Ammianus: RES GESTAE A FINE CORNELI TACITI

1 Haec per orbem Romanum fatorum ordine contexto versante Caesar apud Viennam in collegium fastorum a consule octiens Augusto adscitus urgente genuino vigore pugnarum fragores caedesque barbaricas somniabat, colligere provinciae fragmenta iam parans, si adfuisset flatu tandem secundo.

1 These things — the turning of the fates, woven in orderly sequence through the Roman world — Caesar, at Vienna, admitted into the college of the Fastorum by Augustus, eight times consul, was dreaming of the crashes and slaughters of battles urged on by his native vigor, already preparing to gather up the province’s fragments, if at last a propitious breeze had been present.

2 Quia igitur res magnae quas per Gallias virtute felicitateque correxit, multis veterum factis fortibus praestant, singula serie progrediente monstrabo, instrumenta omnia mediocris ingenii, si suffecerint, commoturus.

2 Therefore, because of the great affairs which he ruled through courage and felicity throughout the Gauls, surpassing many the brave deeds of the ancients, I will show each thing in progressing sequence, and, if they suffice, I will put in motion all the instruments of my moderate genius.

3 Quicquid autem narrabitur, quod non falsitas arguta concinnat, sed fides integra rerum absolvit documentis evidentibus fulta, ad laudativam paene materiam pertinebit.

3 Whatever, however, shall be narrated, which not a clever falsity composes but an unsullied fidelity to facts brings to completion, supported by evident documents, will pertain to a matter almost laudatory.

4 Videtur enim lex quaedam vitae melioris hunc iuvenem a nobilibus cunis ad usque spiritum comitata supremum. Namque incrementis velocibus ita domi forisque conluxit ut prudentia [Vespasiani filius] Titus alter aestimaretur, bellorum gloriosis cursibus Traiani simillimus, clemens ut Antoninus, rectae perfectaeque rationis indagine congruens Marco, ad cuius aemulationem actus suos effingebat et mores.

4 For it seems a certain law of a better life accompanied this youth from noble cradle even to his final breath. For by swift growth he so shone at home and abroad that he was reckoned another Titus [son of Vespasian], very like Trajan in the glorious courses of wars, mild as Antoninus, congruent in the inquiry of right and perfect reason to Marcus, whose deeds and morals he fashioned in emulation.

5 Et quoniam, ut Tulliana docet auctoritas, omnium magnarum artium sicut arborum altitudo nos delectat, radices stirpesque non item, sic praeclarae huius indolis rudimenta tunc multis obnubilantibus tegebantur, quae anteferri gestis eius postea multis et miris hac ratione deberent, quod adulescens primaevus ut Erechtheus in secessu Minervae nutritus ex academiae quietis umbraculis non e militari tabernaculo in pulverem Martium tractus, strata Germania pacatisque rigentis Rheni meatibus, cruenta spirantium regum hic sanguinem fudit, alibi manus catenis adflixit.

5 And since, as Tullian authority teaches, the height of all great arts delights us like that of trees, though not likewise their roots and trunks, so the splendid rudiments of this disposition were then covered by many obscuring things; which ought afterwards to have been set before many and wonderful deeds for this reason: that the youth in his first bloom, like Erechtheus nurtured in the retreat of Minerva from the quiet shades of the academy, was not dragged from a military tabernacle into the Martian dust, nor laid out upon the spread beds of Germany and the rigid, pacified channels of the Rhine; here he poured out the bloody blood of breathing kings, elsewhere he fastened hands with chains.

Iulianus Caesar Alamannos adoritur, caedit, capit, et fugat.

Iulianus Caesar attacks the Alamanni, slays them, captures them, and puts them to flight.

[2]

1 Agens itaque negotiosam hiemem apud oppidum ante dictum inter rumores, qui volitabant adsidui, conperit Augustuduni civitatis antiquae muros spatiosi quidem ambitus sed carie vetustatis invalidos barbarorum impetu repentino insessos, torpente praesentium militum manu veteranos concursatione pervigili defendisse, ut solet abrupta saepe discrimina salutis ultima desperatio propulsare.

1 Thus, spending a busy winter at the town aforesaid amidst the rumours that fluttered incessantly, he found the broad-circled walls of the ancient city Augustodunum indeed spacious in circuit but weakened by the rot of old age, seized by a sudden onslaught of barbarians, the veterans defending them by vigilant sallies as the sluggish hands of the soldiers present hung back, as is often the wont to drive off abrupt crises of safety by last desperation.

2 Nihil itaque remittentibus curis, ancillari adulatione posthabita, qua eum proximi ad amoenitatem flectebant et luxum, satis omnibus conparatis octavum kalendas Iulias Augustudunum pervenit velut dux diuturnus viribus eminens et consiliis per diversa palantes barbaros ubi dedisset fors copiam adgressurus.

2 Therefore, his cares not at all remitting, his servile flattery put aside—by which those nearest had been turning him toward amenity and luxury—and with all things sufficiently provided, on the 8th day before the Kalends of July he reached Augustudunum, like a long-serving commander, eminent in strengths and counsels, and poised to fall upon the barbarians wavering in diverse directions where chance had afforded an opportunity.

3 Habita itaque deliberatione adsistentibus locorum peritis, quodnam iter eligeretur ut tutum, multa ultro citroque dicebantur aliis per Arbor . . . quibusdam per Sedelaucum et Coram iri debere firmantibus.

3 And so, a deliberation having been held with experts of the places standing by, about which route should be chosen as safe, many things were said on either side, some urging passage by Arbor . . . and others affirming that it ought to be taken by Sedelaucum and Coram.

4 Sed cum subsererent quidam Silvanum paulo ante magistrum peditum per conpendiosas vias, verum suspectas quia tenebris multis umbrantur, cum octo auxiliarium milibus aegre transisse, fidentius Caesar audaciam viri fortis imitari magnopere nitebatur.

4 But when some were setting Silvanus a little ahead as master of the foot by narrow, precarious ways—indeed ways made suspect because they are shaded by many darknesses—and when eight thousand auxiliary troops had with difficulty crossed, Caesar strove all the more confidently and greatly to imitate the audacity of the brave man.

5 Et nequa interveniat mora, adhibitis cataphractariis solis et ballistariis parum ad tuendum rectorem idoneis percurso eodem itinere Autosiodorum pervenit.

5 And lest any delay intervene, with only the cataphractarii employed and the ballistarii little fit to defend the rector, having traversed the same route he arrived at Autosiodorum.

6 Ubi brevi, sicut solebat, otio cum milite recreatus ad Tricasinos tendebat et barbaros in se catervatim ruentes partim, cum timeret ut ampliores, confertis lateribus observabat, alios occupatis habilibus locis decursu facili proterens, non nullos pavore traditos cepit, residuos in curam celeritatis omne quod poterant conferentes, quia sequi non valebat gravitate praepeditus armorum, innocuos abire perpessus est.

6 Where, soon, as was his custom, having been refreshed in leisure with a soldier, he was making for Tricasinum and saw barbarians rushing upon him in crowds; partly, fearing they might be larger, he watched with closed flanks; others, having occupied advantageous positions, he drove down by an easy charge, he captured some overwhelmed by panic, and he permitted the rest to go off harmless, assigning to the care of speed all that they could, because, hampered by the weight of his arms, he was not able to pursue.

7 Proinde certiore iam spe ad resistendum ingruentibus confirmatus per multa discrimina venit Tricasas adeo insperatus ut eo portas paene pulsante diffusae multitudinis barbarae metu aditus urbis non sine anxia panderetur ambage.

7 Therefore, with hope now more certain and strengthened to withstand the advancing forces, he came to Tricasas through many dangers so unexpectedly that, the gate almost being struck, the approaches to the city were opened—through fear of the scattered multitude of barbarians—in no small anxious ambiguity.

8 Et paulisper moratus dum fatigato consulit militi, civitatem Remos nihil prolatandum existimans petit, ubi in unum congregatum exercitum vehentem mensis cibaria iusserat opperiri praesentiam suam: cui praesidebat Ursicini successor Marcellus et ipse Ursicinus ad usque expeditionis finem agere praeceptus isdem in locis.

8 And having lingered a little while, consulting with the fatigued soldier, deeming that nothing for the city of the Remes should be delayed, he seeks it, where he had ordered the army, gathered into one, to await his presence while transporting in wagons the mess‑provisions: over which Ursicinus’s successor Marcellus presided, and Ursicinus himself had been commanded to act in the same places even to the end of the expedition.

9 Post variatas itaque sententias plures cum placuisset per Decem pagos Alamannam adgredi plebem, densatis agminibus tendebat illuc solito alacrior miles.

9 After various counsels, therefore, when it had been agreed by several votes to attack the Alamanni through the ten districts, the soldier, more eager than usual, was making for that place with his columns drawn close.

10 Et quia dies umectus et decolor vel contiguum eripiebat aspectum, iuvante locorum gnaritate hostes tramite obliquo discurso post Caesaris terga legiones duas arma cogentes adorti paene delessent, ni subito concitus clamor sociorum auxilia coegisset.

10 And because the day, moist and wan or overcast and close, was robbing sight, the enemies, aided by knowledge of the locality, running by an oblique track behind Caesar’s back, assaulting and forcing the two legions to take up arms, had almost destroyed them, had not the suddenly aroused shout of the allies compelled reinforcements.

11 Hinc [et] deinde nec itinera nec flumina transire posse sine insidiis putans erat providus et cunctator, quod praecipuum bonum in magnis ductoribus opem ferre solet exercitibus et salutem.

11 Henceforth [and] thereafter, thinking that neither roads nor rivers could be crossed without ambushes, he was provident and a delayer, since the chief good in great commanders is wont to bring aid to armies and to safety.

12 Audiens itaque Argentoratum, Brotomagum, Tabernas, Salisonem, Nemetas et Vangionas et Mogontiacum civitates barbaros possidentes territoria earum habitare nam ipsa oppida ut circumdata retiis busta declinant primam omnium Brotomagum occupavit eique iam adventanti Germanorum manus pugnam intentans occurrit.

12 Hearing, therefore, that Argentoratum, Brotomagus, Tabernae, Saliso, the Nemetes and Vangiones, and the city of Mogontiacum were held by barbarians and that their territories were inhabited by them — for the towns themselves, when surrounded, sink into ruins — he first of all seized Brotomagus, and, with bands of Germans already approaching it, met them, intent upon battle.

13 Cumque in bicornem figuram acie divisa conlato pede res agi coepisset exitioque hostes urgerentur ancipiti, captis non nullis, aliis in ipso proelii fervore truncatis residui discessere celeritatis praesidio tecti.

13 And when the line, divided into a two‑horned formation, with the foot brought together had begun to be engaged, and the enemies were pressed toward destruction on both flanks, not a few were captured, others, cut down in the very fervor of the battle, the remainder withdrew, sheltered by the protection of speed.

Iulianus Caesar Coloniam a Francis captum recipit, et pacem ibi cum Francorum regibus facit.

Julianus Caesar recovers the colony taken by the Franks, and there makes peace with the kings of the Franks.

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1 Nullo itaque post haec repugnante ad recuperandam ire placuit Agrippinam ante Caesaris in Gallias adventum excisam, per quos tractus nec civitas ulla visitur nec castellum nisi quod apud Confluentes, locum ita cognominatum ubi amnis Mosella confunditur Rheno, Rigomagum oppidum est et una prope ipsam Coloniam turris.

1 Therefore, no one opposing after these things, it was resolved that Agrippina should go to recover (it), having been cut off before Caesar’s arrival into the Gauls; through those stretches no city is visited nor fortress except that at Confluentes, a place so named where the river Mosella is mingled with the Rhine—Rigomagus is a town and there is a single tower near the very Colonia.

2 Igitur Agrippinam ingressus non ante motus est exinde, quam Francorum regibus furore mitescente perterritis pacem firmaret rei publicae interim profuturam et urbem reciperet munitissimam.

2 Therefore, when Agrippina had entered, he was not thereafter moved until, the fury of the kings of the Franks softening and them being terrified, he should confirm a peace that would be in the meantime beneficial to the res publica and recover the very strongly fortified city.

3 Quibus vincendi primitiis laetus per Treveros hiematurus apud Senonas oppidum tunc oportunum abscessit. Ubi bellorum inundantium molem umeris suis, quod dicitur, vehens scindebatur in multiplices curas, ut milites qui a solitis descivere praesidiis, reducerentur ad loca suspecta et conspiratas gentes in noxam Romani nominis disiectaret ac provideret, ne alimenta deessent exercitui per varia discursuro.

3 Glad at these first successes of conquest, he withdrew to winter among the Treveri at the town of the Senones then opportune. There, bearing on his shoulders, as is said, the mass of overwhelming wars, he was rent into manifold cares, so that soldiers who had strayed from their customary garrisons might be brought back to suspicious places, and the peoples conspiring against the Roman name be scattered to their hurt, and he might provide that provisions not be lacking for the army by various sorties.

lulianus Caesar apud Senonas oppidum ab Alemannis obsidetur.

Julianus Caesar is besieged by the Alemanni at the town of the Senones.

[4]

1 Haec sollicite perpensantem hostilis adgreditur multitudo oppidi capiundi spe in maius accensa, ideo confidentes quod ei nec Scutarios adesse prodentibus perfugis didicerant, nec Gentiles, per municipia distributos ut commodius vescerentur quam antea.

1 While he was anxiously weighing these things, a hostile multitude attacked him, their hope of seizing the town grown the greater; for they were confident, having learned that neither the Scutarii were present to betray them with fugitives, nor the Gentiles, distributed through the municipia so as to feed themselves more conveniently than before.

2 Clausa ergo urbe murorumque intuta parte firmata ipse cum armatis die noctuque inter propugnacula visebatur et pinnas, ira exundante substridens cum erumpere saepe conatus paucitate praesentis manus impediretur. Post tricesimum denique diem abiere barbari tristes inaniter stulteque cogitasse civitatis obsidium mussitantes.

2 The city therefore having been shut and the ramparts secured with a fortified portion, he himself with armed men by day and night was seen among the battlements and pinnacles, bursting with overflowing anger and often striving to break forth, but was hindered by the scarcity of the force at hand. After thirty days at last the barbarians departed, sad, muttering that they had vainly and foolishly contrived the siege of the city.

3 At, quod indignitati rerum est adsignandum, periclitanti Caesari distulit suppetias ferre Marcellus magister equitum agens in stationibus proximis, cum etiam si civitas absque principe vexaretur opposita multitudine malis obsidionalibus expediri deberet.

3 But, which must be assigned to the indignity of the things, Marcellus, master of horse, acting in the nearest stations, delayed bringing reinforcements to the Caesar in peril, since even if the city were being harassed without its prince by an opposing multitude with besieging evils, it ought to have been relieved.

4 Hoc metu solutus efficacissimus Caesar providebat constanti sollicitudine, ut militum diuturno labori quies succederet aliqua licet brevis ad recreandas tamen sufficiens vires, quamquam ultima squalentes inopia terrae saepe vastitatae exigua quaedam victui congrua suggerebant.

4 Freed from this fear, the most efficacious Caesar provided with constant solicitude that some rest, albeit brief, succeed the long toil of the soldiers — nevertheless sufficient to recreate their strength — although the outlying lands, squalid with final want, often, having been devastated, offered up a few meager supplies suitable for sustenance.

5 Verum hoc quoque diligentia curato pervigili, adfusa laetiore spe prosperorum, sublato animo ad exsequenda plurima consurgebat.

5 But this also, by careful, watchful diligence, and suffused with a more cheerful hope of prosperous outcomes, with spirit uplifted to carry out very many undertakings, rose up.

Iuliani Caesaris virtutes.

The virtues of Julian Caesar.

[5]

1 Primum igitur factuque difficile temperantiam ipse sibi indixit atque retinuit tamquam adstrictus sumptuariis legibus viveret, quas ex rhetris [Lycurgi id] et axonibus Romam translatas diuque observatas sed senescentes paulatim reparavit Sylla dictator reputans ex praedictis Democriti, quod ambitiosam mensam fortuna, parcam virtus adponit.

1 Therefore first — difficult to accomplish — he imposed and kept temperance upon himself, as if bound to live under sumptuary laws, which Sylla the dictator thought he had restored, having transferred them from the rhetras [that of Lycurgus] and axones to Rome and long observed but gradually decaying; Sylla reasoning from the things aforesaid of Democritus that fortune sets an ambitious table, while sparing virtue places a frugal one.

2 Id enim etiam Tusculanus Cato prudenter definiens, cui Censorii cognomentum castior vitae indidit cultus "magna" inquit "cura cibi, magna virtutis incuria".

2 For this even the Tusculan Cato, prudently defining, to whom the cultivation of a purer life bestowed the cognomen Censorinus, said, "great care of food, great neglect of virtue."

3 Denique cum legeret libellum adsidue, quem Constantius ut privignum ad studia mittens manu sua conscripserat, praelicenter disponens, quid in convivio Caesaris inpendi deberet: phasianum et vulvam et sumen exigi vetuit et inferri, munificis militis vili et fortuito cibo contentus.

3 Finally, while he read continually the little book which Constantius, sending him as a stepson to study, had written with his own hand, arranging scrupulously what ought to be spent at the Caesar’s banquet: he forbade that a pheasant and a vulva and a sumen be demanded and brought in, being content with the cheap and fortuitous food of a munificent soldier.

4 Hinc contingebat ut noctes ad officia divideret tripertita, quietis et publicae rei et musarum, quod factitasse Alexandrum legimus Magnum; sed multo hic fortius. Ille namque aenea concha supposita brachio extra cubile protento pilam tenebat argenteam, ut cum nervorum vigorem sopor laxasset infusus, gestaminis lapsi tinnitus abrumperet somnum.

4 From this it happened that he divided the nights into threefold duties — of rest, of public business, and of the Muses — which we read Alexander the Great did; but he carried it out far more vigorously. For that man held a silver ball with a bronze shell placed upon his arm stretched out beyond the bed, so that when sleep, having loosened the vigour of the sinews, stole in, the fall and tinkle of the trinket would shatter his slumber.

5 Iulianus vero absque instrumento quotiens volvit evigilavit et nocte dimidiata semper exsurgens non e plumis vel stragulis sericis ambiguo fulgore nitentibus, sed ex tapete et sisyra, quam vulgaris simplicitas susurnam appellat, occulte Mercurio supplicabat, quem mundi velociorem sensum esse, motum mentium suscitantem theologicae prodidere doctrinae: atque in tanto rerum defectu explorate rei publicae munera curabat.

5 Julianus, however, without an instrument, whenever he turned and awakened — and with the night half gone always rising — not from feathers or silk spreads shining with ambiguous splendour, but from a tapet and sisyra, which common simplicity calls susurnam, secretly supplicated Mercury, whom theological doctrine has declared to be the swifter sense of the world, arousing motions of the minds; and in so great a dearth of affairs, having examined the republic, he tended its duties.

6 Post quae ut ardua et seria terminata ad procudendum ingenium vertebatur, et incredibile, quo quantoque ardore principalium rerum notitiam celsam indagans et quasi pabula quaedam animo ad sublimiora scandenti conquirens per omnia philosophiae membra prudenter disputando currebat.

6 After these things, when the arduous and serious affairs were brought to an end, he turned to fashion out his genius; and it was incredible with what ardour he, probing a lofty knowledge of the principal matters and, as if gathering certain fodder for his soul that was climbing toward the higher things, sought through all the limbs of philosophy, prudently running them over by disputation.

7 Sed tamen cum haec effecte pleneque colligeret, nec humiliora despexit, poeticam mediocriter et rhetoricam amavit ut ostendit orationum epistularumque eius cum gravitate comitas incorrupta et nostrarum externarumque rerum historiam multiformem. Super his aderat latine quoque disserendi sufficiens sermo.

7 But nevertheless, when he had fully and completely collected these things, nor did he disdain the humbler matters, he loved poetry moderately and rhetoric, as his orations and letters show, with gravity, uncorrupted courtesy, and a multiform account of our and foreign affairs. Over and above these, there was also a sufficient command of Latin for discourse.

8 Si itaque verum est, quod scriptores varii memorant, Cyrum regem et Simonidem lyricum et Hippiam Eleum sophistarum acerrimum ideo valuisse memoria, quod epotis quibusdam remediis id impetrarunt, credendum est hunc etiam tum adultum totum memoriae dolium, si usquam reperiri potuit, exhausisse. Et haec quidem pudicitiae virtutumque sunt signa nocturna.

8 If therefore it is true, as various writers record, that King Cyrus and Simonides the lyric poet and Hippias of Elis, the keenest of the sophists, were strong in memory for that reason — because, having drunk certain remedies, they obtained it — one must believe that he too, already an adult even then, emptied the whole cask of memory, if it could be found anywhere. And these indeed are nocturnal signs of chastity and of virtues.

9 Diebus vero quae ornate dixerit et facete, quaeve in apparatu vel in ipsis egerit congressibus proeliorum, aut in re civili magnanimitate correxerit et liberalitate, suo quaeque loco demonstrabuntur.

9 As for the days, the things which he said ornately and facetiously, and whatever he did in display or in the very assemblies of battles, or in civil affairs corrected with magnanimity and liberality, each will be shown in its proper place.

10 Cum exercere proludia disciplinae castrensis philosophus cogeretur ut princeps, artemque modulatius incedendi per pyrricham concinentibus disceret fistulis, vetus illud proverbium " clitellae bovi sunt inpositae: plane non est nostrum onus" Platonem crebro nominans exclamabat.

10 When the philosopher was forced to rehearse the exercises of camp discipline as a commander, and to learn the art of marching with more measured step by accompanying the pyrrhic on pipes, he would frequently exclaim—often naming Plato—the old proverb, "the packsaddles are placed on the ox: plainly it is not our burden."

11 Inductis quadam sollemnitate agentibus in rebus in consistorium ut aurum acciperent, inter alios quidam ex eorum consortio, non ut moris est pansa chlamyde sed utraque manu cavata suscepit. Et imperator "rapere" inquit "non accipere sciunt agentes in rebus".

11 With a certain solemnity the actors in affairs being led into the consistory to receive gold, among others a certain man of their company, not as is the custom with a spread cloak but receiving it with both hands hollowed, took it up. And the emperor said, "Those who act in affairs know how to seize, not how to receive."

12 Aditus a parentibus virginis raptae, eum qui violarat convictum relegari decrevit. Hisque indigna pati querentibus, quod non sit morte multatus, responderat hactenus "incusent iura clementiam, sed imperatorem mitissimi animi legibus praestare severis decet".

12 The parents of the raped maiden having approached, he who had violated her was decreed to be banished as a convict. And to those complaining that it was unworthy, because he had not been punished with death, he had hitherto answered, "let the laws reproach clemency, but it is fitting that the emperor, of most gentle mind, show strictness in the laws."

13 Egressurum eum ad expeditionem plures interpellabant ut laesi, quos audiendos provinciarum rectoribus commendabat: et reversus, quid egerint singuli quaerens, delictorum vindictas genuina lenitudine mitigabat.

13 As he was about to set forth on the expedition, many of the injured interrupted him, whom he commended to the governors of the provinces to be heard: and when he returned, asking what each had done, he mitigated the vindications of their offences with genuine lenity.

14 Ad ultimum exceptis victoriis, per quas vastantes saepe incolumi contumacia barbaros fudit, quod profuerit anhelantibus extrema penuria Gallis, hinc maxime claret, quod primitus partes eas ingressus pro capitibus singulis tributi nomine vicenos quinos aureos repperit flagitari, discedens vero septenos tantum munera universa conplentes: ob quae tamquam solem sibi serenum post squalentes tenebras adfulsisse cum alacritate et tripudiis laetabantur.

14 At last, besides the victories by which, with unbroken contumacy, he often routed the ravaging barbarians, that this proved beneficial to the Gauls, panting from extreme penury, is clear especially from this: for when first entering those parts he found that they demanded, in the name of tribute, twenty-five gold aurei for each head, he, departing, paid only seven, the whole of the dues; for which they rejoiced with alacrity and tripudations, as though a serene sun had shone upon them after squalid darkness.

15 Denique id eum ad usque imperii finem et vitae scimus utiliter observasse, ne per indulgentias quas appellant tributariae rei concederet reliqua. Norat enim hoc facto se aliquid locupletibus additurum, cum constet ubique pauperes inter ipsa indictorum exordia solvere universa sine laxamento conpelli.

15 Finally he, we know, usefully observed this to the very end of his imperium and life, that he would not by the indulgences which they call matters of tribute concede the rest. For he knew by experience that something would be added onto the locupletes, since it is established everywhere that the pauperes are compelled, at the very outset of imposts, to pay universa without laxamento.

16 Inter has tamen regendi moderandique vias bonis principibus aemulandas barbarica rabies exarserat in maius.

16 Among these, however, in the ways of ruling and of moderation to be emulated by good princes, barbarian rage had flared up to a greater degree.

17 Utque bestiae custodum neglegentia raptu vivere solitae ne his quidem remotis adpositisque fortioribus abscesserunt, sed tumescentes inedia sine respectu salutis armenta vel greges incursant, ita etiam illi cunctis quae diripuere consumptis fame urgente agebant aliquotiens praedas; interdum antequam contingerent aliquid, oppetebant.

17 And just as, by the negligence of the custodians, the beasts accustomed to live by rapine did not withdraw even with these removed and stronger men placed nearby, but, swelling with starvation and without regard for safety, attacked herds or flocks, so too those men, with all the things they had plundered consumed and driven on by pressing famine, at times carried off booty; at times, before they could obtain anything, they perished.

Arbetio vir consularis accusatur, et absolvitur.

Arbetio, a man of consular rank, is accused, and is acquitted.

[6]

1 Haec per eum annum spe dubia, eventu tamen secundo per Gallias agebantur. In comitatu vero Augusti circumlatrabat Arbetionem invidia velut summa mox adepturum decora cultus imperatorii praestruxisse, instabatque ei strepens inmania comes Verissimus nomine arguens coram, quod a gregario ad magnum militiae culmen evectus hoc quoque non tentus ut parvo locum adpeteret principalem.

1 These things during that year were pursued with doubtful hope, yet with a second, favorable outcome through the Gauls. In the emperor’s retinue indeed envy buzzed about Arbetio as if soon to obtain the ornaments of imperial dress, and the immense comrade, named Verissimus, pressed upon him, clamoring and accusing him openly that, having been lifted from the rank‑and‑file to the great summit of the soldiery, he likewise had not been tried to seek a leading place for a petty matter.

2 Sed specialiter eum insectabatur Dorus quidam ex medico Scutariorum, quem nitentium rerum centurionem sub Magnentio Romae provectum rettulimus accusasse Adelphium urbi praefectum ut altiora coeptantem.

2 But particularly he was persecuted by a certain Dorus, of the medical staff of the Scutarii, whom we reported to have been promoted to Rome under Magnentius as centurion of the shining corps, [and] to have accused Adelphius, the urban prefect, as one aspiring to loftier things.

3 Cumque res in inquisitionem veniret necessariisque negotio tentis obiectorum probatio speraretur tamquam per saturam subito cubiculariis suffragantibus, ut loquebatur pertinax rumor, et vinculis sunt exutae personae quae stringebantur ut consciae et Dorus evanuit et Verissimus ilico tacuit velut aulaeo deposito scenae.

3 And when the matter came into inquiry and, the necessary business of testing the objections having been tried, proof was hoped for as though by a satire suddenly backed by the chamberlains, as the persistent rumor said, and the persons who had been held as conscious accomplices were stripped of their bonds, Dorus vanished and Verissimus immediately fell silent, as if the scene’s curtain had been let down.

Iulianus Caesar a praeposito cubiculi sui Eutherio apud imperatorem defenditur adversus Marcellum; et laus Eutherii.

Julianus Caesar is defended before the emperor by his praepositus cubiculi, Eutherius, against Marcellus; and the praise of Eutherius.

[7]

1 Isdem diebus adlapso rumore Constantius doctus obsesso apud Senonas Caesari auxilium non tulisse Marcellum, eum sacramento solutum abire iussit in larem. Qui tamquam iniuria gravi perculsus quaedam in Iulianum moliebatur auribus Augusti confisus in omne patentibus crimen.

1 In those same days, upon a rumor having slipped that Constantius, experienced, besieged at Senonas, had not brought help to the Caesar Marcellus, he ordered him, released from his oath, to depart to the lar. He, as if struck by a grievous injustice, was plotting certain things against Julian, trusting the ears of the Augustus, open to every charge.

2 Ideoque cum discederet, Eutherius praepositus cubiculi mittitur statim post eum siquid finxerit convicturus. Verum ille hoc nesciens mox venit Mediolanum strepens et tumultuans, ut erat vanidicus et amenti propior, admissus in consistorium Iulianum ut procacem insimulat, iamque ad evagandum altius validiores sibi pinnas aptare: ita enim cum motu quodam corporis loquebatur ingenti.

2 And therefore when he was leaving, Eutherius, praepositus cubiculi, was sent immediately after him to convict him if he had contrived anything. But the latter, ignorant of this, soon came to Mediolanum clamoring and tumultuous, as he was vain-glorious and nearer to madness, admitted into Julian’s consistorium to feign impudence, and already fitting to himself stronger wings to range more widely: for thus, with a certain mighty movement of his body, he spoke.

3 Haec eo fingente licentius Eutherius ut postulavit inductus iussusque loqui quod vellet, verecunde et modice docet velari veritatem mendaciis. Magistro enim armorum, ut credebatur, cessante consulto industria vigili Caesarem obsessum apud Senonas diu barbaros reppulisse apparitoremque fidum auctori suo quoad vixerit fore obligata cervice sua spondebat.

3 With these things fabricated by him more freely, Eutherius, as he demanded, being brought in and ordered to speak what he would, modestly and temperately teaches that truth should be veiled with lies. For he averred that the magister of arms, as was believed, with counsel failing, by industrious vigilance had long repelled the besieging Caesar at Senonas, and that a faithful apparitor would be bound to his author by his own neck so long as he lived, he pledged.

4 Res monuit super hoc eodem Eutherio pauca subserere forsitan non credenda ea re, quod, si Numa Pompilius vel Socrates bona quaedam dicerent de spadone dictisque religionum adderent fidem, a veritate descivisse arguebantur. Sed inter vepres rosae nascuntur et inter feras non nullae mitescunt. Itaque carptim eius praecipua, quae sunt conperta, monstrabo.

4 He warned concerning this same Eutherius to add a few things perhaps not to be believed in the matter, because if Numa Pompilius or Socrates were to say certain good things about a spado and were to lend credence to their words of religion, they would be accused of having departed from the truth. But roses are born among brambles, and some beasts are tamed among wild creatures. Therefore I will set forth, piece by piece, his main points, which are established.

5 natus in Armenia sanguine libero captusque a finitimis hostibus etiam tum parvulus abstractis geminis Romanis mercatoribus venundatus ad palatium Constantini deducitur: ubi paulatim adulescens rationem recte vivendi sollertiamque ostendebat, litteris quantum tali fortunae satis esse poterat eruditus, cogitandi inveniendique dubia et scrupulosa acumine nimio praestans, inmensum quantum memoria vigens, benefaciendi avidus plenusque iusti consilii, quem si Constans imperator olim ex adulto . . . iamque maturum audiret honesta suadentem et recta, nulla vel venia certe digna peccasset.

5 born in Armenia of free blood, and taken by neighboring enemies even then a very small child, snatched away and sold to twin Roman merchants, he was led to the palace of Constantine: where, gradually as an adolescent, he showed the reason of living rightly and skillfulness, instructed in letters as much as such fortune could allow, excelling with an overly keen acumen for finding and weighing doubts and scruples, immense in the vigour of his memory, eager to do good and full of just counsel — whom, if Emperor Constans had once heard in adulthood . . . and now mature, urging honorable and right things, he would certainly not have sinned, or at least would not have sinned by any fault deserving pardon.

6 Is praepositus cubiculi etiam Iulianum aliquotiens corrigebat Asiaticis coalitum moribus ideoque levem. Denique digressus ad otium adscitusque postea in palatium semper sobrius et in primis consistens ita fidem continentiamque virtutes coluit amplas, ut nec prodidisse aliquando arcanum, nisi tuendae causa alienae salutis, nec exarsisse cupidine plus habendi arcesseretur ut ceteri.

6 This master of the chamber also corrected Julian several times, who, allied with Asiatic manners, was therefore light-minded. Finally, having withdrawn to leisure and afterwards admitted into the palace, always sober and above all steadfast, he thus cultivated faith, continence, and ample virtues, so that he never betrayed a secret except for the sake of preserving another’s safety, nor was he ever kindled by the desire of possessing more so as to be summoned like the others.

7 Unde factum est, ut subinde Romam secedens ibique fixo domicilio consenescens, comitem circumferens conscientiam bonam colatur a cunctis ordinibus et ametur, cum soleant id genus homines post partas ex iniquitate divitias latebras captare secretas, ut lucifugae vitantes multitudinis laesae conspectus.

7 Whence it came to pass that, withdrawing often to Rome and there, with a fixed domicile, growing old, he, bearing as a companion a good conscience, was esteemed by all orders and beloved, since that sort of men are wont, after riches acquired by injustice, to seize secret hiding-places, like light‑fleeing ones avoiding the sight of an offended multitude.

8 Cui spadonum veterum hunc conparare debeam antiquitates replicando conplures invenire non potui. Fuerunt enim apud veteres licet oppido pauci fideles et frugi sed ob quaedam vitia maculosi. Inter praecipua enim, quae eorum quisque studio possederat vel ingenio, aut rapax aut feritate contentior fuit aut propensior ad laedendum, vel clientibus nimium blandus, aut potentiae fastu superbior: ex omni latere autem ita perfectum neque legisse me neque audisse confiteor, aetatis nostrae testimonio locupleti confisus.

8 To whom I ought to compare this eunuch of the ancients I could not find by recounting many examples. For among the ancients there were, although in the town few, men faithful and frugal, yet stained by certain vices. For among the chief qualities which each had gained by study or by natural genius, he was either rapacious or more given to ferocity, or prone to injure, or excessively bland to clients, or more arrogant with the pride of power: but so complete on every side I confess neither to have read nor to have heard, relying on the abundant testimony of our age.

9 Verum si forte scrupulosus quidam lector antiquitatum Menophilum Mithridatis Pontici regis eunuchum nobis opponat, hoc monitu recordetur nihil super eo relatum praeter id solum, quod in supremo discrimine gloriose monstravit.

9 But if perhaps some scrupulous reader of antiquities should set against us Menophilus, the eunuch of Mithridates, king of Pontus, let him be reminded by this admonition that nothing is related concerning him except that one thing, which he gloriously displayed in the supreme crisis.

10 Ingenti proelio superatus a Romanis et Pompeio rex praedictus fugiensque ad regna Colchorum adultam filiam nomine Drypetinam vexatam asperitate morborum in castello Sinhorio huic Menophilo commissam reliquit. Qui virginem omni remediorum solacio plene curatam patri tutissime servans cum a Manlio Prisco imperatoris legato munimentum, quo claudebatur, obsideri coepisset defensoresque eius deditionem meditari sentiret, veritus, ne parentis opprobrio puella nobilis captiva superesset et violata, interfecta illa mox gladium in viscera sua conpegit. Nunc redeam unde diverti.

10 Overcome in a great battle by the Romans and by Pompey, the aforesaid king, fleeing to the realms of the Colchians, left his grown daughter Drypetina, afflicted by the harshness of maladies, entrusted to this Menophilus in the castle Sinhoris. He, keeping the maiden fully tended with every solace of remedies and most safely guarding her for her father, when he perceived that the fortification by Manlius Priscus, the emperor’s legate, by which it was enclosed, had begun to be besieged, and that her defenders were contemplating surrender, fearing that, to her parent’s reproach, the noble girl would remain a captive and be violated, having slain her, soon plunged the sword into his own entrails. Now I return to where I was diverted.

Delationes et calumniae in castris Constantii Augusti, et aulicorun rapacitas.

Delations and calumnies in the camps of Constantii Augustus, and the rapacity of the courtiers.

[8]

1 Superato ut dixi Marcello reversoque Serdicam, unde oriebatur, in castris Augusti per simulationem tuendae maiestatis imperatoriae multa et nefanda perpetrabantur.

1 After Marcello was overthrown, as I said, and had returned to Serdica, whence he sprang, many foul and nefarious acts were perpetrated in Augustus’s camp by a simulation—by a pretense—of defending the imperial majesty.

2 nam siquis super occentu soricis vel occursu mustelae vel similis signi gratia consuluisset quemquam peritum, aut anile incantamentum ad leniendum adhibuisset dolorem quod medicinae quoque admittit auctoritas reus, unde non poterat opinari, delatus raptusque in iudicium poenaliter interibat.

2 for if anyone, on account of the squeak of a mouse or the occurrence of a weasel, or for the sake of a similar sign, had consulted any expert, or had applied an old woman’s incantation to ease pain—which the authority of medicine also admits—he was accused, and therefore could not defend himself; denounced and dragged into court, he perished under penal sentence.

3 Per id tempus fere servum quendam nomine Danum terrore tenus uxor rerum levium incusarat certum an incertum; unde insontem Rufinus subsidebat quo indicante quaedam cognita per Gaudentium agentem in rebus, consularem Pannoniae tunc Africanum, cum convivis rettulimus interfectum apparitionis praefecturae praetorianae tum etiam princeps ob devotionem.

3 About that time a certain slave named Danus, held in terror, had been accused by his wife—whether certainly or uncertainly—of trifling matters; whereupon Rufinus defended the innocent man, and by his pointing-out certain things were discovered through Gaudentius, an agent in affairs: that Africanus, then consular of Pannonia, we reported slain with his companions by the appearance of the praetorian prefect, then also princeps, on account of devotion.

4 Is, ut loquebatur iactantius, versabilem feminam post nefandum concubitum in periculosam fraudem inlexit: suasit consarcinatis mendaciis laesae maiestatis arcessere maritum insontem et fingere quod velamen purpureum a Diocletiani sepulcro furatus quibusdam consciis occultabat.

4 He, as he vaunted, enticed a fickle woman after an nefarious intercourse into a dangerous fraud: he persuaded, by patched-up lies of laesa maiestas, that they summon her innocent husband and feign that she, with certain conscious accomplices, was concealing a purple veil stolen from Diocletian’s tomb.

5 Hisque ad multorum exitium ita formatis ipse spe potiorum ad imperatoris pervolat castra excitaturus calumnias consuetas. Reque conperta iubetur Mavortius tunc praefectus praetorio, vir sublimis constantiae crimen acri inquisitione spectare iuncto ad audiendi societatem Ursulo largitionum comite, severitatis itidem non inprobandae.

5 And with these matters thus arranged for the ruin of many, he himself, relying on the hope of the more powerful, flew to the emperor’s camp to excite his customary calumnies. And when this was discovered, Mavortius, then praetorian prefect, a man eminent for constancy, was ordered to examine the crime with a keen inquiry, joined for the hearings to Ursulus, a companion in largesses, likewise a severity not to be condemned.

6 Exaggerato itaque negotio ad arbitrium temporum cum nihil post tormenta multorum inveniretur iudicesque haererent ambigui, tandem veritas respiravit oppressa et in abrupto necessitatis mulier Rufinum totius machinae confitetur auctorem, nec adulterii foeditate suppressa: statimque legibus contemplatis, prout poscebat ordo et iustitia ambos sententia damnavere letali.

6 With the affair thus exaggerated and laid before the arbiters of the times, when nothing was found after the torments of many and the judges remained stuck in doubt, at last truth, oppressed, drew breath, and in the abrupt crisis of necessity the woman confessed Rufinus as the author of the whole machination, nor was the foulness of adultery suppressed; and immediately, the laws having been consulted, as order and justice demanded, both were condemned by a lethal sentence.

7 Quo cognito Constantius fremens et tamquam vindicem salutis suae lugens extinctum missis equitibus citis Ursulum redire ad comitatum minaciter iussit ac sistere veritati, sed ille spretis, qui prohibebant, perrupit intrepidus ingressusque consistorium ore et pectore libero docuit gesta: hacque fiducia linguis adulatorum occlusis et praefectum et se discrimine gravi subtraxit.

7 When this was learned, Constantius, foaming with rage and as one mourning the extinguishing of his safety, sent swift horsemen and threateningly ordered Ursulus to return to the comitatus and to be set before the truth; but he, scorning those who forbade him, burst in undaunted, and having entered the consistorium with mouth and heart free, related the deeds: and by this confidence, with the tongues of flatterers stopped, he delivered both the prefect and himself from grave peril.

8 Tunc illud apud Aquitanos evenit, quod latior fama vulgarat. Veterator quidam ad lautum convivium rogatus et mundum, qualia sunt in his regionibus plurima, cum vidisset linteorum toralium par, duos clavos ita latissimos ut sibi vicissim arte ministrantium cohaererent, mensamque operimentis paribus tectam, anteriorem chlamydis partem utraque manu vehens intrinsecus structuram omnem ut amictus adornaverat principales: quae res patrimonium dives evertit.

8 Then that thing happened among the Aquitanians which a wider fame spread. A certain braggart, invited to a lavish and elegant banquet, such as are very numerous in these regions, when he saw a pair of linen toralia, and two nails so broad that they clung to him one after another by the art of the serving attendants, and the table covered with matching coverings, and carrying the forepart of his chlamys in each hand, had inwardly dressed the whole arrangement of the principal men as if with a vestment: a matter which overthrew the rich man’s patrimony.

9 Malignitate simili quidam agens in rebus in Hispania ad cenam itidem invitatus cum inferentes vespertina lumina pueros exclamasse audisset ex usu "vincamus", verbum sollemne interpretatum atrociter, delevit nobilem domum.

9 By similar malignity a certain man engaged in affairs in Spain, likewise invited to a supper, when he heard the boys bringing in the evening lights cry out from habit "vincamus," a solemn word interpreted atrociously, destroyed a noble house.

10 Haec taliaque ideo magis magisque crescebant, quod Constantius inpendio timidus semper se feriri sperabat, ut Dionysius tyrannus ille Siciliae, qui ob hoc idem vitium et tonstrices docuit filias, necui alieno ora committeret leviganda, aedemque brevem, ubi cubitare sueverat, alta circumdedit fossa eamque ponte solubili superstravit, cuius disiectos asseres et axiculos secum in somnum abiens transferebat eosdemque conpaginabat lucis initio processurus.

10 These and suchlike therefore grew more and more, because Constantius, timid about expense, always hoped to be spared being harmed, like that tyrant Dionysius of Sicily, who for this same defect even taught barbers his daughters, lest he entrust them to another’s face to be smoothed; and he enclosed with a deep ditch the short chamber where he had been wont to lie, and roofed it over with a removable bridge, the scattered planks and little beams of which he would carry off with him when going to sleep and would put them together again at first light before setting out.

11 Inflabant itidem has malorum civilium bucinas potentes in regia ea re, ut damnatorum petita bona suis adcorporarent essetque materia per vicinitates eorum late grassandi.

11 They likewise sounded these powerful trumpets of civil evils in that affair in the palace, so that the goods claimed from the condemned might be annexed to their own possessions, and there was material for ranging widely throughout their neighbourhoods.

12 namque ut documenta liquida prodiderunt, proximorum fauces aperuit primus omnium Constantinus, sed eos medullis provinciarum saginavit Constantius.

12 for when clear proofs were produced, Constantine first of all opened the throats of the nearest, but Constantius fattened them on the marrows of the provinces.

13 Sub hoc enim ordinum singulorum auctores infinita cupidine divitiarum arserunt sine iustitiae distinctione vel recti, inter ordinarios iudices Rufinus primus praefectus praetorio, et inter militares equitum magister Arbetio, praepositusque cubiculi . . . anus quaestor, et in urbe Anicii, quorum ad avorum aemulationem posteritas tendens satiari numquam potuit cum possessione multo maiore.

13 For under this, the authors of each of the orders burned with an infinite cupidity for riches, without distinction of justice or of right: among the ordinary judges Rufinus first, praefect of the praetorio, and among the military the master of the cavalry Arbetio, and praepositus of the bedchamber . . .anus, quaestor, and in the city the Anicii, whose posterity, striving to rival their forebears, could never be sated even with a far greater possession.

Agitur de pace cum Persis.

The matter of peace with the Persians is being discussed.

[9]

1 At Persae in oriente per furta et latrocinia potius quam, ut solebant antea, per concursatorias pugnas hominum praedas agitabant et pecorum, quis non numquam lucrabantur ut repentini, aliquotiens superati multitudine militum amittebant, interdum nihil prospicere prorsus quod poterat rapi permittebantur.

1 At Persae in the east, by thefts and robberies rather than, as formerly, by convergent fights, they drove off the plunder of men and of cattle; who not infrequently profited by sudden seizures, sometimes, being overcome by the multitude of soldiers, they lost them, and at other times completely failed to foresee what might be taken and were permitted to have it seized.

2 Musonianus tamen praefectus praetorio multis, ut ante diximus, bonis artibus eruditus, sed venalis et flecti a veritate pecunia facilis per emissarios quosdam fallendi perstringendique gnaros Persarum scitabatur consilia adsumpto in deliberationes huius modi Cassiano Mesopotamiae duce, stipendiis et discriminibus indurato diversis.

2 Musonianus, however, the praetorian prefect, instructed in many good arts, as we said before, but venal and easily bent from the truth by money, was known, by certain emissaries skilled in deceiving and harrying, to have learned the Persians’ designs, having taken into his deliberations of this sort Cassianus, commander of Mesopotamia, hardened by various stipends and hazards.

3 Qui cum fide concinente speculatorum aperte cognossent Saporem

3 Who, with the scouts' faithful concurrence, plainly learned of Sapor

3 In extremis regni limitibus suorum sanguine fuso multiplici aegre propulsare gentes infestas, Tamsaporem ducem parti nostrae contiguum occultis per ignotos milites temptavere conloquiis, ut si copiam fors dedisset, suaderet regi per litteras pacem tandem aliquando cum principe Romano firmare, ut hoc facto latere ab omni securus perduelles advolaret adsiduos.

3 At the extreme boundaries of the kingdom, having with great hardship driven back hostile peoples after the manifold shedding of his own blood, they tried secret parley with Tamsapore, a general contiguous to our sector, by unknown soldiers in disguise, so that, if chance should give the opportunity, he might persuade the king by letters to at last confirm peace with the Roman prince; and when this was done, secure from every quarter and lying hidden, he would swoop upon the ever‑present enemies.

4 Paruit Tamsapor hisque fretus refert ad regem, quod bellis acerrimis Constantius inplicatus pacem postulat precativam. Dumque ad Chionitas et Eusenos haec scripta mittuntur, in quorum confiniis agebat hiemem Sapor, tempus interstitit longum.

4 Tamsapor obeyed and, relying on these things, reported to the king that Constantius, entangled in very fierce wars, was asking for peace in supplication. And while these letters were sent to the Chionites and the Euseni, in whose frontiers Sapor was spending the winter, a long time intervened.

Constantii Aug. militaris ac velut triumphalis in urbem Romam adventus.

The military and, as it were, triumphal arrival into the city of Rome of Constantine Augustus.

[10]

1 Haec dum per Eoas partes et Gallias pro captu temporum disponuntur, Constantius quasi recluso Iani templo stratisque hostibus cunctis Romam visere gestiebat post Magnenti exitium absque nomine ex sanguine Romano triumphaturus.

1 While these matters were being arranged through the Eastern parts and Gaul according to the compass of the times, Constantius, as if with the temple of Janus opened and all enemies laid low, was eager to visit Rome, after Magnentius’s downfall, about to triumph, nameless, on Roman blood.

2 nec enim gentem ullam bella cientem per se superavit, aut victam fortitudine suorum conperit ducum, vel addidit quaedam imperio, aut usquam in necessitatibus summis primus vel inter primos est visus, sed ut pompam nimis extentam rigentiaque auro vexilla et pulchritudinem stipatorum ostenderet agenti tranquillius populo haec vel simile quicquam videre nec speranti umquam nec optanti:

2 for he neither subdued any nation waging wars by himself, nor found any people conquered through the fortitude of his own leaders, nor added any provinces to the empire, nor was he anywhere in the gravest emergencies seen as first or among the first; but rather, as if to display a pomp overly extended and standards rigid with gold and the beauty of his retainers, to a people acting more tranquilly, to show these things or aught similar — to one never expecting them and not even wishing them;

3 Ignorans fortasse quosdam veterum principum in pace quidem lictoribus fuisse contentos, ubi vero proeliorum ardor nihil perpeti poterat segne, alium anhelante rabido flatu ventorum lenunculo se commisisse piscantis, alium ad Deciorum exempla vovisse pro re publica spiritum, alium hostilia castra per semet ipsum cum militibus infimis explorasse, diversos denique actibus inclaruisse magnificis, ut glorias suas posteritati celebri memoria commendarent.

3 Perhaps unaware that some of the ancient princes in peace were content with lictors, but when the ardor of battles could endure nothing sluggish, one had engaged himself in a little fisher’s skiff with a panting, rabid gust of winds, another had vowed for the res publica a spirit like the Decii, another had reconnoitred hostile camps in person with the meanest soldiers, and finally each became illustrious by diverse magnificent deeds, so that they might commit their glories to posterity in famous memory.

4 Ut igitur multa quaeque consumpta sunt in apparatu regio, pro meritis cuilibet munera reddita, secunda Orfiti praefectura, transcurso Ocriculo, elatus honoribus magnis stipatusque agminibus formidandis tamquam acie ducebatur instructa, omnium oculis in eo contuitu pertinaci intentis.

4 Thus, with many things expended on royal display, gifts returned to each according to their merits, Orfitus’s prefecture proving fortunate, and Ocriculum having been passed, he was exalted with great honors and attended by formidable ranks of troops, led on as if a battle-line were drawn up, all eyes fixed upon him with stubborn intent.

5 Cumque urbi propinquaret, senatus officia reverendasque patriciae stirpis effigies ore sereno contemplans non ut Cineas ille Pyrri legatus in unum coactam multitudinem regum sed asylum mundi totius adesse existimabat.

5 And as he drew near the city, contemplating with a calm countenance the offices of the senate and the venerable effigies of patrician stock, he thought — not, like that Cineas, envoy of Pyrrhus, that a multitude of kings had been gathered into one — but that the asylum of the whole world was present.

6 Unde cum se vertisset ad plebem, stupebat, qua celeritate omne quod ubique est hominum genus confluxerit Romam. Et tamquam Euphratem armorum specie territurus aut Rhenum altrinsecus praeeuntibus signis insidebat aureo solus ipse carpento fulgenti claritudine lapidum variorum, quo micante lux quaedam misceri videbatur alterna.

6 Whence, when he turned to the plebs, he was amazed at the speed with which every sort of men from everywhere had flocked to Rome. And as if to terrify the Euphrates by the show of arms or the Rhine on the other side with the standards advancing, he sat within a single golden carpentum, himself alone glaring with the brightness of variegated stones, by whose glitter a certain light seemed to mingle alternately.

7 Eumque post antegressos multiplices alios purpureis subtegminibus texti circumdedere dracones hastarum aureis gemmatisque summitatibus inligati, hiatu vasto perflabiles et ideo velut ira perciti sibilantes caudarumque volumina relinquentes in ventum.

7 And after him many other manifold dragons, woven in purple coverings, surrounded him, their spears bound with golden and jewelled finials; with a vast gaping through which they could be blown, and therefore, as if roused by anger, hissing and casting the coils of their tails to the wind.

8 Et incedebat hinc inde ordo geminus armatorum clipeatus atque cristatus corusco lumine radians, nitidis loricis indutus, sparsique cataphracti equites, quos clibanarios dictitant, [personati] thoracum muniti tegminibus et limbis ferreis cincti, ut Praxitelis manu polita crederes simulacra, non viros: quos lamminarum circuli tenues apti corporis flexibus ambiebant per omnia membra diducti ut, quocumque artus necessitas commovisset, vestitus congrueret iunctura cohaerenter aptata.

8 And here and there marched a twin order of armed men, shielded and crested, flashing with glittering light, clad in bright lorics, and scattered cataphract cavalry, whom they call clibanarii, [personati] furnished with breast-plate coverings and girded with iron bands, so that you would trust them to be statues polished by the hand of Praxiteles rather than men: the thin circles of plates, fitted to the body's flexures, encircled and spread over every limb, so that, whatever joint necessity moved, the vesture matched, coherently fitted at the juncture.

9 Augustus itaque faustis vocibus appellatus minime vocum lituorumque intonante fragore cohorruit, talem se tamque immobilem, qualis in provinciis suis visebatur, ostendens.

9 Augustus therefore, hailed with auspicious voices, was in no wise shaken by the thunderous roar of voices and of lituus-blasts, displaying himself so and so immobile as he was seen in his provinces.

10 nam et corpus perhumile curvabat portas ingrediens celsas, et velut collo munito rectam aciem luminum tendens nec dextra vultum nec laeva flectebat tamquam figmentum hominis: non cum rota concuteret nutans, nec spuens aut os aut nasum tergens vel fricans, manumve agitans visus est umquam.

10 for even his very lowly body bent as he entered the lofty gates, and like one whose neck is protected stretching a straight line of sight he turned neither his face to the right nor to the left, as if a figment or statue of a man: not when nodding did he shake with the wheel, nor spitting, or wiping or rubbing his mouth or nose, nor was he ever seen moving or waving a hand.

10 Quae licet adfectabat, erant tamen haec et alia quaedam in citeriore vita patientiae non mediocris indicia, ut existimari dabatur, uni illi concessae.

10 Which, although they assailed him, were nevertheless these and certain other indications in his more immediate life of no mean patience, as it was judged, granted to that one alone.

12 Quod autem per omne tempus imperii nec in consessum vehiculi quemquam suscepit, nec in trabea socium privatum adscivit, ut fecere principes consecrati, et similia multa, quae elatus in arduum supercilium tamquam leges aequissimas observavit, praetereo memor ea me rettulisse cum incidissent.

12 But that which throughout the whole time of his rule he neither admitted anyone to the seat of his vehicle nor took a private companion into the trabea, as consecrated princes did, and many similar things, which, uplifted on his lofty brow, he observed as if they were the most equitable laws, I pass over, mindful that I have related them when they occurred.

13 Proinde Romam ingressus imperii virtutumque omnium larem, cum venisset ad rostra, perspectissimum priscae potentiae forum, obstupuit perque omne latus quo se oculi contulissent miraculorum densitate praestrictus, adlocutus nobilitatem in curia populumque e tribunali, in palatium receptus favore multiplici, laetitia fruebatur optata, et saepe, cum equestres ederet ludos, dicacitate plebis oblectabatur nec superbae nec a libertate coalita desciscentis, reverenter modum ipse quoque debitum servans.

13 Thus, having entered Rome, the hearth of empire and of all virtues, when he had come to the rostra, the most manifest forum of ancient potency, he was struck dumb and on every side whithersoever his eyes were turned was hemmed in by a density of marvels; having addressed the nobility in the curia and the people from the tribunal, received into the palace with multiplied favour, he enjoyed the long‑desired delight, and often, when he gave the equestrian games, he was amused by the plebs’ wit, neither proud nor, allied with liberty, a deserter, himself reverently keeping the due measure.

14 non enim, ut per civitates alias, ad arbitrium suum certamina finiri patiebatur, sed ut mos est variis casibus permittebat. Deinde intra septem montium culmina per adclivitates planitiemque posita urbis membra conlustrans et suburbana, quicquid viderat primum, id eminere inter alia cuncta sperabat: Iovis Tarpei delubra, quantum terrenis divina praecellunt: lavacra in modum provinciarum exstructa: amphitheatri molem solidatam lapidis Tiburtini compage, ad cuius summitatem aegre visio humana conscendit: Pantheum velut regionem teretem speciosa celsitudine fornicatam: elatosque vertices scansili suggestu consulum et priorum principum imitamenta portantes, et Urbis templum forumque Pacis et Pompei theatrum et Odeum et Stadium aliaque inter haec decora urbis aeternae.

14 for he did not, as in other cities, suffer contests to be ended at his own arbitrium, but as custom is he allowed them to various chances. Then, within the summits of the seven hills, traversing the city’s members and suburbs over hillsides and the plain set below, whatever he had first seen he hoped would stand out eminent among all else: the shrines of Jupiter Tarpeian, how the divine excel the terrene; baths built in the manner of provinces; the bulk of an amphitheatre consolidated by a compage of Tiburtine stone, to whose summit human sight with difficulty climbs; the Pantheon, as a smoothed region vaulted with splendid height; and uplifted peaks bearing, on a hanging rostrum, likenesses of consuls and former princes; and the City’s temple and the Forum of Peace and Pompey’s theatre and the Odeum and the Stadium and other adornments among these of the eternal city.

15 Verum cum ad Traiani forum venisset, singularem sub omni caelo structuram, ut opinamur, etiam numinum adsensione mirabilem, haerebat adtonitus per giganteos contextus circumferens mentem nec relatu effabiles nec rursus mortalibus adpetendos. Omni itaque spe huius modi quicquam conandi depulsa Traiani equum solum locatum in atrii medio, qui ipsum principem vehit, imitari se velle dicebat et posse.

15 But when he had come to Trajan's Forum, a singular structure under every heaven, as we suppose, wonderful even by the assent of the gods, he stood amazed, bearing his mind through the gigantic weavings, not fit to be put into words nor again to be approached by mortals. Therefore, all hope of attempting anything of that kind being cast aside, he said that he wished and could only imitate Trajan's horse, placed alone in the middle of the atrium, which bears the prince himself.

16 Cui prope adstans regalis Ormizda, cuius e Perside discessum supra monstravimus, respondit astu gentili "ante" inquit "imperator stabulum tale condi iubeto, si vales: equus, quem fabricare disponis, ita late succedat, ut iste quem videmus ". Is ipse interrogatus quid de Roma sentiret, id tantum sibi placuisse aiebat, quod didicisset ibi quoque homines mori.

16 Near him standing, the royal Ormizda, whose departure from Persia we showed above, answered with native craft: "Before," he said, "emperor, order that such a stable be established, if you are able: that the horse which you design to fabricate may succeed so broadly as this one which we see." He himself, asked what he felt about Rome, said that only this had pleased him—that he had learned that men die there too.

17 Multis igitur cum stupore visis horrendo imperator in fama querebatur ut invalida vel maligna, quod augens omnia semper in maius erga haec explicanda quae Romae sunt obsolescit: deliberansque diu quid ageret, urbis addere statuit ornamentis, ut in maximo circo erigeret obeliscum, cuius originem formamque loco conpetenti monstrabo.

17 Therefore, the emperor, after many marvels had been seen, lamented in report as if from weakness or malignity — which, always magnifying everything into greater when expounding, grows obsolete about those things that are in Rome: and, having long deliberated what to do, he resolved to add to the city's ornaments, namely to erect in the greatest circus an obelisk, the origin and form of which I will show in the fitting place.

18 Inter haec Helenae sorori Constanti, Iuliani coniugi Caesaris, Romam adfectionis specie ductae regina tunc insidiabatur Eusebia, ipsa quoad vixerat sterilis, quaesitumque venenum bibere per fraudem inlexit, ut quotienscumque concepisset, immaturum abiceret partum.

18 Meanwhile Eusebia, plotting against Helena, sister of Constans and wife of Julian Caesar, then ensnared the queen in Rome by a guise of affection; she herself had been sterile so long as she lived, and by fraud contrived to have a certain poison drunk, so that whenever she conceived she might cast off the immature birth.

19 nam et pridem in Galliis, cum marem genuisset infantem, hoc perdidit dolo, quod obstetrix corrupta mercede mox natum praesecto plus quam convenerat umbilico necavit: tanta tamque diligens opera navabatur, ne fortissimi viri soboles appareret.

19 for even earlier in the Gauls, when she had borne a male infant, she destroyed it by this deceit: the midwife, corrupted by payment, soon killed the newborn, having cut through the umbilicus more than was fitting; such and so diligent labors were undertaken, lest the offspring of so brave a man should appear.

20 Cupiens itaque augustissima omnium sede morari diutius imperator, ut otio puriore frueretur et voluptate, adsiduis nuntiis terrebatur et certis, indicantibus Suebos Raetias incursare, Quadosque Valeriam, et Sarmatas latrocinandi peritissimum genus superiorem Moesiam et secundam populari Pannoniam: quibus percitus tricensimo post quam ingressus est die quartum kal. Iunias ab urbe profectus per Tridentum iter in Illyricum festinavit.

20 Desiring therefore to remain longer upon the most august seat of all, that he might enjoy a purer leisure and pleasure, the emperor was alarmed by continuous reports and by certain ones indicating that the Suebi were raiding Raetia, and the Quadi and the Valeria, and the Sarmatians, a most expert kind of plundering, (were ravaging) Upper Moesia and populous Pannonia: struck by these, on the 30th day after he had entered, on the 4th day before the Kalends of June, he set out from the city and hurried by the road through Tridentum into Illyricum.

21 Unde misso in locum Marcelli Severo bellorum usu et maturitate firmato Ursicinum ad se venire praecepit. Et ille litteris gratanter acceptis Sirmium venit comitantibus sociis libratisque diu super pace consiliis, quam fundari posse cum Persis Musonianus rettulerat, in orientem cum magisterii remittitur potestate; provectis e consortio nostro ad regendos milites natu maioribus, adulescentes eum sequi iubemur, quicquid pro re publica mandaverit impleturi.

21 Whereupon, having sent and with Marcellus Severus confirmed in place by experience and maturity in wars, he ordered Ursicinus to come to him. And he, gratefully receiving the letters, came to Sirmium with attendant allies and with counsels long weighed over the peace — which Musonianus had reported could be founded with the Persians — toward the east when the magisterial authority was relaxed; with those from our consort advanced, older in age, to govern the soldiers, the youths were ordered to follow him, to execute whatever he should entrust for the res publica.

Iulianus Caesar Alamannos in insulis Rheni, quo se et sua receperant, aggreditur, et Tres Tabernas adversus eos reparat.

Julianus Caesar attacks the Alamanni on the islands of the Rhine, to which they had withdrawn with their people and their possessions, and retakes Tres Tabernas against them.

[11]

1 At Caesar exacta apud Senonas hieme turbulenta, Augusto novies seque iterum consulibus Germanicis undique circumfrementibus minis, secundis ominibus motus Remos properavit alacrior magisque laetus, quod exercitum regebat Severus nec discors nec adrogans, sed longa militiae frugalitate conpertus et eum recta praeeuntem secuturus ut ductorem morigerus miles.

1 But with Caesar's term ended in a turbulent winter among the Senones, with Augustus, consul nine times, and again the Germanic consuls, and threats sounding all around, and stirred by favorable omens, he hastened the Remi more briskly and more gladly, because Severus commanded the army, neither contentious nor arrogant, but proved by long frugality of military service and sure to follow him advancing straight ahead, as a disciplined soldier follows his leader.

2 Parte alia Barbatio post Silvani interitum promotus ad peditum magisterium ex Italia iussu principis cum XXV milibus armatorum Rauracos venit.

2 In another quarter Barbatio, promoted after Silvanus’s death to the magisterium of the infantry, came from Italy by the prince’s order with 25,000 armed men to the Rauraci.

3 Cogitatum est enim solliciteque praestructum, ut saevientes ultra solitum Alamanni vagantesque fusius multitudine geminata nostrorum forcipis specie trusi in angustias caederentur.

3 For it was conceived and carefully prearranged that the Alamanni, raging beyond their usual measure and roaming more widely, their multitude doubled, being driven back by the semblance of our force like a pair of forceps, should be cut down into narrow defiles.

4 Dum haec tamen rite disposita celerantur, Laeti barbari ad tempestiva furta sollertes inter utriusque exercitus castra occulte transgressi invasere Lugdunum incautam, eamque populatam vi subita concremassent, ni clausis aditibus repercussi quicquid extra oppidum potuit inveniri vastassent.

4 While these things, however, were being hastened though duly arranged, the Laeti barbarians, skilled in timely thefts, secretly crossing between the camps of both armies, fell upon Lugdunum unawares, and, having sacked it, would have consumed it with sudden force and wasted whatever could be found outside the town, had they not been repulsed by the approaches being closed.

5 Qua clade cognita agili studio Caesar missis cuneis tribus equitum expeditorum et fortium tria observavit itinera sciens per ea erupturos procul dubio grassatores: nec conatus inritus fuit.

5 When that disaster was learned, Caesar with swift zeal, having sent three cunei of light and hardy horsemen, observed three routes, knowing that the plunderers would without doubt burst forth by them; nor did the attempt fail.

6 Cunctis enim qui per eos tramites exiere truncatis receptaque praeda omni intacta, hi soli innoxii absoluti sunt, qui per vallum Barbationis transiere securi, ideo labi permissi, quod Bainobaudes tribunus et Valentinianus postea imperator cum equestribus turmis quas regebant ad exsequendum id ordinati a Cella tribuno Scutariorum, qui Barbationi sociatus venerat ad procinctum, iter observare sunt vetiti, unde redituros didicere Germanos.

6 For all those who went out by those tracks were cut down, and the booty seized and taken back wholly intact; only these alone were set free unharmed, who had passed over Barbationis’ rampart safely, and were therefore allowed to slip away, because Bainobaudes, tribune, and Valentinian, afterward emperor, with the equestrian turmae which they commanded, having been ordered to carry this out by Cella, tribune of the Scutarii, who had joined Barbationis at the deployment, were forbidden to keep watch on the route, from which the Germans learned that they would return.

7 Quo non contentus magister peditum ignavus et gloriarum Iuliani pervicax obtrectator sciens se id contra utilitatem Romanam iussisse hoc enim cum argueretur, Cella confessus est relatione fefellit Constantium finxitque hos eosdem tribunos ad sollicitandos milites quos duxerat per speciem venisse negotii publici: qua causa abrogata potestate ad lares rediere privati.

7 Not content with this, the magister peditum, slothful and a stubborn detractor of Julian’s glories, knowing that he had ordered it against the Roman advantage— for when this was alleged, Cella confessed by report that he had deceived Constantius— and he pretended that these same tribunes had come to stir up the soldiers whom he had led under the pretext of public business: for which reason, their authority having been revoked, they returned to their lares as private men.

8 Isdem diebus exercituum adventu perterriti barbari, qui domicilia fixere cis Rhenum, partim difficiles vias et suapte natura clivosas concaedibus clausere sollerter, arboribus inmensi roboris caesis: alii occupatis insulis sparsis crebro per flumen Rhenum ululantes lugubre conviciis et Romanos incessebant et Caesarem: qui graviore motu animi percitus ad corripiendos aliquos, septem a Barbatione petierat naves ex his, quas velut transiturus amnem ad conpaginandos paraverat pontes: qui, nequid per eum impetraretur, omnes incendit.

8 In those same days the barbarians, terrified by the arrival of the armies, who had fixed their dwellings on this side of the Rhine, partly cleverly closed off difficult roads and by their very nature steep slopes with hedges, having felled trees of immense oak; others, having seized islands scattered frequently along the river Rhine, howling with doleful shouts and assailing both the Romans and the Caesar with abusive cries: he, struck by a graver agitation of spirit, in order to seize some, had demanded seven of these ships from Barbatio, which, as if about to cross the stream to bind together, he had prepared as bridges; who, lest anything be accomplished by means of them, burned them all.

9 Doctus denique exploratorum delatione recens captorum aestate iam torrida fluvium vado posse transiri, hortatus auxiliares velites cum Bainobaude Cornutorum tribuno misit, facinus memorabile si iuvisset fors patraturos, qui nunc incedendo per brevia aliquotiens scutis in modum alveorum subpositis nando ad insulam venere propinquam egressique promiscue virile et muliebre secus sine aetatis ullo discrimine trucidabant ut pecudes, nanctique vacuas lintres per eas licet vacillantes evecti huius modi loca plurima perruperunt et, ubi caedendi satietas cepit, opimitate praedarum onusti, cuius partem vi fluminis amiserunt, rediere omnes incolumes.

9 Finally, learned by the report of scouts that, the summer already torrid, the river could be crossed by a ford, he urged and sent auxiliary velites with Bainobaude, tribune of the Cornuti — a memorable exploit, which, had fortune aided, they would have brought about; who now, advancing through the shallows, sometimes with shields placed beneath them like rafts, swimming, came to a nearby island and, having disembarked, indiscriminately slaughtered men and women alike on the shore without any distinction of age, like cattle; and, having seized empty boats through these, though tottering and borne along, they burst into very many places of this kind, and, where a satiety of slaughter began, laden with the richness of spoils — of which they lost a part by the violence of the river — they all returned unharmed.

10 Hocque conperto residui Germani, ut infido praesidio insularum relicto, ad ulteriora necessitudines et fruges opesque barbaricas contulerunt.

10 And when this was discovered the remaining Germans, the island garrison having been left unreliable, betook themselves to further requisitions and to barbarian crops and riches.

11 Conversus hinc Iulianus ad reparandas Tres tabernas, munimentum ita cognominatum, haut ita dudum obstinatione subversum hostili quo aedificato constabat ad intima Galliarum, ut consueverant, adire Germanos arceri et opus spe celerius consummavit et victum defensoribus ibi locandis ex barbaricis messibus non sine discriminis metu collectum militis manu condidit ad usus anni totius.

11 From here Julian turned to repairing the Tres Tabernas, a fortification so named, not long before overthrown by hostile action, which, as they were wont, stood at the interior of Gaul to keep the Germans at bay; and he completed the work more quickly than hope, and the victuals—gathered from barbarian harvests to be placed for the defenders stationed there, not without fear of peril—he stored by the soldiers’ hand for the uses of the whole year.

12 nec sane hoc solo contentus sibi quoque viginti dierum alimenta parata collegit. Libentius enim bellatores quaesito dexteris propriis utebantur admodum indignati, quoniam ex commeatu, qui eis recens advectus est, ideo nihil sumere potuerunt quod partem eius Barbatio, cum transiret iuxta, superbe praesumpsit: residuum quod superfuit congestum in acervum exussit, quae utrum ut vanus gerebat et demens, an mandatu principis confidenter nefanda multa temptabat usque in id temporis latuit.

12 nor indeed content with this alone, he also gathered for himself provisions ready for twenty days. For the bellatores, having sought their dues, made rather more willing use of their own dextrous means, being greatly indignant, since from the commeatus, which had lately been brought to them, they could therefore take nothing because Barbatio, as he passed nearby, arrogantly presumed a share; what remained he heaped together and burned, whether he acted as a vainglorious and madman, or whether, by the prince’s command, he confidently attempted many nefarious things, this lay hidden until that time.

13 Illud tamen rumore tenus ubique iactabatur quod Iulianus non levaturus incommoda Galliarum electus est, sed ut possit per bella deleri saevissima, rudis etiam tum ut existimabatur et ne sonitum quidem duraturus armorum.

13 That, however, was everywhere thrown about only as rumor: that Iulianus had been chosen not to relieve the hardships of the Gauls, but that by wars the most savage might be destroyed; he was even then thought raw and not even able to endure the sound of arms.

14 Dum castrorum opera mature consurgunt militisque pars stationes praetendit agrarias, alia frumenta insidiarum metu colligit caute, multitudo barbarica rumorem nimia velocitate praeversa Barbationem cum exercitu quem regebat, ut praedictum est, Gallico vallo discretum impetu repentino adgressa sequensque fugientes ad usque Rauracos et ultra quoad potuit, rapta sarcinarum et iumentorum cum calonibus parte maxima redit ad suos.

14 While the works of the camp are raised early and part of the soldiers spreads out agrarian pickets, others, cautiously through fear of ambushes, gather grain; a barbarian multitude, the rumor having been transmitted with excessive speed, fell upon Barbatio with the army which he commanded, as was said, separated by a Gallic rampart, attacked with a sudden assault, and, pursuing the fugitives as far as the Rauraci and beyond as far as they could, having seized baggage and beasts of burden, with the greatest part of the camp-followers returned to their own.

15 Et ille tamquam expeditione eventu prospero terminata milite disperso per stationes hibernas ad comitatum imperatoris revertit crimen conpositurus in Caesarem ut solebat.

15 And he, as if the expedition had been terminated with a prosperous event, the soldiery being dispersed, returned through the winter stations to the emperor’s comitatus, to compose a charge against the Caesar as he was wont.

Iulianus C. vii Alamannorum reges Galliam incubantes aggreditur, et barbaros apud Argentoratum acie fundit.

Julianus C. 7 attacks the kings of the Alamanni, pressing upon Gaul, and in battle at Argentoratum routs the barbarians.

[12]

1 Quo dispalato foedo terrore Alamannorum reges Chonodomarius et Vestralpus, Urius quin etiam et Ursicinus cum Serapione et Suomario et Hortario in unum robore virium suarum omni collecto consedere prope urbem Argentoratum, extrema metuentem Caesarem arbitrati retrocessisse cum ille tum etiam perficiendi munimenti studio stringeretur.

1 When that region was laid waste by the foul terror of the Alamanni, the kings Chonodomarius and Vestralpus, indeed Urius and Ursicinus with Serapion and Suomarius and Hortarius, having gathered together into one the strength of their forces, sat down near the city Argentoratum, having judged that Caesar, fearing for his life, had withdrawn, since he was then also hard-pressed by the zeal for completing the fortification.

2 Erexit autem confidentiam caput altius adtollentem Scutarius perfuga, qui commissi criminis metuens poenam transgressus ad eos post ducis fugati discessum armatorum tredecim milia tantum remansisse cum Iuliano docebat is enim numerus eum sequebatur barbara feritate certaminum rabiem undique concitante.

2 But confidence was raised by the deserter Scutarius, who, lifting his head higher, fearing the punishment for the crime he had committed, having crossed over to them after the departure of the routed leader, reported that only thirteen thousand armed men remained with Iulianus; for that number followed him, the barbarian ferocity of the combats stirring rage on every side.

3 Cuius adseveratione eadem subinde replicantis ad maiora stimulati fiducia missis legatis satis pro imperio Caesari mandaverunt ut terris abscederet virtute sibi quaesitis et ferro: qui ignarus pavendi nec ira nec dolore perculsus sed fastus barbaricos ridens tentis legatis ad usque perfectum opus castrorum in eodem gradu constantiae stetit inmobilis.

3 By whose asseveration, those same men, replying straightway and, urged by confidence to greater matters, having sent envoys, entrusted to Caesar sufficiently for command that he withdraw from the lands—strength sought by them and by the sword: he, ignorant of fear, struck by neither anger nor sorrow but laughing at barbaric pride, with the envoys tested, stood immobile in the same degree of constancy until the work of the camps was brought to completion.

4 Agitabat autem miscebatque omnia sine modo ubique sese diffunditans et princeps audendi periculosa rex Chonodomarius ardua subrigens supercilia ut saepe secundis rebus elatus

4 He stirred and mingled all things without measure, spreading himself everywhere; and the prince of perilous daring, King Chonodomarius, raising his lofty brows, as often exalted by prosperous affairs.

5 nam et Decentium Caesarem superavit aequo Marte congressus et civitates erutas multas vastavit et opulentas licentiusque diu nullo refragante Gallias persultavit. Ad cuius roborandam fiduciam recens quoque fuga ducis accessit numero praestantis et viribus.

5 for he also overcame Decentius Caesar having met him in equal war, and he sacked many cities and laid waste the opulent ones, and more licentiously for a long time, with no one restraining him, he revelled through the Gauls. To bolster his confidence there likewise contributed the recent flight of a commander outstanding in rank and in strength.

6 Alamanni enim scutorum insignia contuentes norant eos milites permisisse paucis suorum latronibus terram, quorum metu aliquotiens, cum gradum conferrent, amissis pluribus abiere dispersi. Quae anxie ferebat sollicitus Caesar quod trudente ipsa necessitate digresso periculis cum paucis licet fortibus, populosis gentibus occurrere cogebatur.

6 For the Alamanni, beholding the insignia on the shields, knew that those soldiers had abandoned the country to a few of their own brigands; by whose fear at times, when they advanced, having lost many they broke up and went away scattered. This Caesar bore anxiously, being worried, because with necessity itself pressing him after departure he was forced to encounter populous peoples with few, albeit brave, men.

7 Iamque solis radiis rutilantibus tubarumque concinente clangore pedestres copiae lentis incessibus educuntur earumque lateri equestres iunctae sunt turmae, inter quas cataphractarii erant et sagittarii, formidabile genus armorum.

7 And now with the sun’s rays gleaming and the clangour of trumpets sounding, the foot forces are led forth with slow steps, and to their flank cavalry squadrons are joined, among which were cataphracts and archers, a formidable kind of arms.

8 Et quoniam a loco, unde Romana promota sunt signa, ad usque vallum barbaricum quarta leuga signabatur et decima id est unum et viginti milia passuum, utilitati securitatique recte consulens Caesar revocatis praecursatoribus iam antegressis indictaque solitis vocibus quiete cuneatim circumsistentes adloquitur genuina placiditate sermonis:

8 And since from the place whence the Roman standards had been advanced to the barbarian rampart was measured a fourth league and a tenth, that is twenty-one thousand paces, rightly consulting utility and security, Caesar, the scouts having been recalled and those sent forward already gone on and the customary calls having been sounded, addressing those standing quietly in wedge-formation with the genuine placidity of his speech:

9 "Urget ratio salutis tuendae communis ut parcissime dicam non iacentis animi Caesarem hortari vos et orare, conmilitones mei, ut adulta robustaque virtute confisi cautiorem viam potius eligamus ad toleranda vel ad depellenda quae sperantur, non praeproperam et ancipitem.

9 "A common reason urging the preservation of our safety bids me, that I may speak as sparingly as possible, not to exhort or entreat Caesar of a fainting spirit, but to you, my conmilitones, that, trusting in mature and robust virtue, we rather choose the more cautious road for enduring or for driving off those things we hope for, not a rash and two-edged one."

10 Ut enim in periculis iuventutem inpigram esse convenit et audacem, ita cum res postulat, regibilem et consultam. Quid igitur censeo, si arbitrium adfuerit vestrum, iustaque sustinet indignatio, paucis absolvam.

10 For just as in perils youth should be eager and daring, so when the matter requires, governable and deliberate. What then do I think? If your judgment is present and just indignation supports it, I will state it briefly in a few words.

11 Iam dies in meridiem vergit, lassitudine nos itineris fatigatos scrupulosi tramites excipient et obscuri, nox senescente luna nullis sideribus adiuvanda, terrae protinus aestu flagrantes nullis aquarum subsidiis fultae: quae si dederit quisquam commode posse transiri, ruentibus hostium examinibus post otium cibique refectionem et potus, quid nos agimus? quo vigore inedia siti laboreque membris marcentibus occurramus?

11 Now the day leans toward midday; shady paths will receive us, wearied by the lassitude of the journey, and the night, the moon growing old, to be aided by no stars, the lands straightaway blazing with heat and supported by no aids of waters: if anyone says that these can be crossed conveniently, with the enemy’s detachments rushing in after rest and the refreshment of food and drink, what shall we do? With what vigour shall we face hunger, thirst, and toil, our limbs wasting?

12 Ergo quoniam negotiis difficillimis saepe dispositio tempestiva prospexit et statum nutantium rerum recto consilio in bonam partem accepto aliquotiens divina remedia repararunt, hic quaeso vallo fossaque circumdati divisis vigiliis quiescamus somnoque et victu congruis potiti pro tempore, pace dei sit dictum, triumphaturas aquilas et vexilla victricia primo lucis moveamus exordio".

12 Therefore, since a timely disposition has often provided for the most difficult affairs and, with wavering things set aright by right counsel taken in a favorable direction, sometimes divine remedies have restored the state, here I beg that, beset by rampart and ditch and with watches divided, we rest and, having obtained suitable sleep and victuals for the time, be called by the peace of God; and at the first dawning of light let us set the triumphing eagles and victorious vexilla in motion.

13 Nec finiri perpessi quae dicebantur, stridore dentium infrendentes ardoremque pugnandi hastis inlidendo scuta monstrantes, in hostem se duci iam conspicuum exorabant, caelestis dei favore fiduciaque sui et fortunati rectoris expertis virtutibus freti, atque, ut exitus docuit, salutaris quidam genius praesens ad dimicandum eos, dum adesse potuit, incitabat.

13 Nor enduring that what was spoken be finished, gnashing the stridency of their teeth and, by striking their spears upon their shields, manifesting the ardor of fighting, they begged to be led against the enemy now in sight, relying on the celestial favour of God and on confidence in themselves and in the tried virtues of their fortunate commander; and, as the outcome showed, a certain salutary genius present to fight urged them on while he was able to be present.

14 Accessit huic alacritati plenus celsarum potestatum adsensus maximeque Florentii praefecti praetorio, periculose quidem sed ratione secunda pugnandum esse censentis dum instarent barbari conglobati, qui si diffluxissent, motum militis in seditiones nativo calore propensioris ferri non posse aiebat, extortam sibi victoriam, ut putavit, non sine ultimorum conatu graviter toleraturi.

14 To this alacrity was added the assent of the high powers, and especially of Florentius, prefect of the praetorium, who judged that they must fight, perilously indeed but with a favorable plan, while the barbarians, massed together, pressed on; he said that if they had broken up, the movement of the soldiers would, by their native heat, be more prone to carry into seditions, and that a victory wrested from them, as he thought, would not be endured without a desperate last effort by the vanquished.

15 Addiderat autem fiduciam nostris consideratio gemina recordantibus quod anno nuper emenso Romanis per transrhenana spatia fusius volitantibus nec visus est quisquam laris sui defensor nec obvius stetit sed concaede arborum densa undique semitis clausis sidere urente brumali aegre vixere barbari longius amendati, quodque imperatore terras eorum ingresso nec resistere ausi nec apparere pacem impetraverunt suppliciter obsecrantes.

15 Moreover a twofold consideration gave confidence to our men, recalling that in the year just past, after the Romans had ranged more widely and flown about the trans-Rhenan spaces, no one was seen to be the defender of his lar nor stood in their way, but, with the hollowing of trees dense on all sides and the paths blocked, the barbarians, harried by the wintry star, scarcely lived, being driven farther off; and when the emperor entered their lands they neither dared to resist nor to show themselves, but obtained peace by supplicating entreaties.

16 Sed nullus mutatam rationem temporis aduertebat quod tunc tripertito exitio premebantur imperatore urgente per Raetias, Caesare proximo nusquam elabi permittente, finitimis, quos hostes fecere discordiae, modo non occipitia conculcantibus hinc indeque cinctorum. Postea vero pace data discesserat imperator et sedata iurgiorum materia vicinae gentes iam concordabant et turpissimus ducis Romani digressus ferociam natura conceptam auxit in maius.

16 But no one perceived the changed disposition of the times: that then, pressed by a threefold ruin, with the emperor urging through the Raetias and the Caesar close at hand permitting no one to slip away anywhere, the neighboring peoples, whom discord had made enemies, were at times trampled here and there by girded men. Afterwards, however, when peace had been granted the emperor had departed, and with the matter of quarrels settled the neighboring peoples already reconciled, the departure of the most shameful Roman leader increased the ferocity conceived by nature to a greater degree.

17 Alio itidem modo res est adgravata Romana ex negotio tali. Regii duo fratres vinculo pacis adstricti, quam anno praeterito impetraverant a Constantio, nec tumultuare nec commoveri sunt ausi. Sed paulo postea uno ex his Gundomado, qui potior erat fideique firmioris, per insidias interempto omnis eius populus cum nostris hostibus conspiravit et confestim Vadomarii plebs ipso invito, ut adserebat agminibus bella cientium barbarorum sese coniunxit.

17 In another likewise way the Roman affair was aggravated by such a business. Two royal brothers, bound by the tie of peace which they had obtained from Constantius the year before, dared neither to raise a tumult nor to be moved. But a little later, one of these, Gundomad, who was the more powerful and firmer in faith, being slain by treachery, all his people conspired with our enemies, and straightaway the people of Vadomarius, he himself unwilling, as they asserted, joined themselves to the ranks of the barbarians waging wars.

18 Cunctis igitur summis infimisque adprobantibus tunc oportune congrediendum nec de rigore animorum quicquam remittentibus exclamavit subito signifer "perge, felicissime omnium Caesar, quo te fortuna prosperior ducit: tandem per te virtutem et consilia militare sentimus. Praevius ut faustus antesignanus et fortis: experieris, quid miles sub conspectu bellicosi ductoris testisque individui gerendorum, modo adsit superum numen, viribus efficiet excitatis".

18 With all, therefore, high and low, approving that it was then fitting to engage, and not at all relaxing from the rigour of their minds, the standard-bearer suddenly cried out, "Advance, most fortunate of all Caesars, whither more prosperous fortune leads you: at last through you we perceive military virtue and counsels. As a fortunate and brave antesignanus and precursor: you shall experience what a soldier, under the sight of a warlike leader and as witness of indivisible deeds to be carried out, if the divine power above be present, will accomplish with roused strengths."

19 His auditis cum nullae laxarentur indutiae, promotus exercitus prope collem advenit molliter editum, opertum segetibus iam maturis, a superciliis Rheni haut longo intervallo distantem: e cuius summitate speculatores hostium tres equites exciti subito nuntiaturi Romanum exercitum adventare festinarunt ad suos, unus vero pedes, qui sequi non potuit, captus agilitate nostrorum indicavit per triduum et trinoctium flumen transisse Germanos.

19 Upon these things having been heard, and no truce being relaxed, the advance army came up near a gently rising hill, softly elevated, already covered with ripe crops, not far removed from the brows of the Rhine: from whose summit three mounted scouts of the enemy, awakened and about to give warning, suddenly hastened to their own men that the Roman army was approaching; one, however, on foot, who could not follow, was seized by the swiftness of our men and reported that the Germans had crossed the river for three days and three nights.

20 Quos cum iam prope densantes semet in cuneos nostrorum conspexere ductores, steterunt vestigiis fixis, antepilanis hastatisque et ordinum primis velut insolubili muro fundatis et pari cautela hostes stetere cuneati.

20 When the commanders now saw them, closing together and shaping themselves into the wedges of our men, they halted with feet fixed; with pilarii and hastati and the foremost of the ranks set as it were upon an unbreakable wall, and with equal caution the enemies stood likewise wedge-formed.

21 Cumque ita ut ante dictus docuerat perfuga, equitatum omnem a dextro latere sibi vidissent oppositum, quicquid apud eos per equestres copias praepollebat, in laevo cornu locavere confertum. Isdemque sparsim pedites miscuere discursatores et leves profecto ratione tuta poscente.

21 And when, as the deserter had before said, they had seen all the cavalry posted opposite them on their right flank, whatever among them prevailed in equestrian forces they placed crowded in the left horn. And likewise they mingled infantry here and there with skirmishers and light-armed troops, surely seeking a safe disposition by prudent reason.

22 norant enim licet prudentem ex equo bellatorem cum clibanario nostro congressum frena retinentem et scutum, hasta una manu vibrata, tegminibus ferreis abscondito bellatori nocere non posse, peditem vero inter ipsos discriminum vertices, cum nihil caveri solet praeter id quod occurrit, humi occulte reptantem latere forato iumenti incautum rectorem praecipitem agere levi negotio trucidandum.

22 for they knew that, however prudent a horse-warrior fighting from his horse might be, when engaged with our clibanarius — holding the reins and his shield, a spear brandished in one hand, his coverings hidden by iron plates — he could not harm the armored fighter; but a foot-soldier, creeping secretly on the ground among them at the very points of danger, since men ordinarily guard against nothing but what meets the eye, could from the pierced side of a beast hurl the unwary driver headlong and with little effort slaughter him.

23 Hoc itaque disposito dextrum sui latus struxere clandestinis insidiis et obscuris. Ductabant autem populos omnes pugnaces et saevos Chonodomarius et Serapio potestate excelsiores ante alios reges.

23 Therefore, with this arranged, they constructed the right flank of their side with clandestine ambushes and obscured hiding-places. And Chonodomarius and Serapio, superior in power to the other kings, led all the peoples, warlike and savage.

24 Et Chonodomarius quidem nefarius belli totius incentor, cuius vertici flammeus torulus aptabatur, anteibat cornu sinistrum audax et fidens ingenti robore lacertorum, ubi ardor proelii sperabatur inmanis, equo spumante sublimior, erectus in iaculum formidandae vastitatis armorumque nitore conspicuus, antea strenuus et miles et utilis praeter ceteros ductor.

24 And Chonodomarius, indeed the nefarious instigator of the whole war, to whose crest a flaming torulus was fitted, led the left wing, bold and confident with a huge puissance of arms; where a monstrous ardor of battle was hoped for he rode higher on a foaming horse, erect and poised to hurl a javelin of fearsome devastation, conspicuous in the sheen of his arms; formerly a strenuous soldier and a leader useful beyond the others.

25 Latus vero dextrum Serapio agebat etiam tum adultae lanuginis iuvenis, efficacia praecurrens aetatem: Mederichi fratris Chonodomarii filius, hominis quoad vixerat perfidissimi: ideo sic appellatus, quod pater eius diu obsidatus pignore tentus in Galliis doctusque Graeca quaedam arcana hunc filium suum Agenarichum genitali vocabulo dictitatum ad Serapionis transtulit nomen.

25 The right flank, however, was commanded by Serapio, then a youth of full-grown down, his efficacy outstripping his years: the son of Mederichus, brother of Chonodomarius, and of the most treacherous man while he lived—so called because his father, long detained as a hostage in Gaul and instructed in certain Greek arcana, transferred this son, who had been repeatedly called Agenarichus by a genital sobriquet, into the name of Serapio.

26 Hos sequebantur potestate proximi reges mumero quinque regalesque decem et optimatum series magna armatorumque milia triginta et quinque, ex variis nationibus partim mercede, partim pacto vicissitudinis reddendae quaesita.

26 These were followed in power by neighboring kings to the number of five, and by ten royal magnates and a great throng of nobles, and thirty-five thousand armed men, procured from various nations partly by pay, partly by a pact to render service in turn.

27 Iamque torvum concrepantibus tubis Severus dux Romanorum aciem dirigens laevam cum prope fossas armatorum refertas venisset, unde dispositum erat ut abditi repente exorti cuncta turbarent, stetit inpavidus suspectiorque de obscuris nec referre gradum nec ulterius ire temptavit.

27 And now, with grim trumpets clashing, Severus, commander of the Romans, directing the left wing, when he had come near the ditches filled with armed men — from which it had been arranged that the hidden, suddenly rising, should throw all into turmoil — stood, fearless yet the more suspicious of the unseen, and attempted neither to withdraw a step nor to advance further.

28 Quo viso animosus contra labores maximos Caesar ducentis equitibus saeptus, ut ardor negotii flagitabat, agmina peditum impetu veloci discurrens verbis hortabatur.

28 On seeing this, spirited Caesar, surrounded by two hundred horsemen, as the ardor of the undertaking demanded, ran swiftly among the ranks of the foot-soldiers and encouraged them with words.

29 Et quoniam adloqui pariter omnes nec longitudo spatiorum extenta nec in unum coactae multitudinis permitteret crebritas et alioqui vitabat gravioris invidiae pondus ne videretur id adfectasse quod soli sibi deberi Augustus existimabat cautior sui hostium tela praetervolans his et similibus notos pariter et ignotos ad faciendum fortiter accendebat:

29 And since to address all alike neither the extended length of the spaces nor the multitude pressed together into one would permit frequent speech, and moreover he shunned the weight of graver envy lest it be seen that he aspired to that which Augustus supposed to be due to himself alone, more cautious for his own safety and skirting the weapons of his enemies, with these and similar words he stirred both the known and the unknown to act bravely:

30 "advenit, o socii, iustum pugnandi iam tempus olim exoptatum mihi vobiscum, quod antehac arcessentes, arma inquietis motibus poscebatis".

30 "has arrived, O comrades, the just time for fighting now long-desired by me to be with you, which formerly, when summoning me, you were demanding — with restless movements — arms."

31 Item cum ad alios postsignanos in acie locatos extrema venisset "en" inquit "conmilitones, diu speratus praesto est dies conpellens nos omnes elutis pristinis maculis Romanae maiestati reddere proprium decus. Hi sunt barbari, quos rabies et inmodicus furor ad perniciem rerum suarum coegit occurrere nostris viribus opprimendos ".

31 Again, when to the other rear-sign-bearers placed in the line the last [man] had come, he said, "Lo, comrades, the long-hoped-for day is at hand, urging us all to restore to Roman majesty its proper honor, with former stains washed away. These are barbarians, whom madness and immoderate fury has driven to rush to the ruin of their own affairs, to be crushed by our forces."

32 Alios itidem bellandi usu diutino callentes aptius ordinans his exhortationibus adiuvabat "exsurgamus viri fortes: propellamus fortitudine congrua inlisa nostris partibus probra: quae contemplans Caesaris nomen cunctando suscepi".

32 Likewise he, arranging others more suitably, seasoned by long practice of warfare, aided them with these exhortations: "let us rise up, brave men: let us drive back with fitting fortitude the insults hurled at our provinces: these things, beholding, I took on the name of Caesar only after hesitating."

33 Quoscumque autem pugnae signum inconsulte poscentes rupturosque imperium inrequietis motibus praevideret "quaeso" inquit "ne hostes vertendos in fugam sequentes avidius futurae victoriae gloriam violetis, neu quis ante necessitatem ultimam cedat. Nam fugituros procul dubio deseram, hostium terga caesuris adero indiscretus, si hoc pensatione moderata fiat et cauta".

33 But whoever, rashly demanding the sign of battle and about to break command in restless motions, he foresaw: "I beg you," he said, "do not, when the enemies are turned and put to flight, pursue them more eagerly and so violate the glory of the future victory, nor let anyone yield before the last necessity. For I will, without doubt, abandon those who are about to flee far from me; I will be present at the cutting‑down of the enemies' backs indiscriminately, if this is done with a measured and cautious weighing."

34 Haec aliaque in eundem modum saepius replicando maiorem exercitus partem primae barbarorum opposuit fronti, et subito Alamannorum peditum fremitus indignationi mixtus auditus est unanimi conspiratione vociferantium relictis equis secum oportere versari regales, ne, siquid contigisset adversum, deserta miserabili plebe facilem discedendi copiam reperirent.

34 These and other things, oft repeating in like manner, the greater part of the army set against the foremost line of the barbarians, and suddenly a cry of the Alamannic infantry, mingled with indignation, was heard—shouting in unanimous conspiracy that, leaving their horses, the regales ought to be with them, lest, if anything adverse should occur, the forsaken miserable populace should easily find the opportunity to withdraw.

35 Hocque conperto Chonodomarius iumento ipse statim desiluit et secuti eum residui idem facere nihil morati: nec enim eorum quisquam ambigebat partem suam fore victricem.

35 And when this was found out, Chonodomarius himself at once leapt down from his beast, and the rest, having followed him, delayed not to do likewise; for none of them doubted that their party would be victrix, their side victorious.

36 Dato igitur aenatorum accentu sollemniter signo ad pugnandum utrimque magnis concursum est viribus. Propilabantur missilia et properantes cito quam considerato cursu Germani telaque dextris explicantes involavere nostrorum equitum turmas frendentes inmania eorumque ultra solitum saevientium comae fluentes horrebant et elucebat quidam ex oculis furor, quos contra pertinax miles scutorum obicibus vertices tegens eiectansque gladios vel tela concrispans mortem minitantia perterrebat.

36 With the blast of the trumpeters then given, the solemn signal to fight, on both sides there was a great collision of forces. Missiles were hurled forward, and the Germans, rushing on more swiftly than with a measured course and unfolding their spears in their right hands, swept into the squadrons of our cavalry, roaring monstrously; their hair, more wildly than usual, flowed and bristled, and a certain fury flashed from their eyes—whom, in turn, the resolute soldier terrified by the bulwarks of his shields covering his head and by thrusting forth his sword or by clenching spears that menaced death.

37 Cumque in ipso proeliorum articulo eques se fortiter conturmaret et muniret latera sua firmius pedes, frontem artissimis conserens parmis, erigebantur crassi pulveris nubes variique fuere discursus nunc resistentibus nunc cedentibus nostris, et obnixi genibus quidam barbari peritissimi bellatores hostem propellere laborabant, sed destinatione nimia dexterae dexteris miscebantur et umbo trudebat umbonem caelumque exultantium cadentiumque resonabat a vocibus magnis, et cum cornu sinistrum altius gradiens urgentium tot agmina Germanorum vi nimia pepulisset, iretque in barbaros fremens, equites nostri cornu tenentes dextrum, praeter spem incondite discesserunt, dumque primi fugientium postremos inpediunt, gremio legionum protecti fixerunt integrato proelio gradum.

37 And when in the very crisis of the battle a cavalryman was striving bravely and braced his flanks more firmly with his feet, closing the front in the closest shields, there rose thick clouds of dust and varied sallies now from those resisting, now from those yielding to us; and some of the barbarians, warriors most skilled, strove on bent knees to push back the enemy, but by the over-aimed thrusts of the right hand right hands were mingled and boss pressed boss, and the sky rang with the loud voices of those exulting and falling, and when the left horn, advancing higher, by the excessive force of so many German ranks had driven back the pressing men, and, roaring, was rushing upon the barbarians, our cavalry, holding the right horn, broke up in disorder beyond hope; and while the first of the routed hindered the last, sheltered in the bosom of the legions they fixed their line again, the battle having been restored.

38 Hoc autem exinde acciderat, quod dum ordinum restituitur series, cataphracti equites viso rectore suo leviter vulnerato et consorte quodam per cervicem equi labentis pondere armorum oppresso dilapsi qua quisque poterat peditesque calcando cuncta turbassent, ni conferti illi sibique vicissim innixi stetissent immobiles. Igitur cum equites nihil praeter fugae circumspectantes praesidia vidisset longius Caesar, concito equo eos velut repagulum quoddam cohibuit.

38 But this then had happened: while the series of ranks was being restored, the cataphracti horsemen, their rector seen slightly wounded and a certain companion crushed by the neck of a falling horse under the weight of his arms, scattered as each could, and trampling the footsoldiers threw all into disorder, had not those packed together stood immobile, each leaning upon the other in turn. Therefore, when Caesar saw that the horsemen, looking to nothing but flight, had no farther garrisons, he checked them with a roused horse as though with a kind of bolt.

39 Quo agnito per purpureum signum draconis, summitati hastae longioris aptatum velut senectutis pendentis exuvias, stetit unius turmae tribunus et pallore timoreque perculsus ad aciem integrandam recurrit.

39 When this was perceived by the purple standard of the dragon, the tribune of one turma halted — the summit of a longer spear fitted on like the pendent vestiges of senescence — and, struck with pallor and fear, ran back to restore the battle line.

40 Utque in rebus amat fieri dubiis, eosdem lenius increpans Caesar "quo" inquit "cedimus, viri fortissimi? an ignoratis fugam, quae salutem numquam repperit, inriti conatus stultitiam indicare? redeamus ad nostros, saltim gloriae futuri participes, si eos pro re publica dimicantes reliquimus inconsulte".

40 And as often happens in doubtful matters, Caesar, reproving them more gently, said, "Whither do we withdraw, most valiant men? Or do you not know that flight, which never found safety, in vain proclaims attempts to be folly? Let us return to our own men, at least sharers of future glory, if we have rashly left them fighting for the republic."

41 Haec reverenter dicendo reduxit omnes ad munia subeunda bellandi imitatus salva differentia veterem Syllam, qui cum contra Archelaum Mithridatis ducem educta acie proelio fatigabatur ardenti, relictus a militibus cunctis cucurrit in ordinem primum raptoque et coniecto vexillo in partem hostilem "ite" dixerat "socii periculorum electi et scitantibus ubi relictus sim imperator, respondete nihil fallentes: solus in Boeotia pro omnibus nobis cum dispendio sanguinis sui decernens".

41 Saying these things reverently, he brought them all back to the duties of undertaking war, imitating the old Syllas with a safe difference — who, when, with the battle line drawn out against Archelaus, general of Mithridates, he was being wearied by a hot combat, having been abandoned by all the soldiers ran to the foremost rank and, having snatched up and hurled the standard into the hostile part, had said, "Go, comrades chosen for dangers, and to those asking where I, the imperator, have been left, answer without deceiving: I alone in Boeotia deciding for all of us at the cost of his blood."

42 Proinde Alamanni pulsis disiectisque equitibus nostris primam aciem peditum incesserunt, eam abiecta resistendi animositate pulsuri.

42 Therefore the Alamanni, our cavalry having been beaten and scattered, pressed upon the first line of infantry, about to strike it, its spirit of resistance having been cast down.

43 Sed postquam comminus ventum est, pugnabatur paribus diu momentis. Cornuti enim et Bracchiati usu proeliorum diuturno firmati eos iam gestu terrentes barritum ciere vel maximum: qui clamor ipso fervore certaminum a tenui susurro exoriens paulatimque adulescens ritu extollitur fluctuum cautibus inlisorum: iaculorum deinde stridentium crebritate hinc indeque convolante pulvis aequali motu adsurgens et prospectum eripiens arma armis corporaque corporibus obtrudebat.

43 But after the fight had come to close quarters, they fought for a long time with equal moments. For the Cornuti and the Bracchiati, hardened by long experience of engagements, already by a gesture terrifying them raised even a great bellow: which shout, by the very fervor of the contest, springing from a thin whisper and gradually growing like a youth, is exalted as the waves are lifted up against the rocks on which they break; then with the repeated whistling of thrown javelins and the dust rolling hither and thither converging, rising with an equal motion and snatching away the view, weapons pressed upon weapons and bodies upon bodies.

44 Sed violentia iraque inconpositi barbari in modum exarsere flammarum nexamque scutorum conpagem, quae nostros in modum testudinis tuebatur, scindebant ictibus gladiorum adsiduis.

44 But the violence and uncomposed wrath of the barbarians flared up like flames, and with continuous strokes of their swords they tore apart the interlinked framework of shields, which was defending our men in the fashion of a testudo.

45 Quo cognito opitulatum conturmalibus suis celeri cursu Batavi venere cum regibus formidabilis manus, extremae necessitatis articulo circumventos, si iuvisset fors, ereptura torvumque canentibus classicis adultis viribus certabatur.

45 When this was learned, the Batavi came to the aid of their conturmal units with swift course, a formidable band with chiefs, resolved, at the critical juncture of extreme necessity, to rescue those surrounded — if fortune had assisted — and strove with grim trumpet-calls sounding and with the full, matured strength of men.

46 Verum Alamanni bella alacriter ineuntes altius anhelabant velut quodam furoris adfectu opposita omnia deleturi. Spicula tamen verrutaque missilia non cessabant ferrataeque arundines fundebantur, quamquam etiam comminus mucro feriebat contra mucronem et loricae gladiis findebantur, et vulnerati nondum effuso cruore ad audendum exsertius consurgebant.

46 But the Alamanni, briskly entering into wars, breathed more deeply as if with a certain frenzy, bent to destroy all that opposed them. Yet spears and hurled missiles did not cease and iron-shod poles were cast, although even at close quarters blade struck against blade and cuirasses were split by swords, and the wounded, their blood not yet poured out, rose up the more boldly to dare.

47 Pares enim quodam modo coivere cum paribus, Alamanni robusti et celsiores, milites usu nimio dociles: illi feri et turbidi, hi quieti et cauti: animis isti fidentes, grandissimis illi corporibus freti.

47 For equals in a manner met with equals: the Alamanni, robust and taller, soldiers made docile by excessive practice; those savage and disorderly, these calm and cautious: these trusting in their spirits, those relying on very large bodies.

48 Resurgebat tamen aliquotiens armorum pondere pulsus loco Romanus lassatisque inpressus genibus laevum reflectens poplitem barbarus subsidebat hostem ultro lacessens, quod indicium est obstinationis extremae.

48 Yet the Roman, driven back by the weight of his arms, would at times rise again; and the barbarian, pressed down and with his knees weary, bending back his left knee and bracing himself, would support himself and provoke the enemy of his own accord, which is a sign of extreme obstinacy.

49 Exiluit itaque subito ardens optimatium globus, inter quos decernebant et reges, et sequente vulgo ante alios agmina nostrorum inrupit et iter sibi aperiendo ad usque Primanorum legionem pervenit locatam in medio quae confirmatio castra praetoria dictitatur ubi densior et ordinibus frequens miles instar turrium fixa firmitate consistens proelium maiore spiritu repetivit et vulneribus declinandis intentus seque in modum mirmillonis operiens hostium latera, quae nudabat ira flagrantior, districtis gladiis perforabat.

49 Then suddenly sprang forward a burning band of optimates, among whom they were even selecting kings, and with the following populace, before the others, burst into the ranks of our men and, opening a way for themselves, reached straight to the legion of the Primani stationed in the midst—that stronghold commonly called the praetorian camp—where the denser, frequently ordered soldier, fixed like towers with steadfast firmness, renewed the battle with greater spirit and, intent on warding off wounds and covering himself in the manner of a mirmillo, pierced the flanks of the enemy, which he laid bare with the hotter anger, with drawn swords.

50 At illi prodigere vitam pro victoria contendentes temptabant agminis nostri laxare conpagem. Sed continuata serie peremptorum, quos Romanus iam fidentior stravit, succedebant barbari superstites interfectis auditoque occumbentium gemitu crebro, pavore perfusi torpebant.

50 But they, striving to expend their lives for victory, sought to loosen the conpagment of our column. Yet a continued series of the slain, whom the Roman, now the more confident, had laid low, followed; the surviving barbarians, with their comrades cut down and the frequent groan of the dying heard, drenched in panic, lay numbed.

51 Fessi denique tot aerumnis et ad solam deinceps strenui fugam per diversos tramites tota celeritate egredi festinabant ut e mediis saevientis pelagi fluctibus quocumque avexerit ventus eici nautici properant et vectores: quod voti magis quam spei fuisse fatebitur quilibet tunc praesens.

51 Finally, worn out by so many hardships and thereafter bent solely on a vigorous flight, they hastened to go forth by diverse routes with all speed, so that sailors and passengers were cast out from the midst of the raging sea by whatever wind had borne them away: any man then present will confess that it was more of a vow than of hope.

52 Aderatque propitiati numinis arbitrium clemens et secans terga cedentium miles cum interdum flexis ensibus feriendi non suppeterent instrumenta, ipsis barbaris tela eorum vitalibus inmergebat, nec quisquam vulnerantium sanguine iram explevit nec satiavit caede multiplici dexteram vel miseratus supplicantem abscessit.

52 And there was present the will of a propitiated divinity, merciful; and the soldier, cutting the backs of those retreating, when, with swords sometimes bent, implements for striking were lacking, plunged their own weapons into the vitals of the barbarians themselves; nor did anyone with the blood of the wounded fill his wrath, nor sate his right hand with multiplied slaughter, or, taking pity, withdraw from a suppliant.

53 Iacebant itaque plurimi transfixi letaliter remedia mortis conpendio postulantes, alii semineces labente iam spiritu lucis usuram oculis morientibus inquirebant, quorundam capita discissa trabalibus telis et pendentia iugulis cohaerebant, pars per lutosum et lubricum solum in sauciorum cruore lapsi intactis ferro corporibus acervis superruentium obruti necabantur.

53 Thus very many lay pierced to death, imploring remedies for death in a heap; others, half-dead with breath ebbing, sought with their dying eyes the use of light; the heads of some, torn away by beams and by spears, clung and hung at their throats; some, having slipped on the muddy and slippery ground in the blood of the wounded, were killed, crushed beneath heaps of bodies whose flesh remained unpierced by iron.

54 Quae ubi satis evenere prosperrime, validius instante victore acumina densis ictibus hebescebant splendentesque galeae sub pedibus volvebantur et scuta, ultimo denique trudente discrimine barbari, cum elati cadaverum aggeres exitus inpedirent, ad subsidia fluminis petivere, quae sola restabant eorum terga iam perstringentis.

54 When these things had so fared sufficiently and very prosperously, the points grew blunter under the victor pressing more strongly with dense blows, the shining helmets were rolled beneath feet and the shields; and finally, with the last crisis pressing, the barbarians, elated, when heaps of corpses obstructed their exits, sought the aid of the river, which alone remained, now skimming along their backs.

55 Et quia cursu sub armis concito fugientes miles indefessus urgebat, quidam nandi peritia eximi se posse discriminibus arbitrati animas fluctibus commiserunt. Qua causa celeri corde futura praevidens Caesar cum tribunis et ducibus clamore obiurgatorio prohibebat, ne hostem avidius sequens nostrorum quisquam se gurgitibus committeret verticosis.

55 And because the soldier, urging those fleeing with a rapid charge under arms, pressed them tirelessly, some, thinking that by exceptional skill in swimming they could escape the perils, entrusted their lives to the waves. For this reason the Caesar, foreseeing what was to come with a swift heart, together with the tribunes and leaders forbade with a rebuking shout, lest anyone of our men, following the enemy too eagerly, commit himself to the whirling gulfs of the currents.

56 Unde id observatum est ut marginibus insistentes confoderent telorum varietate Germanos, quorum siquem morti velocitas subtraxisset, iacti corporis pondere ad ima fluminis subsidebat.

56 Whence it was observed that, pressing the banks, they pierced the Germans with a variety of weapons; and if swiftness had withdrawn any one from death, thrown by the weight of his body he sank to the lowest depths of the river.

57 Et velut in quodam theatrali spectaculo aulaeis miranda monstrantibus multa licebat iam sine metu videre, nandi strenuis quosdam nescios adhaerentes, fluitantes alios cum expeditioribus linquerentur ut stipites, et velut luctante amnis violentia vorari quosdam fluctibus involutos, non nullos clipeis vectos praeruptas undarum occursantium moles obliquatis meatibus declinantes ad ripas ulteriores post multa discrimina pervenire. Spumans denique cruore barbarico decolor alveus insueta stupebat augmenta.

57 And just as in a certain theatrical spectacle, with the palace curtains displaying wondrous things, many things were already permitted to be seen without fear, so some, vigorous in swimming but unskilled, clung on in ignorance, others floating were left behind by the swifter as if spars, and, as a river wrestling with violence, certain ones were swallowed, engulfed by the waves; not a few, borne on shields, the broken masses of the oncoming waves, veering off in oblique channels, reached farther banks after many perils. Finally the hull, foaming and discolored with barbarian blood, was astonied at its unprecedented swell.

58 Dum haec aguntur, rex Chonodomarius reperta copia discedendi lapsus per funerum strues cum satellitibus paucis celeritate rapida properabat ad castra, quae prope Tribuncos et Concordiam munimenta Romana fixit intrepidus, ut escensis navigiis dudum paratis ad casus ancipites in secretis se secessibus amendaret.

58 While these things were doing, King Chonodomarius, the opportunity to depart having been found, slipped along the funeral pyre-rows and, with a few satellites, with swift rapidity hastened to the camp, which near Tribuncus and Concordia he intrepidly set up as Roman fortifications, so that with the ships long prepared for launching he might retire into secret retreats to await ambiguous fortunes.

59 Et quia non nisi Rheno transito ad territoria sua poterat pervenire, vultum ne agnosceretur operiens, sensim retulit pedem. Cumque propinquaret iam ripis, lacunam palustribus aquis interfusam circumgrediens ut transiret, calcata mollitie glutinosa, equo est evolutus et confestim licet obeso corpore gravior ad subsidium vicini collis evasit, quem agnitum nec enim potuit celare qui fuerit, fortunae prioris magnitudine proditus statim anhelo cursu cohors cum tribuno secuta, armis circumdatum aggerem nemorosum cautius obsidebat, perrumpere verita, ne fraude latenti inter ramorum tenebras exciperetur occultas.

59 And because he could reach his territories only after crossing the Rhine, covering his face lest he be recognized, he slowly drew back his foot. And as he was now approaching the banks, going around a pool interspersed with marshy waters in order to cross it, having trod its sticky softness he was unseated from his horse and at once, though his body was made heavier by obesity, escaped to the shelter of a neighboring hill — and when he was recognized (for he could not hide who he was, betrayed by the greatness of his former fortune) the cohort, having followed with the tribune, straightaway with panting run beset the woody rampart, surrounded by arms, more cautiously, fearing to force a breach lest he be received by some hidden treachery lying in the shadows of the branches.

60 Quibus visis conpulsus ad ultimos metus ultro se dedit solus egressus comitesque eius ducenti numero et tres amici iunctissimi, flagitium arbitrati post regem vivere, vel pro rege non mori, si ita tulerit casus, tradidere se vinciendos.

60 These things seen and driven to the utmost fears, he of his own accord surrendered himself having gone forth alone, and his companions, two hundred in number, and three most close amici, deeming it a shame to live after the king, or not to die for the king if chance so bore it, delivered themselves to be conquered.

61 Utque nativo more sunt barbari humiles in adversis disparesque in secundis, servus alienae voluntatis trahebatur pallore confusus claudente noxarum conscientia linguam, inmensum quantum ab eo differens qui post feros lugubresque terrores cineribus Galliarum insultans multa minabatur et saeva.

61 And as barbarians by native custom are humble in adversities and unequal in prosperity, a slave of another’s will was borne along, confounded by pallor, his tongue closed by the conscience of his crimes, immeasurably unlike that man who afterwards, insulting the ashes of the Gauls amid fierce and lugubrious terrors, threatened many and savage things.

62 Quibus ita favore superni numinis terminatis post exactum iam diem occinente liticine revocatus invitissimus miles prope supercilia Rheni tendebat scutorumque ordine multiplicato vallatus victu fruebatur et somno.

62 With these matters thus brought to an end by the favor of the heavenly numen, and after the day had already been spent, the most unwilling soldier, recalled by the chanting of the litigant, lay encamped near the brows of the Rhine, and, circumvallated by a multiplied order of shields, enjoyed victuals and sleep.

63 Ceciderunt autem in hac pugna Romani quidem CCXL et III, rectores vero IIII: Bainobaudes Cornutorum tribunus adaeque Laipso et Innocentius cataphractarios ducens et vacans quidam tribunus cuius non suppetit nomen: ex Alamannis vero sex milia corporum numerata sunt in campo constrata et inaestimabiles mortuorum acervi per undas fluminis ferebantur.

63 In this battle the Romans indeed fell 243, the leaders however 4: Bainobaudes, tribune of the Cornuti, and likewise Laipso and Innocentius, leading the cataphractarii, and moreover a certain tribune whose name is not at hand: from the Alamanni six thousand bodies were counted, piled up on the field, and the innumerable heaps of the dead were carried away by the river’s waves.

64 Tunc Iulianus ut erat fortuna sui spectatior meritisque magis quam imperio potens, Augustus adclamatione concordi totius exercitus appellatus ut agentes petulantius milites increpabat, id se nec sperare nec adipisci velle iurando confirmans.

64 Then Julian, since his fortune was the more conspicuous and he was more powerful by merits than by command, being hailed Augustus by the unanimous acclamation of the whole army, and rebuking the soldiers for acting more wantonly, confirmed by an oath that he neither hoped for nor wished to obtain that title.

65 Et ut augeret eventus secundi laetitiam, concilio convocato propositisque praemiis, propitio ore Chonodomarium sibi iussit offerri. Qui primo curvatus, deinde humi suppliciter fusus gentilique prece veniam poscens bono animo esse est iussus.

65 And to increase the joy of the second success, with a council convened and rewards proposed, he ordered Chonodomarius to be brought to him with a propitious countenance. Who, first bowed, then prostrate on the ground suppliantly poured forth and, with a gentile plea asking pardon, was commanded to be of good courage.

66 Et diebus postea paucis ductus ad comitatum imperatoris missusque exinde Romam in castris peregrinis, quae in monte sunt Caelio, morbo veterni consumptus est.

66 And a few days later he was led to the emperor’s comitatus and thence sent to Rome into the foreign camp which is on the Caelian Hill; he was consumed by a longstanding disease.

67 His tot ac talibus prospero peractis eventu in palatio Constanti quidam Iulianum culpantes, ut princeps ipse delectaretur, inrisive Victorinum ideo nominabant, quod verecunde referens, quotiens imperaret, superatos indicabat saepe Germanos.

67 With these so many and such things carried through by a prosperous outcome, in Constans' palace some, blaming Julianus, so that the prince himself might be amused, mockingly called him Victorinus, because, modestly reporting, whenever he gave commands he would often declare the Germans to have been overcome.

68 Interque exaggerationem inanium laudum ostentationemque aperte lucentium inflabant ex usu imperatorem suopte ingenio nimium quicquid per omnem terrae ambitum agebatur felicibus eius auspiciis adsignantes.

68 And among them they swelled the exaggerations of empty praise and the ostentation of things that openly shone; by habit they lauded the emperor with their own ingenuity too greatly, attributing whatever was done throughout the whole circuit of the earth to his fortunate auspices.

69 Quocirca magniloquentia elatus adulatorum tunc et deinde edictis propositis adroganter satis multa mentiebatur, se solum, cum gestis non adfuisset, et dimicasse et vicisse et supplices reges gentium erexisse aliquotiens scribens, et si verbi gratia eo agente tunc in Italia dux quidam egisset fortiter contra Persas, nulla eius mentione per textum longissimum facta laureatas litteras ad provinciarum damna mittebat, se inter primores versatum cum odiosa sui iactatione significans.

69 Wherefore, exalted by the magniloquence of his flatterers then and thereafter, and with proclamations set forth, he arrogantly lied quite much, writing that he alone, though not present at the deeds, had fought and vanquished and on occasion raised up the kings of nations as suppliants; and if, for example, at that time in Italy a certain duke had acted bravely against the Persians with him operating there, he sent through a very long text laurelled letters concerning the provinces’ losses with no mention of that man, thereby showing himself to have been among the foremost with an odious boasting of himself.

70 Exstant denique eius edicta in tabulariis principis publicis condita . . . delata narrandi extollendique semet in caelum. Ab Argentorato cum pugnaretur mansione quadragesima disparatus, describens proelium aciem ordinasse et stetisse inter signiferos et barbaros fugasse praecipites sibique oblatum falso indicat Chonodomarium pro rerum indignitas super Iuliani gloriosis actibus conticescens, quos sepelierat penitus ni fama res maximas vel obumbrantibus plurimis silere nesciret.

70 Finally his edicts stand, deposited in the public tablets of the prince . . . brought forward for narrating and for extolling himself to the sky. Separated from the fortieth station at the lodging when there was fighting at Argentoratum, he describes the battle as if he had ordered the line and stood among the signifers, and as if the barbarians had fled headlong; and he falsely reports to himself that Chonodomarius was offered up — so great the indignity of affairs that he fell silent about Julian’s glorious deeds, which he had utterly buried, had he not known that fame does not keep silence even over the greatest matters when very many things obscure them.