionibus, ad utillimam mox meditationem incitamur.

58. The address of Augustus Otto in the assembly of the wise for the reform of doctrine. Human science, he said, as I reckon, frequent meditation or exercise renders better, whenever the matter of things, competently ordered, is brought forth in exquisite discourses by any sages. For since through leisure we very often grow torpid, if we are struck by the questions of some, we are soon incited to most useful meditation.

Hinc scientia rerum a doctissimis elicita est. Hinc est quod ab eis prolata, libris tradita sunt, nobisque ad boni exercicii gloriam, derelicta. Afficiamur igitur et nos aliquibus objectis, quibus et animus excellentior ad intelligentiae certiora ducatur.

Hence knowledge of things has been elicited by the most learned. Hence it is that those matters produced by them were delivered in books and left to us for the glory of good exercise. Let us therefore be affected likewise by certain objects, by which the more excellent mind may be led to the surer certainties of intelligence.

Et eia inquam, jam nunc revolvamus, figuram illam de philosophiae partibus, quae nobis anno superiore monstrata est. Omnes diligentissime eam advertant; dicantque singuli quid in ea, aut contra eam sentiant. Si nullius extrinsecus indiget, vestra omnium roboretur approbatione.

And eia, I say, let us now again roll over that figure concerning the parts of philosophy which was shown to us in the previous year. Let all most diligently attend to it; and let each one say what in it he approves or, contrariwise, holds against. If it needs nothing from without, let it be strengthened by the approval of you all.

Si vero corrigenda videbitur, sapientium sententiis, aut improbetur, aut ad normam redigatur. Coramque deferatur jam nunc videnda. Tunc Otricus eam in aperto proferens, a Gerberto sic ordinatam, et a suis auditoribus exceptam scriptamque respondit; et sic domno augusto legendam porrexit.

If, however, it shall seem to require correction, let it either be disapproved by the sentenses of the wise, or reduced to a norm. And let it be brought before them at once to be inspected. Then Otricus, producing it openly, thus ordered by Gerbert, and received by his own auditors and written down, answered; and thus he proffered it to the lord Augustus to be read.

Quae perlecta, ad Gerbertum delata est. Qui diligenter eam percurrens, in parte approbat, et in parte vituperat, simulque non sic eam sese ordinasse asseruit.

When these things had been read through, they were brought to Gerbert. He, having diligently run through them, approves in part and censures in part, and at the same time asserts that it was not thus arranged by him.

59. Divisio theoreticae philosophiae in species. Rogatus autem ab augusto corrigere, ait: Quoniam, o magne caesar auguste, te his omnibus potiorem video, tuis ut par est jussis parebo. Nec movebit me malivolorum livor, quorum instinctu id factum est, ut rectissima philosophiae divisio probabiliter dilucideque a me nuper ordinata, unius speciei suppositione vitiata sit.

59. The division of theoretical philosophy into species. And when, asked by the august one to correct it, he said: Since, O great Caesar Augustus, I see you mightier than all these, I will obey your commands as is fitting. Nor will the envy of ill-wishers move me, by whose instigation that was done, so that the most exact division of philosophy, lately arranged by me plausibly and clearly, should be vitiated by the supposition of a single species.

Dico itaque mathematicam, phisicam, et theologicam, aequaevas eidem generi subesse. Earum autem genus, eis aequaliter participare. Nec fieri posse, unam eandemque speciem, una eademque ratione, eidem speciei et parem esse, et ut inferiorem acsi generi speciem subjacere.

I therefore say that the mathematical, the physical, and the theological are coeval and subordinate to the same genus. And that their genus equally partakes in them. Nor can it be that one and the same species, in one and the same respect, be both equal to that species and, as a species inferior to the genus, lie subject beneath that genus.

Et ego quidem de his ita sentio. Caeterum si quis contra haec contendat, rationem inde affectet, faciatque nos intelligere, quod fortassis naturae ipsius ratio, nemini adhuc contulisse videtur.

And I for my part thus think concerning these matters. But if anyone were to contend against these things, let him seek a reason thence, and make us understand that which perhaps the very reason of nature seems not yet to have conferred on anyone.

60. Philosophiae divisio. Ad haec Otricus, innuente augusto, sic ait: Quoniam philosophiae partes aliquot breviter attigisti, ad plenum oportet ut et dividas, et divisionem enodes. Sicque fieri poterit, ut ex probabili divisione, vitiosae figurae suspicio a te removeatur.

60. Division of philosophy. To this Otricus, the august one assenting, thus says: Since you have briefly touched on several parts of philosophy, it is fitting that you both divide them fully and unravel the division. And so it will be possible that, from a probable division, the suspicion of a vitiated figure be removed from you.

Tunc quoque Gerbertus: Cum hoc inquit magni constet, ut pote divinarum et humanarum rerum comprehensio veritatis, tamen ut nec nos ignaviae arguamur, et auditorum aliqui proficere possint, secundum Vitruvii atque Boetii divisionem dicere non pigebit. Est enim philosophia genus; cujus species sunt, practice, et theoretice; practices vero species dico, dispensativam, distributivam, civilem. Sub theoretice vero non incongrue intelliguntur phisica naturalis, mathematica intelligibilis, ac theologia intellectibilis.

Then likewise Gerbertus: “Since, he said, this stands as a great thing — namely the comprehension of divine and human affairs in truth — yet so that we may not be charged with sloth, and that some of the listeners may make progress, it will not be displeasing to speak according to the division of Vitruvius and Boethius, and to unfold the division. For philosophy is a genus; whose species are the practical and the theoretical; by practical species I mean the dispensative, the distributive, and the civil. Under the theoretical, not incongruously, are understood natural physics, intelligible mathematics, and intelligible theology.”

Rursusque mathematicam sub phisica non praeter rationem collocamus.

And again we place mathematics under physics not without reason.

61. Reprehensio divisionis ab Otrico inutilis, ac Gerberti responsio. Nisusque quod reliquum erat prosequi, Otricus subintulit: Miror inquiens vehementissime, quod phisicae mathematicam sic de propinquo subdidisti, cum inter utramque subalternum genus intelligi possit phisiologia. Vitiosum etenim valde videtur, si nimis longe petita pars, ad generis conferatur divisionem.

61. The reproach of the division by Otricus is useless, and Gerbert’s reply. And Nisus, to pursue what remained, Otricus interposed: “I marvel,” he said very vehemently, “that you have thus so closely subordinated mathematicam to phisicae, when between the two an intermediate genus, phisiologia, can be understood. For it seems very faulty if a part sought from too far is assigned to the division of the genus.”

Ad haec Gerbertus: Inde, inquit, vehementius mirandum videtur, quod mathematicam phisicae, suae videlicet coaevae, ut speciem subdiderim. Cum enim coaevae sub eodem genere habeantur, majore inquam admiratione dignum videtur, si alteri altera subdatur. Sed dico phisiologiam phisicae genus non esse quemadmodum proponis, nullamque earum differentiam aliam assero, nisi eam quam inter philosophiam et philologiam cognosco.

To this Gerbertus: Moreover, he said, it seems all the more marvelous that I have subordinated mathematics to physics, its coeval, so to speak, as a species. For since coeval things are held under the same genus, I say it is worthy of greater admiration if one is subordinated to the other. But I maintain that phisiology is not a genus of physics as you propose, and I assert no other difference between them except that which I discern between philosophy and philology.

Alioquin philologia philosophiae genus conceditur. Ad haec scolasticorum multitudo philosophiae divisionem interruptam indignabatur, eamque repeti apud augustum petebat. Otricus vero post paululum idem repetendum dicebat, prius tamen habita ratione de causa ipsius philosophiae; intendensque in Gerbertum, quae esset causa philosophiae sciscitabatur.

Otherwise philology is conceded to be a genus of philosophy. To this the multitude of the scholastics bewailed the interrupted division of philosophy, and sought that it be resumed before the august one. Otricus, however, after a little while said that the same thing ought to be repeated, yet first a discussion being held concerning the cause of that very philosophy; and, turning to Gerbert, he inquired what the cause of philosophy was.

62. Quae sit causa conditi mundi. Qui cum a Gerberto, ut apertius quid vellet ediceret, rogaretur, utrum videlicet causam qua inventa est, an causam cui inventa debetur, ille mox: Ipsam, inquit, causam dico, propter quam inventa videtur. Tunc vero Gerbertus: Quoniam, inquit, nunc patet quid proponas, ideo inquam inventa est, ut ex ea cognoscamus divina et humana.

62. What is the cause of the world’s creation. When, that he might state more plainly what he meant, he was asked by Gerbert whether, namely, the cause is the one by which it was discovered or the cause to which the discovery is owed, he at once: “I mean the very cause itself,” he said, “for which it seems to have been discovered.” Then Gerbert: “Since, he said, now it is clear what you propose, therefore I say it was discovered so that from it we may learn divine and human things.”

Et Otricus: Cur inquit unius rei causam, tot dictionibus nominasti? cum ex una fortassis nominari potuit, et philosophorum sit brevitati studere?

And Otricus: Why, he said, did you name the cause of one thing with so many words? since it could perhaps have been named by one, and it is the philosophers' study to pursue brevity?

63. Quod non omnia nomina causarum singulis dictionibus efferuntur. Gerbertus quoque: Non omnes, inquit, causae, uno valent nomine proferri. Etenim cum a Platone causa creati mundi non una sed tribus dictionibus, bona Dei voluntas declarata sit, constat hanc creati mundi causam, non aliter potuisse proferri.

63. That not all the names of causes are expressed in single dictiones. Gerbert also: Not all, he said, of causes are able to be set forth by one name. For since, with Plato, the cause of the created world was declared not by one but by three dictiones, “the good will of God,” it is evident that this cause of the created world could not have been expressed otherwise.

Nam si dixisset voluntatem causam esse mundi, non id esset consequens; quaelibet enim voluntas, id esse videretur, quod non procedit. Atque hic Otricus: Si, inquit, Dei voluntatem causam conditi mundi dixisset, brevius quidem et sufficienter dictum foret, cum numquam nisi bona fuerit Dei voluntas. Non enim est qui abnuat bonam esse Dei voluntatem.

For if he had said that the will is the cause of the world, that would not follow; for any will, it would seem, would be that which does not proceed. And here Otricus: If, he says, he had called the will of God the cause of the created world, it would indeed have been said more briefly and sufficiently, since the will of God is never other than good. For there is no one who denies that the will of God is good.

Et Gerbertus: In hoc, inquit, penitus non contradico. Sed vide; quia constat Deum substantia solummodo bonum, quamlibet vero creaturam participatione bonam, ad ejus naturae qualitatem exprimendam, bona additum est, quod id ejus proprium sit, non etiam cujuslibet creaturae. Tandem quidquid illud sit, id sine dubio constat, non omnia causarum nomina una dictione proferri posse.

And Gerbert: In this, he said, I do not at all contradict. But see: since it is certain that God is good only by substance, and indeed any creature is good by participation, to express the quality of his nature the word "good" is added as proper to him, which is his own, not also of every creature. Finally, whatever that is, it is without doubt certain that not all the names of causes can be expressed by a single diction.

Quae enim tibi umbrae causa videtur? an haec una dictione indicari valet?

For what, to you, seems the cause of the shadow? Or can this be indicated by one single diction?

64. Quae sit causa umbrae. Sed dico umbrae causam esse corpus luci objectum. Atque haec brevius nullo modo dici valet.

64. What is the cause of a shadow. But I say the cause of a shadow is a body cast before the light. And this cannot in any way be said more briefly.

Si enim corpus umbrae causam dixeris, nimis commune protulisti. Quod si corpus objectum volueris, id quoque tantum non procedit, quantum ab hac parte relinquitur. Sunt enim corpora nonnulla, atque etiam diversis objecta, quae umbrae causa esse non possunt.

For if you call the body the cause of the shadow, you have advanced something too common. But if you mean a body as an object, that likewise does not suffice to the extent which is left out on this side. For there are certain bodies, and even objects of diverse kinds, which cannot be the cause of a shadow.

Nec abnuo multarum rerum causas, singulis dictionibus efferri, veluti sunt genera quae specierum causas nemo ignorat, velut est substantia, quantitas, qualitas. Alia vero non simpliciter proferuntur, ut rationale, ad mortale.

Nor do I deny that the causes of many things may be expressed in single words; for there are genera whose causes of species no one is ignorant of, for example substance, quantity, quality. Others, however, are not simply set forth, as “the rational,” “the mortal.”

65. Quid continentius sit rationale an mortale. Tunc vehementius Otricus admirans ait: An mortale rationali supponis? Quis nesciat quod rationale Deum et angelum hominemque concludat, mortale vero utpote majus et continentius omnia mortalia et per hoc infinita colligat?

65. Which is more containing, the rational or the mortal. Then Otricus, marveling the more vehemently, said: Do you set the mortal beneath the rational? Who does not know that the rational embraces God and angel and man, whereas the mortal, being larger and more containing, collects all mortal things and thereby infinite things?

Ad haec Gerbertus: Si, inquit, secundum Porphirium atque Boetium, substantiae divisionem, usque ad individua idonea partitione perpenderes, rationale continentius quam mortale sine dubio haberes, idque congruis rationibus enucleari, in promptu est. Etenim cum constet substantiam genus generalissimum, per subalterna posse dividi, usque ad individua, videndum est an omnia subalterna singulis dictionibus proferantur. Sed liquido patet alia de singulis, alia de pluribus nomen factum habere.

To this Gerbert: If, he said, in accordance with Porphyry and Boethius, you were to weigh the division of substance by a fitting partition down to the individua, you would without doubt have that the rationale is more continens than the mortale, and that this can be elucidated by congruous reasons, which is at hand. For since it is established that substance is the most general genus and can be divided through subalterns down to the individua, one must see whether all subalterns are expressed by single terms. But it is plainly evident that there is one nomen made for the singulars and another for the plurals.

De singulis, ut corpus, de pluribus ut animatum sensibile. Eadem quoque ratione subalternum, quod est animal rationale, praedicatur de subjecto, quod est animal rationale mortale. Nec dico, quod rationale simplex, praedicetur de simplici mortali; id enim non procedit; sed rationale inquam animali conjunctum, praedicatur de mortali, conjuncto animali rationali.

Of singulars, as "body"; of plurals, as "animated sensible." In the same way the subalternate, which is "rational animal," is predicated of the subject, which is "mortal rational animal." Nor do I say that "rational" simpliciter is predicated of a simple "mortal"—for that does not follow—but I say that "rational," when joined to "animal," is predicated of the "mortal" joined to a rational animal.

Cumque verbis et sententiis nimium flueret, et adhuc alia dicere pararet, augusti nutu disputationi finis injectus est, eo quod et diem pene in his totum consumserant, et audientes prolixa atque continua disputatio jam fatigabat. Ab augusto itaque Gerbertus egregie donatus, cum suo metropolitano in Gallias clarus remeavit.

And when he was flowing too much in words and arguments, and was preparing still to say other things, by the emperor’s nod an end was put to the disputation, because they had consumed almost the whole day in these matters, and the long and continuous disputation was already wearing out the hearers. Therefore Gerbert, splendidly granted by the emperor, returned renowned to Gaul with his metropolitan.

66. Sinodus apud sanctam Magram habita. Eodem tempore Emma regina et Adalbero Laudunensis episcopus infames stupri criminabantur; id tamen latenter intendebatur, nullius manifesto intentionis teste. Sed quia suppresse dictum, ad omnium aures devenerat, episcopis visum est id esse discutiendum, ne frater et coepiscopus eorum infamiae tantae subderetur.

66. A synod was held at Saint Magra. At the same time Queen Emma and Adalbero, bishop of Laon, were accused of an infamous act of sexual misconduct; yet this was alleged secretly, with no witness to any clear intent. But because the suppressed report had come to the ears of all, it seemed to the bishops that it must be examined, lest their brother and co-bishop be subjected to so great an infamy.

A supradicto ergo metropolitano collecta est episcoporum sinodus apud sanctam Magram locum Remorum diocesaneum. Considentesque et quaeque utilia pertractantes, postquam metropolitanus...............

Therefore a synod of bishops was gathered by the aforesaid metropolitan at Saint Magram, a place of the Reims diocese. And having sat and discussed whatever matters were useful, after the metropolitan...............

67. Ottonis promotio in regem per Germanos et Belgas. Post obitum domni Ottonis Germanorum regis, ejus filius Otto, a Germanis Belgisque rex creatus, rem publicam strenue atque utiliter amministravit; vir magni ingenii, totiusque virtutis, liberalium litterarum scientia clarus, adeo ut in disputando ex arte et proponeret, et probabiliter concluderet. Penes quem regnum Germaniae cum Galliarum aliqua parte, usque ad diem vitae ejus supremum, mansit, sed aliquando dubio statu.

67. Otto’s promotion to king by the Germans and the Belgians. After the death of Lord Otto, king of the Germans, his son Otto, made king by the Germans and the Belgians, administered the res publica vigorously and usefully; a man of great genius and of entire virtue, famed for the knowledge of liberal letters, so that in disputation he would propose from art and conclude plausibly. In his hands the kingdom of Germany, with some part of the Gauls, remained until the last day of his life, albeit sometimes in a doubtful state.

Nam inter ipsum et Lotharium Gallorum regem, quandoque et odium immane, et anceps victoria fuit. Etenim cum ab Ottone Belgica teneretur, et a Lothario impeteretur, contra se dolos aut vires moliebantur, eo quod uterque et suum patrem eam tenuisse contenderet, et exercituum multitudine, uterque eam se defensurum non diffideret. Nam et Ludovici patris Lotharii fuit, et ejus post dono, hujus Ottonis pater, Otto obtinuit.

For between him and Lotharius, king of the Franks, there was at times both enormous hatred and a doubtful victory. For when Belgium was held by Otto and was pressed by Lotharius, plots or force were contrived against him, because each maintained that his own father had possessed it, and, by reason of the multitude of armies, neither distrusted that he would defend it. For it had been Lotharius’s father Louis’s, and afterwards, by a gift, Otto, the father of this Otto, obtained it.

Horum ergo discordiae incentivum principium Belgica fuit.

Of these, therefore, the incentive and beginning of the discord was Belgica.

68. Indignatio Lotharii in Ottonem. Igitur in Aquensi palatio Ottone commorante cum conjuge Theuphanu gravida, Lotharius illum propius accessisse acerrime motus indignabatur. Ergo Francorum ducem Hugonem, reliquosque regni primates consilium petiturus Lauduni collegit.

68. Lotharius’s indignation against Otto. Therefore, Otto lodging in the palace at Aachen with his wife Theophanu pregnant, Lotharius, bitterly moved, was indignant that he had come too near. Accordingly he gathered at Laon Duke Hugh of the Franks and the other foremost men of the kingdom to seek counsel.

Dux itaque processit. Reliqui etiam quibus quoque consulendum erat, ante regem consequenter admissi sunt. Quibus residentibus rex duplicem injuriam sibi illatam esse commemorat, cum regni sui pars ab hoste usurpata fuerit, et ipse hostis ad fines suos temerarius accesserit.

The duke therefore advanced. The others also, with whom consultation was to be held, were admitted before the king in due order. While they remained seated the king recalled that a double injury had been inflicted upon him, since part of his kingdom had been usurped by the enemy, and the enemy himself had rashly come up to his borders.

Nec majori injuriae esse quod tenuerit, quam quia tenens ad fines suos accedere non formidaverit. Se etiam id multa aviditate ulcisci velle, si consilio suo velint cedere. Nec posse se ab hoc animo temperari, si ad id agendum copia militum non defecerit.

Nor did he think the injury greater because he had held it, than because, being in possession, he had not feared to advance to his own frontiers. He declared moreover that he wished to avenge that matter with great avidity, if they should submit to his counsel. Nor could he restrain himself from this intent, provided he did not fail of a sufficient host of soldiers to accomplish it.

Gratias etiam sese quandoque redditurum, si id quod cupit aequo animo adoriantur.

He also declared that he himself would at some time render thanks, if they would undertake with an even (calm) mind that which he desires.

69. Impetus Gallorum spontaneus in Ottonem. Mox dux et alii primates sine deliberandi consultatione sententiam regiam attollunt. Sese sponte ituros cum rege, et Ottonem aut comprehensuros, aut interfecturos, aut fugaturos pollicentur.

69. The Gauls’ attack upon Ottonem was spontaneous. Soon the duke and other leading chiefs, without the consultation of deliberation, raised the royal sentence. They promise that they themselves will go with the king of their own accord, and will either apprehend Ottonem, or slay him, or put him to flight.

Hujus consilium negotii dissimulatum ad paucorum tunc notitiam pervenire potuit, adeo ut euntes, quorsum nescirent. Tandem collectus exercitus sic densus incedebat, ut erecta hastilia lucum potius quam arma portenderent. Ibat ergo per cuneos simbolo distinctos.

The plan of this undertaking, dissimulated, could come to the knowledge of only a few then, so that those going did not know whither. At last the gathered army marched so dense that the upraised spear‑shafts announced a grove rather than arms. It therefore moved in wedges distinguished by a symbol (symbolo).

Cum vero vada Mosae transmisissent, centuriones constituti et dispositi per centurias, Ottonem non sufficientem habere exercitum diligenter contemplati sunt. Itaque accedebant, multamque inopiam rei militaris apud hostem praedicabant.

But when they had crossed the fords of the Meuse, the centurions, appointed and arrayed by centuries, carefully noted that Otto did not have a sufficient army. Accordingly they drew near, and proclaimed a great scarcity of military resources among the enemy.

70. Quae dum ad aures Ottonis referuntur, ille utpote erat audaci animo, Lotharium numquam haec aggressum respondit. Nec vero in suas partes adventare potuisse, cum nec ei copia militum sufficeret, nec de suis satis spei haberet. At cum alii atque alii Lotharium jam adesse dicerent, et in eo perseverarent, Otto dixisse fertur, se ad his credendum nullo modo posse allici, nisi ipse quoque videndo per sese addisceret.

70. While these things were brought to Otto’s ears, he, as one of bold spirit, answered that he had never assailed Lothair with these things. Nor indeed could he have come into his regions, since neither did he have a sufficient supply of soldiers, nor did he have enough hope concerning his own. But when one and another said that Lothair was now present, and persisted in this, Otto is said to have replied that in no wise could he be induced to trust these reports unless he himself, by seeing with his own eyes, should learn.

Equis ergo inclamatis et adductis, Otto ad videndum processit. Lotharium cum viginti milibus instare advertit. Cogitabat itaque nunc reniti, nunc quoque ad tempus recedere, et post cum exercitu copioso reverti meditabatur.

With the horses having been summoned and brought up, Otto advanced to see. He perceived that Lotharium was pressing on with 20,000. He therefore pondered now to resist, now also to withdraw for a time, and afterwards to return with a plentiful army.

Tandem quia Lotharius urgebat, stare non potuit. Abscessit ergo non sine lacrimis, cum uxore Teuphanu regnique principibus, relicto palatio atque regio apparatu.

At last, because Lotharius urged him, he could not stand fast. He therefore withdrew, not without tears, with his wife Theophanu and the princes of the kingdom, the palace and royal apparatus having been left behind.

71. Lotharius cum exercitu affuit, Ottonem se capturum ratus. Et certe coepisset, si in itinere sese exercitus angariis non impedisset. Nam si ante ejus discessum pridie advenisset, eum aut capere aut neci dare potuisset.

71. Lotharius, with his army present, thinking that he would capture Otto. And certainly he would have begun, if on the march the army had not been impeded by angaries (forced requisitions). For if he had arrived the day before his departure, he could have either captured him or put him to death.

Palatium igitur ab hostibus occupatur. Regiae mensae evertuntur. Ciborum apparatus per calones diripitur.

Therefore the palace is occupied by the enemies. The royal tables are overturned. The provision of foods is plundered by the camp-followers.

Regia quoque insignia a penetralibus erepta, asportantur. Aeream aquilam quae in vertice palatii a Karolo magno acsi volans fixa erat, in vulturnum converterunt. Nam Germani eam in favonium converterant, subtiliter significantes Gallos suo equitatu quandoque posse devinci.

The royal insignia likewise, snatched from the inner rooms, were carried off. They turned the bronze eagle, which on the summit of the palace had been fixed by Karolus Magnus as if flying, into a Vulturnus. For the Germans had turned it into a Favonius, subtly signifying that the Gauls could at times be overthrown by their cavalry.

Lotharius frustra impetu facto, sine obside vel pace sequestra exercitum reduxit, postea se rediturum confidens.

Lotharius, impetu frustra facto, sine obside vel pace sequestra, exercitum reduxit, postea se rediturum confidens.

72. Otto cui totum calamitatis pondus illatum fuerat, donis multiplicibus multisque favoribus suos sibi assciscebat. Et utpote vincendi cupidus, si quos leserat, revocabat aut reddito quod sustulerat, aut dato quod spoponderat. Pacatis autem omnibus atque sibi revocatis si qui forte abscesserant, regnorum principibus in unum collectis, coram sic locutus est:

72. Otto, upon whom the whole weight of calamity had been laid, attached his followers to himself by manifold gifts and many favors. And, being eager to conquer, whenever he had wronged any, he recalled them either by restoring what he had taken away or by giving what he had promised. With all things pacified and those who had perhaps departed recalled, the princes of the kingdoms having been gathered together, he spoke thus before them:

73. Oratio Ottonis ad suos. Non ab re, viri clari, huc vos convenisse volui. Virtus vestra suggessit a vobis consilium expetere, quos et ingenium decorat, et animi virtus informat.

73. The speech of Otto to his men. I did not wish you to have assembled here about any matter, illustrious men. Your virtue has prompted me to seek counsel from you, whom both natural ingenium adorns and the virtue of the mind informs.

Nec dubitavi me suscepturum a vobis optimi consilii rationem, cum ab animo non excesserit, quanto animo, quanta virtute in fides hactenus perstitistis. Ante hac, viri clarissimi, ingenti virtute pro egregiae laudis honore et gloria sategistis, cum et consilio clari, et bello invicti enituistis. Nunc quoque eadem virtute nitendum est, ne laudi egregiae turpis infamia succedat.

I did not doubt that I would receive from you the plan of the best counsel, since it has not departed from your mind how greatly, with what spirit and what virtue you have hitherto persevered in fidelity. Before this, most illustrious men, you strove with mighty courage for the honor and glory of outstanding praise, since you shone both in wise counsel and unconquered in war. Now likewise you must rely on the same virtue, lest infamy befall that excellent praise.

Enitimini ergo pro viribus, et si quid dedecoris contraxistis, a tanta claritudine amoveatis. Non vos latet, fugae ignominiam a Lothario nuper nos pertulisse. Quam non solum bello, sed etiam morte repellere, et vestram claritudinem decet, et tempus exposcit, facultas etiam persuadet.

Strive therefore with all your powers, and if you have contracted any dishonour, remove it from so great a renown. It is not unknown to you that we lately suffered the ignominy of flight at the hands of Lotharius. That shame your fame should repel not only by war but even by death; the time demands it, and the opportunity likewise urges.

Si igitur magis imperare quam servire parati estis, dum aetas viget, animusque valet, hoc facinus ne parvipendatis. Ingenti virtute efficite ut sitis formidini, quibus ignobiles et vulgus fuistis. Hac sententia, id fieri omnibus persuasum est.

If therefore you are readier to command than to serve, while age flourishes and the spirit is strong, do not deem this act of little account. By great virtue make yourselves a terror to those among whom you were ignoble and the vulgar. By this determination, it was persuaded to all that it should be done.

74. Equitatus in Galliam. Interea Otto cum triginta milibus equitum in Gallias ire parabat. Nec moratus praemissis centurionibus ibat.

74. Cavalry into Gaul. Meanwhile Otto, with thirty thousand horsemen, was preparing to march into the Gauls. And, not delaying, he went with the centurions sent forward.

Galliam Celticam exercitu implevit. Quam partim combussit, partim depopulatus est. Sic etiam versa vice Lotharium adurgens, eo quod militum copiam non haberet, fluvium Sequanam transire compulit, et gemebundum ad ducem ire coegit.

He filled Celtic Gaul with his army. Which he partly burned, partly laid waste. Thus too, with the turn of events, pressing Lotharius, because he did not have a sufficient force of soldiers, he compelled him to cross the river Sequana, and forced him, groaning, to go to the duke.

Turbati ergo repentino hostium adventu, rex Stampas adiit, dux vero ad colligendum exercitum Parisii resedit. Dum haec aguntur, Otto cum exercitu properat, fiscumque regium Atiniacum diripit atque comburit; et per fines urbis Remorum transiens, sancto Remigio multum honorem exhibuit. Urbem quoque Suessorum praetergressus, et sanctum Medardum venerans, palatium Compendiense pene diripuit.

Therefore, disturbed by the sudden coming of the enemies, the king went to Stampas, while the duke remained at Parisii to collect the army. While these things were happening, Otto hastened with his army, and plundered and burned the royal fisc of Atiniacum; and passing through the territory of the city of the Remi, he paid great honour to Saint Remigius. Having likewise passed the city of the Suessiones, and reverencing Saint Medardus, he nearly sacked the palace of Compendiense.

Nec minus centuriones praevii eo ignorante sanctae Baltildis monasterium, apud Chelas penitus subruerunt atque combusserunt. Quod non mediocriter dolens multa in ejus restaurationem delegavit. Tandem ad fluvium Sequanam accessit, ibique exercitus tentoria fixit, Parisium in prospectu habens, totamque pene regionem per triduum depopulatus est.

Not less did the leading centurions, without the knowledge of Saint Baltildis, utterly undermine and burn the monastery at Chelas. She, grieving not a little, committed many things to its restoration. At last she drew near the river Sequana, there fixed the army’s tents, with Paris in view, and for three days plundered nearly the whole region.

75. Ibant ergo equites cum lixis palantibus ad victum deferendum, stadiis 160 circumquaque. Et quia Sequana interfluebat, neuter exercitus ad se accedebat. Dux enim in altera fluvii parte milites colligebat; at hoc triduum non sufficiebat ad colligendorum sufficientiam militum, nec fieri potuit copia unde congrederetur.

75. Therefore the horsemen were going with picks and spades to carry provisions, about 160 stades all around. And because the Sequana flowed between, neither army could approach the other. For the leader was assembling soldiers on the other side of the river; but these three days were not sufficient for the gathering of an adequate number of soldiers, nor could there be a force from which he might join battle.

76. Monomachia duorum. Cum ergo uterque exercitus dubio esset statu, et de victoria altrinsecus tota mente quaereretur, Germanus quidam animo simul et viribus fidens, singularis ad dimicandum cum armis processit, seseque ad pontem ubi portae erant repagulis et clavis ferreis munitae, congressurum solum cum solo obtulit. Hostem ut veniret singularis saepenumero inclamavit.

76. Duel of two. When therefore each army was in a doubtful state, and victory on either side was being sought with entire mind, a certain German, confident both in spirit and in strength, advanced as a singular combatant to fight with arms, and offered himself at the bridge where the gates were barred and fortified with iron bolts and keys, to meet man with man. He repeatedly cried out that the enemy come singular (one‑on‑one).

Et cum jam in Gallorum contemptum quaedam maledicta effunderet, nec aliquis ei responderet, per custodes duci aliisque principibus qui jam pauci advenerant, relatum est, ad portas pontis hujusmodi esse hominem, qui sese ad dimicandum singulariter solum cum solo proponeret, illumque probris et contumeliis verborum principes lacessire, nec illum inde recessurum esse, nisi aut singulariter congrediatur, aut portis incisis totus exercitus intromittatur. Dux cum principibus hanc contumeliam non ferens, tirones hortatur ut furentem repellant, et a tanta ignominia purgati nominis gloriam sibi affectent. Mox quam plures animo ardentes, ad resistendum sese obtulerunt.

And when now he was pouring forth certain curses in contempt of the Gauls, and no one answered him, it was reported by the guards, and by the other chiefs who had by now come only a few, that at the gates of the bridge there was a man who proposed himself to fight in single combat, one man alone against one man, and that the chiefs were provoking him with reproaches and the insults of words, and that he would not withdraw from there unless either one should engage in single combat, or the whole army be let in through gates cut open. The commander, not enduring this affront with the chiefs, exhorts the recruits to repel the raging fellow, and, cleansed of so great a dishonor of name, to seek glory for themselves. Soon as many, ardent in spirit, offered themselves to resist.

Ergo de pluribus unus electus, Ivo, congressurus procedit. Premium viri fortis propositum est; et, ablatis repagulis, portae patefactae sunt. Procedit sibi obviam hostis uterque.

Therefore one chosen from the many, Ivo, proceeds to engage. A prize, that of a man brave, was proposed; and, the bars having been removed, the gates were opened. Both enemies advanced to meet him.

Qui objectis clipeis, telisque obnitentes, mente furiata pauca admodum probra sibi objecerunt. Germanus tandem telum jaculatus, Galli clipeum gravi ictu pertundit. Gladioque educto cum urgere instaret, a Gallo mox telo obliquato confixus, atque vita privatus est.

They, bracing their shields and resisting with spears, with a furious mind hurled very few insults at him. Germanus at last cast his spear; the Gaul pierced the shield with a heavy blow. And when, with his sword drawn, he pressed on to press the attack, he was soon fixed through by the Gaul with a spear thrown obliquely, and was deprived of life.

Gallus victoria potitus, ab hoste rapta arma asportavit, atque duci obtulit. Vir fortis praemium petiit et accepit.

Gallus, victory having been gained, carried off arms seized from the enemy and offered them to the leader. The brave man sought and received the reward.

77. Ottonis a Gallia digressio suorumque fuga. Otto Gallorum exercitum sensim colligi non ignorans, suum etiam tam longo itinere quam hostium incursu posse minui sciens, redire disponit; et datis signis castra amoverunt. Angarias quoque accelerare moliti sunt; amotisque omnibus, ibant non segniter, nec sine metu.

77. Otto’s withdrawal from Gaul and the flight of his men. Otto, not ignorant that the army of the Gauls was gradually assembling, and knowing that his own might be diminished both by so long a march and by the inroad of the enemies, resolved to return; and, the signals given, they broke camp. They also strove to hasten the angaries (forced requisitions/drives); and, with everything moved, they went not sluggishly, nor without fear.

Axonae fluvii vada festinantes alii transmiserant, alii vero ingrediebantur, cum exercitus a rege missus a tergo festinantibus affuit. Qui reperti fuere, mox gladiis hostium fusi sunt, plures quidem, at nullo nomine clari. Otto interea cum exercitu digressus, Belgicam petiit, ibique procinctum solvit; tanto favore et benivolentia apud suos usus, ut sicut imminenti periculo, ita quoque et omnibus capita sese objecturos pollicerentur.

Some hastened across the shallows of the Axona river, others were entering it, when an army sent by the king came upon those hurrying from the rear. Those who were found were soon routed by the enemies’ swords, many indeed, but illustrious by no name. Otto meanwhile, having set out with his army, made for Belgica, and there broke camp and prepared to march; he was treated with such favor and benevolence by his own men that, just as in the face of imminent danger, so also they promised to offer up their heads for him to all.

78. (980.) Lotharius considerans Ottonem neque dolis falli, neque viribus posse devinci, sepe et multum apud se quaerebat, utrum potius foret stare contra hostem an reconciliari hosti. Si staret contra, cogitabat possibile esse, ducem opibus corrumpi, et in amiciciam Ottonis relabi. Si reconciliaretur hosti, id esse accelerandum, ne dux praesentiret, et ne ipse quoque vellet reconciliari.

78. (980.) Lotharius, considering that Otto could neither be deceived by dols nor be subdued by viribus, oft and much asked himself whether it would be better to stand against the enemy or to be reconciled to the enemy. If he were to stand against him, he thought it possible that the duke might be corrupted by opibus and fall back into the friendship of Otto. If he were to be reconciled to the enemy, that should be hastened, lest the duke be beforehand, and lest he himself also should wish to be reconciled.

Talibus in dies afficiebatur. Et exinde his duobus ducem suspectum habuit. A consultantibus tamen decretum est, Ottonem in amiciciam regis revocandum, eo quod ipse vir virtutis esset, et per illum non solum dux mansuesci posset, sed et aliarum gentium tiranni subjugari utiliter valerent.

He was affected by such matters day by day. And from that time on he held the duke suspect because of those two. Yet the advisers decreed that Otto should be recalled into the king’s friendship, because he himself was a man of virtue, and through him not only could the duke be tamed, but the tyrants of other peoples could also be usefully subdued.

Legati igitur a Lothario directi, ab Ottone liberalissime suscepti, de habenda utriusque amicicia duce ignorante elaborant:

The envoys therefore sent by Lothair, most liberally received by Otto, worked to secure the friendship of both with the duke ignorant:

79. Oratio Gallorum ad Ottonem. Hactenus, inquiunt, discordiae, invidiae, caedis amatores floruerunt, cum inter nobilissimos reges tantum locum habuerunt, quibus pro deliciis erat discordia, quia apud reges discordes se multa adquirere posse arbitrabantur. Enimvero de communi labe cogitabant, ut majoris gloriae et honoris locum, apud conturbatos vindicarent.

79. Oration of the Gauls to Otto. So far, they say, lovers of discord, envy, and slaughter have flourished, since they found place only among the most noble kings—men for whom discord was a delight, because they judged that by sowing discord among kings they could acquire many things. Indeed they plotted, from their common toil, to vindicate for themselves a place of greater glory and honour among those thrown into turmoil.

Sed proderit plurimum rei publicae, si malignitas pravorum jam dudum reprimatur, et virtus bonorum luce purius enitescat. Redeat ergo virtus et floreat inter gloriosissimos reges, ut et vestra virtute tantorum malorum auctores abinde conquiescant, et res publica vestra virtute potius gubernetur, quam cupidorum invidia dilabatur. Securius enim ambo regnabitis, cum in amicicia conjuncti duos exercitus pro uno habebitis.

But it will profit the res publica most, if the malignity of the perverse be now at length repressed, and the virtue of the good shine forth more purely. Let therefore virtue return and flourish among the most glorious kings, so that by your virtue the authors of such great evils may thereupon be quelled, and your res publica be governed rather by your virtue than be dissipated by the envy of the covetous. For more securely will you both reign, when joined in friendship you shall have two armies for one.

Quod si ex vobis alter in ultimas suorum regnorum gentes ire disposuerit, alterum acsi fratrem, fidumque suarum rerum tutorem habebit. Placeat ergo serenissimis regibus pax et amicicia, quos conjunxit etiam sanguinis affinitas. Vinciantur amicicia, quorum dissidentia rei publicae labem infert, et concordia utilitatem accommodat viresque ministrat.

But if one of you should resolve to go to the furthest peoples of his kingdoms, the other will have him as if a brother, and a faithful guardian of his affairs. Let peace and friendship therefore be pleasing to the most serene kings, whom even the affinity of blood has joined. Let those friendships be overthrown whose dissension inflicts a stain on the republic, and let concord bring advantage and minister strength.

80. Responsio Ottonis ad Gallos. Ad haec Otto: Novi, inquit, quantam labem rei publicae discordia sepenumero intulit, cum regnorum principes contra se aliquando moliti sunt. Nec illud etiam ignoro, quanta salus per amiciciae virtutem rei publicae comparata sit.

80. The response of Otto to the Gauls. To these things Otto: "I know," he said, "how great a stain the discord has oftentimes inflicted on the republic, when the princes of kingdoms have at times plotted against it. Nor do I likewise fail to know how great a safety has been procured for the republic by the virtue of friendship."

Fateor hactenus me plurimum coluisse pacem et concordiam, invidias atque discordias malignantium odio semper habuisse. Componantur ergo per vos animi dissidentium, nam huic rei vos video aptissimos, qui ante hac mutua lesione rei publicae plurimum derogavimus. Consilii vestri rationem approbo.

I confess that up to now I have most greatly cherished peace and concord, and have always held the envies and dissensions of the malignant in hatred. Let, then, the minds of the dissenting be composed by you, for I see you most fitting for this matter, you who until now by mutual wounds have most grievously harmed the republic. I approve the reason of your counsel.

Dictis tandem facta consentiant. Legati persuasione habita redeunt, ambosque reges alterutrius benivolentium ad alterutrum referentes, in amicicia componunt. Constituitur tempus colloquendi.

With the words at last spoken, let deeds agree. The envoys, persuasion having been employed, return, and, reporting to one another that each king was well-disposed toward the other, they bring the two kings together into friendship. A time for conference is appointed.

Locus utrique commodus deputatur. Et quia circa fluvium Mosam regna amborum conlimitabant, in locum qui Margolius dicitur, eis sibi occurrere placuit.

A place convenient for each is assigned. And because the kingdoms of both bordered one another about the river Mosa, they agreed to meet in the place called Margolius.

81. Lotharii et Ottonis regum conciliatio. Convenerunt ergo. Datisque dextris, osculum sibi sine aliqua disceptatione benignissime dederunt; amiciciam altrinsecus sacramento stabilierunt.

81. The reconciliation of Kings Lothair and Otto. They therefore met. Having given their right hands, they most kindly bestowed a kiss upon one another without any dispute; they established friendship on both sides by sacrament.

Belgicae pars quae in lite fuerat, in jus Ottonis transiit. Otto, regni sui pace facta, Italiam petiit, Romamque devenit, suos revisurus atque de regni statu quaesiturus; compressurus etiam si qui forte essent tumultus, et tumultuantes in pacem revocaturus si qui principum forte dissiderent. Lotharius vero Laudunum veniens, apud suos quaeque congrua sibi pertractabat.

The part of Belgica which had been in dispute passed into Otto’s jurisdiction. Otto, peace having been made in his kingdom, sought Italy and came to Rome, to see his own men and to inquire into the state of the realm; also to suppress any tumults that might exist, and to recall to peace any princes who might have dissented. Lotharius, however, coming to Laudunum, negotiated with his people those matters fitting to him.

Nec jam quicquam spei ex duce habebat, cum propter pacem dolo quaesitam, non mediocriter eum suspectum haberet. (981.) Cum jam haec omnia vulgo praedicarentur, nonnulli quoque inde indignati pro duce fremerent, dux constanti animo tristitiam dissimulans omnia ferebat, et sicut moris ei erat consulto omnia deliberare, primatibus advocatis declamaturus resedit.

Nor did he any longer have hope in the duke, since, because the peace had been sought by deceit, he held him not a little suspect. (981.) When now all these things were being spread abroad, some likewise, indignant on behalf of the duke, murmured thereat; the duke, with a constant spirit, concealing his sadness, endured almost everything, and, as was his custom to deliberate all things with counsel, having summoned the chiefs to address, he took his seat.

82. Oratio ducis apud suos. Quibus coram sic orsus cepit: Non praeter fructum utilis et honesti consilium a doctis expetitur. Quibus solis et decenter acceditur, et ab eis fluctuanti rei, consilii ratio aperitur.

82. The duke’s speech before his men. Before them he thus began: Not for profit is counsel that is useful and honest sought from the learned. To these alone one properly resorts, and from them for a fluctuating matter the rationale of counsel is opened.

Vos in consulendo arbitror idoneos, cum ab animo non discedat, quanta virtute et ingenio vestri, saepenumero adversariis praenituerim. Cumque vos mihi manibus et sacramento addictos, fidem quoque inviolabilem servaturos non dubitem, indubitanter a fidelibus consilium peto. Quod si mihi conceditur, vos etiam participabitis.

I judge you fit for consulting, since it does not leave my mind how much by your virtue and ingenium I have oftentimes anticipated our adversaries. And since I do not doubt that you, bound to me by hand and by sacrament, will also keep faith inviolate, I unhesitatingly seek counsel from the faithful. If this is granted to me, you shall also partake in it.

Si non suggeritur, forte non aberit dispendium cui indecores succumbatis. Ergo quia pro vita agitur, consilium utile liberaliter expromite. Non enim vos latet quanta subtilitate doli, Lotharius rex incautum me fefellerit, cum absque me Ottoni reconciliari voluerit feceritque.

If no suggestion is put forward, perhaps it will not be far from loss to which you will succumb disgracefully. Therefore, since life is at stake, liberally set forth useful counsel. For it is not hidden from you with what subtlety of deceit King Lotharius has deceived me, when he wished and brought about a reconciliation with Otto without me.

Cui a mente penitus excessit, quam liberali animo quantum periculum aggressus sim, cum per me hostem nuper fugaverit, Belgicam quoque insignibus sublatis hostilibus subarraverit. Quid ergo spei ulterius expectem, cum dolo fidem abruperit?

To whom it has utterly escaped from the mind, how with what liberal spirit and what peril I undertook, when by me he lately put the enemy to flight, and moreover, with the hostile standards having been taken away, subdued Belgica. What, then, of hope should I further await, when by deceit he has broken faith?

83. Declamatio qua usi sunt apud ducem sui. Ad haec primates: Non solum novimus, inquiunt, quantis periculis nobiscum pro Lothario rege caput objeceris, verum quoque quanto discrimine claritudo tua adhuc patens sit, si ut fama est duo reges contra te conspiraverint. Nam si contra alterum exercitum pro defensione moliaris, ambos contra te mox stare invenies.

83. A declamation which they used before their leader. To this the primates: “Not only do we know,” they say, “with what dangers you have thrown your head forward for us on behalf of King Lotharius, but also how great a peril your renown still lies open to, if, as fame reports, two kings have conspired against you. For if you undertake to set an army against one in defence, you will shortly find both standing against you.”

Si contra ambos nisus fueris, plurima incommoda incurrere necesse est, equitatum intolerabilem, insidias multiplices, incendia, atque rapinas, et quod pessimum est nefarios infidi vulgi rumores, qui non contra adversarios nos exercere defensionem loquetur, at in rebellione contra regem temerarios atque perjuros stare calumniabitur. Sic etiam ad quoscumque accedere posse mencietur, ut sine delicto, sine perjurii sacrilegio a dominis recedant, et contra illos arroganter cervices attollant. Hujus periculi extremum et utile consilium nobis videtur, ut cum duo contra nos conjuncti sint, alteri alterum subtrahamus.

If you strive against both, you will necessarily incur very many misadventures: an intolerable cavalry, manifold ambushes, fires, and plunderings, and worst of all the nefarious rumors of a treacherous crowd, which will not speak of exercising defense against our adversaries but will slander us as standing in rebellion against the king, rash and perjured. Thus it will be boasted that we can approach anyone we please, so that without fault, without the sacrilege of perjury, they withdraw from their lords and arrogantly lift their necks against them. The extremity and useful counsel against this danger seems to us to be, since two are joined against us, to detach one from the other.

Quod si alteri alter subtrahi nequit, saltem in amiciciam nobis eorum alterum devinciamus, ut alter nobis addictus, alteri vires non praebeat animumque ministret. Hoc quoque fieri possibile est, si Romae nunc positum Ottonem legatis praemissis cautus et circumspectus adieris. Non enim sic parvi est ingenii Otto, ut te potiorem Lothario armis et opibus ignoret, cum sepe et id audierit et per sese expertus sit.

But if one cannot be wrenched from the other, at least let us bind one of them into friendship with us, so that one, devoted to us, may not lend strength to the other nor minister spirit. This too is possible, if you approach Otto, now posted at Rome, having sent envoys ahead, cautious and circumspect. For Otto is not of so small wit that he would be ignorant of your superiority to Lothair in arms and resources, since he has often heard it and has proved it himself.

Unde et facilius ejus amiciciam adipisceris; proderit etiam sanguinis vestri propinquitas, cum aeque ut Lotharius ei in hoc conjungaris.

Whence you will more easily obtain his friendship; the nearness of your blood will also be of advantage, since you will be joined to him in this just as Lotharius is.

84. Quae sententia prolata favoraliter duci habita est. Legatis igitur directis dux animum hujusmodi Ottoni Rome indicavit. Otto mira benivolentia legatos excepit; de amicicia quoque inter illos habenda se paratissimum non negavit.

84. This sentiment, once expressed, was judged favorable. Therefore, the duke, his envoys having been sent, made known such a disposition to Otto at Rome. Otto received the envoys with remarkable benevolence; he did not deny that he was most ready also to foster friendship between them.

Quod si ipse dux ad se veniret, ut amplius uterque amiciciae vim experiretur, eum cum suis se decenter et cum honore excepturum. Legati reversi, duci mandata retulerunt. Dux igitur quosdam magnae prudentiae et astutiae assumens, Arnulfum videlicet Aurelianensium episcopum, atque Burchardum necnon....... reliquos quoque admodum necessarios viros, Romam progreditur.

But if the duke himself were to come to him, so that each might more fully test the force of the friendship, he would receive him and his handsomely and with honour. The legates returned and reported the instructions to the duke. Therefore the duke, taking up certain men of great prudence and astuteness, namely Arnulf, bishop of the Aurelianenses, and likewise Burchard, and moreover....... the other likewise very necessary men, set out for Rome.

Sanctos apostolos honorat, atque sic regem petit.

He honors the holy apostles, and thus petitions the king.

85. Ottonis cum Hugone sessio. Otto gloriam sibi parare cupiens, ex industria egit, ut omnibus a cubiculo regio emissis, ejus gladius super sellam plectilem deponeretur, dux etiam solus cum solo episcopo introduceretur, ut rege latiariter loquente, episcopus latinitatis interpres, duci quicquid diceretur judicaret. Introgressi igitur, a rege ingenti favore excepti sunt.

85. Session of Otto with Hugh. Otto, desiring to prepare glory for himself, deliberately contrived that, with all those sent out from the royal chamber, his sword should be laid upon the plectile seat; that the duke also alone should be admitted with only the bishop, so that, the king speaking at large, the bishop as interpreter of Latin might render to the duke whatever was said. They therefore, having entered, were received by the king with great favor.

Rex injuriarum querelam deponit; et osculum dans, gratiam sui favoraliter amico impertit. Post multa colloquia de amicicia habenda, cum rex exiret, gladiumque respiciens peteret, dux paululum a se discedens se inclinavit ut gladium tolleret, ac post regem ferret; hac enim causa super sellam relictus fuit, ut dum dux cunctis videntibus gladium ferret, in posterum etiam portaturum indicaret. Episcopus vero duci consulens, gladium ab ejus manu rapuit, et ipse deferens post regem incessit.

The king lays aside his complaint of injuries; and giving a kiss, graciously imparts his favor to the friend. After many talks about keeping friendship, when the king was departing and, looking back at the sword, sought it, the duke, withdrawing a little from him, bent to lift the sword and to carry it after the king; for this reason it had been left upon the chair, that, while the duke, with all watching, bore the sword, he might show that he would also carry it in the future. The bishop however, acting on the duke’s behalf, snatched the sword from his hand, and himself bearing it, followed after the king.

Cujus prudentiam simul et astutiam rex admiratus, apud suos postea non sine laude sepius frequentavit. Ducem quoque in plurima amicicia susceptum, cum honore et pace pene usque ad Alpes deduci fecit.

Whose prudence and astuteness the king, having admired, afterwards often frequented among his own men not without praise. He likewise caused the duke, received into very great friendship, to be led with honor and peace almost as far as the Alps.

86. Epistola Lotharii ad Chonradum. Lotharius rex, necnon et Emma regina insidias ubique parabant; et ut in itinere redeuntem caperent, dolos praetendebant. Igitur Conrado Alemanorum regi epistolam legavit hunc modum habentem: Lotharius Francorum gratia Dei rex, Conrado Alemannorum regi quicquid sibi.

86. Letter of Lothair to Conrad. Lothair the king, and likewise Queen Emma, were preparing ambushes everywhere; and, that they might seize him on his returning journey, they were devising deceits. Therefore he delivered to Conrad, king of the Alemanni, a letter having this form: Lothair, by the grace of God king of the Franks, to Conrad, king of the Alemanni, whatsoever to himself.

Amiciciam inter nos a multo tempore constitutam inviolabiliter conservare semper mihi gratum fuit. Cujus fructus cum a me multiplex exire valeat, utile duxi quiddam vobis indicare, et ad votum mihi fieri id petere. Hugonem ducem sciatis me hactenus pro amico habuisse.

It has always pleased me to preserve inviolably the friendship established between us for a long time. Since the fruit of which can proceed manifold from me, I deemed it useful to indicate something to you, and to ask that it be done according to my wish. Know that I have hitherto held Hugh the duke as a friend.

Comperto vero quod latenter hostis mihi esset, ab ejus familiaritate me remotiorem feci. Unde nunc Romam iens, Ottonem adiit, in mei contumeliam, regnique labem ei plurimum persuasurus. Quapropter summa ope, summo ingenio nitimini ne evadat.

Having discovered that he was secretly an enemy to me, I made myself more remote from his familiarity. Wherefore now, going to Rome, he approached Otto, to persuade him greatly to my disgrace and to the kingdom’s ruin. Therefore endeavor with utmost effort and with the highest ingenuity that he not prevail.

Vale. Exploratores itaque circumquaque dispositi, per praerupta montium et scopulorum, per viarum exitus, ejus adventum opperiebantur.

Farewell. Scouts therefore stationed all around, through the precipitous crags of mountains and rocks, along the exits of the roads, awaited his arrival.

87. Item epistola Emmae reginae ad matrem. Nec minus Emma regina matri suae in hunc modum epistolam direxit: Adelaidi matri imperatrici semper augustae, Emma Francorum regina salutem. Licet multo terrarum intersitio semota, tamen a matre auxilii rationem filia peto.

87. Also a letter of Queen Emma to her mother. Nor less did Queen Emma direct to her mother a letter in this manner: To Adelaide, mother, empress ever august, Emma, queen of the Franks, greetings. Although removed by a great separation of lands, yet as your daughter I ask from my mother the provision or plan of aid.

Hugo dux insidiis non solum regni nostri principes a nostra fidelitate amovit, sed et fratrem meum Ottonem a nobis conatur avertere; unde et Romam illum adiit. Ne ergo penitus sui voti compos glorietur, peto supplex filia matrem, ut in revertendo tantus hostis impediatur. Et si fieri potest, aut captus teneatur, aut impunis non redeat.

Duke Hugo, by his insidious plots, has not only alienated the princes of our kingdom from our fidelity, but also strives to turn my brother Otto away from us; whence he even went to Rome. Therefore, lest he boast that his purpose is wholly accomplished, I, a supplicant daughter, beg my mother that on his return so great an enemy be hindered. And if it can be done, let him either be held captive or not return unpunished.

Sed ne vos suis dolis tergiversator evadat, totius formae illius inseparabilia accidentia vobis indicari curavi. Tunc prosecuta oculorum, aurium, labiorum, dentium quoque et nasi, necnon et reliquarum corporis partium accidentia, verborum quoque tenorem, sic ignotum declaravit, ut his signis detegeret atque ignorantibus indicaret.

But lest the tergiversator evade you by his wiles, I have taken care that the inseparable accidents of that whole form be declared to you. Then, having gone through the accidents of the eyes, ears, lips, teeth also and nose, and likewise of the remaining parts of the body, and also the tenor of the words, thus he made the unknown clear, so that by these signs he might disclose and point out to the ignorant.

88. Hugo inmutato habitu insidias evadit. Dux horum non nescius, reditum accelerat. Dolisque praemetuens, vestem mutat, seseque unum de clientibus simulat.

88. Hugo, with his attire changed, escapes the ambush. The duke of these men, not unknowing, quickens his return. Foreseeing tricks, he changes his garb and feigns himself to be one of the clients.

Equos onera ferentes, ipse regit atque exagitat. Onera imponit et deponit, omnibus se serviturum accommodat. Tantaque industria in abjecta veste et inculto habitu se ducem dissimulavit, ut et per insidiarum loca transiret quae nec vitare poterat, et insidiantes efficaciter falleret.

With the horses bearing burdens, he himself guides and urges them on. He lays on and takes off the loads, fitting himself to serve everyone. And with such industry, in cast-off clothing and unkempt habit, he disguised himself as a leader, so that he both passed through places of ambush which he could not avoid, and effectively deceived those lying in wait.

Uno tantum hospitio pene deprehensus fuit. Nam dum eundum esset cubitum, ei lectus cum diligenti apparatu compositus est; eique circumfusi se omnes ad serviendum obtulerunt. Alii enim genu flexo caligas extrahebant, extractasque alii excipiebant; alii vero nudatos pedes sedentis, subsidendo confricabant, et giris vestium emundabant.

He was almost detected in only one hospitium. For, while it was time to go to bed, a lectus was set up for him with diligent apparatus; and all, poured around him, offered themselves to serve. For some, with knee bent, drew out the caligae, and others received the drawn-out ones; others indeed, rubbing the seated man’s bare feet by subsidizing, and they cleansed the folds of his vestments.

Haec hospes per ostii rimas contemplatus est. Deprehensusque explorasse, mox ne rem detegeret vocatus est et intromissus. Strictisque mucronibus postquam ei necem minati sunt si vocem emitteret, comprehensum ligatis manibus et pedibus in ergastulum detruserunt.

This guest watched through the cracks of the door. And when he was caught having spied, he was immediately summoned and let in so that he would not disclose the matter. And after, with blades drawn, they threatened him with death if he uttered a sound, they seized him, bound his hands and feet, and thrust him down into the ergastulum.

Qui voce suppressa, ibi usque crepusculum convexus jacuit. Post nocte abscedente, in ipso crepusculo surrexerunt. Hospitem assumptum et equo invectum, tandiu asportaverunt, donec loca suspecta transmitterent.

He, his voice stifled, lay there crouched until twilight. After the night departed, at that very dusk they rose. The seized guest, borne on a horse, they carried off for so long until they had passed through suspicious places.

Quibus transmissis, depositum dimiserunt, reliquumque itineris celeres confecerunt. Nec minus Conradi regis dolos sepe simulando et dissimulando evasit, cum in dolis componendis insidiatores studio et hic niterentur. Tandem tantorum malorum securus, Gallia receptus est.

Having passed these places, they set down the deposit and released it, and quickly completed the rest of the journey. No less did he often elude the plots of King Conrad by feigning and dissembling, since in framing deceits the ambushers also strove with zeal. At last, secure from so many evils, he was received into Gaul.

89. Cognitis autem utrorumque dolis ab utroque, tanta crudelitate in se non armis sed insidiis latentibus debacchati sunt, ut aliquot annis res publica principibus dissidentibus multum lederetur. Tunc etiam multarum rerum usurpationes, miserorum quoque oppressiones, et circa minus potentes, calamitates nefariae a quibusdam pravis exercitae sunt. Cum utriusque sapientiores in unum consulturi convenientes, principes dissidere plurima commiseratione conquesti sunt.

89. But when the plots of each side were discovered by the other, they ran riot in such cruelty—not with arms but with lurking ambushes—that for several years the res publica suffered greatly from the princes’ dissensions. Then too came usurpations of many things, oppressions of the wretched, and around the less powerful wicked calamities exercised by certain depraved men. When the wiser men of both parties met together to consult, the princes, being at odds, complained with very great lamentation.

90. Lotharii et Hugonis reconciliatio. Statueruntque ut alterius fautores, ad alterum suasuri de reconciliatione transirent, ut alteruter benivolentia alterutrius captus, facilius condescenderet, eumque pro lesa amicicia utilius peniteret. Quod consultum, non multo post effectum habuit.

90. The reconciliation of Lothair and Hugh. And they resolved that the partisans of one should pass over to the other to swear concerning the reconciliation, so that each, seized by the benevolence of the other, would more readily concede, and would more profitably repent for the friendship injured. This plan was, not long after, put into effect.

Nam et eis efficacissime persuasum est, ac plurima dilectione sibi annexi sunt Sic etiam in utrisque vis amiciciae firmata visa est.

For they were also most effectively persuaded, and were attached to him with very great affection. Thus likewise the strength of friendship appeared firm in both.

91. Promotio Ludovici in regnum Francorum. Etenim cum rex filium suum Ludovicum in regno sibi succedere vellet, ipsum quoque a duce ordinandum quaereret, dux hanc ordinationem mox liberali animo se administraturum respondit. Et legatis directis, regnorum principes Compendii collegit; ibique a duce reliquisque principibus Ludovicus rex adclamatus per metropolitanum episcopum Remorum, dignae videlicet memoriae Adalberonem, sancta die Pentecostes in regnum Francorum promotus est.

91. The promotion of Ludovicus to the kingdom of the Franks. For when the king wished his son Ludovicus to succeed him in the realm, and also sought that he be ordained by the duke, the duke answered that he would shortly administer this ordination with a liberal spirit. And with legates sent, he gathered the princes of the kingdoms at Compendii; and there, by the duke and the remaining princes, Ludovicus, acclaimed king, was promoted into the kingdom of the Franks on the holy day of Pentecost by the metropolitan bishop of the Remi, Adalberon, of worthy memory.

Duobus ergo regnantibus dux multa affabilitate ac famulatu multiplici, per dies plures sese commendabat; adeo regiam dignitatem per omnia extollens, et sese eis supplicem monstrans; se etiam facturum pollicens, ut ambo gentibus jam domitis potenter imperarent, indomitas quoque efficaciter mansuescerent. Id etiam meditabatur, ut in diversis regnis positi, regiam dominationem exercerent, ne unius regni angustia, duorum regum majestati nimium derogaret.

Therefore, with two ruling, the duke for many days commended himself with much affability and manifold service; so extolling royal dignity in all things, and showing himself suppliant to them; also promising that he would bring it about that both, with peoples already subdued, would rule powerfully, and would likewise effectively tame even the indomitable. He was also devising that, placed in separate kingdoms, they would exercise royal domination, lest the narrowness of one kingdom unduly detract from the majesty of two kings.

92. Item promotio Ludovici in regnum Aquitaniae ejusque uxoratio. Dum haec multo conatu disponeret, alii quidam nimis callidi hoc comperto, cum hujusmodi gloriam in sese transfundere vellent, Emmam reginam adeuntes, super maxima re se consulturos dixerunt. Qui suscepti a regina, id sibi videri optimum dixerunt, Ludovico regi assciscendam conjugem Adelaidem, Ragemundi nuper defuncti ducis Gothorum olim uxorem.

92. Also the promotion of Ludovicus to the kingdom of Aquitaine and his marriage. While he was arranging these matters with much effort, certain others, too crafty, this having been discovered, and wishing to transfuse such glory into themselves, approaching Queen Emma, said that they would consult with her about the greatest affair. Who, being received by the queen, said that it seemed best to them that Adelaide, once the wife of Ragemundus, lately deceased duke of the Goths, be assigned as wife to King Ludovicus.

Et non magis potentiam regnandi ex hoc posse augeri, quam sibi nonnulla commoda adquiri. Enimvero possibile fieri, totam Aquitaniam simulque et Gothiam suo imperio asstringi posse, postquam ex jure ductae uxoris oppida munitissima ad suum jus retorqueret. Magnum etiam quiddam in hac re, et utile comparari, si patre hinc posito, et illinc filio, dux ceterique hostes in medio conclusi, perpetuo urgeantur.

And that the power of reigning could be increased by this no more than certain advantages could be acquired for themselves. Nay, that it were possible that all Aquitaine and likewise Gothia be bound to his empire at once, after he should turn back to his right the most strongly fortified towns taken by the law of the wife. Moreover something great and useful would thereby be gained, if, the father set on this side and the son on that, the duke and the other enemies, shut in the middle, were pressed perpetually.

93. Hujus rationis consilium postquam regi suggestum est, apud Gozfredum comitem qui aderat ordinatum valuit. Haec duce ignorante parabantur. Quae cum post animadvertisset, ne regibus fieri videretur injurius, contumeliam dissimulans, nihil penitus refragratus est.

93. After a plan of this sort had been suggested to the king, it took effect when arranged in the presence of Count Gozfred, who was there. These things were being prepared without the duke’s knowledge. When he afterwards noticed them, lest he seem to be doing injury to kings, concealing the insult, he did not in any way utterly oppose them.

Interea collectis regni principibus, equitatus regius disponitur, insignia regia invehuntur; cibi multiplices apparati, vehiculis imponuntur. Quibus actis, reges utrique cum multo equitatu in Aquitaniam profecti sunt, castrumque Briddam quod vetus dicitur, devenerunt.

Meanwhile, the princes of the kingdom having been gathered, the royal cavalry was marshalled, the royal insignia were borne, and numerous preparations of food were placed upon vehicles. When these things had been done, both kings set out with much cavalry for Aquitaine and came to the castle Bridda, which is called the Old.

94. Adelaidis a Ludovico reginae in Aquitania promotio eorumque divortium. Quo a praefata Adelaide multo apparatu excepti sunt. Et die constituta rationibus decentissime habitis, et ex jure datis dotalibus, Ludovicus rex eam sibi uxorem copulavit, atque secum coronatam per episcopos in regnum promovit.

94. The promotion of Adelaide by Louis to queen in Aquitaine and their divorce. Whereupon they were received by the aforementioned Adelaide with much pomp. And on the appointed day, the accounts being carried out most decorously, and the dowries given according to law, King Louis joined her to himself as wife, and, crowned by the bishops, promoted her with him into the kingdom.

Non tamen regium nomen sic in eis valuit, ut ullatenus regnandi dominationem in principibus exercere valerent. Amor quoque conjugalis eis pene nullus fuit. Nam cum ille adhuc pubesceret, illa vero anus foret, contrariis moribus dissentiebant.

Yet the royal name did not so prevail in them that they could in any way exercise the dominion of ruling over the princes. Conjugal love, too, was almost none for them. For while he was still coming into puberty, she was already an old woman; they disagreed in contrary morals.

Cubiculum commune sibi non patiebantur. Requieturi quoque diversis hospitiis potiebantur. Si quando colloquendum erat, locum sub divo habebant.

They would not allow themselves a common bedchamber. For repose they likewise made use of separate lodgings. If ever there was need of conversation, they took a place beneath the open sky.

Pro sermonibus producendis, paucissima dicere sat erat. Et hoc apud eos fere erat per biennium. Quorum mores usque adeo discordes fuere, ut non multo sequeretur post et divortium.

For prolonging their conversations, it was enough to say very little. And this among them was the case for almost two years. Their manners were so utterly discordant that not long afterwards even divorce followed.

95. Ludovicus vero quia morum informatorem non habebat, utpote adolescens levium rerum vanitatibus insistebat. Habitum patriae gentis pro peregrinis penitus deposuerat. Itaque in miserandam fortunam res penitus dilapsa est, ut et moribus degener, et regnandi impotentia inglorius esset; et qui paulo ante rex genere, fama, atque copiis potens, nunc erumnosus et inops, rei familiaris simul et militaris calamitate squaleret.

95. Ludovicus, however, because he had no instructor of morals, being a youth clung to the vanities of frivolous things. He had utterly cast off the habit of his native people for foreign garb. Therefore affairs utterly slipped into pitiable fortune, so that, both degenerate in morals and inglorious from the impotence of ruling, he was; and he who a little before, as king, was powerful in birth, fame, and resources, was now squalid and destitute, impoverished by the calamity of both household and military affairs.

His Lotharius rex per multos cognitis, filium inde revocare cogitabat; non ignorans in pejus eum lapsurum, cum illic nullum dignitatis regiae haberet honorem. Equitatum itaque parat filium repetiturus. Aquitaniam ingressus Briddam petiit.

Then, these things having become widely known, King Lotharius therefore contemplated recalling his son from there; not ignorant that he would slip into a worse state, since there he had no honor of royal dignity. He therefore prepared cavalry to reclaim his son. Having entered Aquitaine, he sought Bridda.

Filium repetit et reducit. Regina sese viduatam dolens, et verita majoris incommodi injuriam, Wilelmum Arelatensem adiit, eique nupsit. Et sic ex divortio, adulterium publicum operatum est.

He reclaims and brings back the son. The queen, grieving herself widowed, and fearing the injury of a greater incommodity, went to William of Arles, and married him. And thus, from the divorce, a public adultery was wrought.

96. Obitus Ottonis. Hac tempestate Otto cum barbaris congressus, miserabili fortunae succubuit. Nam et exercitum fusum amisit, et ipse captus ab hostibus, divina vero gratia reversus fuit.

96. Death of Otto. At this time Otto, having engaged with the barbarians, succumbed to miserable fortune. For he both lost his army, which was routed, and himself was taken by the enemies, yet by divine grace he was restored.

Post cum ex indigestione Romae laboraret, et intestini squibalas ex melancolico humore pateretur, aloen ad pondus dragmarum quatuor sanitatis avidus sumpsit. Conturbatisque visceribus, diarria jugis prosecuta est. Cujus continuus fluxus, emorroides tumentes procreavit.

After he was suffering from indigestion in Rome, and was afflicted with intestinal scybalae from a melancholic humor, he eagerly took aloe to the weight of four drams in search of health. With his viscera disturbed, diarrhea pursued him continually. The continuous flux of which engendered swelling hemorrhoids.

Quae etiam sanguinem immoderatum effundentes, mortem post dies non plures operatae sunt (983, Dec. 7).

Which, also pouring forth an immoderate amount of blood, brought about death after no more than a few days (983, Dec. 7).

97. Cui defuncto filius quinquennis Otto superstes erat. Quem patri succedere in regnum, cum aliquot primates voluissent, id ab aliquibus contradictum est (983, Dec. 25). Ingenti tamen virtute variaque fortuna ei regnum postea paraverunt (984). Nam Hezilo regis paulo ante defuncti patruelis, qui adhuc in carcere vinctus ab eo tenebatur, eo quod adversus eum regnum appeteret, pravorum dolis in pernitiem rei publicae elapsus, et quorumdam munitionibus receptus est.

97. Upon whose death his surviving son Otto was five years old. That he should succeed his father in the kingdom, although some leading men wished it, was disputed by others (983, Dec. 25). Yet great virtue and varying fortune later prepared the kingdom for him (984). For Hezilo, the king’s cousin who had died shortly before, who was still being held bound in prison by him because he had aspired to the kingdom against him, having slipped away by the deceits of the wicked into the ruin of the res publica, was received into the fortifications of certain men.

Vir aeque ut Otto nobilis, corpore eleganti ac valido honoris cupidus ac factiosus; animo vasto, sed fallaci. Hic regnandi avidus, omnes sacrilegos, aut juditiis convictos, sive etiam pro factis juditium timentes, postremo omnes flagitiosos quos conscius animus exagitabat, sibi proximos ac familiares fecit (SALLUSTII Castil. c. 14). Talium dolis, regis defuncti superstitem filium Ottonem parvum rapuit, ejus loco sese regnaturum ratus.

A man as noble as Otto in birth, of elegant and strong body, desirous of honor and factious; of a vast but deceitful mind. Eager to rule, he made all sacrilegious men, or those convicted by judgments, or even those who feared judgment for their deeds, and lastly all the flagitious whom his guilty conscience tormented, his intimates and familiars (SALLUSTII Castil. c. 14). By such deceits he seized the late king’s surviving little son Otto, thinking that he himself would reign in his place.

Regnum ergo sic in suum jus refundi arbitrans, sceptrum et coronam sibi paravit. Quod dum a Lothario expetendum cogitaret, eumque concessa Belgica sibi sotium et amicum facere moliretur, legatos praemisit, apud quos, sacramento commune negocium firmaretur. Quo etiam sacramento, utrique reges sibi pollicerentur sese super Rhenum loco constituto sibi occursuros.

Therefore, thinking the kingdom ought thus to be restored into his right, he prepared the scepter and crown for himself. While he pondered that these things should be sought from Lothar, and strove to make him his socius and friend by conceding Belgica, he sent legates before whom the negotiation was to be confirmed by a common oath. By that same oath, the two kings promised one another that, with a place appointed on the Rhine, they would come to meet.

98. Quibus per legatos juratis, Lotharius tempore statuto cum exercitu per Belgicam transiens, ne teneretur sacramenti obnoxius, ad locum Rheni condictum devenit. Hezilo sese metuens in suspitionem principum venire si Lothario occurreret, acsi eum in regnum recipere vellet, perjurii reus, occurrere distulit. Lotharius se illusum advertens rediit, non tamen sine difficilis laboris incommodo.

98. With those oaths sworn by his envoys, Lotharius, at the appointed time, passing with an army through Belgica, so as not to be held bound by the sacrament, came to the place established on the Rhine. Hezilo, fearing to fall into the suspicion of the princes if he should meet Lotharius — as though he wished to receive him into the kingdom, a party to perjury — delayed to go meet him. Lotharius, perceiving himself deceived, returned, not however without the hardship of severe toil.

Nam Belgae per quorum medium cum equitatu transierat, indignati transisse, vias transpositis arboribus impediunt, aut fossis inmersis revertentes prohibent, non ut aperto campo comminus dimicent, sed ut his impedimentis cunctantes a tergo urgeant, aut montium jugis securi, per inferiora transeuntes missilibus figant. Et quia aperta fronte stare animo non fuit, sagittarii cum arcubus et balistis per montana dispositi sunt. Dum ergo exercitus subiret, illi a superioribus alios sagittis figebant, alios diversis missilibus sauciabant.

For the Belgae, through whose midst he had passed with his cavalry, indignant at his passage, obstructed the roads by felled trees or, having filled in the ditches, prevented the returning men; not so that they might fight hand-to-hand in the open field, but so that, delaying by these impediments, they might press from the rear, or, from the crests of the mountains with axes, while those passing below went by, hurl missiles at them. And because it was not in their spirit to stand face-to-face in the open, archers with bows and balistae were stationed along the mountains. Thus, while the army advanced upward, those above fixed some with arrows, wounded others with various missiles.

At tirones sicubi ascensui pervium locum videbant, in hujusmodi hostes vertebantur; armisque efferati, quosdam vulnerabant, quosdam vero morte afficiebant. Tantum in eis ter debacchati, ut caesorum cadaveribus aggerata moles, collibus assimilaretur. Alii vero descendentes aut vibratis gladiis frondium oppositarum densitatem metebant aut trudibus adactis transpositam arborum molem amovebant, sibique iter aperiebant.

But wherever the tyrones saw a place passable for the ascent, they turned toward such enemies; maddened with arms, they wounded some and put others to death. They rioted among them so fiercely that the mass, heaped up with the slain’s corpses, resembled hills. Others, however, descending, either cut through the density of opposing foliage with brandished swords or, with poles driven home, removed the shifted mass of trees and opened a way for themselves.

Tandem multo conatu, de medio hostium educti sunt.

At last, by great exertion, they were led out from the midst of the enemy.

99. Hac tempestate Germania nullo regis imperio tenebatur, quippe cum et Ottonem infantem aetatis infirmitas regnare prohiberet, et Heziloni, regnandi cupido, a potioribus regnum contradiceretur. Unde Lotharius occasionem nactus, de Belgicae pervasione iterum cogitabat, ut videlicet ad suae dominationis jus eam retorqueret, cum Otto non esset, principes dissiderent, regnique dignitas nullo regis administraretur imperio.

99. At this time Germany was held by no royal imperium, since both the infirmity of the infant Otto prevented him from reigning, and to Hezilo the desire to reign was denied by the more powerful; wherefore Lotharius, having found an occasion, again plotted the invasion of Belgica, namely that he might restore it to the right of his domination, since Otto was absent, the princes were at dissension, and the dignity of the kingdom was administered by no kingly rule.

100. Itaque Odonem atque Herbertum viros illustres et potentia claros advocans, eis sui voti secretum aperit. Et quia paulo ante eorum patrui absque liberis defuncti terra optima cum oppidis munitissimis illos liberaliter donaverat, ipsi mox domi militiaeque esse paratissimos responderunt.

100. Therefore calling Odo and Herbert, men illustrious and renowned in power, he disclosed to them the secret of his wish. And because a little before their paternal uncle, having died without children, had generously bestowed upon them the very best lands with most strongly fortified towns, they immediately answered that they were most ready both at home and in military service.

Quibus faventibus cum rex sibi in animo esse diceret, ut Belgicam repeteret, eamque militaribus copiis expugnaret, ipsi hujus rei initium Virduni faciendum dicunt, eo quod ipsa propinquior civitas esset, et sese multa obsidione eam aggressuros, nec umquam ab ea nisi capta recessuros. Qua capta, et sacramento atque obside regi annexa, ulterius processuros. Tandiu etiam moraturos in Belgica, donec aut armis expugnetur, aut victi Belgae in deditionem omnes transeant.

With these men favoring him, when the king said in his mind that he intended to recover Belgica and to storm it with military forces, they themselves said that the outset of this affair should be made at Virdun, because that city itself was nearer, and that they would assault it with a prolonged siege, and would never withdraw from it except when it was taken. When it had been taken, and annexed to the king by oath and hostages, they would advance further. They would also sojourn in Belgica until either it were taken by arms, or the Belgae, having been conquered, all passed over into surrender.

Quorum spontione suscepta, rex cum ipsis exercitum mox Virdunum admovit.

Their voluntary undertaking having been adopted, the king, with them, soon moved his army to Virdunum.

101. Virduni expugnatio. Quae civitas eo situ posita est, ut a fronte, planitie pervia meantibus accessum praebeat; a tergo inaccessibilis sit.

101. The capture of Virdunum. Which city is placed in such a position that on the front it affords access to those advancing across a passable plain; on the rear it is inaccessible.

Ibi enim a summo in posteriora, profundo hiatu circumquaque distenditur. Ab inferioribus vero ad summum, rupibus praeruptis artatur. Quae non solum scatens fontibus, puteisque, incolis accommoda, sed et fluvio Mosa eam a praerupta parte abluente, nemorosa.

For there it stretches from the summit to the rear, distended all around by a deep chasm. From the lower parts up to the summit it is shut in by sheer cliffs. Which not only, springing forth with fountains and wells, is fit for inhabitants, but also, the river Meuse washing it from the precipitous side, is wooded.

Ubi ergo a fronte planitien praefert, pugnaturi machinas bellicas generis diversi aptavere. Nec minus qui in urbe erant, ad resistendum sese expediebant. Pugnatum est tandem octo ferme continuis diebus.

Where therefore it presents a plain before the front, those about to fight fitted out war-machines of diverse kinds. Nor were those in the city any less making themselves ready to resist. At last they fought for almost eight continuous days.

At cives cum viderent nulla a suis extrinsecus suffragia mitti, nec jugis praelii pondus se tolerare posse, consilio inito indempnes et intacti hostibus cessere. Urbem aperuerunt, et sese Lothario victi obtulerunt.

But when the citizens saw that no suffrages (aid) were being sent to them from outside by their own, nor that they could endure the burden of continual battle, with a plan agreed upon they yielded to the enemy unharmed and intact. They opened the city, and, conquered, surrendered themselves to Lothario.

102. Quibus peractis, rex ad urbem tuendam, reginam Emmam in ea reliquit. Ipse cum exercitu Laudunum rediit, suos etiam ad sua redire permisit.

102. When these things were completed, the king, to defend the city, left Queen Emma therein. He himself returned to Laudunum with the army, and allowed his men likewise to return to their homes.

Tantae benivolentiae favore apud eos usus, ut repetito itinere se ulterius ituros si juberet pollicerentur; et neglectis pro tempore domibus et natis, cum hoste comminus dimicaturos. Lotharius interea apud suos deliberabat, utrum potius foret sese ulterius ire, armisque et viribus totam Belgicam sibi subjugare, an residendo Virduni, per legatos habitis suasionibus, mores hostium ad suum animum informare. Si enim eos ferro vinceret, cum id sine multo sanguine fieri non posset, cogitabat in posterum minus eis credendum, eo quod amicorum labem eis intulerit.

Having enjoyed so great a favour of benevolence among them that, when the march was resumed, they promised they would go further if he should order; and, their homes and children neglected for the time, that they would fight the enemy hand-to-hand. Lotharius meanwhile deliberated with his own whether it were better that he should go farther and by arms and strength subdue all Belgica to himself, or, by remaining at Virduni and by means of envoys’ persuasions, mould the manners of the enemies to his mind. For if he were to conquer them by the sword — since that could not be done without much blood — he thought that thereafter less trust would be placed in them, because he would have brought ruin upon their friends.

Si vero per benivolentiam reversuros expectaret, cavendum putabat, ne in tanto otio, hostes insolentiores redderentur.

But if he expected that they would return through benevolence, he thought it necessary to be wary, lest in so great leisure the enemies be made more insolent.

103. Virduni invasio a Belgis. Dum haec multa consultatione ventilaret, Belgicae dux Teodericus, necnon et vir nobilis ac strenuus Godefridus, Sigefridus quoque vir illustris, Bardo etiam et Gozilo fratres clarissimi et nominatissimi, aliique principes nonnulli, latenter pertemptant Virdunum irrumpere, eamque a Gallis evacuare.

103. The invasion of Virdunum by the Belgae. While he turned over these many matters in consultation, Theoderic, duke of the Belgae, and likewise the noble and valiant man Godefridus, Sigefridus also a man illustrious, Bardo and Gozilo, brothers most celebrated and most renowned, and several other leading princes, secretly attempted to break into Virdunum and to expel it of the Gauls.

Factisque insidiis, negotiatorum claustrum, muro instar oppidi exstructum, ab urbe quidem Mosa interfluente sejunctum, sed pontibus duobus interstratis ei annexum, cum electis militum copiis ingressi sunt. Annonam omnem circumquaque milites palantes advectare fecerunt. Negotiatorum quoque victus in usum bellicum acceperunt.

After laying ambushes, they entered the merchants’ enclosure, built like the wall of a town, indeed separated from the city by the flowing Mosa (Meuse), but united to it by two interposed bridges, with chosen companies of soldiers. They caused all the grain-provision from every quarter to be brought in by the foraging soldiers. They likewise appropriated the merchants’ victuals for military use.

Lignorum trabes ex Argonna aggregari jusserunt, ut si ab hostibus extra machinae muris applicarentur, ipsi quoque interius obtinentibus machinis obstare molirentur. Crates quoque viminibus et arborum frondibus validas intexuerunt, machinis erectis, si res exposceret, supersternendos. Sudes ferro acuminatos, et igne subustos, ad hostes transfodiendos quamplures aptaverunt.

They ordered beams of wood to be gathered from Argonne, so that if the enemy applied them against the outer walls of the machines, they themselves, holding within the machines, might strive to oppose them. They likewise wove strong hurdles of wicker and the leafy boughs of trees, to be cast over the machines when erected, should the matter require it. They fitted as many stakes sharpened with iron, and charred by fire, as possible, for transfixing the foes.

Missilia varii generis per fabros expediere. Funium millena volumina ad usus diversos convexerunt. Clipeos quoque habendae testudini ordinandos, instituerant.

They had missiles of various kinds outfitted by the fabri (smiths). They conveyed a thousand coils (volumina) of rope for diverse uses. They had also instituted the procuring of clipei (shields) to be arranged into a testudo.

Preterea centena mortis tormenta non dufuere.

Moreover, hundreds of torments—engines of death—were not lacking.

104. Repetito Virduno a Lothario. Nuntiantur haec Lothario.

104. On Virdunus being recalled by Lotharius. These matters are announced to Lotharius.

Qui tantum facinus accidisse acerrime indignatus, exercitum dimissum revocavit; et sic cum decem milibus pugnatorum Virdunum petiit, atque adversarios repentinus aggressus est. Primo impetu, sagittarii contra hostes ordinati sunt. Missaeque sagittae et arcobalistae cum aliis missilibus tam densae in aere discurrebant, ut a nubibus dilabi, terraque exsurgere viderentur.

Who, most bitterly indignant that so great a crime had occurred, recalled the dismissed army; and thus with ten thousand fighters he sought Virdunus, and suddenly attacked the adversaries. At the first onset the archers were arrayed against the enemies. And the sent arrows and arcuballistae, with other missiles, swept so thickly through the air that they seemed to slide down from the clouds and to rise up from the earth.

Horum contra impetum, testudinem ante se et super capita hostes muro aptavere; in quam relisa missilia, ictu frustrato decidebant. Hoc impetu facto Galli circumquaque obsidionem disposuere; fossisque praeruptis, obfirmaverunt castra, ne si ad incautos adversarii prosilirent, accessum facilem invenirent.

Against this onslaught they fitted a testudo before them and placed a wall over the enemies’ heads; into which the hurled missiles, their strike frustrated, fell back. With that attack made, the Gauls disposed a siege all around; and with the ditches cut steep, they strengthened the camp, lest if the adversaries leapt upon the unwary they should find an easy access.

105. Compositio cujusdam machinae bellicae. Quercus proceras radicitus succisas, ad machinam bellicam extruendam advexerunt.

105. Composition of a certain war-machine. Tall oaks, uprooted from their roots, they conveyed to erect the war-machine.

Ex quibus quatuor trabes tricenorum pedum straverunt solo, ita ut duae in longum projectae, et decem pedum intervallo distinctae, duabus aliis per transversum eodem intervallo superjacentibus cohererent. Longitudinis et latitudinis spatium, quod intra commissuras earum tenebatur, decem pedum erat. Quicquid etiam a commissuris extra projectum erat, simili modo decem pedibus distendebatur.

Of these they laid four beams of thirty feet on the ground, so that two stretched lengthwise, and separated by an interval of ten feet, were bound to the other two lying across at the same interval. The space of length and breadth that was held within their joints was ten feet. Whatever also projected beyond the joints was likewise extended by ten feet in the same manner.

In harum trabium commissuris, quatuor sublicas quadragenorum pedum, quadrato quidem scemate, sed procero, aequo spatio a se distantes, adhibitis trocleis erexerunt. Transposueruntque bis per quatuor latera festucas decem pedum, in medio scilicet, et in summo, quae traductae, sublicas sibi fortiter annecterent. A capitibus vero trabium, quibus sublicae nitebantur, quatuor trabes eductae, et pene usque ad festucas superiores obliquatae, sublicis jungebantur, ut sic ex eis machina extrinsecus firmata non titubaret.

In the commissures of these beams they erected four sublicae of forty feet, square indeed in scheme but lofty, spaced at equal intervals from one another, and set up with trocles. They laid across, twice along the four sides, reed‑poles of ten feet, namely one in the middle and one at the top, which, being carried over, would fasten the sublicae firmly to themselves. From the heads of the beams, on which the sublicae rested, four beams were drawn out and, slanting almost up to the upper reed‑poles, were joined to the sublicae, so that thus the machine, braced externally by them, would not totter.

Super festucas quoque quae in medio et in summo machinam conectebant, tigna straverunt. Quae etiam cratibus contexerunt, super quas dimicaturi stantes, et eminentiores facti, adversarios deorsum jaculis et lapidibus obruerent. Hanc molem extructam, ad stationem hostium deducere cogitabant.

Over the rods which bound the machine in the middle and at the top they laid beams. These they also wove with wickerwork, upon which, about to engage and standing higher, and having become more eminent, they might overwhelm the adversaries below with javelins and stones. Having piled up this mass, they plotted to bring it down to the enemy’s station.

Sed quia sagittarios suspectos habebant, rationem querebant, qua hostibus sine suorum lesione appropinquaret. Tandem ratione subtilius perscrutante, repertum est eam ad hostes optima arte detrudi posse.

But because they held the archers in suspicion, they sought a stratagem by which they might approach the enemies without injury to their own. At last, the stratagem having been examined more subtly, it was discovered that it could be shoved toward the enemies with the greatest art.

106. Deductio ad hostes superioris machinae. Dictabant enim quatuor stipites multae grossitudinis terrae solidae mandandos; decem pedibus in terra defossis, octo vero a terra ejectis.

106. The advance upon the enemies of the upper machine. For they ordained that four posts of very great thickness should be set into solid earth; ten feet buried in the ground, and eight, however, protruding above the ground.

Qui etiam transpositis per quatuor latera repagulis vehementissimis solidarentur. Repagulis quoque transmissis, funes inserendos. Sed funium capita ab hostibus abducta, superiora quidem machinae, interiora vero bobus annecterentur.

Which, with planks transposed across the four sides, they would bind together most forcefully. With the planks likewise passed through, ropes were to be inserted. But the ends of the ropes, having been carried off by the enemy, the superior ones indeed would be attached to the machine, the interior ones to the oxen.

At interiora, longius superioribus protenderentur. Superiora vero, breviore ductu machinam implicitam haberent, ita ut inter hostes et boves machina staret. Unde et fieret ut quanto boves ab hostibus trahendo discederent, tanto machina hostibus attracta propinquaret.

At the inner ones, they would be extended farther than the upper ones. The upper ones, however, with a shorter draught, would have the machine entangled within them, so that the machine stood between the enemies and the oxen. Whence it would come about that the more the oxen, by drawing, moved away from the enemies, the more the machine, drawn toward the enemies, would approach them.

Quo commento, chilindris suppositis, quibus facilius motum acciperet, machina hostibus nullo laeso appulsa est.

By this contrivance, with cylinders placed beneath it, by which it would more readily receive motion, the machine was pushed up against the enemies with none harmed.

107. Victoria Lotharii. Adversarii quoque similem quidem machinam extruunt, sed altitudine et robore inferiorem.

107. Victory of Lothair. The adversaries likewise erect a similar machine, yet one inferior in height and in strength.

Utraque ergo exstructa, a parte utraque ascensum est. Conflictumque ab utrisque promtissime, nec tamen ullo modo cedunt. Rex cum propior muris adesset, fundae jaculo in labro superiore sauciatus est.

Both having been constructed, an ascent was made on each side. And a conflict was begun most promptly by both, yet nevertheless they in no way give ground. When the king was nearer to the walls, he was wounded in the upper lip by a sling’s missile.

Cujus injuria, sui accensi, vehementius bello incubuere. Et quia hostes machina et armis fortes, nullatenus cedebant, rex uncinos ferreos adhiberi praecepit. Qui funibus alligati cum hostium machinae injecti essent, lignisque transversis admorsi, funes alii demittebant, alii demissos excipiebant; quibus adversariorum machina, inclinata atque pene demersa est.

By whose injury, their own men inflamed, they pressed more vehemently upon the war. And because the enemies were strong both in machines and arms, they yielded in no respect, the king ordered iron hooks to be employed. These, bound with ropes, when thrown upon the enemies’ machines and bitten into by transverse timbers, some men let down the ropes, others took up those that were lowered; by which the adversaries’ machine was inclined and almost submerged.

Unde alii delabentes per lignorum commissuras descendebant; alii vero saltu sese ad terram demittebant; nonnulli quoque turpi formidine tacti, latibulis vitam sibi defendebant. Hostes mortis periculum urgere videntes, adversariis cedunt, vitamque supplices petunt. Jussi quoque, arma deponunt, et reddunt.

Whereupon some sliding down descended through the gaps of the timbers; others indeed let themselves down to the ground by a leap; and some also, struck by a shameful fear, defended their lives in hiding-places. The enemies, seeing the peril of death pressing them, yield to their adversaries and beseech life suppliantly. Ordered as well, they lay down their arms and surrender them.

Statimque a rege decretum exivit hostes sine aliqua ultionis injuria comprehendendos, ac illesos sibi adducendos. Comprehensi itaque, inermes ac indempnes praeter ictus quos in militari tumultu acceperant, ante regem admissi sunt. Qui regis pedibus advoluti, vitam petebant.

Immediately a decree issued from the king that the enemies be apprehended without any injury of vengeance, and brought to him uninjured. Consequently apprehended, unarmed and indemne except for the blows they had suffered in the military tumult, they were admitted before the king. They, having fallen at the king’s feet, implored for their lives.

Nam regiae majestatis rei atque convicti, de vita diffidebant.

For, accused in the matter of royal majesty and convicted, they despaired of life.

108. Rex victoria potitus, Belgicae principes captos, suis custodiendos, sed et congruo tempore reddendos mandavit. Reliquam manum redire permisit.

108. The king, having obtained victory, ordered the captured princes of Belgica to be kept in his custody, but also to be returned at a suitable time. He permitted the remaining force to return.

Ipse Laudunum cum exercitu rediit, ibique procinctum solvit. Urbem Virdunum usque in diem vitae ejus supremum, absque ulla refragatione obtinuit. Disponebat praeterea quomodo ulterius procedendo, regnum suum dilataret, cum res suae successum optimum haberent, regnique fortuna per captos primates id persuaderet.

He himself returned to Laudunum with the army, and there broke up his camp. He held the city Virdunum until the final day of his life, without any resistance. Moreover he was arranging how, by advancing further, he might dilate his kingdom, since his affairs were having the most excellent success, and the fortune of the realm, through the captured primates, persuaded him of this.

Sed Divinitas res mundanas determinans, et Belgis requiem, et huic regnandi finem dedit.

But Divinity, determining worldly affairs, granted the Belgae rest and to him a termination of ruling.

109. (986.) Obitus Lotharii. Nam cum vernalis clementia eodem anno rebus bruma afflictis rediret, pro rerum natura inmutato aere, Lauduni egrotare coepit.

109. (986.) Death of Lothair. For when spring clemency that same year returned to things afflicted by winter, and the air, by the nature of things, remained unchanged, he began to fall ill at Lyon.

Unde vexatus ea passione quae colica a phisicis dicitur, in lectum decidit. Cui dolor intolerabilis in parte dextra super verenda erat; ab umbilico quoque usque ad splenem, et inde usque ad inguen sinistrum, et sic ad anum, infestis doloribus pulsabatur. Ilium quoque ac renium injuria nonnulla erat; thenasmus assiduus; egestio sanguinea; vox aliquoties intercludebatur.

Wherefore, troubled by that passion which physicians call colic, he took to his bed. To him an intolerable pain lay in the right part above the groin; from the navel likewise as far as the spleen, and thence as far as the left groin, and so to the anus, he was battered by hostile pains. There was also some injury to the ileum and the kidneys; persistent tenesmus; bloody vomiting; his voice was at times cut off.

Interdum frigore febrium rigebat. Rugitus intestinorum. Fastidium juge.

At times he was chilled by the frigidity of fevers. A roaring of the intestines. Perpetual loathing.

Ructus conationes sine effectu, ventris extensio, stomachi ardor, non deerant. Ingenti itaque luctu, tota personat domus. Fit sonitus diversus, clamor varius.

Attempts at belching without effect, distension of the belly, a burning of the stomach were not wanting. Therefore with immense grief the whole house resounds. A differing sound arises, a varied clamor.

Nemini enim eorum qui aderant, inlacrimabilis erat ea calamitas. Decem anno, ex quo patre defuncto regno potitus est, quadragesimo vero et octavo quo a patre regnante coronam et sceptrum regnaturus accepit, a natu autem sexagesimo octavo, deficiens naturae concessit (Mart. II).

For that calamity was not unwept by any of those who were present. In the 10th year from when, his father having died, he obtained the kingdom, in the 48th year from when, with his father still reigning, he received the crown and sceptre to reign; but at the age of 68, failing in nature, he yielded (Mart. 2).

110. Interea magnifice funus regium multo divitiarum regalium ambitu accuratur. Fit ei lectus regalibus insignibus adornatus, corpus bissina veste induitur, ac desuper palla purpurea gemmis ornata auroque intexta operitur.

110. Meanwhile the royal funeral is magnificently prepared with much ostentation of royal riches. A bier is made for him, adorned with regal insignia; the body is clothed in a bissine garment, and over it is laid a purple pall, gem‑adorned and woven with gold.

Lectum regnorum primates deferebant. Preibant episcopi et clerus, cum evangeliis et crucibus; penes quos etiam, qui ejus coronam ferebat multo auro gemmisque pretiosis nitentem, cum aliis multis insignibus, ejulando incedebat. Funebre melos, lacrimis impedientibus vix proferebatur.

The foremost princes of the kingdoms carried the bier. Bishops and clergy went before, with Gospels and crosses; among them also he who bore his crown — shining with much gold and precious gems, and with many other insignia — advanced, uttering a cry. The funereal melody, hindered by tears, was scarcely brought forth.

Milites etiam mesto vultu, suo ordine prosequebantur. Reliqua quoque manus, cum lamentis succedebat. Sepultus est Remis in coenobio monachorum sancti Remigii, cum patre et matre, sicut ante jusserat suis; quod etiam abest 240 stadiis ab eo loco, in quo finem vitae accepit; multo obsequio universorum parique affectu per tantum spatii deductus.

The soldiers likewise, with mournful countenances, escorted him in their rank. The remaining company also followed with lamentations. He was buried at Remis in the monastery of the monks of Saint Remigius, with his father and mother, as he had previously ordered to his own; which is also 240 stadia distant from that place where he received the end of his life; he was borne with great attendance of all and with equal affection over so great a distance.