William of Tyre: HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM

CAPUT PRIMUM. Rex sororem suam, quae marchionis uxor fuerat, cuidam adolescenti, Guidoni videlicet de Liziniaco, uxorem tradit. Cum Salahadino, paribus conditionibus, praeter solitum, treuga firmatur.

CHAPTER ONE. The king hands over his sister, who had been the wife of the marquis, as wife to a certain young man, namely Guy of Lusignan. With Saladin, on equal terms, contrary to the usual practice, a truce is ratified.

Eodem quoque tempore dominus Boamundus Antiochenorum princeps, et dominus Raimundus, cum militia in regnum ingredientes, dominum regem terruerunt, timentem, ne res novas moliri attentarent; videlicet ne rege, regno privato, sibi regnum vellent vindicare. Premebatur enim solito acrius rex aegritudine sua et singulis diebus leprae signum magis et magis evidens prominebat. Soror autem domini regis, quae marchionis uxor fuerat, adhuc in sua viduitate perseverabat, ducem, ut praemisimus, exspectans. Cognoscens ergo rex illorum nobilium, et licet uterque esset ejus consanguineus, suspectum habens adventum, sorori maturat nuptias; et quamvis nobiliores et prudentiores, ditiores etiam in regno, tum de advenis tum de indigenis potuissent reperiri, penes quos multo commodius, quantum ad regni utilitatem, illa posset locari: non satis attendens, quod:

At the same time also lord Bohemond, prince of the Antiochenes, and lord Raymond, entering with their militia into the kingdom, frightened the lord king, who feared lest they should attempt to contrive novelties; namely, lest, the king being deprived of the kingdom, they should wish to vindicate the kingdom for themselves. For the king was pressed more sharply than usual by his sickness, and with each single day the sign of leprosy stood out more and more evident. But the sister of the lord king, who had been the marquis’s wife, still persisted in her widowhood, awaiting the duke, as we have premised. Therefore the king, recognizing those nobles, and although each was his kinsman (consanguine), holding their arrival as suspect, hastens the nuptials for his sister; and although men more noble and more prudent, and richer too in the kingdom, both among the newcomers and among the natives, could have been found, with whom much more conveniently, as regards the utility of the kingdom, she might be placed: not paying sufficient attention that:

Male cuncta ministrat
Impetus,

Ill ministers all things
Impetus,

tamen causis quibusdam intervenientibus, cuidam adolescenti satis nobili, Guidoni videlicet de Liziniaco, filio Hugonis Bruni, de episcopatu Pictaviensi, ex insperato traditur, infra paschalia, praeter morem, solemnia. Praedicti vero nobiles viri, videntes quod eorum adventus, domino regi et suis suspectus habebatur, orationibus de more completis, domum reversi sunt. Medio tamen tempore, dum ambo apud Tiberiadem, per aliquot dies moram facerent, ignarus de eorum praesentia, in ipsam urbem impetum fecit Salahadinus; nihil tamen damni civibus irrogans, iterum in fines Paneadenses se recepit; dumque ibi moram cum suis exercitibus haberet, exspectans ut postea patuit, navalem exercitum, quem tota hieme praecedente, quinquaginta galearum parari fecerat, dominus rex suspectam ejus habens moram, nuntios mittit, qui de treuga haberent cum eo tractatum.

nevertheless, certain causes intervening, she is handed over, unexpectedly, within the Paschal solemnities, contrary to custom, to a certain young man quite noble, namely to Guy of Lusignan, son of Hugh Brun, of the bishopric of Poitiers. But the aforesaid noble men, seeing that their arrival was held in suspicion by the lord king and his people, their prayers completed according to custom, returned home. Meanwhile, however, while both were making a stay at Tiberias for several days, Saladin, unaware of their presence, made an attack upon the city itself; yet inflicting no harm upon the citizens, he again withdrew into the Paneadensian borders; and while he tarried there with his armies, awaiting, as afterwards was evident, the naval force which during the whole preceding winter he had caused to be prepared, of fifty galleys, the lord king, holding his delay suspect, sends envoys, to have with him a negotiation about a truce.

Quod verbum ille, ut dicitur, gratanter admisit; non quia de viribus suis diffideret, aut nostros, quos toties eo anno confuderat, aliquatenus haberet formidini; sed quia ariditate nimia et propter pluviarum inopiam, omne alimentorum genus, tam equis quam hominibus, in regione Damascena, per continuum defecerat quinquennium. Factae sunt igitur, tam per mare quam per terras, tam advenis, quam indigenis et hinc inde juramentis interpositis roboratae, humilibus satis quantum ad nos conditionibus induciae; quodque nunquam antea dicitur contigisse, paribus legibus foedus initum est, nihil praecipui nostris sibi in ea pactione reservantibus.

Which proposal he, as it is said, gladly accepted; not because he distrusted his own forces, or held our men—whom he had so often that year confounded—in any degree a cause for fear; but because, from excessive aridity and for lack of rains, every kind of provender, for horses as well as for men, had failed in the Damascene region through a continuous five-year period. Therefore truces were made, both by sea and by land, with newcomers as well as natives, and on this side and that strengthened by oaths interposed, on terms sufficiently humble, so far as concerns us; and what is said never to have happened before, a treaty was entered upon on equal laws, our people reserving for themselves nothing of preeminence in that agreement.

CAPUT II. Salahadinus partes Tripolitanas hostiliter invadit; et segetes et terrae bona depopulatur.

CHAPTER 2. Saladin invades the Tripolitan parts in hostile fashion; and he lays waste the crops and the goods of the land.

Eodem anno, aestate quae proxime secuta est, idem Salahadinus, locata Damascena et Bostrensi in tuto provincia, equitum copias omnes, versus partes dirigit Tripolitanas; ibique locatis castris turmas dispergit per universam regionem militares. Comes autem cum suis in urbem Archis se contulerat, operiens si ei daretur opportunitas cum hostibus absque gravi periculo committendi. Porro fratres militiae Templi, cum essent in eadem regione, in suis municipiis clausi tenebantur, exspectantes omni pene hora vallari obsidione; nec se congressionibus temere committere audebant.

In the same year, in the summer which immediately followed, that same Saladin, having placed the Damascene and Bostrean province in safety, directs all the forces of cavalry toward the Tripolitan parts; and there, the camp having been pitched, he scatters military troops throughout the whole region. But the Count with his men had betaken himself into the city of Archis, waiting to see whether an opportunity would be given him of engaging with the enemies without grave peril. Furthermore, the brethren of the militia of the Temple, since they were in the same region, were kept shut up in their own municipia, expecting almost every hour to be encircled by a siege; nor did they dare rashly to commit themselves to engagements.

Identidem et fratres Hospitalis, timentes, in castrum suum, cui nomen erat Crach, se contulerant; arbitrantes satis esse, si in tanto tumultu praefatum oppidum ab injuriis hostium possent vindicare. Erant ergo media hostium agmina inter praedictorum fratrum et domini comitis expeditiones, ita ut mutuum sibi non possent ministrare auxilium, nec etiam dirigere internuntios, qui de singulorum statu alterutros valerent instruere. At vero Salahadinus per campestria et maxime per loca culta passim obambulans, et nemine se opponente, libere cuncta perlustrans, fruges partim in areis jam congestas, partim per agros manipulatim collectas, partim adhuc solo haerentes, suppositis ignibus incendit, praedas abigit, depopulatur universa.

Likewise the brothers of the Hospital, fearful, had betaken themselves into their castle, whose name was Crach, thinking it sufficient if, amid so great a tumult, they could vindicate the aforesaid town from the injuries of the enemy. Therefore the enemy battalions were in the midst between the expeditions of the aforesaid brothers and of the lord count, so that they could not render mutual aid to one another, nor even dispatch internuncios who might be able to inform the other party about the condition of each. But indeed Saladin, strolling everywhere through the plains and especially through the cultivated places, and with no one opposing him, freely surveying all things, set fires beneath and burned the crops—some already heaped on the threshing floors, some gathered through the fields in sheaves, some still clinging to the soil—drove off the booty, and laid everything waste.

CAPUT III. Classis Aegyptiorum ad insulam Aradum accedit. Comes Tripolitanus cum Salahadino foedus init.

CHAPTER 3. The fleet of the Egyptians approaches the island Aradus. The Count of Tripoli enters into a treaty with Saladin.

Dum haec in partibus illis geruntur, ecce circa Kal. Junias, navalis exercitus ejus in partibus subito apparuit Berythensibus; cujus exercitus primicerii, postquam pro certo constitit quod Salahadinus cum domino rege foedus inierat, reverentiam habentes ad leges pacis quas indixerat, timuerunt Berythensium finibus et infra totius regni terminos, jura foederis violare. Audientes quoque, quod eorum dominus in partibus Tripolitanis cum suis expeditionibus moram faceret, illuc properant, et insulam Aradum (quae urbi Antaradensi opposita est, vix tribus milliaribus ab ea distans) galeis in portu commode locatis, occupant.

While these things are being transacted in those regions, behold, about the Kalends of June, his naval army suddenly appeared in the Berytian parts; and the primicerii of that army, after it was established for certain that Saladin had entered into a treaty with the lord king, having reverence for the laws of peace which he had proclaimed, feared, within the borders of the Berytians and within the limits of the whole kingdom, to violate the rights of the treaty. Hearing also that their lord was making a stay with his expeditions in the Tripolitan regions, they hasten thither, and they occupy the island Aradus (which is opposite the city Antarados, scarcely three miles distant from it), their galleys being conveniently placed in the port.

Hanc insulam dicitur primus habitasse et in ea urbem munitissimam sui nominis aedificasse Aradius Chanaan filius, nepos Noe, unde Arados dicta est. Huic ab oriente vicina est civitas iterum olim valde nobilis, quae ex eo, quod praedictae civitati e regione opposita est, ut superius diximus, Antarados, hodie vero corrupta nuncupatione Tortosa dicitur; ubi apostolus Petrus Phoenicen circumiens, in honore Dei genitricis dicitur Basilicam fundasse modicam, quae multo populorum usque hodie frequentatur accessu; et ubi divinitus, per ejusdem semper virginis intercessionem, multa dicitur indigentibus fidelibus praestari beneficia. Hae urbes ambae Tyrensi metropoli suffraganeae, cum alia illis contermina, quae Maraclee, provinciae Phoenicis dicitur portio, intelliguntur.

It is said that Aradius, son of Canaan, grandson of Noah, was the first to inhabit this island and in it to build a very strongly fortified city bearing his own name, whence it is called Arados. To this on the east there is near a city likewise once very noble, which, from the fact that it is set opposite in line to the aforesaid city, as we said above, is called Antarados, but today, by a corrupted appellation, is called Tortosa; where the apostle Peter, making the circuit of Phoenicia, is said to have founded a modest Basilica in honor of the Mother of God, which up to this day is much frequented by the resort of peoples; and where, divinely, through the intercession of that same ever-virgin, many benefits are said to be bestowed upon needy faithful. These two cities, suffragan to the Tyrian metropolis, together with another adjoining them, which is called Maraclee, a portion of the province of Phoenicia, are understood to be such.

Applicati ad praedictam insulam, regionem universam terrore concutiunt, ibique mandatum domini sui operientes, domum supra portum Antaradensem incenderunt, damna civibus majora, sed incassum inferre molientes. Interea Salahadinus regionem pro suo arbitrio depopulatus, classi mandat ut redeat; ipse quoque revocatis agminibus, in suos se recepit fines. Paucis tamen postmodum evolutis diebus, inito foedere cum domino comite, interius in regionem se contulit Damascenorum.

Having made landfall at the aforesaid island, they shake the whole region with terror; and there, awaiting their lord’s mandate, they set fire to the house above the harbor of Antarados, attempting to inflict greater damages upon the citizens, but in vain. Meanwhile Saladin, having laid waste the region at his own arbitrium, orders the fleet to return; he too, having recalled his columns, withdrew into his own borders. Yet, after a few days had rolled by, a treaty having been entered into with the lord count, he betook himself further inland into the region of the Damascenes.

CAPUT IV. Tyrensis archiepiscopus a Constantinopoli regreditur; dominus Ludovicus rex Francorum vita decessit.

CHAPTER 4. The archbishop of Tyre returns from Constantinople; Lord Louis, king of the Franks, departed this life.

Per idem tempus, cum per menses septem continuos, cum illustris memoriae domino Manuele, Constantinopoleos imperatore magnifico, moram nobis et Ecclesiae nostrae perutilem fecissemus, quarta post Pascha feria, licentiam redeundi ad propria per multam obtinuimus instantiam. Qui commendatis nostrae devotioni legatis suis, viris nobilibus et magnificis, in galeis quatuor, quas nobis more imperiali liberaliter nimis concesserat, transcursis Tenedo, Mutilene, Chio, Samo, Delo, Claros, Rhodo, Cypro, insulis; a laeva autem relictis Phrygia, Asia minore, Lycia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, Isauria, Cilicia provinciis, fauces Orontis fluminis, et Seleuciae portum, qui hodie dicitur Sancti Simeonis, IV Idus Maias attigimus, propitia Divinitate, salvis rebus et corpore incolumes. Non videtur tamen praetereundum, sed erit praesentis historiae articulus non modicus, quod dum in urbe regia moram, ut praediximus, tum ingruentis hiemis necessitate, tum felicissimi domini imperatoris mandato faceremus, contigit eum paterna provisione, et mente quodammodo praesaga de maturo ex hac luce exitu, geminam sobolem suam, filium videlicet et filiam, matrimonii legibus alterum uxori, alteram viro copulare.

At the same time, since for seven continuous months, with lord Manuel of illustrious memory, the magnificent emperor of Constantinople, we had made a stay very useful to us and to our Church, on the Wednesday after Easter, we obtained by much insistence license to return to our own. He, having commended to our devotion his legates, noble and magnificent men, in four galleys, which he had most liberally granted to us after the imperial manner, having skimmed past the islands Tenedos, Mytilene, Chios, Samos, Delos, Claros, Rhodes, Cyprus; but on the left having left behind the provinces of Phrygia, Asia Minor, Lycia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, Isauria, Cilicia, we reached the narrows of the river Orontes, and the port of Seleucia, which today is called of Saint Simeon, on May 12, Divinity propitious, our goods safe and our body unharmed. Nor does it seem to be passed over; rather, it will be no small article of the present history, that while in the royal city we made a stay, as we have said, both by the necessity of the oncoming winter and by the mandate of the most fortunate lord emperor, it befell that, by paternal provision and with a mind in some measure presaging his timely departure from this light, he coupled his twin offspring, namely a son and a daughter, by the laws of matrimony—the one to a wife, the other to a husband.

Filio sane adhuc impuberi, vix annorum tredecim, Alexio nomine, avi paterni nomen referenti, illustris Francorum regis domini Ludovici filiam, vix annorum octo, Agnetem nomine, solemniter contulit, imperialibus insignibus utrique collatis, in palatio domini Constantini senioris, in ea parte palatii quae dicitur Trullus; ubi et sancta et universalis synodus sexta, temporibus Constantini, filii Constantini, filii Heraclii, dicitur fuisse congregata. Filiam vero nuptui collocavit apud adolescentem nomine Reinerium, Willelmi senioris marchionis de Monteferrato filium, domini item Willelmi fratrem, cui nos regis nostri sororem contuleramus. Hunc, quasi annornm decem et septem, per suos apocrisiarios dominus imperator fecerat evocari, qui ante nostrum adventum in urbem regiam diebus circiter quindecim descenderat; factaque mora tam in urbe quam in expeditione cum domino imperatore, redeunte quoque domino imperatore circa Epiphaniarum dies in urbem, mense Februario in palatio novo, quod Blachernas dicitur, convocata curia sua, cum imperiali magnificentia, per manum Theodosii ejusdem urbis patriarchae, eidem filiam suam nomine Mariam, uxorem dedit, et de nomine patris sui Joannem appellatum, Caesarem constituit.

To his son, indeed still underage, scarcely thirteen years old, named Alexios, bearing the name of his paternal grandsire, he solemnly bestowed the daughter of the illustrious lord Louis, king of the Franks, scarcely eight years old, named Agnes, the imperial insignia having been conferred upon each, in the palace of lord Constantine the elder, in that part of the palace which is called the Trullus; where also the holy and universal Sixth Synod, in the times of Constantine, son of Constantine, son of Heraclius, is said to have been assembled. His daughter, however, he established in marriage to a youth named Reinerius, son of William the elder, marquess of Montferrat, likewise brother of lord William, to whom we had bestowed our king’s sister. This young man, of about seventeen years, the lord emperor had caused to be summoned through his apocrisiaries (envoys), who had come down to the royal city about fifteen days before our arrival; and, a delay having been made both in the city and on an expedition with the lord emperor, and with the lord emperor also returning to the city about the days of the Epiphany, in the month of February, in the new palace which is called Blachernae, his court having been convened, with imperial magnificence, through the hand of Theodosius, patriarch of that same city, he gave to him his daughter named Maria as wife, and, named John from his father’s name, he appointed him Caesar.

Hanc filiam, Hirene uxor ejus prior, imperatrix piae memoriae, quae ei de regno Teutonico in uxorem data fuerat, peperit; nam ex Maria, quam secundo duxit, solum Alexium, qui hodie imperat, suscepit. Verum si ludos Circenses, quos cives illius urbis Hippodromos vocant, et variorum gloriam spectaculorum populo per illos dies cum solemnitate exhibitam; si imperialem circa vestes, et proprii corporis indumenta in lapidibus pretiosis et margaritarum pondere et numero excellentiam; si palatii supellectilem auream, argenteam, numero et pondere infinitam; si velorum ad ornatum dependentium pretium; si famulorum et curialium numerositatem scripto comprehendere tentemus; si apparatus, nuptiarum magnificentiam; si effusam in omnes, tam suos quam exteros immensae liberalitatis munificentiam, per singula velimus prosequi, immensitate materiae sermo succumberet, etiamsi specialis ad hoc deputaretur tractatus. Sed nunc ad historiam redeamus.

This daughter was borne by Hirene, his former wife, an empress of pious memory, who had been given to him from the Teutonic realm as a wife; for from Maria, whom he married second, he received only Alexius, who today reigns. But if we should attempt to comprehend in writing the Circus games, which the citizens of that city call the Hippodrome, and the glory of various spectacles presented to the populace with solemnity during those days; if the imperial preeminence as regards garments and the clothing of his own body in precious stones and in the weight and number of pearls; if the furnishings of the palace, golden and silver, infinite in number and in weight; if the cost of the hangings depending for adornment; if the numerousness of servants and courtiers; if the array, the magnificence of the nuptials; if the munificence of immense liberality poured out upon all, both his own and foreigners, we should wish to pursue point by point, the discourse would succumb under the immensity of the material, even if a special treatise were deputed to this. But now let us return to the history.

Completis ergo apud Antiochiam, injunctis nobis ab imperiali excellentia, cum domino principe, et cum domino patriarcha mandatis, domino rege apud Berythum invento, eoque terrestri itinere Tyrum properante, nos propitia Divinitate, continua navigatione, pridie Nonas Julii, post annum et menses decem, ex quo ad synodum profecti eramus, ad Tyrensem reversi sumus Ecclesiam.

Therefore, the mandates having been completed at Antioch which had been enjoined upon us by the imperial excellence, together with the lord prince and with the lord patriarch, the lord king having been found at Berytus, and he hastening by a terrestrial journey to Tyre, we, with Divinity propitious, by continuous navigation, on the day before the Nones of July (July 6), after a year and ten months from when we had set out to the synod, returned to the Church of Tyre.

Anno septimo regni domini Balduini quarti, XIII Kal. Octobris piissimus et Christianissimus Francorum rex, vir virtutum et immortalis memoriae dominus Ludovicus, onere carnis deposito, coelis intulit animam, cum electis principibus praemia possessurus aeterna; filio uno superstite et haerede, Philippo nomine, ex Ala regina, filia Theobaldi senioris, sorore domini Henrici comitis Trecensium, Theobaldi comitis Carnotensium, Stephani comitis Sainsorensium, domini Willelmi Remensis archiepiscopi: mortuus est anno regni ejus quinquagesimo, vitae vero sexagesimo. Sequenti mense, pridie nonas Octobris, anno pontificatus sui vicesimo secundo, dominus Amalricus bonae memoriae Hierosolymorum patriarcha, vir simplex nimium, et pene inutilis, viam universae carnis ingressus est.

In the 7th year of the reign of lord Baldwin the Fourth, on September 19, the most pious and most Christian king of the Franks, a man of virtues and of immortal memory, lord Louis, with the burden of the flesh laid down, conveyed his soul to the heavens, to possess eternal rewards with the elect princes; with one son surviving and heir, by the name Philip, from Ala the queen, daughter of Theobald the elder, sister of lord Henry count of the people of Troyes, Theobald count of the people of Chartres, Stephen count of the people of Sancerre, lord William archbishop of Reims: he died in the 50th year of his reign, and indeed of life the 60th. In the following month, on the day before the Nones of October (October 6), in the 22nd year of his pontificate, lord Amalric of good memory, patriarch of Jerusalem, a man exceedingly simple, and almost useless, entered the way of all flesh.

In cujus loco, dominus Heraclius Caesariensis archiepiscopus, intra dies decem substitutus est.

In his place, lord Heraclius, archbishop of Caesarea, was appointed within ten days.

CAPUT V. Rex sororem suam juniorem, Henfredo tertio uxorem tradit. Constantinopolitanus imperator vita defungitur.

CHAPTER 5. The king gives his younger sister in marriage to Humphrey the Third. The emperor of Constantinople departs this life.

Eodem mense, dominus rex sororem suam, vix annorum octo, cuidam adolescenti Henfredo nomine, despondit. Hic tertius Henfredus, junioris Henfredi filius fuit ex Stephania Philippi Neapolitani filia: qui secundus Henfredus, senioris Henfredi de Torono regis constabularii, cujus supra saepius fecimus mentionem, fuit filius; cujus avus maternus, videlicet Philippus, dominus fuit Arabiae secundae, quae est Petracensis, qui locus hodie vulgo Crach et Syriae Sobal, qui locus hodie montis Regalis; quarum utraque est trans Jordanem. Hic postea conversus, factus est magister militiae Templi.

In the same month, the lord king betrothed his sister, scarcely eight years old, to a certain adolescent named Henfred. This Henfred the third was the son of the younger Henfred by Stephania, daughter of Philip the Neapolitan: which second Henfred was the son of the elder Henfred of Toron, constable of the king, of whom above we have more often made mention; whose maternal grandfather, namely Philip, was lord of Second Arabia, which is Petraean, which place today is commonly called Krak, and of Syria Sobal, which place today is Mont Royal; of which both are beyond the Jordan. He, afterwards converted, was made Master of the militia of the Temple.

Tractante ergo et plurimum elaborante principe Rainaldo, matris ejusdem pueri jam puberis, tertio marito, celebrata sunt Hierosolymis praedicti adolescentis et sororis domini regis sponsalia. Commutavit praeterea patrimonium suum, quod in finibus Tyri per mortem avi paterni haereditario jure ad se fuerat devolutum, Toronum videlicet, et Castellum novum et Paneadem, cum pertinentiis suis, cum domino rege certis conditionibus; quarum tenor in Archivis regiis, nobis dictantibus, per officium nostrum, continetur introductus.

Therefore, with Prince Reynald—third husband of the mother of that same boy, now of puberty—handling the matter and laboring greatly, the espousals of the aforesaid adolescent and the lord king’s sister were celebrated at Jerusalem. He furthermore exchanged his patrimony, which in the borders of Tyre had devolved to him by hereditary right upon the death of his paternal grandfather—namely Toron, and New Castle, and Paneas—with their appurtenances, with the lord king on certain conditions; the tenor of which, at our dictation, has been entered and is contained in the royal archives by our office.

Eodem mense, tertia mensis die, vir eminentissimus et immortalis memoriae, omnium principum terrae munificentissimus, dominus Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator, onere carnis deposito, animam coelo reddidit; cujus memoria in benedictione, cujus eleemosynas et beneficia largissima enarrabit omnis Ecclesia sanctorum. Defunctus autem dicitur anno imperii sui quadragesimo, vitae vero (quantum adhuc nosse datur) quadragesimo primo.

In the same month, on the third day of the month, the most eminent man and of immortal memory, the most munificent of all the princes of the earth, lord Manuel, the Constantinopolitan emperor, with the burden of the flesh laid aside, rendered his soul to heaven; whose memory is in benediction, whose alms and most lavish benefactions the whole Church of the saints will recount. He is said to have died in the fortieth year of his empire, and of life indeed (so far as it is yet given to know) the forty-first.

CAPUT VI. Princeps Antiochenus occasione pellicis, quam uxori viventi superduxerat, anathemati subjicitur. In Alexium imperatorem conspiratur.

CHAPTER 6. The Prince of Antioch, on account of a concubine whom he had put over his living wife, is subjected to anathema. Against Alexius the emperor, a conspiracy is formed.

Per idem quoque tempus dominus Boamundus, Antiochiae princeps, relicta domina Theodora uxore sua, domini imperatoris nepte, quamdam sibyllam, maleficiis utentem, ut dicitur, ecclesiastica severitate contempta, in uxorem ducere praesumpsit. Per idem tempus, cum dominus Joscelinus, regis avunculus et senescalcus, a domino rege missus pro quibusdam regni negotiis, in urbe Constantinopolitana, et dominus Balduinus de Ramis pro redemptione sua, a domino imperatore auxilium postulaturus, similiter in eadem civitate moram facerent, mortuo jam domino Manuele, piae recordationis imperatore, Kal. Martii detecti sunt quidam nobiles, viri magni et illustres, res novas molientes, contra dominum Alexium imperatorem, filium domini Manuelis, conspirasse; quos comprehensos, tanquam majestatis reos, vinculis mancipari, tradi carceribus, licet ejus quidam ex eis essent consanguinei, praecepit imperator, matris adhuc tutelae, juxta patris arbitrium, suppositus.

At that same time also, lord Boamundus, prince of Antioch, with lady Theodora his wife left behind, the niece of the lord emperor, presumed to take to wife a certain sibyl, using malefices, as it is said, ecclesiastical severity being scorned. At the same time, when lord Joscelinus, the king’s uncle and seneschal, sent by the lord king for certain affairs of the kingdom, in the city of Constantinople, and lord Baldwin of Ramis, for his own redemption, intending to ask aid from the lord emperor, were likewise making a stay in the same city, with lord Manuel, emperor of pious memory, now dead, on the Kalends of March certain nobles were detected—great and illustrious men—who, attempting innovations, had conspired against lord Alexius the emperor, son of lord Manuel; whom, once apprehended, as guilty of lèse-majesté, he ordered to be consigned to chains and delivered to prisons, although some of them were his consanguines—the emperor being still placed under the tutelage of his mother, according to his father’s judgment.

Inter quos erant, quasi totius factionis opifices, Manuel senioris Andronici (unde superius fecimus mentionem) filius; Alexius quoque Protostrator, Theodorae Calusinae neptis domini imperatoris, filius; item frater Logothetae, qui Canaclivi utebatur officio; et alii quidam magnates eximii, circiter duodecim. Se et ejusdem domini imperatoris soror, domina Maria, factionis ejusdem conscia, cum marito marchionis filio (cujus superius etiam fecimus mentionem) ad ecclesiam Sanctae Sophiae nocte confugiens, in pendulo sortis dubiae, septis Ecclesiae conservabatur; ubi cum marito contra imperatorem fratrem, eadem ecclesia armis et militibus communita, cum fautoribus suis, et ejusdem propositi complicibus, tentabat aliquid moliri, favente sibi ejusdem civitatis patriarcha. Sed tandem convalescentibus imperatoris partibus, Latinorum maxime fretis auxilio, illa confractis viribus de vita desperans, supplex per intercessores veniam postulat; et fratri, indulta gratia, reconciliata est.

Among whom were, as it were the artisans of the whole faction, Manuel, son of Andronicus the elder (of whom we made mention above); Alexius also the Protostrator, son of Theodora Calusina, the lord emperor’s niece; likewise the brother of the Logothete, who was exercising the office of Canaclivus; and certain other distinguished magnates, about twelve. Also the sister of the same lord emperor, Lady Maria, privy to the same faction, fleeing by night with her husband, the marquis’s son (of whom we also made mention above), to the church of Saint Sophia, was kept within the enclosures of the Church, poised in the balance of a doubtful lot; where, with her husband, against the emperor her brother, the same church being furnished with arms and soldiers, together with her favorers and accomplices of the same design, she attempted to contrive something, the patriarch of the same city favoring her. But at length, as the emperor’s party grew strong, relying most of all on the aid of the Latins, she, her forces broken and despairing of life, as a suppliant through intercessors asks pardon; and, grace having been granted, she was reconciled to her brother.

CAPUT VII. Hierosolymitanus patriarcha Antiochiam dirigitur, ut rei periclitanti tentet afferre remedium. Alexander papa vita decedit.

CHAPTER 7. The Patriarch of Jerusalem is sent to Antioch, that he may attempt to bring a remedy to the imperiled affair. Pope Alexander departs this life.

Eodem tempore, occasione pellicis, quam abjecta uxore legitima, Boamundus princeps Antiochenus superduxerat, turbatus est Orientalium Latinorum status, et maxime Antiochenarum partium principatus. Nam commonitus semel et secundo idem princeps, ut a tam manifesto adulterii commisso recederet, et uxorem ad se revocaret legitimam: more peccatoris, qui cum in profundum venerit vitiorum contemnere solet; obturatis auribus, vocem noluit sapienter incantantium exaudire, sed obstinate in peccato perseverans, sententiam in se excommunicationis, merito latam, suscepit. Cui tamen non multum deferens, sed delictum ingeminans, tam dominum patriarcham, quam ejusdem regionis episcopos et alios ecclesiarum praelatos, hostiliter persequi coepit, manus in eis injiciens violentas; et venerabilium locorum, tam ecclesiarum quam monasteriorum, septa violans, res sacras diripiens, et eorum, nefario spiritu et ausu temerario, perturbans possessiones; ipsum etiam dominum patriarcham cum clero, qui ad eum confugerat, in quodam ecclesiae municipio, firmo tamen, armis quoque et militia simul et victualibus sufficienter communito, dicitur obsidere; et frequentibus, more hostili, eos impugnare congressionibus.

At the same time, on the occasion of the concubine whom, his lawful wife cast off, Bohemond, the Antiochene prince, had taken in her place, the state of the Eastern Latins was disturbed, and especially the principate of the Antiochene parts. For, admonished once and a second time, that he should withdraw from so manifest a commission of adultery and recall to himself his lawful wife, like a sinner who, when he has come into the deep of vices, is wont to despise, with his ears stopped he was unwilling to hear the voice of those wisely chanting, but, persevering obstinately in sin, he received upon himself the sentence of excommunication, deservedly pronounced. Paying it, however, not much deference, but doubling his offense, he began to persecute in hostile fashion both the lord patriarch and the bishops of the same region and other prelates of the churches, laying violent hands upon them; and violating the precincts of venerable places, both of churches and of monasteries, plundering sacred things, and, with a nefarious spirit and rash daring, disturbing their possessions; he is said even to besiege the lord patriarch himself, with the clergy who had fled to him, in a certain municipality of the church—yet a strong one—sufficiently fortified also with arms and soldiery together with provisions, and to assail them, in the manner of an enemy, with frequent engagements.

Unde quidam de magnatibus regionis illius, ejus non ferentes insaniam, cognoscentes se plus debere Deo quam hominibus, ab eo mente et corpore recesserunt, ejus maleficia detestantes; inter quos vir nobilis et potens Rainaldus, cognomento Mansuetus, in praesidium suum inexpugnabile et munitissimum (adjunctis sibi quibus cordi erat causa honestior, et timor Dei ante oculos) se recepit, in eo praebens praesulibus a propriis ejectis sedibus et aliis indifferenter, ob eamdem causam profugis, tutum refugium. Ob quod factum tota regio in tantum descendit tamque periculosum discrimen, ut viris prudentibus et sensus habentibus exercitatos, procul omni dubio videatur, ut nisi nobis mature divina subvenerit clementia, hostibus, nostram ruinam et Christiani nominis perennem injuriam, patere debeat introitus, et in eorum potestatem universa redire provincia; de quorum manibus, opitulante Domino, fidelium principum sollicitudine, et Christianae plebis multis laboribus et sumptibus, est erepta. Verus est enim Veritatis sermo, et omni acceptione dignus: Quia omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur, et domus supra domum cadet (Matth.

Whence certain of the magnates of that region, not bearing his insanity, recognizing that they owe more to God than to men, withdrew from him in mind and body, detesting his malefactions; among whom a noble and powerful man, Rainald, by surname the Meek, withdrew into his own praesidium, impregnable and most strongly fortified (having joined to himself those for whom the more honorable cause was at heart, and the fear of God before their eyes), providing therein a safe refuge for the prelates ejected from their own seats and for others without distinction who were exiles for the same cause. On account of which deed the whole region descended into so dangerous a crisis, that to men prudent and exercised in sense it appears, beyond all doubt, that, unless the divine clemency shall promptly come to our aid, an entrance must lie open to the enemies for our ruin and the perpetual injury of the Christian name, and that the whole province return into their power; from whose hands, with the Lord helping, by the solicitude of faithful princes and by many labors and expenses of the Christian plebs, it was snatched away. For true is the Word of Truth, and worthy of all acceptance: For every kingdom divided against itself shall be desolated, and house upon house shall fall (Matt.

XII, 25). Dominus autem Hierosolymorum rex una cum domino patriarcha et aliis ecclesiarum praelatis, simul et laicis principibus, debitam gerentes sollicitudinem, convenientes apud se, et quid in tam periculoso rerum statu agendum sit, summa diligentia deliberantes, licet praedicti imprudentis et dissoluti principis merit videantur exigere, vim inferre dubitant, ne forte, hostium viribus et rogatis auxiliis, volens resistere, Turcis exponat regionem, unde eos postmodum, etiam volens et enitens plurimum, non possit amovere. Item apud hominem insanum, et ad mala praecipitem, maleficiis praeoccupatum, precibus et salutaribus monitis locum non esse intelligentes; nam hoc esset surdo asino narrare fabulam, et verba ventis dare; mittere viros prudentes et exhortationis habentes gratiam, non praesumunt. Sustinent ergo malum hoc, ne deterius incurrant, ab eo exspectantes subsidium, qui solet convertere in profundo maris positos; et dare nivem sicut lanam, mittens cristallum sicut buccellam panis (Psal.

12, 25). But the lord king of Jerusalem together with the lord patriarch and the other prelates of the churches, and likewise with the lay princes, bearing the due solicitude, meeting among themselves and deliberating with the highest diligence what ought to be done in so perilous a condition of affairs, although the deserts of the aforesaid imprudent and dissolute prince seem to demand it, they hesitate to employ force, lest perhaps, by the strength of the enemies and by aids called in, wishing to resist, he expose the region to the Turks, whence afterward, even wishing and striving very greatly, he would not be able to remove them. Likewise, understanding that with a madman and headlong toward evils, preoccupied with misdeeds, there is no place for prayers and salutary admonitions—for this would be to tell a fable to a deaf ass, and to give words to the winds;—they do not presume to send men prudent and having the grace of exhortation. They therefore endure this evil, lest they incur a worse, awaiting help from Him who is wont to turn those placed in the depth of the sea; and to give snow like wool, sending ice like a morsel of bread (Ps.

CXLVII, 5 6); ut ille divina visitatione commonitus, et cor rediens, ad frugem vitae melioris se erigat, et optimi moderatoris virtute induatur ex alto. Tandem videntes nostri malum illud ingravescere, et nullum in proximo sperantes remedium; jam enim non solum persona principis anathematis vinculo tenebatur astricta; verum universa regio, propter rapinas, incendia, quae in bonis venerabilium fiebant locorum, interdicto erat supposita, ita ut praeter baptisma parvulorum, nullum de sacramentis ecclesiasticis populo ministraretur; coeperunt nostri timere amplius, videntes rem in eum casum descendisse, in quo non sine universorum periculo diu stare posset. Ordinant itaque de communi consilio, ut dominus patriarcha, dominus quoque Rainaldus de Castellione, qui aliquando princeps Antiochenus fuerat, hujus domini Boamundi junioris vitricus; magister quoque militiae Templi, frater Arnaldus de Toroge; magister quoque domus Hospitalis, frater Rogerus de Molins, ad partes illas properent, tentantes, si praevia Dei gratia, aut ad tempus, aut in perpetuum, tantis malis aliquod possint invenire et aptare remedium.

147, 5 6); so that he, admonished by a divine visitation, and his heart returning, may raise himself to the fruit of a better life, and be clothed from on high with the virtue of the best Governor. At length our men, seeing that evil grow heavier, and hoping for no remedy at hand; for now not only the person of the prince was held bound by the bond of anathema; but the whole region, on account of robberies and burnings which were being done upon the goods of venerable places, was subjected to an interdict, such that, apart from the baptism of little ones, none of the ecclesiastical sacraments was ministered to the people; our men began to fear more, seeing the matter had descended into such a case in which it could not stand long without peril to all. Therefore they ordain by common counsel that the lord patriarch, and lord also Rainaldus of Castellione, who had once been prince of Antioch, stepfather of this lord Boamundus the younger; and the master of the militia of the Temple, brother Arnaldus of Toroge; and the master of the house of the Hospital, brother Rogerus of Molins, hasten to those parts, attempting, if with God’s grace going before, either for a time or in perpetuity, they might be able to find and fit some remedy for such great evils.

Timebamus enim, ne forte a domino papa et transmarinis principibus, nobis ad negligentiam, vel potius ad malitiam imputaretur, si vicinis nostris tam misera sorte laborantibus, nullum daremus compassionis signum, nullum studeremus adhibere remedium. Dominus igitur patriarcha, assumptis ex Ecclesiarum praelatis domino Monacho Caesariensi electo, domino Alberto Bethlehemita episcopo, domino Rainaldo abbate montis Sion, domino Petro ecclesiae Dominici Sepulcri priore, prudentibus viris et discretis, subsequentibus eum aliis ejusdem itineris consortibus, ad partes illas descendit; assumptoque sibi comite Tripolitano, eidem principi familiari admodum et accepto, ut eorum verbum facilius effectui posset mancipari, apud Laodiciam conveniunt; tandemque tam dominum principem, quam dominum patriarcham seorsim convenientes, diem utrique constituunt apud Antiochiam; ubi praetentato hinc inde verbo, pacem constituunt temporalem; ita videlicet ut, refusis tam domino patriarchae quam episcopis et locis venerabilibus quaecunque amiserant, cesset interdictum et populis ecclesiasticorum sacramentorum restituantur munera. Ipse autem in propria persona, ab episcopis latam patienter ferat sententiam; aut si penitus quaerat absolvi, pellicem abjiciat, uxore legitima revocata.

For we were afraid, lest perhaps by the lord pope and the transmarine princes it should be imputed to us as negligence, or rather as malice, if to our neighbors laboring under so wretched a lot we should give no sign of compassion, nor strive to apply any remedy. The lord therefore patriarch, having taken from the prelates of the Churches lord Monachus, the bishop-elect of Caesarea, lord Albert, the bishop of Bethlehem, lord Rainald, the abbot of Mount Sion, lord Peter, the prior of the Church of the Lord’s Sepulcher, prudent and discreet men, with others, companions of the same journey following him, went down to those parts; and having associated to himself the Count of Tripoli, very familiar and acceptable to the same prince, that their word might more easily be delivered to effect, they meet at Laodicea; and at length, meeting both the lord prince and the lord patriarch separately, they appoint a day for each at Antioch; where, after preliminaries essayed on this side and that, they establish a temporal peace; namely, on condition that, things be restored both to the lord patriarch and to the bishops and to the venerable places, whatever they had lost, the interdict cease, and to the peoples the gifts of the ecclesiastical sacraments be restored. He himself moreover, in his own person, should bear patiently the sentence pronounced by the bishops; or, if he seeks to be absolved entirely, let him cast off the concubine, with the lawful wife recalled.

His ergo peractis, putantes se regionis incendium aliquantulum mitigasse, ad propria reversi sunt. Princeps vero nihilominus in eisdem sordibus obstinatus irrevocabiliter perseverat. Adjecit praeterea, et quod regioni periculosius est, eo solo quod eis factum ejus dicebatur displicere, fidelium suorum optimos, inclytos et nobiles viros, extra civitatem et omnem terram suam expellere; videlicet constabularium suum, camerarium quoque, et Guiscardum de Insula, Bertrandum quoque filium comitis Gisleberti, et Garinum Gainart; qui ad dominum Rupinum Armeniorum principem magnificum de necessario declinantes, honestissime ab eo sunt suscepti, ita ut singulis statim daret munera ingentia et victum singulis sufficientem assignaret, Eodem anno, mense Augusto, vicesima septima die mensis, pontificatus ejus anno vicesimo tertio, dominus Alexander papa tertius, viam universae carnis ingressus est, et in Ecclesia Lateranensi sepultus; cui substitutus est dominus Lucius papa tertius, qui et Hubaldus, Ostiensis episcopus, natione Tuscus, patria Lucensis, vir grandaevus admodum et modice litteratus.

These things therefore having been accomplished, thinking that they had somewhat mitigated the conflagration of the region, they returned to their own places. The prince, however, obstinate in the same filth, perseveres irrevocably. He moreover added—and what is more perilous to the region—that for the sole reason that his act was said to displease them, he expelled out of the city and all his land the best of his faithful, renowned and noble men: namely his constable, and also his chamberlain, and Guiscard of the Isle, and likewise Bertrand, the son of Count Gislebert, and Garinus Gainart; who, turning aside of necessity to Lord Rupinus, the magnificent prince of the Armenians, were most honorably received by him, so that he at once gave to each immense gifts and assigned to each sufficient sustenance. In the same year, in the month of August, on the 27th day of the month, in the 23rd year of his pontificate, Lord Alexander, Pope the Third, entered the way of all flesh, and was buried in the Lateran Church; and in his place was substituted Lord Lucius, Pope the Third, who is Hubaldus, bishop of Ostia, by nation Tuscan, by fatherland Lucchese, a man very advanced in age and moderately lettered.

Eodem quoque tempore, venerabilis in Christo frater noster, piae in Domino recordationis, dominus Raimundus, Ecclesiae Berythensium episcopus, idibus Septembris ex hac luce subtractus est, lucis perpetuae, praevia Domini gratia, praemiis perenniter potiturus. Cui postmodum in eadem Ecclesia substitutus est vir honestus et litteratus magister, Odo, Ecclesiae nostrae archidiaconus, cui nos, in jejuniis Decembris, et sacerdotii gradum, et pontificalem, auctore Domino, contulimus dignitatem.

Eodem also time, our venerable brother in Christ, of pious remembrance in the Lord, lord Raymond, bishop of the Church of the Berythensians, on the Ides of September was withdrawn from this light, destined, with the grace of the Lord going before, to enjoy perpetually the rewards of perpetual light. In his place thereafter, in the same Church, there was substituted an honorable and lettered master, Odo, archdeacon of our Church, to whom we, during the fasts of December, both the grade of the priesthood and the pontifical dignity, by the Lord as author, conferred.

CAPUT VIII. Noradini filius moritur, domino Mussulae consanguineo suo haereditate relicta.

CHAPTER 8. The son of Nuradin dies, the inheritance left to his kinsman, the lord of Mosul.

Per idem tempus, mortuus est Melecshalah, Noradini filius, adolescens adhuc, cui de omni haereditate paterna, sola manserat Halapia, cum paucis admodum municipiis. Hic moriens testamento novissimo dicitur Halapiam et omnem haereditatem suam, ex asse, in quemdam patrui sui filium Hezedin nomine, filium Thebeth, Mussulae dominum contulisse. Quo defuncto, principes ejus, nuntios ad praedictum dominum Mussulae, illustrem et magnificum Turcorum satrapam, dirigunt, monentes, ut non differat cum omni celeritate ad eos venire; qui, suscepta legatione, festinus adveniens, avita bona et sibi jure haereditario debita suscepit, timens ne Salahadinus, qui praedictum patruelem suum, ex parte plurima exhaeredaverat, ab Aegypto rediens, hanc etiam urbem invitis civibus violenter occuparet; praesertim cum quidam de majoribus, occultum ei praestarent favorem.

At the same time, Melecshalah, son of Noradin, died, still an adolescent, to whom of all the paternal inheritance only Aleppo had remained, with very few municipalities. He, dying, is said by his most recent testament to have conferred Aleppo and his whole inheritance, in full, upon a certain son of his paternal uncle, by name Hezedin, son of Thebeth, lord of Mosul. Upon his death, his princes send messengers to the aforesaid lord of Mosul, the illustrious and magnificent satrap of the Turks, admonishing that he not delay to come to them with all celerity; who, the embassy having been received, hastening to arrive, took possession of the ancestral goods owed to him by hereditary right, fearing lest Saladin—who had, for the greatest part, disinherited the aforesaid cousin—returning from Egypt, should also violently seize this city, the citizens being unwilling; especially since certain of the magnates were affording him secret favor.

Salahadinus vero, composita usque ad completum biennium nobiscum pace temporali, in Aegyptum descenderat, ut sua ibidem studiosius procuraret negotia. Anxius enim plurimum sollicitabatur, eo quod audierat classem regis Siculi, cum ingenti apparatu et infinitis copiis in mare descendisse, et ad partes Aegyptias properandi habere propositum. Superfluam autem super eo articulo conceperat formidinem; nam praedicta classis in Occidentem iter arripuit, ad Baleares insulas, Hispaniae conterminas citeriori, quarum altera vulgari appellatione Majorica, altera vero Minorica dicitur, contendens; ubi infausta navigatione et sinistris acta flatibus, tota pene deperiit circa Sacuam Albenguenam; et viginti millia urbes maritimas, freto intumescente, littoribus allisa.

But Saladin, a temporal peace having been arranged with us up to the completion of two years, had gone down into Egypt, that he might more studiously manage his affairs there. For he was exceedingly anxious, being greatly agitated, because he had heard that the fleet of the king of Sicily, with huge apparatus and infinite forces, had put to sea, and had the purpose of hastening toward the Egyptian regions. However, he had conceived a superfluous fear on that point; for the aforesaid fleet took its road toward the West, making for the Balearic islands, bordering on nearer Spain, of which one by vulgar appellation is called Majorica and the other Minorica; where, with ill‑fated navigation and driven by sinister blasts, almost the whole perished around Sacua Albenguena; and twenty thousand were dashed against the shores of the maritime cities, as the strait swelled.

Interea, dum regnum pace, ut praediximus, gauderet temporali, natio quaedam Syriorum, in Phoenice provincia circa juga Libani, juxta urbem Bibliensium habitans, plurimam circa sui statum passa est mutationem. Nam cum per annos pene quingentos cujusdam Maronis haeresiarchae errorem fuissent secuti, ita ut ab eo dicerentur Maronitae, et ab Ecclesia fidelium sequestrati, seorsum sacramenta conficerent sua, divina inspiratione ad cor redeuntes, languore deposito, ad patriarcham Antiochenum Aimericum, qui tertius Latinorum nunc eidem praeest Ecclesiae, accesserunt; et abjurato errore, quo diu periculose nimis detenti fuerant, ad unitatem Ecclesiae Catholicae reversi sunt, fidem orthodoxam suscipientes, parati Romanae Ecclesiae traditiones cum omni veneratione amplecti et observare. Erat autem hujus populi turba non modica, sed quasi quadraginta millium dicebatur excedere quantitatem, qui per Bibliensem, Botriensem et Tripolitanum episcopatus, juga Libani et montis devexa, ut praediximus, inhabitabant; erantque viri fortes et in armis strenui, nostris, in majoribus negotiis quae cum hostibus habebant frequentissime, valde utiles; unde et de eorum conversione ad fidei sinceritatem, maxima nostris accessit laetitia.

Meanwhile, while the realm, as we have foretold, rejoiced in temporal peace, a certain nation of Syrians, in the province Phoenice around the ridges of Lebanon, dwelling near the city of the Byblians, endured a very great change concerning their condition. For although for almost 500 years they had followed the error of a certain heresiarch Maron, so that from him they were called Maronites, and, separated from the Church of the faithful, they performed their own sacraments apart, returning to their heart by divine inspiration, with their languor laid aside, they approached Aimery, the Antiochene patriarch, who now, the third of the Latins, presides over that Church; and, having abjured the error by which they had long been held with extreme peril, they returned to the unity of the Catholic Church, receiving the orthodox faith, ready to embrace with all veneration and to observe the traditions of the Roman Church. Now the multitude of this people was not small, but was said to exceed the quantity of nearly 40,000, who, as we have said, inhabited through the bishoprics of Byblus, Botrys, and Tripoli, the ridges of Lebanon and the slopes of the mountain; and they were brave men and strenuous in arms, very useful to our people, most frequently, in the more important affairs which they had with the enemies; whence also from their conversion to the sincerity of the faith, very great joy accrued to our side.

Maronis autem error et sequacium ejus, est et fuit, sicut et sexta synodo legitur, quae contra eos collecta esse dignoscitur et in qua damnationis sententiam pertulerunt; quod in Domino nostro Jesu Christo una tantum sit, et fuerit ab initio, et voluntas et operatio. Cui articulo ab orthodoxorum Ecclesi reprobato, multa alia perniciosa nimis, postquam a coetu fidelium segregati sunt, adjecerunt; super quibus omnibus ducti poenitudine, ad Ecclesiam, ut praediximus, redierunt Catholicam, una cum patriarcha suo et episcopis nonnullis, qui eos sicut prius in impietate praecesserant, ita ad veritatem redeuntibus, pium ducatum praestiterunt.

But the error of Maron and of his followers is and was, as is read also in the sixth synod, which is recognized to have been convened against them and in which they bore the sentence of condemnation; namely, that in our Lord Jesus Christ there is, and from the beginning was, only one will and one operation. To this article, rejected by the Church of the orthodox, they added many other things too pernicious, after they had been segregated from the assembly of the faithful; for all of which, led by repentance, they returned, as we have said above, to the Catholic Church, together with their patriarch and some bishops, who, as they had previously gone before them in impiety, so, to those returning to the truth, furnished a pious guidance.

CAPUT IX. Inter regem et Tripolitanum comitem simultas oritur periculosa, et usque ad odium manifestum procedit.

CHAPTER 9. Between the king and the Count of Tripoli a dangerous quarrel arises, and proceeds even to manifest hatred.

Porro dum ita regnum, ut praediximus, pace ad tempus inter dominum regem et Salahadinum inita, quadam tranquillitate frueretur, non defuerunt filii Belial et impietatis alumni, qui spiritum habentes inquietum, turbas in regno moverent et mala intestina molirentur. Cum etiam comes Tripolitanus, quasi per continuum biennium circa partes Tripolitanas multiplicitate negotiorum impeditus, moram agens, in regnum non potuisset ascendere, accidit quod invitante sollicitudine, quam pro urbe gerebat Tiberiadense, quae uxoris erat haereditas, redire disposuit; cumque omnem ad iter prosequendum fecisset apparatum, et jam usque Biblium pervenisset, praedicti viri nequam regem nimis simplicem, maligna suggestione circumvenerunt, persuadentes praedictum comitem sinistra intentione in regnum velle introire, ut de ejus supplantatione tractaret occulte; unde factum est, quod eorum verbis seductoriis, rex aurem nimis credulam praebens, miss legatione, regni aditum ei inconsulte nimis interdixit. Quo facto, comes, cui praeter meritum tanta irrogata erat injuria, confusus et justa succensus indignatione, desistens a proposito, licet invitus, sumptibus innumeris factis inutiliter, Tripolim reversus est.

Moreover, while the kingdom, as we have said, by a peace entered for a time between the lord king and Saladin, was enjoying a certain tranquility, there were not lacking sons of Belial and alumni of impiety, who, having a restless spirit, would stir up tumults in the kingdom and contrive internal evils. Since also the Count of Tripoli, for well-nigh a continuous two-year period, hindered by a multiplicity of affairs around the Tripolitan parts and lingering there, had not been able to ascend into the kingdom, it happened that, urged by the solicitude he bore for the city of Tiberias, which was his wife’s inheritance, he resolved to return; and when he had made all preparation to pursue the journey and had already come as far as Byblus, the aforesaid wicked men, ensnaring the king, a man all too simple, by a malignant suggestion, persuaded him that the aforesaid count wished to enter the kingdom with a sinister intention, so that he might secretly plot about his supplantation; wherefore it came to pass that, lending an ear all too credulous to their seducing words, the king, sending an embassy, very imprudently forbade him access to the kingdom. This being done, the count, upon whom so great an injury had been inflicted beyond his desert, confounded and kindled with just indignation, desisting from his purpose, although unwillingly, with innumerable expenses incurred to no purpose, returned to Tripoli.

Erat autem praedictorum ea intentio seductorum, ut, absente comite, qui vir industrius erat, et ad omnia circumspectus, ipsi regia negotia pro libero tractarent arbitrio et regis infirmitatem ad suum traherent compendium. Inter quos regis mater, mulier plane Deo odibilis, et in extorquendo importuna; et ejusdem frater, regius senescalcus, cum paucis eorum sequacibus, viris impiis, regem ad hoc protervius impellebant. Quod factum postquam regni principibus innotuit, eorum qui sensus magis habebant exercitatos, maxime corda molestavit; timebant enim ne tanti principis patrocinio regnum destitutum in praeceps rueret, et juxta Domini verbum, in se ipsum divisum desolaretur (Matth.

Now the intention of the aforesaid seducers was this: that, with the count absent—who was an industrious man and circumspect in all things—they themselves might handle the royal business at their free arbitrament and draw the king’s infirmity to their own profit. Among whom the king’s mother, a woman plainly hateful to God and importunate in extorting; and his brother, the royal seneschal, together with a few of their followers, impious men, were the more insolently impelling the king to this. But after this deed became known to the princes of the realm, it most vexed the hearts of those who had their senses more exercised; for they feared lest, bereft of the patronage of so great a prince, the kingdom would plunge headlong, and, according to the Lord’s word, divided against itself should be made desolate (Matth.

XII, 25); maximeque cum rex, invalescente singulis diebus aegritudine, reddebatur impotentior, et ad procuranda regni negotia minus minusque fieret idoneus; imo vix in se ipso potens subsistere, totus dissolveretur. Videntes ergo regni majores periculum, quod ex praedicto facto certum erat imminere, ad revocandum comitem, et ejus mitigandam indignationem, omnimodam impendunt operam: et tandem post multos circuitus et diversa consilia, rege invito, sed tamen permittente, praedictum illustrem virum, injurias sibi illatas prudenter dissimulantem, in regnum introduxerunt, pace inter eum et dominum regem plenius reformata.

12, 25); and especially since the king, as the sickness grew stronger with each passing day, was rendered more powerless, and became less and less fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom; indeed, scarcely able to stand in his own strength, he was altogether dissolving. Therefore, the magnates of the realm, seeing the danger which from the aforesaid deed was certainly about to threaten, expend every effort to recall the count and to mitigate his indignation: and at length, after many roundabout measures and diverse counsels, the king being unwilling yet nevertheless permitting it, they introduced into the kingdom the aforesaid illustrious man, prudently dissembling the injuries inflicted upon him, with peace between him and the lord king more fully restored.

CAPUT X. Constantinopoli tumultus oritur; et praevalente viro nequam Andronico, Latinorum populus exturbatur.

CHAPTER 10. At Constantinople a tumult arises; and with the nefarious man Andronicus prevailing, the Latin populace is expelled.

Dum haec itaque in nostro sic geruntur Oriente, apud Constantinopolim grandis circa imperium facta est permutatio, et casus accidit universae Latinitati lugubris, et inauditam irrogans, cum enormi damno, contumeliam. Dolor enim, quem pridem fallax et perfida Graecia conceperat, edidit et peperit iniquitatem. Defuncto enim domino Manuele, inclytae recordationis imperatore felicissimo, successit ei, tum ex testamento patris, tum ex jure haereditario, impubes filius, Alexius nomine, vix annorum tredecim.

While therefore these things are thus being carried on in our East, at Constantinople a great change concerning the empire took place, and a mournful mischance befell the whole Latinity, imposing, with enormous loss, an unheard-of contumely. For the dolor which deceitful and perfidious Greece had long since conceived, brought forth and bore iniquity. For upon the death of Lord Manuel, emperor of most happy fortune, of illustrious memory, there succeeded to him, both by his father’s testament and by hereditary right, his underage son, by name Alexius, scarcely thirteen years old.

Quo sub matris tutela constituto, dum per Alexium Protosevasto, domini imperatoris senioris nepotem ex fratre se priore natu, imperialia procurarentur negotia, visum est tam majoribus quam populo civitatis illius, opportunitatem invenisse, ut quod adversus nostros maligne conceperant, possent effectui mancipare. Regnante enim Deo amabili praedicto imperatore, merito fidei et strenuitatis suae, tantam Latinus populus apud eum repererat gratiam, ut neglectis Graeculis suis tanquam viris mollibus et effeminatis, ipse tanquam vir magnanimus et strenuitate incomparabilis, solis Latinis grandia committeret negotia, de eorum fide merito praesumens, et viribus. Et quoniam apud eum optime habebantur, et erga eos profusa liberalitate abundabat, ex omni orbe, ad eum, quasi ad benefactorem praecipuum, tam nobiles quam ignobiles concurrebant certatim.

With him placed under the tutelage of his mother, while through Alexius the Protosebastos, nephew of the senior lord emperor by a brother earlier-born than himself, the imperial affairs were being administered, it seemed to both the elders and the populace of that city that they had found an opportunity, so that what they had malignantly conceived against our people they could deliver into effect. For while the aforesaid God‑beloved emperor was reigning, by merit of his faith and strenuity, the Latin populace had found such favor with him that, his own “Graeculi,” as men soft and effeminate, being neglected, he himself, as a magnanimous man and incomparable in strenuity, entrusted great affairs to the Latins alone, presuming with good reason upon their faith and their forces. And since with him they were most well off, and he abounded toward them in profuse liberality, from the whole orb, to him, as to a principal benefactor, both nobles and ignobles were flocking, vying with one another.

Quorum exigentibus obsequiis, magis et magis in nostrorum accendebatur amorem, et omnes amplius in statum promovebat meliorem. Unde Graecorum nobiles, et maxime ejus consanguinei, sed et reliquus populus odium insatiabile adversus nostros conceperant; accedente etiam ad indignationis cumulum, et odiorum fomitem et incentivum ministrante, sacramentorum inter nos et eos differentia. Arrogantes enim supra modum, et a Romana Ecclesia per insolentiam separati, haereticum omnem eum reputant, qui eorum frivolas non sequitur traditiones; cum ipsi magis haereticorum sibi nomen adaptent, dum contra Romanam Ecclesiam et apostolorum Petri et Pauli fidem, adversus quam portae inferi non possunt praevalere (Matth.

By whose exigent obsequiousness he was more and more kindled into love for our people, and he advanced them all further into a better condition. Whence the nobles of the Greeks, and especially his kinsmen, but also the rest of the populace, had conceived an insatiable hatred against our men; an addition also being made to the heap of indignation, and a fuel and incentive of hatreds being supplied, by the difference of the sacraments between us and them. For, arrogant beyond measure, and separated from the Roman Church through insolence, they reckon every man a heretic who does not follow their frivolous traditions; whereas they themselves rather adapt to themselves the name of heretics, while against the Roman Church and the apostles Peter and Paul’s faith, against which the gates of hell cannot prevail (Matt.

XVI), novas et pestilentes opiniones aut gignunt, aut sequuntur. Denique, his et hujusmodi, a multo retro tempore, simultatem hanc apud se conceperant, opportunitatem quaerentes, ut saltem post imperatoris obitum, invisum Latinorum populum, tam in urbe quam in imperii finibus commorantem, delerent penitus, odium inexorabile satiantes.

16), they either beget or follow new and pestilent opinions. Finally, at these and suchlike, from a long time back, they had conceived this enmity among themselves, seeking an opportunity that, at least after the emperor’s obit, they might utterly destroy the detested people of the Latins, dwelling both in the city and in the confines of the empire, satiating an inexorable hatred.

CAPUT XI. Causae tumultus et dissensionis assignantur.

CHAPTER 11. The causes of the tumult and dissension are assigned.

Praedicto igitur imperatore rebus humanis exempto, dum, ut praediximus, Alexius Protosevasto imperium procuraret, visum est non satis commodam adhuc ad complendam malitiam suam reperisse opportunitatem; nam et ipse, imperatoris exemplo, nostrorum consilio utebatur et auxilio, eosque sibi quantum poterat, reddebat familiariores; in uno tamen tam nostris quam omnibus generaliter, se penitus exhibebat odiosum. Quod, licet Graecorum more mollis esset supra modum, et carnis curam toto studio in immundis perficere satageret desideriis, avarus tamen erat et thesauris parcebat imperialibus, tanquam si eos proprio sudore comportasset. Dicebatur etiam, quod cum imperatrice, licet vivente adhuc marito, sed in extremis laborante, vitam sanctimonialem esset professa, stupri habere consuetudinem.

Therefore, the aforesaid emperor having been removed from human affairs, while, as we have said, Alexius Protosevasto was procuring/administrating the empire, it seemed that he had not yet found an opportunity sufficiently commodious to complete his malice; for he also, by the emperor’s example, made use of the counsel and aid of our people, and rendered them to himself, as much as he could, more familiar; in one respect, however, both to our men and generally to all, he exhibited himself as utterly odious. Namely, although after the Greeks’ manner he was soft beyond measure, and strove with total zeal to fulfill the care of the flesh in unclean desires, nevertheless he was avaricious and spared the imperial treasuries, as though he had gathered them by his own sweat. It was also said that he had the habit of fornication with the empress—although her husband was still living, but struggling in his last extremity—she having professed a monastic life.

Arrogans praeterea, et neminem prae se ducens hominem, aliis inconsultis principibus, cuncta pro suo disponebat arbitrio, ita ut de caeteris, aeque nobilibus et viris magnificis, nihil videretur curare. Unde factum est, quod per studium et operam principum palatii, qui ei plurimum ob ea quae praemisimus invidebant, evocatus est ex Ponto, cui praeerat Andronicus senior, domini imperatoris praedefuncti patruelis, ut ad complendam eorum malitiam cooperator accederet, et Alexium Protosevasto depelleret ab administratione quam gestabat. Erat autem praedictus Andronicus, domini imperatoris defuncti patruelis, vir perfidus et nequam, conspirationum seminator, et erga imperium semper infidelis; unde ob multiplicia ejus scelera, tempore domini imperatoris vincula passus fuerat, et carceres; et exigentibus meritis, ignominiose tractatus, vagus et profugus super terram, Orientem circumierat universum; in ipsoque suo exsilio multa turpia commiserat, et animadversione digna; novissime tamen, vix tribus ante imperatoris obitum mensibus, reconciliatus in gratiam redierat.

Arrogant moreover, and placing no man before himself, with the other princes unconsulted, he disposed all things by his own judgment, so that concerning the others, equally noble and magnificent men, he seemed to care nothing. Whence it came about that, through the zeal and effort of the princes of the palace, who envied him greatly on account of the things we have premised, Andronicus the elder was summoned out of Pontus, which he governed, the paternal cousin of the lord emperor lately deceased, that he might come as a cooperator for the completing of their malice, and might drive Alexius the Protosebastos from the administration which he was carrying on. Now the aforesaid Andronicus, the deceased lord emperor’s paternal cousin, was a perfidious and wicked man, a sower of conspirations, and always unfaithful toward the empire; whence, on account of his multiple crimes, in the time of the lord emperor he had suffered chains and prisons; and, his deserts requiring it, ignominiously treated, a wanderer and fugitive upon the earth, he had traversed the whole Orient; and in his very exile he had committed many shameful things, worthy of animadversion; most recently, however, scarcely three months before the emperor’s death, reconciled, he had returned into favor.

Et ne, more solito, circa urbem turbas posset excitare, et conspirationes moliri ut regno praeesset, missus est in Pontum sub honoris praetextu praesidialis. Hunc igitur, imperatoris et ipsius etiam Protesevasto consanguinei, et ii maxime in quibus majorem videbatur habere fiduciam, clandestinis evocaverunt legationibus, monentes ut adversus eum armaretur, qui ejus filios et alios illustres quosdam, ignominiose conjecerat in vincula. Porro hic, ut praediximus, illustres quosdam in conspiratione deprehensos, carceri mancipaverat; unde ampliorem in se concitaverat invidiam.

And lest, in his usual manner, he might be able around the city to excite tumults and to contrive conspiracies so as to preside over the kingdom, he was sent into Pontus under the pretext of a presidial honor. Therefore his kinsmen—of the emperor and even of that same Protesevasto—and especially those in whom he seemed to have greater confidence, by clandestine legations summoned him, warning him to arm himself against the man who had ignominiously cast his sons and certain other illustrious men into chains. Moreover this man, as we have said, having caught certain illustrious persons in a conspiracy, had consigned them to prison; whence he had aroused against himself a fuller envy.

Vocatus ergo praedictus Andronicus, innumeras Barbararum nationum secum trahens copias, ad urbem accessit, et secus Hellespontum e conspectu civitatis castrametatus, universam occupavit Bithyniam; contra quem missi quidam potentes, ut ejus resisterent moliminibus, proditorum more ad eum se contulerunt; inter quos primi erant et praecipui, Andronicus Angeli, princeps militiae quae contra eum directa fuerat, et Alexius Megaducas qui classi erat praefectus, uterque imperatoris consanguineus. Nec solum ii, qui ita manifeste ad eum transfugerant, partem nostrorum reddiderant debiliorem, verum omnes alii, tam illustres quam civium multitudo, jam non occulte, sed in propatulo suum Andronico praestabant favorem; et ejus in urbem desiderabant adventum, modis quibus poterant, ut mature transfretaret procurantes.

Therefore the aforesaid Andronicus, having been summoned, drawing with him innumerable forces of Barbarian nations, approached the city, and, along the Hellespont, within sight of the city, encamped, and occupied the whole of Bithynia; against whom certain powerful men were sent, that they might resist his endeavors, but, after the manner of traitors, they betook themselves to him; among whom the first and chief were Andronicus Angelus, the chief of the soldiery which had been directed against him, and Alexius Megaducas, who was prefect of the fleet (the Megaduke, i.e., admiral), each a consanguine of the emperor. Nor did those only, who had thus manifestly defected to him, render our side the weaker, but all the others as well, both the illustrious and the multitude of citizens, now not covertly but openly were affording their favor to Andronicus; and they were desiring his arrival into the city, procuring by whatever means they could that he should cross the strait with speed.

CAPUT XII. Urbem et palatia, interfectis nobilibus, Andronicus occupat, et violenta dominatione populum opprimit.

CHAPTER 12. Andronicus occupies the city and the palaces, the nobles having been slain, and oppresses the people with violent domination.

Factum est itaque quod invalescente eorum conspiratione, captus est Protosevasto, et privatus oculis et argumentis virilibus decurtatus; unde nostri plurimum mente consternati, timentes ne civium super eos repentina fieret irruptio, praemoniti a quibusdam qui conjurationis habebant conscientiam; qui validiores erant, alii in galeis quadraginta quatuor, quas in portu repererant, Graecorum effugerunt molimina; alii in navibus, quarum in portu maxima erat copia, omnem domum imponentes, mortis evaserunt discrimen. Qui autem seniores erant, vel infirmi reperti sunt, et ad fugam minus idonei, ii in domibus suis relicti, impietatis quam alii effugerant rabiem perpessi sunt. Nam parato clam navigio saepedictus Andronicus universas, quas secum trahebat, in urbem introduxit copias; quae vix ingressae, una cum civibus in eam urbis partem, quam nostri incolebant irruentes, residuum populi, qui aliis abeuntibus aut noluerant, aut non potuerant exire, desaevientibus gladiis peremerunt; et licet pauci essent, qui ad arma possent sufficere, restiterunt tamen diu, et cruentam de se hostibus reliquerunt victoriam.

It came about, therefore, that as their conspiracy grew strong, the Protosebastos was captured, and, deprived of his eyes and curtailed of his virile parts; whence our people were very much consternated in mind, fearing lest a sudden irruption of the citizens should be made upon them, having been premonished by certain persons who had a consciousness of the conjuration; those who were stronger, some in 44 galleys, which they had found in the port, escaped the molimina of the Greeks; others, in ships of which there was a very great supply in the port, loading all their household, escaped the peril of death. But those who were older, or were found infirm and less fit for flight, left in their own houses, endured the rabies of impiety which the others had escaped. For with a ship secretly made ready, the oft-mentioned Andronicus brought into the city all the forces which he was dragging along with him; which, scarcely having entered, together with the citizens, rushing upon that part of the city which our people inhabited, slew with swords raging furiously the remainder of the folk, who, while the others were going away, either had not wished or had not been able to go out; and although they were few who could suffice for arms, yet they resisted for a long time, and left to the enemies a bloody victory over themselves.

Immemores igitur et foederis et obsequiorum quae plurima imperio nostri contulerant, peremptis iis qui resistere posse videbantur, ignem eorum domiciliis subjiciunt et universam eorum regionem subito convertunt in favillam; mulieribus et parvulis, senibus et valitudinariis incendio consumptis. Nec sufficiebat eorum impietati, in loca desaevire profana; verum ecclesias et loca, quaelibet venerabilia succendentes, qui ad ea salutis causa confugerant, cum ipsis pariter sacris aedibus concremabant. Nec erat differentia plebeiorum et cleri, nisi quod atrocius in eos desaeviebant, qui religionis et honestatis habitum praetendebant.

Unmindful, then, both of the treaty and of the dutiful services which had contributed so much to our dominion, after slaying those who seemed able to resist, they set fire to their domiciles and suddenly turned their whole region into cinders; the women and little ones, the old men and the invalids being consumed by the conflagration. Nor did it suffice their impiety to rage in profane places; rather, by kindling churches and any venerable places whatsoever, they burned up together, along with the sacred buildings themselves, those who had fled to them for safety. Nor was there any distinction between the plebeians and the clergy, except that they raged more atrociously against those who wore the habit of religion and honesty.

Monachis enim et sacerdotibus primas irrogabant injurias, et exquisitis perimebant cruciatibus. Inter quos virum venerabilem Joannem nomine, sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae subdiaconum, quem pro negotiis Ecclesiae, dominus papa illuc direxerat, comprehendentes, in contumeliam Ecclesiae decollaverunt, caput ejus ad caudam canis immundae religantes. Sed nec mortuis, quibus omnis parcere consueverat impietas, inter tam detestabiles et pejores parricidis sacrilegos, tuta erat quies, quos de monumentis extractos per vicos et plateas, quasi illatas sentirent injurias, distrahebant.

For upon monks and priests they were inflicting the first injuries, and with exquisite torments they were putting them to death. Among whom, a venerable man, John by name, a subdeacon of the Holy Roman Church, whom for the business of the Church the lord pope had sent thither, they apprehended and, in contumely of the Church, decollated, tying his head to the tail of an unclean dog. But not even for the dead—whom even impiety had been accustomed wholly to spare—was there safe repose among such detestable and sacrilegious men, worse than parricides; for those who had been dragged out of their tombs they were pulling to pieces through the streets and squares, as if they felt injuries inflicted upon them.

Accedentes praeterea ad Xenodochium, quod dicebatur Sancti Joannis, quotquot in eo repererunt languidos, gladio peremerunt. Qui autem, ex officio pietatis, oppressorum merito tenebantur afflictionem relevare, eorum videlicet sacerdotes et monachi, hi dato pretio, grassatores et sicarios, ad stragem invitabant, disquirentes secessus et domorum penetralia, ne qui in eis delitescerent, ut mortis discrimen declinare possent; inventosque et violenter extractos tradebant carnificibus; quibus etiam, ne gratis operam impenderent, pretium sanguinis pro miserorum interfectione porrigebant. Qui autem clementius cum eis videbantur operari, hi eos qui ad se confugerant et quibus spem dederant salutis, Turcis et aliis infidelibus populis, in perpetuam vendebant servitutem; ex quibus promiscui sexus, aetatis et conditionis, plus quam quatuor millia, barbaris nationibus, pretio interveniente, distracta esse dicuntur.

Moreover, approaching the Xenodochium which was called Saint John’s, as many as they found there languid they slew with the sword. But those who, by the office of piety, were bound by the claim of the oppressed to relieve affliction—namely, their priests and monks—these, a price having been given, invited brigands and sicarii to a massacre, searching out the recesses and inner penetralia of houses, lest any should skulk in them so as to be able to avoid the peril of death; and those found and violently dragged out they handed over to the executioners, to whom also, lest they expend their effort for nothing, they proffered the price of blood for the slaughter of the wretched. But those who seemed to act more clemently with them—these sold into perpetual servitude to the Turks and other infidel peoples those who had fled to them and to whom they had given hope of safety; of whom, of mixed sex, age, and condition, more than 4,000 are said to have been sold off to barbarian nations, for a price intervening.

Sic ergo impius Graecorum populus, et genimina viperarum (Matth. XXIII), more serpentis in gremio, et muris in pera, nihil tale meritos, nihilque tale verentes, male remuneraverunt hospites suos; quibus tamen filias suas, neptes quoque et sorores, uxores dederant, et ex diutino convictu sibi reddiderant familiares.

Thus therefore the impious people of the Greeks, and brood of vipers (Matt. 23), after the manner of a serpent in the bosom, and mice in the scrip, ill-rewarded their guests, who had deserved nothing of the sort and feared nothing of the sort; to whom nevertheless they had given their daughters, granddaughters, and sisters as wives, and by long association had rendered them familiar.

CAPUT XIII. Populus Latinorum, qui in galeis se receperat, insulas et loca maritima hostiliter depopulatur.

CHAPTER 13. The Latin people, who had withdrawn into the galleys, devastates the islands and the maritime places in hostile fashion.

Verum non omnino, tantum et a saeculis inauditum facinus impune commisisse dicuntur. Nam qui, ut praemisimus, in galeis exierant, et qui postmodum eos aliis navibus sunt subsecuti, habentes secum multitudinem maximam et classem non modicam, circa urbem, satis in vicino se collegerant, rei exspectantes exitum. Qui, postquam plenius cognoverunt quod ii qui in civitate tumultum excitaverant, eorum succenderant regiones; uxores quoque et liberos et omnem familiam partim gladio, partim consumpserant incendio, justa indignatione commoti, exarserunt in iram.

But they are not said to have altogether committed with impunity a deed so great and unheard-of for ages. For those who, as we have premised, had gone out in galleys, and those who afterwards followed them in other ships, having with them a very great multitude and a not-inconsiderable fleet, had gathered themselves around the city, quite nearby, awaiting the outcome of the affair. These, after they learned more fully that those who had stirred up the tumult in the city had set their districts on fire, and had partly by the sword and partly by fire consumed their wives, their children, and their whole household, moved by just indignation, blazed into wrath.

Et cupientes vehementi fervore, ultum iri suorum sanguinem, circuierunt utrumque Hellesponti littus, ab ostio maris Pontici, quod ab urbe Constantinopolitana distat triginta milliaribus, usque ad ostium maris Mediterranei, quod ab eadem distat milliaribus ducentis, urbes et quaelibet municipia in utroque sita littore, comprehendentes violenter, et eorum habitatores ferro perimentes universos; sed et monasteria, quae tam in utroque ejusdem maris littore, quam in insulis modicis, quae per illud mare dispersae sunt, sita erant, pervadentes, pseudomonachos et sacrilegos eorum sacerdotes, in ultionem fraterni sanguinis, gladio peremerunt, ipsa monasteria cum iis qui ad ea confugerant, succendentes. Ex quibus locis, infinitas auri, argenti, gemmarum et holosericorum dicuntur extraxisse copias; unde damnum rerum amissarum, et dispendia bonorum suorum multiplici fenore sibi poterant recompensare. Nam praeter monasteriorum divitias innumeras et thesauros infinitos, quos a multis retro congesserant temporibus, cives Constantinopolitani ingentia ibidem deposuerant auri et caeterarum gazarum pondera; quae omnia secum deferentes, et maris illius deserentes angustias, inter Seston et Abydon, urbes antiquissimas et maritimas, mare ingressi sunt Mediterraneum; littora Thessaliae, et mari adjacentium provinciarum urbes et oppida perlustrantes diligentius, et cuncta incendio et rapinae tradentes, stragem innumeram operati sunt.

And desiring, with vehement fervor, that the blood of their own should be avenged, they went around both shores of the Hellespont, from the mouth of the Pontic Sea, which is distant 30 miles from the city of Constantinople, up to the mouth of the Mediterranean Sea, which is 200 miles distant from the same, seizing by violence the cities and whatever municipalities situated on either shore, and killing with the sword all their inhabitants; and also, invading the monasteries which were situated both on either littoral of that same sea and on the small islands which are scattered through that sea, they slew with the sword, in avenging brotherly blood, the pseudo-monks and their sacrilegious priests, burning the monasteries themselves together with those who had fled to them. From these places they are said to have extracted infinite quantities of gold, silver, gems, and holoserics (all-silk fabrics); whence they were able to recompense to themselves, with manifold interest, the loss of the things lost and the damages of their goods. For, besides the innumerable riches of the monasteries and the infinite treasures which they had heaped up from many times past, the citizens of Constantinople had deposited there enormous weights of gold and of the other treasures; all of which carrying off with them, and abandoning the narrows of that sea, between Sestos and Abydos, very ancient maritime cities, they entered the Mediterranean Sea; more diligently traversing the shores of Thessaly, and the cities and towns of the provinces adjacent to the sea, and delivering all to fire and rapine, they wrought innumerable carnage.

Sed et galeas alias a prioribus circa Chrysopolim, urbem Macedoniae, dicuntur reperisse decem, aliasque in locis aliis quamplures: unde sibi classem maximam et Graecis omnino formidabilem, in eorum perniciem dicuntur ordinasse. Alii vero, qui stragem et rapinam abominabantur operari, cum uxoribus et liberis, et residuo substantiolae suae, naves ingressi, quarum illis multus occurrebat numerus, a praedicto declinantes exercitu, ad nos in Syriam descenderunt. Andronicus interea urbem pro votis obtinens et nullum habens contradictorem, imperatorem cum futura uxore, regis Francorum filia in die festo Pentecostes, solemniter fecit coronari, omnem ei exhibens reverentiam; sororem quoque et sororis maritum, simul et matrem imperatoris, intra septa palatii, adhuc tractans humanius; ipse tamen tam in urbe quam extra, quaelibet imperii negotia, pro suo libere disponens arbitrio; timetur tamen, ne hanc fraude palliata, personis exhibeat humanitatem, quousque imperio paulatim occupato et subjectis omnibus, liberius ostendat qualem circa eos gerat voluntatem.

But also other galleys besides the former they are said to have found around Chrysopolis, a city of Macedonia, ten, and many others in other places; whence they are said to have organized for themselves a very great fleet, altogether formidable to the Greeks, for their perdition. Others, however, who abominated to perpetrate slaughter and rapine, with their wives and children, and the residue of their little substance, having gone aboard ships—of which there met them a great number—turning aside from the aforesaid army, came down to us into Syria. Meanwhile Andronicus, obtaining the city according to his vows and having no contradictor, caused the emperor with his future wife, the daughter of the king of the Franks, to be solemnly crowned on the feast day of Pentecost, showing him every reverence; his sister also and the sister’s husband, together with the emperor’s mother, he was still treating more humanely within the precincts of the palace; he himself, however, both in the city and outside, was freely disposing, at his own arbitrium, of whatever affairs of the empire. It is feared, nevertheless, lest he be exhibiting this humanity to persons under a cloaked fraud, until, the empire being gradually occupied and all brought into subjection, he may more freely display what sort of will he bears toward them.

Factum est autem hoc, anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1182, mense Aprili.

Now this came to pass in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1182, in the month of April.

CAPUT XIV. Salahadinus foedus quod cum domino rege inierat, rescindit; rex illi ultra Jordanem occurrit. Turci vicum Buriam effringunt, habitatoribus ejus in captivitatem redactis.

CHAPTER 14. Saladin rescinds the treaty which he had entered with the lord king; the king meets him beyond the Jordan. The Turks break into the village Buria, its inhabitants reduced into captivity.

Interea, dum haec in Graecia sic geruntur, navis quaedam mille quingentos peregrinos deferens, apud Damiatam, in finibus Aegypti, flatibus acta sinistris, confracta est; passis tamen naufragium spes erat salutis, eo quod Salahadinus nobiscum, tam per terras quam per mare treugam diceretur habere et pacem temporalem. Sed longe aliter accidit eis, quam vel pacis tenor, vel pactorum series exigeret. Salahadinus enim praedae victus cupidine, et tantam Christianorum turbam, occasione foederis, nolens de regno suo exire liberam, omnes conjecit in vincula, et eorum sibi bona confiscari praecepit; missaque legatione ad dominum regem, contra formam pactorum, et quae pene impossibilitatem continebant, ab eo coepit reposcere adjiciens: Quod nisi pro omnibus illis ei pro voto satisfieret, ipse navim praedictam sibi vellet in compensationem detinere, et praeterea renuntiare paci, de qua inter eos convenerat. Quod cum non obtinuisset ejus nuntius, quoniam calvas occasiones magis innectebat, ut navem sub aliquo quaesito colore detinere posset, quam justas causas allegaret; soluto foedere, cogitare coepit, quomodo suo more, vetus exercens odium, regnum posset aggravare.

Meanwhile, while these things were thus being conducted in Greece, a certain ship carrying 1,500 pilgrims, at Damietta on the borders of Egypt, driven by adverse blasts, was wrecked; yet, though they had suffered shipwreck, there was hope of safety, because Saladin was said to have with us, both by land and by sea, a truce and a temporal peace. But it befell them far otherwise than either the tenor of peace or the series of pacts would have required. For Saladin, overcome by the desire of booty, and not wishing so great a crowd of Christians, on the occasion of the treaty, to go forth free from his realm, cast them all into chains, and ordered their goods to be confiscated to himself; and, sending a legation to the lord king, contrary to the form of the pacts, and with demands which well-nigh contained impossibility, he began to require from him, adding: That unless satisfaction should be given to him to his wish for all those persons, he himself would wish to detain the aforesaid ship for himself in compensation, and moreover to renounce the peace about which agreement had been made between them. When his envoy had not obtained this, since he was rather weaving bald pretexts, that he might be able to detain the ship under some sought color, than alleging just causes; the treaty being dissolved, he began to consider how, in his customary fashion, exercising old hatred, he might aggravate the kingdom.

Convocatis igitur expeditionibus et universis tam peditum quam equitum copiis, simul et eorum multitudine, qui a Damasco et adjacentibus ei finibus, annis praeteritis, famis acerbitatem declinantes, in Aegyptum descenderant, proposuit redire Damascum, ut inde quasi de vicino nos amplius molestaret. Adjecit etiam, ut in veniendo, regionem nostram quae est trans Jordanem, pro posse damnificaret; aut fruges succendendo, quae jam albae erant ad messem; aut unum vel plura de praesidiis nostris, quae in ea erant provincia, violenter expugnando. Id autem, eo maxime dicebatur proposuisse intuitu, ut sibi satisfaceret, de principe Rainaldo, qui ei praeerat regioni, eo quod Arabes quosdam infra tempus foederis contra legem pactorum cepisse diceretur, et repetitos reddere negaverat.

Therefore, the expeditions having been convoked and all the forces both of foot‑soldiers and of horsemen, together with the multitude of those who from Damascus and its adjacent borders, in the past years, avoiding the bitterness of famine, had descended into Egypt, he proposed to return to Damascus, that from there, as if from a nearby place, he might molest us more. He added also that, in coming, he would damage our region which is across the Jordan as he was able; either by setting fire to the crops, which were now white for harvest; or by violently storming one or more of our garrisons which were in that province. Moreover, this was said to have been proposed chiefly with this view: that he might satisfy himself concerning Prince Rainald, who presided over that region, for the reason that he was said to have seized certain Arabs within the time of the truce, against the law of the pacts, and, when they were demanded back, had refused to return them.

Cognito ergo per exploratores ejus adventu, et proposito, rex habita Hierosolymis curia generali, et super petitionibus Salahadini diligenti tractatu, de quorumdam consilio, cum totis regni viribus, in praedictam regionem, vallem pertransiens sylvestrem, in qua est mare Mortuum, pervenit, ut venienti Salahadino occurreret et se opponeret provinciam vastare volenti. Porro Salahadinus transcursa cum suis expeditionibus solitudine, quod iter, cum multa difficultate, vix diebus viginti confecerat, jamque terram habitabilem infinibus nostris, juxta praesidium, quod dicitur mons Regalis, quasi ad decem milliaria castrametatus; exspectans ut de statu regionis, et ubinam esset rex cum suis expeditionibus, certificaretur. Rex vero juxta urbem veterem, cui nomen Petra deserti, in secunda sitam Arabia, castra locaverat, ab exercitu Salahadini triginta sex vix distans milliaribus; eratque ibi universum cum eo regni robur; sed et comes Tripolitanus ibi invitus detinebatur; contra cujus consilium rex illuc profectus erat, et reliquas regni partes inobservatas, et absque militia dereliquerat; favore enim praedicti Rainaldi principis, magis quam consideratione majoris compendii, quidam ad hoc regem impulerant, non multum attendentes quid interim regno viribus destituto posset accidere; quod quam imprudenter factum fuerit, rei exitus subsequens statim declaravit.

Therefore, his advent and purpose having been learned through scouts, the king, a general court having been held at Jerusalem and a diligent discussion conducted on Saladin’s petitions, by the counsel of certain men, with all the forces of the kingdom, came into the aforesaid region, passing through the woody valley in which is the Dead Sea, so that he might meet Saladin as he came and oppose him in his wish to lay waste the province. Moreover Saladin, the wilderness traversed with his expeditions—a journey which, with much difficulty, he had scarcely completed in twenty days—and now having reached habitable land within our borders, had encamped at about ten miles from the stronghold which is called the Royal Mount, waiting to be certified about the state of the region and where the king was with his expeditions. But the king had pitched his camp near the ancient city whose name is Petra of the Desert, situated in Second Arabia, scarcely thirty-six miles distant from Saladin’s army; and there was with him the entire strength of the kingdom; but the Count of Tripoli also was there, detained unwillingly; for the king had set out thither against his counsel, and had left the remaining parts of the kingdom unobserved and without soldiery; for, by favor of the aforesaid prince Rainald, rather than by consideration of greater advantage, certain men had impelled the king to this, not paying much heed to what meanwhile might befall the kingdom, destitute of forces; which, how imprudently it had been done, the ensuing outcome of the matter straightway declared.

Nam qui circa Damascum, Bostrum, Baulbec et Emissam erant principes, videntes regni robur abesse, et militia destitutam regionem universam, convocatis clam et sine tumultu copiis, Jordanem secus mare Galileae, quod est Tiberiadis, transeuntes, fines nostros latenter ingressi sunt; et percurrentes ex parte Galilaeam, pervenerunt ad locum qui est sub monte Thabor, cui nomen Buria, juxta Naim urbem antiquissimam. Homines autem illarum partium de treuga praesumentes, quam nondum noverant defecisse, securi nimis, minus sibi providebant: unde factum est quod, clam et de nocte super eos irruentes, locum ex omni parte vallaverunt, ita ut neque ad montem, qui loco imminebat, fuga non pateret obsessis. Luce igitur reddita, videntes loci habitatores infinitam circa se hostium multitudinem, in turrim quae suburbio praeerat, certatim se contulerunt; quam undique circumdantes, et cum summa instantia suffodientes, intra quatuor horarum spatium suffossam, solo dejecerunt; ante ruinam tamen, cum jam rimam duceret, et casum minaretur, eos qui in eam confugerant, in deditionem susceperunt.

For the princes who were around Damascus, Bostrum, Baulbec, and Emissa, seeing the strength of the kingdom to be absent and the whole region destitute of soldiery, having convoked their forces secretly and without tumult, crossed the Jordan along the Sea of Galilee, which is Tiberias, and stealthily entered our borders; and running through Galilee in part, they reached the place which is under Mount Tabor, whose name is Buria, near Naim, a most ancient city. But the men of those parts, presuming upon the truce, which they had not yet known to have failed, being too secure, made less provision for themselves: whence it came to pass that, rushing upon them secretly and by night, they walled the place in on every side, so that even flight to the mountain which overhung the place did not lie open to the besieged. With light therefore returned, the inhabitants of the place, seeing about them an infinite multitude of enemies, betook themselves in rivalry into the tower which commanded the suburb; which, surrounding on all sides and with the utmost urgency undermining, they cast down to the ground within the space of four hours; yet before the ruin, when it was already drawing a fissure and was threatening a fall, they received into surrender those who had fled into it.

Colligentes igitur pro libero et sine contradictore arbitrio, tum illius, tum adjacentium locorum praedam universam, exceptis his qui in conflictu ceciderunt, pene quingentas animas secum detulerunt in vinculis. Nam quia locus erat frugifer et messis tempus aderat, multi ex locis finitimis metendi gratia illuc se contulerant, quos omnes, ut praediximus, secum sine contradictore deducentes, iterum Jordane transito, sani et incolumes reversi sunt ad propria.

Therefore, gathering, at their free and uncontradicted discretion, the entire booty both of that place and of the adjacent places, excepting those who fell in the conflict, they carried off with them in chains nearly five hundred souls. For because the place was fruitful and the time of harvest was at hand, many from the bordering places had betaken themselves thither for the sake of reaping; all of whom, as we have said above, leading away with them without contradiction, and having crossed the Jordan again, they returned safe and unharmed to their own homes.

CAPUT XV. Idem castrum nostrum in nostra regione Suicide, speluncam videlicet munitissimam, occupat violenter.

CHAPTER 15. The same violently occupies our castle in our region Suicide, namely a most heavily fortified cave.

Accidit praeterea per eosdem dies, dum adhuc rex et exercitus in Syria Sobal detineretur Christianus, casus periculosus admodum, et nostris perpetuo lugendus. Erat enim nobis in regione Suicide, trans Jordanem, a Tiberiade sedecim distans milliaribus, praesidium munitissimum, et, ut dicitur, inexpugnabile, ex quo nostris multa dicebatur provenire utilitas; nam cum praedicta regio hostium magis esset contermina finibus, quam nostris; et ipsi eam facilius pro suo possent tractare arbitrio, et ejus habitatoribus confidentius imperare, hujus tamen praesidii beneficio multis annis obtentum fuerat, et obtinebatur nihilominus in praesenti, quod nostris et illis ex aequo dividebatur potestas, et vectigalium par et tributorum fiebat distributio. Erat autem spelunca in latere cujusdam montis sita, cui subjectum erat immane praecipitium; a parte vero superiori nullus omnino accessus; ex altero vero latere, tantum arcta nimis semita, ut per quam homini libero, et ab omni onere expedito, vix absque periculo iter praeberetur.

It befell, moreover, in those same days, while as yet the Christian king and army were being detained in Syria Sobal, a very perilous occurrence, and one to be mourned by our people forever. For we had in the region of Suicide, across the Jordan, sixteen miles distant from Tiberias, a very strongly fortified garrison, and, as is said, inexpugnable, from which much utility was said to accrue to our men; for although the aforesaid region was more contiguous to the borders of the enemy than to ours; and they could more easily handle it at their own discretion, and command its inhabitants more confidently, nevertheless by the benefit of this garrison it had for many years been obtained, and was likewise being obtained in the present, that power was divided equally between our men and them, and an equal distribution of customs-duties and tributes was made. It was moreover a cave situated on the side of a certain mountain, beneath which there was a huge precipice; from the upper side truly no access at all; but on the other side, only an excessively narrow footpath, such that by it a free man, unencumbered by any burden, was scarcely afforded a passage without danger.

Erat autem commissum fidei et diligentiae nobilis viri et ditissimi Fulconis Tiberiadensis. Ad hunc locum accedentes praedicti hostium principes, qui Buriam, ut praemisimus, effregerant, et nostrum captivaverant populum, repente ante praesidium astiterunt, et infra quinque dies obtinuerunt expugnatum. Super quo facto, non eadem omnium erat opinio; quibusdam asserentibus quod qui erant in praesidio, pecunia redempti, locum hostibus tradiderunt; aliis vero, quod ex latere speluncam effregerunt, quia lapis cretaceus erat, et facile solvebatur, et violenter ingressi stationem primam quae inferior erat, occupaverunt, dicentibus; unde postmodum eos qui erant in medio et in supremo coenaculo (nam ibi tres dicebantur esse mansiones) ad deditionem compulerunt.

Erat however entrusted to the faith and diligence of the noble and very wealthy man Fulco of Tiberias. Approaching this place, the aforesaid leaders of the enemy, who, as we premised, had broken open Buria and had taken our people captive, suddenly stood before the stronghold, and within five days they obtained it taken by storm. Concerning which deed, the opinion of all was not the same; some asserting that those who were in the garrison, bought off with money, handed the place over to the enemies; others, however, that they broke open the cave from the side, because the stone was cretaceous and easily came apart, and, having forced their way in, occupied the first station, which was the lower; whence afterwards they compelled to surrender those who were in the middle and in the upper coenaculum (for there were said to be three mansions there).

Compertum est autem postmodum, quod culpa magistratuum, qui caeteris praeerant, municipium ad hostes pervenerit; nam aliis resistere volentibus, ipsi auctoritate qua praeminebant, inhibebant defensionem; et postmodum resignato municipio ad hostes se contulerunt. Dicebantur autem esse qui loco praeerant, Syri, qui apud nos effeminati et molles habentur. Unde major culpa in praedictum Fulconem refunditur, qui tales loco praefecerat tam necessario.

It was discovered, however, afterward, that by the fault of the magistrates who presided over the rest, the municipality came into the hands of the enemies; for while others wished to resist, they, by the authority in which they were pre-eminent, were inhibiting the defense; and afterward, the municipality having been resigned, they betook themselves to the enemies. Now those who were said to be in charge of the place were Syrians, who among us are held effeminate and soft. Whence the greater blame is cast back upon the aforesaid Fulk, who had appointed such men over so necessary a place.

Exiit ergo sermo iste, et longe lateque diffusus est per regnum; pervenitque usque ad nostros qui erant trans Jordanem, praepedire volentes transitum Salahadini, ex Aegypto ascendentis in Syriam et properantis Damascum; quo comperto, consternati sunt animo universi, et maxime Tripolitanus comes ad cujus curam praedictum municipium respiciebat. Unde factum est ut qui regnum negligenter reliquerant, ibi negligentius se habentes, nihil Deo placitum, nihil regno utile operari possent; nam cum usque ad fines regionis nostrae, advenienti Salahadino debuissent occurrere, et regni praepedire introitum, imprudenter nimis usque ad locum cui Gerba nomen, eum permiserunt accedere, ubi aquarum, quibus maxime sitiens ejus indigebat exercitus, omnem reperit abundantiam; et inde missa expeditionum parte circa praesidium nostrum, cui nomen mons Regalis, vineta succiderunt, et alia quaedam oppidanis intulerunt damna. Quod si ad eum locum nostri pervenissent, eum procul dubio oportuisset in Aegyptum redire; trahebat enim secum infinitam imbellis populi multitudinem, quibus et aqua jam defecerat in utribus et panis in cistarciis, quos omnes in solitudine oportuisset inedia deperire; nam procedere non poterat, et cum nostris erat periculosum committere.

Therefore this report went out, and was diffused far and wide through the kingdom; and it came even to our men who were across the Jordan, wishing to pre-hinder the passage of Saladin, ascending from Egypt into Syria and hastening to Damascus; which being learned, all were dismayed in mind, and most of all the Count of Tripoli, to whose care the aforesaid municipality looked. Whence it came about that they who had left the kingdom negligently, behaving themselves there more negligently, could accomplish nothing pleasing to God, nothing useful to the kingdom; for whereas they ought to have met Saladin as he came up at the borders of our region and to hinder the entry of the kingdom, they, most imprudently, allowed him to approach as far as the place whose name is Gerba, where he found every abundance of waters, which his army, very thirsty, especially needed; and from there, sending a part of his expeditions around our garrison, whose name is Mount Royal, they cut down the vineyards, and inflicted certain other damages upon the townsfolk. But if our men had reached that place, it would without doubt have been necessary for him to return to Egypt; for he was dragging along with him an infinite multitude of unwarlike people, for whom both the water had already failed in the water-skins and the bread in the chests, and all of whom in the wilderness it would have been necessary to perish by starvation; for he could not advance, and it was dangerous to engage with our men.

Audientes ergo, quod ad praedictum jam pervenisset locum, iterum decreverunt nostri ad aquas Rasel Rasit, illi occurrere; quod si factum fuisset, per ulteriorem solitudinem oportuisset eum iter coeptum agere, quod non nisi cum multa tam hominum quam jumentorum potuisset consummasse jactura. Quod propositum cum non fuisset effectui mancipatum, accessit ad praedictas sine difficultate aquas; et inde sine contradictore fines suos cum omni incolumitate ingressus, Damascum pervenit. Quod nostri cognoscentes, iterum eadem via qua prius transierant, reversi sunt ad propria; timentes vero, ne a Damasco, in quam se cum omni suo comitatu receperat, regno aliquid insidiarum et damni moliretur, congregatus est universus regni populus ad fontem Sephoritanum, inter Sephorim et Nazareth; ubi habentes secum Dominicae crucis lignum, praesente rege et patriarcha, et aliis tam ecclesiasticis quam saecularibus regni principibus, de die in diem hostium exspectabant incursus.

Hearing therefore that he had already reached the aforesaid place, our men again decreed to meet him at the waters of Rasel Rasit; which, if it had been done, would have compelled him to pursue the journey begun through a further wilderness, which he could not have consummated except with much loss of both men and beasts of burden. But since that plan had not been carried into effect, he approached the aforesaid waters without difficulty; and thence, with no contradictor, having entered his borders with all safety, he reached Damascus. Which our men, learning this, again by the same road by which they had passed before, returned to their own; fearing, in truth, lest from Damascus, into which he had withdrawn himself with all his comitatus, he might contrive something of plots and damage against the kingdom, the whole people of the kingdom was congregated at the Sephoritan spring, between Sephorim and Nazareth; where, having with them the wood of the Lord’s Cross, with the king and the patriarch present, and the other princes of the kingdom, both ecclesiastic and secular, they awaited day by day the incursions of the enemies.

CAPUT XVI. Idem fines nostros violenter ingreditur; apud castrum Forbelet pugna committitur, ancipiti victoria.

CHAPTER 16. The same man violently enters our borders; near the castle Forbelet a battle is joined, with a doubtful victory.

Salahadinus interea congregata ex universis finibus suis, super ea, quam ex Aegypto proficiscens secum transtulerat, militia, propositum habens ut fines nostros ingrederetur, ad eum locum accessit, qui dicitur lingua eorum Raseline, quod interpretatur caput aquae. Is autem locus a nostris finibus et ab urbe Tiberiadense modicum distare dicitur. Ubi cum per dies aliquot moram fecisset, subito fines nostros ingressus est, in loco qui dicitur Cavam, inter duo flumina, qui a Tiberiade vix distat quatuor milliaribus, castrametatus.

Meanwhile Saladin, with a militia gathered from all his borders, in addition to that force which, setting out from Egypt, he had carried along with him, having the purpose to enter our borders, approached that place which in their tongue is called Raseline, which is interpreted the head of the water. That place, moreover, is said to be a little distant from our borders and from the city of Tiberias. There, after he had made delay for several days, he suddenly entered our borders, and at a place which is called Cavam, between two rivers, which is scarcely four miles distant from Tiberias, he encamped.

Quod ubi nostris per exploratores cognitum est, ad urbem praedictam sub omni celeritate exercitum dirigunt, ut militares copias, quae ad ejus loci et finitimorum municipiorum tuitionem, Saphet videlicet et Belveir, deputatae erant, secum assumerent, hostem protinus insecuturi. Porro comes Tripolitanus, vir prudens et in armis strenuus, et in re militari plurimam habens experientiam, duplici tertiana ibidem periculosissime laborabat; unde nostris, qui de ejus consilio et providentia plurimum praesumebant, multa accrevit moestitia, eo quod tanti principis solatio, in tanto necessitatis articulo, fraudarentur. Convocatis tamen ex locis finitimis auxiliaribus copiis, erectis vexillis hostem insecuti sunt.

Which, when it was learned by our men through scouts, they direct the army with all speed to the aforesaid city, that they might take with them the military forces which had been deputed to the tutelage of that place and of the neighboring municipalities, namely Saphet and Belveir, intending forthwith to pursue the enemy. Moreover, the Count of Tripoli, a prudent man and strenuous in arms, and having very great experience in military affairs, was there suffering most perilously from a double tertian fever; whence to our men, who placed very great reliance on his counsel and providence, much sadness accrued, because they were defrauded of the solace of so great a prince in so great an article of necessity. Nevertheless, the auxiliary forces having been convoked from the neighboring places, with standards erected they pursued the enemy.

Salahadinus vero nostrorum audiens adventum, transito Jordane, cum suis expeditionibus in partes Scytopolitanas se contulit. Est autem Scytopolis tertiae Palestinae metropolis, inter montes Gelboe et Jordanem, in campestribus et agro sita irriguo, quae alio nomine dicta est Bersan, cujus praerogativa Nazarena hodie, quae in eadem dioecesi sita est, gaudet ecclesia; nam urbs praescripta raro hodie incolitur habitatore, ad instar modici redacta oppidi. Ad quem locum pervenientes hostium cunei, praesidium modicum quod ibi est in paludibus situm, coeperunt fortiter impugnare; sed resistentibus viriliter oppidanis, videntes quod non proficerent, versus castrum novum, cui nomen est hodie Belveir, inter praedictam urbem et Tiberiadem in montibus situm, ut nostris occurrerent, acies direxerunt.

But Salahadin, hearing of our men’s approach, having crossed the Jordan, with his expeditions betook himself into the Scythopolitan parts. Now Scythopolis is the metropolis of Third Palestine, situated in the plains and fertile fields between the mountains of Gelboe and the Jordan; it is called by another name Bersan, whose prerogative the Nazarene Church, which is set in the same diocese, today enjoys; for the aforesaid city today is rarely inhabited by an inhabitant, reduced to the likeness of a small town. To that place the wedges of the enemy coming, they began stoutly to assail the small garrison which is there placed in the marshes; but as the townsmen resisted manfully, seeing that they were not making progress, toward the new castle, whose name today is Belveir, set in the mountains between the aforesaid city and Tiberias, that they might meet our men, they directed their battle-line.

Nostri vero Jordanis fluenta secuti, ubi ad praedictum pervenerunt locum, deserentes vallem, ascenderunt in montes; multa tamen immensi caloris, qui supra modum proficiscentibus incubuerat, incommoditate fatigati; ubi noctem illam, vicinis hostibus suspectam, continuatis excubiis transegerunt: mane facto, descendentes in planitiem, quae inter praedictum oppidum et vicum, cui nomen Forbelet, hostes viderunt circumpositos, in tanta multitudine, quantam videre non consueverant. Dicebatur enim a senioribus regni principibus, quod a primo Latinorum in Syriam introitu, nunquam tantas vidissent hostium copias. Eratque numerus expeditorum ad pugnam, quasi ad viginti millia; nostri autem equites vix reputabantur septingenti.

Our men indeed, having followed the streams of the Jordan, when they had come to the aforesaid place, abandoning the valley, ascended into the mountains; yet wearied by the incommodity of immense heat, which had pressed upon those setting out beyond measure; where they passed that night, suspect because of the neighboring enemies, with watches continued: with morning made, descending into the plain, which is between the aforesaid town and the village whose name is Forbelet, they saw the enemies set around, in so great a multitude as they had not been accustomed to see. For it was said by the elder princes of the kingdom that, from the first entry of the Latins into Syria, they had never seen such great forces of enemies. And the number of those ready for battle was as toward 20,000; but our horsemen were scarcely reckoned 700.

Erat autem Salahadino et principibus ejus, una et communis intentio, nostros ex omni parte vallare, ut nec unus evadere posset; nam de jam dicta multitudine praesumentes et nostram contemnentes paucitatem, quod eis nostri possent resistere nullatenus arbitrabantur. Verum ei, cui non est difficile in paucis majorem superare multitudinem, aliter visum est. Nam praevia misericordis Dei clementia, licet eorum respectu, nostri nulli viderentur, tamen ordinatis juxta militarem disciplinam agminibus et in hostium cuneos, solita irruentes animositate et hostium impetus multa sustinentes constantia, in eo conflictu superiores inventi sunt; licet multi de nostris, quos nominatim tangere supersedemus, ignominiosissime, et cum perpetuo probro, bellicis sudoribus se subtraxerunt.

But there was for Saladin and his princes one and common intention: to wall-in our men from every side, so that not a single one could escape; for presuming on the already-mentioned multitude and contemning our paucity, they judged by no means that our men could resist them. Yet to Him to whom it is not difficult with a few to overcome a greater multitude, it seemed otherwise. For by the prevenient clemency of the merciful God, although in their regard our men seemed as nothing, nevertheless, with the columns ordered according to military discipline, and rushing upon the enemy wedges with their wonted boldness, and enduring the enemy onsets with much constancy, they were found superior in that conflict; although many of our men—whom we forbear to touch by name—with most ignominious conduct, and to their perpetual disgrace, withdrew themselves from the warlike sweats.

Optime se habuerunt illa die, strenue et viriliter decertantes, Balduinus Ramatensis et Balianus frater ejus. Sed et Hugo junior, domini comitis Tripolitani privignus, cum acie Tiberiadensium, memoriam ea die meruit in benedictione celebrandam; qui, licet esset adolescentior, tamen supra illius aetatis vires, cum acie supradicta, cui praeerat, tres hostium cuneos violenter effregit et convertit in fugam, ad suos, per Dei gratiam, rediens illaesus. Ceciderunt in eo conflictu de nostris, ex equestri ordine pauci, sed sanctorum adepti consortium; de popularibus vero, plures; hostium autem major facta est strages; sed et de principibus eorum ceciderunt aliquot, quorum caede consternata pars adversa, campum deseruere certaminis.

Baldwin of Ramla and Balian his brother bore themselves excellently that day, contending strenuously and manfully. But also Hugh the younger, the stepson of the lord Count of Tripoli, with the battle-line of the Tiberians, earned that day a memory to be celebrated in benediction; who, although he was younger, yet beyond the powers of that age, with the aforesaid line, which he commanded, violently broke through three wedges of the enemy and turned them to flight, returning to his own unharmed by the grace of God. In that conflict there fell of our men from the equestrian order a few, yet having attained the fellowship of the saints; but of the commons, more; while of the enemy a greater slaughter was made; and several also of their princes fell, at whose slaughter the opposing side, dismayed, abandoned the field of combat.

Sed nec illud praetereundum est cum silentio, quod tant per eos dies praeter solitum fuit caloris inclementia, quod ex utroque exercitu non pauciores caumatis ceciderunt importunitate quam gladio. De numero autem interemptorum hostium, nihil certum colligere potuimus; nam, ut suorum casum nostris occultarent, eos qui in acie ceciderant, secum deportabant; quos sequenti nocte in castris occulte sepelierunt, ne eorum manifestatus interitus, nostros redderet fortiores. Dicimus tamen, utroque supradicto casu, de eis quasi ad mille cecidisse.

Nor must this be passed over in silence, that during those days the inclemency of heat was beyond the usual, such that from both armies no fewer fell by the importunity of heat‑stroke than by the sword. As for the number of the enemies slain, we were able to gather nothing certain; for, in order to hide from our men the fall of their own, they carried off with them those who had fallen in the battle‑line; whom, on the following night, they secretly buried in the camp, lest the manifest destruction of them should render our men stronger. We say, however, that in both the aforesaid cases, about a thousand of them fell.

Quo facto, videns Salahadinus, quod praeter spem ei acciderat, et quod duriores, quam esset arbitratus invenisset adversarios, confusus, transito iterum Jordane, reversus est ad propria, in eodem loco, unde egressus fuerat, denuo castrametatus. Nostri vero, revocatis agminibus, ad fontem Seforitanum, unde prius egressi fuerant, reversi sunt. Quo itinere quidam.

Which having been done, seeing, Saladin, that there had befallen him beyond hope, and that he had found the adversaries tougher than he had supposed, confounded, after crossing the Jordan again, he returned to his own, and in the same place whence he had set out he encamped anew. Our men, however, having recalled the columns, returned to the Seforitan spring, whence they had previously set out. On which journey certain...

Dominici Sepulcri canonicus, Balduinus nomine, ecclesiae ejusdem thesaurarius et vivificae crucis bajulus, caloris immensitatem non ferens, delatus in lectica, sub monte Thabor, juxta torrentem Cyson, exspiravit. Sed et alter quidam ejusdem ecclesiae frater et canonicus, Gaufridus videlicet de Novo vico, qui praedicto Balduino in eo itinere deputatus erat ad solatium, dum alienis rapitur studiis, in praedicto conflictu sagitta confossus interiit; Dignum est enim, ut qui gladium accipit, juxta verbum Domini, gladio debeat perire (Matth. XXVI, 52).

A canon of the Lord’s Sepulchre, Baldwin by name, treasurer of the same church and bearer of the life-giving Cross, not bearing the immensity of the heat, was carried in a litter, and beneath Mount Tabor, next to the torrent Kishon, expired. But also another certain brother and canon of the same church, Geoffrey, namely, of the New Town, who on that journey had been assigned to the aforesaid Baldwin for solace, while he is carried away by pursuits not his own, in the aforesaid conflict, pierced through by an arrow, perished; For it is worthy that he who takes the sword, according to the word of the Lord, should perish by the sword (Matt. 26, 52).

CAPUT XVII. Idem classe vocata ex Aegypto, urbem obsidet Berythensium.

CHAPTER 17. The same, a fleet called from Egypt, besieges the city of the Berythensians.

Domino igitur rege cum suis expeditionibus ad locum supradictum reverso, Salahadinus aegre ferens nimium, quod ita ejus et suorum evacuatus esset conatus, iterum convocat copias; iterum omnia percurrit argumentorum genera, anxie cum suis deliberans, quomodo iterum nostris recidiva posset inferre gravamina. Videns autem quod nulla via commodius nostros posset opprimere, quam si ex pluribus partibus nostros attentaret molestare, fratri quem suorum procuratorem negotiorum reliquerat in Aegypto mandat et districte praecipit, quatenus sub celeritate classem ab Alexandri et universa Aegypto dirigat in Syriam, significans ei propositum, quod in votis haberet, classe recepta, Berythensium urbem, tam per mare quam per terras obsidione vallare; et ne regni populus ad ejus liberationem cum rege posset accelerare, eidem praecipit ut, collectis equitum viribus, quae in Aegypto erant residuae, ipse etiam ab austro ingrediens, omnem circa Gazam, et Ascalonam, et Darum, quae sunt regni nostri oppida novissima, Aegyptiacam respicientes dioecesim, regionem depopulaturus ingrediatur. Haec autem eo tractabat studio, ut dum regni pars illis qui ab Aegypto irrumperent, tentarent occurrere, debilitatis caeteris et factis paucioribus, ipse urbem obsessam acrius et liberius impugnaret.

Therefore, when the lord king had returned with his expeditions to the aforesaid place, Saladin, taking it exceedingly ill that thus his effort, both his own and his men’s, had been frustrated, again summons his forces; again he runs through every kind of line of reasoning, anxiously deliberating with his men how he might once more inflict renewed burdens upon our people. But seeing that by no way could he more conveniently crush our men than if he should attempt to harass us from several quarters, he sends word and strictly commands his brother, whom he had left in Egypt as steward of his affairs, that with speed he dispatch a fleet from Alexandria and all Egypt to Syria, signifying to him the plan which he had in his desires: that, once the fleet had come, he would gird the city of the Berythians (Beirut) with a siege both by sea and by land; and, lest the people of the kingdom be able to hasten with the king to its relief, he likewise commands that, the forces of horse which were remaining in Egypt having been gathered, he himself also, advancing from the south, should enter to lay waste all the region around Gaza, and Ascalon, and Darum, which are the farthest towns of our kingdom looking toward the Egyptian diocese. He was pursuing these things with this aim: that while a part of the kingdom should try to go meet those who were breaking in from Egypt, with the rest weakened and made fewer, he himself might assail the besieged city more sharply and more freely.

Factumque est juxta mentis illius conceptum et mandati formam. Nam infra paucos dies et classis navium rostratarum triginta juxta condictum adfuit; et frater quas in universa Aegypto contrahere potuit, circa Darum introduxit copias. Ipse autem ut adveniente classe paratior inveniretur, in eam regionem quae vulgari appellatione dicitur vallis Bacar, expeditiones dirigit, constitutis exploratoribus super montes illos qui medii sunt inter regionem praedictam et agrum Berythensium, in mare prominentes, qui de adventu galearum ipsum redderent instructiorem.

And it was done according to his mind’s conception and the form of the command. For within a few days a fleet also of thirty ram-prowed ships arrived as agreed; and his brother led in around Darum the forces which he was able to contract throughout all Egypt. But he himself, that at the fleet’s arrival he might be found more prepared, directs expeditions into that region which in vulgar appellation is called the Valley of Bacar, having stationed scouts upon those mountains which lie between the aforesaid region and the territory of the Berythensians, jutting out into the sea, who would render him better instructed about the arrival of the galleys.

Ipse autem, hoc intervallo, ex locis adjacentibus pedestria convocabat auxilia, et quae ad futuram obsidionem arbitrabatur necessaria sollicitus procurabat. Nec mora, circa Augustales Kal. saepedicta classis in littore appulit Berythensium; quod ut praedicto Salahadino, per deputatos ad hoc specialiter, nuntiatum est exploratores, illico sine mora, superatis mediis montibus, de quibus praemisimus, universas expeditiones suas demisit in campestria; et urbem saepe nominatam, prout diu ante destinaverat, undique vallat obsidione.

He, however, in this interval, from the adjacent places was summoning pedestrian auxiliaries, and solicitously was procuring the things which he judged necessary for the future siege. Without delay, around the Kalends of August, the aforesaid fleet put in on the shore of the Berythenses; and when this had been reported to the aforesaid Saladin by men deputed especially for this, the scouts at once, without delay, the middle mountains—of which we have premised—being surmounted, he sent down all his expeditions into the plains; and the oft‑named city, as he had long before destined, he girds on all sides with a siege.

Nostris autem qui ad Sephorum in castris erant, varius de Salahadini proposito rumor ferebatur, dicentibus aliis quod urbem Berythensium sicut pro certo patuit, obsidere decrevisset; aliis vero asseverantibus, quod circa obtinendam Halapiam, tota ejus anhelabat intentio; nonnullis etiam astruentibus quod domino Mussulae, magnifico et potenti Turcorum satrapae, qui ejus quaedam oppida circa Euphratem obsidere dicebatur, tentabat occurrere. Verum, dum hic sermo tam dubius in castris verteretur, adfuit nuntius, verbi ambiguitatem dirimens, qui urbem Berythensium procul omni dubio asserebat obsessam. Adfuit nihilominus et a parte australi nuntius, qui ejusdem Salahadini fratrem, cum ingentibus copiis, fines nostros circa Darum invasisse, et triginta sex levis armaturae milites, quos Turcopulos appellant, interfecisse, et quaedam succendisse suburbana nuntiaret pro certo.

However, among our men who were in camp at Sepphoris, a various rumor was being borne about Saladin’s design: some saying that he had resolved to besiege the city of the Berythenses, as indeed became clear for certain; others, however, averring that his whole intention was panting after the obtaining of Aleppo; some also maintaining that he was trying to go to meet the lord of Mosul, a magnificent and potent satrap of the Turks, who was said to be besieging certain of his towns about the Euphrates. But, while this so doubtful talk was turning in the camp, there arrived a messenger, cutting off the ambiguity of the report, who asserted beyond all doubt that the city of the Berythenses was under siege. There came, nonetheless, also from the southern quarter a messenger, who reported for certain that this same Saladin’s brother, with enormous forces, had invaded our borders around Darum, and had slain 36 light-armed soldiers, whom they call Turcopoles, and had set fire to certain suburbs.

Quo comperto, rex habita cum principibus deliberatione, eligit morbo periculosiori occurrere, et urbem obsessam ab ingruente molestia liberare; nam ei suae sufficere non videbantur copiae, ut utrumque hostem a suis finibus eodem momento posset arcere.

Upon learning this, the king, deliberation having been held with the princes, chooses to confront the more perilous malady, and to liberate the besieged city from the impending trouble; for his own forces did not seem sufficient to him to ward off both enemies from his borders at the same moment.

CAPUT XVIII. Rex ad ejus liberationem properans, usque Tyrum pervenit. Salahadinus obsidionem solvit.

CHAPTER 18. The king, hastening to its liberation, came as far as Tyre. Saladin lifted the siege.

Convocatis igitur expeditionibus et translato universo exercitu, rex usque Tyrum pervenit. Classem quoque nihilominus quam tum in Acconensi, tum in Tyrensi portu reperit parari praecipiens, subito et praeter spem omnium, intra dies septem, armatam optime, et viris fortibus instructam galearum triginta trium ordinavit. Interim tamen, dum haec apud nos studiose nimis et votis ardentibus praeparantur, Salahadinus, urbem, ut praediximus, obsidens, quantas poterat molestias, utroque circa id desudante exercitu, civibus inferebat; nam ordinatis circa urbem legionibus et sibi vicissim suceedentibus agminibus, tantas per triduum continuum obsessis intulit angustias ut, negata requie, nec ad refectionem corporis necessariam ferias indulgeret aliquas.

Therefore, the expeditions having been convoked and the whole army transferred, the king came as far as Tyre. The fleet likewise, which he found being made ready both in the Acconensian and in the Tyrian port, he ordered to be prepared; and suddenly, beyond everyone’s hope, within seven days he marshaled 33 galleys, excellently armed and furnished with brave men. Meanwhile, however, while these things among us are being prepared with too zealous diligence and with ardent vows, Saladin, as we foretold, besieging the city, was inflicting upon the citizens as many molestations as he could, with both armies toiling over the matter; for, the legions having been drawn up around the city and the columns succeeding one another by turns, he brought such straits upon the besieged for a continuous three-day period that, rest being denied, he granted no respite even for the bodily refection that was necessary.

Machinas tamen seu jaculatorias, seu alterius generis, quibus solent ab hostibus expugnari praesidia, nullas secum detulerat, aut quia absque eorum adminiculo urbem subito et sine difficultate se arbitrabatur posse effringere, et obtinere violenter; aut quia nostrorum celerem exspectans adventum, tantam operam inutiliter consumere recusabat; quod tamen absque machinis poterat, diligenti studio et tota percurrebat sollicitudine. Nam, ut praediximus, infinitam multitudinem sibi per vices alternatim succedentem, seriatim circa urbem collocaverat, quae tantam in eos, qui in muris erant et turribus, et ad tuitionem urbis desudabant, sagittarum immittebant multitudinem, quod instar grandinis et urbem replerent et moenia. Nec solum eo modo obsessos ab urbis tuitione nitebantur arcere, verum et fossores, qui ad hoc specialiter ut murum suffoderent, vocati fuerant, violenter laborabant intromittere, ut antemuralia murosque effringendo et aditus patefecerent, quibus armatorum copiae, invitis civibus ingrederentur; et ut ipsi liberius huic studio operam possent impendere, alii, ut praemisimus, arcubus instabant et balistis, et infinita telorum immissione; et tanta instabant protervia, quod vix sine mortis periculo, qui intus erant, digitum audebant exerere.

Nevertheless, he had brought with him no engines, whether throwing-engines or of another kind, by which garrisons are wont to be stormed by enemies, either because he thought that without their aid he could at once and without difficulty break open the city and seize it by violence; or because, expecting the swift arrival of our men, he refused to consume so great a toil to no purpose; yet what could be done without engines he pursued with diligent zeal and with all solicitude. For, as we have said above, he had stationed in series around the city an innumerable multitude, succeeding one another by turns, who hurled upon those who were on the walls and towers, and were toiling at the defense of the city, such a multitude of arrows that, like hail, they filled both the city and the ramparts. Nor did they strive only in that way to keep the besieged from the defense of the city, but they labored violently to bring in sappers, who had been called for this expressly, that by undermining the outworks and the walls they might open approaches, through which bodies of armed men, the citizens unwilling, might enter; and that they themselves might the more freely be able to devote effort to this work, others, as we premised, pressed with bows and balistas, with an infinite discharge of missiles; and they pressed with such insolence that those within scarcely dared to put forth a finger without peril of death.

Cives tamen, licet pauci essent admodum, praefecti tamen urbis et episcopi maxime, quorum multa in eo facto merito commendatur virtus et constantia, monitis et exhortationibus acquiescentes, his omnibus argumentis, argumenta objiciebant contraria, et nullam resistendi artem relinquebant intentatam. Nam et contra exteriores sagittarios, tela et sagittas, arte non dispari vel studio retorquebant, unde hostibus dispendia longe multipliciora inferebant, et causas mortis illis irrogabant frequentius, qui cum majore protervia videbantur instare. Et his qui murum nitebantur suffodere, arte occurrebant eadem, ita ut ipso opere desudantibus plerumque aut mortem inferrent, aut fodiendi auferrent instrumenta.

The citizens, however, although they were very few, yet especially the prefects of the city and the bishops, whose virtue and constancy in that deed are deservedly much commended, acquiescing in admonitions and exhortations, to all these arguments were opposing contrary arguments, and were leaving no art of resisting unattempted. For even against the outer archers they were hurling back missiles and arrows, with art not unequal or zeal, whence they were inflicting upon the enemies losses far more manifold, and were more frequently imposing causes of death on those who seemed to press with greater insolence. And those who were striving to undermine the wall they met with the same art, so that upon men sweating in the very work they for the most part either inflicted death, or took away the instruments of digging.

Ne solum qui per terras advenerant, has tantas civibus obsessis inferebant molestias; verum et qui navigio accesserant, non minus proterve, non minus hostiliter obsessis instabant. Ipse autem Salahadinus non longe ab urbe in colle constitutus, et propria praesentia, et exhortationis verbo suos ad instantiam animabat; eaque tenus profecit, quod quidam de principibus ejus Choelinus nomine, scalas moenibus applicandas decerneret, et violenter ingrediendum esse denuntiaret. Turpe etenim ei videbatur et ignominiosum, quod tantae, tantorum virorum multitudini, populus tam modicus posset vel auderet resistere.

Not only those who had arrived by land were inflicting these so great annoyances upon the besieged citizens; but also those who had come by ship pressed upon the besieged no less insolently, no less hostilely. But Saladin himself, stationed not far from the city on a hill, by his own presence and by a word of exhortation animated his men to urgency; and he advanced so far that a certain one of his princes, by name Choelinus, decreed that ladders were to be applied to the walls, and announced that an entry must be made by violence. For it seemed to him shameful and ignominious that so small a people could be able or dare to resist so great a multitude of so many men.

In quo proposito dum perseveraret attentius; et alios ad id ipsum tum verbo tum exemplo animaret, subito sagitta juxta oculum in facie percussus, et se et alios revocavit ab opere incoepto; cumque per triduum pene continuum, ita urbem impugnasset, videntes quod non proficerent, qui per mare advenerant, de mandato Salahadini in galeas se recipientes, circa noctis initium tertiae clam et de nocte reversi sunt. Salahadinus quoque, revocatis agminibus, ab urbe discedens aliquantulum, per campestria quae urbi praedictae adjacent, turmas coepit dividere, turres quae erant in adjacentibus suburbanis funditus dejici praecipiens; sed nec pomeriis et vinetis, quae in circuitu urbis erant plurima, parcentes, in securi et ascia cuncta dejecerunt. Ut autem in obsidione liberius tutiusque perseverare posset, viarum quasdam difficultates et angustias quae inter urbem praedictam et Sidonem positae, per quas nostro exercitui ad urbis liberationem accedere volenti, de necessitate futurus erat transitus, non solum a suis pedestribus turbis occupari fecerat; verum ubi erant majores angustiae, siccis lapidibus absque coemento, usque in ipsum mare fecerat deduci maceriam; ut utroque impedimento nostrae retardatae legiones, eo minus libere ad eum possent accedere, ipseque interim non desineret urbem molestare.

While he was persevering more attentively in that purpose, and was animating others to that same both by word and by example, suddenly, struck by an arrow in the face near the eye, he recalled both himself and the others from the work begun; and when for nearly three continuous days he had thus assaulted the city, seeing that they were not making progress, those who had arrived by sea, at the mandate of Saladin, betaking themselves into the galleys, about the beginning of the third night, secretly and by night, returned. Saladin also, recalling the columns, withdrawing a little from the city, through the plains adjacent to the aforesaid city began to divide his troops, ordering that the towers which were in the neighboring suburbs be utterly cast down; nor sparing the orchards and vineyards, which were very many around the city, with axe and adze they threw everything down. And so that he might be able to persevere in the siege more freely and more safely, the difficulties and narrows of the roads which are set between the aforesaid city and Sidon, through which for our army, wishing to come for the city’s liberation, there would of necessity be a passage, he had caused not only to be occupied by his pedestrian troops; but where the greater straits were, with dry stones without cement he had caused a rubble-wall to be led down even into the sea itself; so that by a double impediment our legions, delayed, might the less freely be able to approach him, and he meanwhile should not cease to molest the city.

Cumque firmum fixumque prius diceretur habere propositum, ab urbis obsidione, nisi ea violenter effracta, non discedere, mutata voluntate, ut praediximus, reditum acceleravit ad propria. Cujus rei causa fuisse dicitur, quod quemdam litterarum bajulum, quae in urbem ab solidandos animos obsessorum, a quibusdam dirigebantur fidelibus, casu ceperant, qui observabant transitus; quem ante Salahadinum deductum, gravissimis quaestionibus subjecerunt. Ubi tum ex ejus confessione violenter extorta, tum ex litterarum tenore cognoscentes, quod nostrorum uterque paratus erat exercitus, et infra triduum procul omni dubio adfuturus, mutato proposito, solverunt, ut praedictum est, obsidionem.

And whereas it had previously been said that he held a firm and fixed purpose not to depart from the siege of the city unless it were violently broken open, with his will changed, as we have aforesaid, he accelerated a return to his own. The cause of this is said to have been that those who were observing the passes had by chance captured a certain bearer of letters, which were being directed into the city by certain faithful to solidify the spirits of the besieged; whom, brought before Saladin, they subjected to the gravest interrogations. Thereupon, learning both from his confession violently extorted and from the tenor of the letters that each of our armies was prepared and would, without any doubt, be present within three days, changing their plan they raised, as has been said, the siege.

Classis tamen nostra usque ad locum pervenit destinatum; sed urbem reperiens liberam, in portus unde prius exierat, non multo interjecto tempore, reversa est. Rex autem et universus exercitus ejus, cognito quod hostes ab urbe discessissent obsessa, cum apud Tyrum per dies aliquot moram fecisset, revocatis expeditionibus, Sephorim reversus est.

Nevertheless, our fleet reached the appointed place; but finding the city free, it returned, not much time intervening, to the ports whence it had previously set out. The king, moreover, and his whole army, on learning that the enemies had withdrawn from the besieged city, after he had made a stay for several days at Tyre, having recalled the expeditions, returned to Sephoris.

CAPUT XIX. Salahadinus Euphratem transit, Mesopotamiam ingressus.

CHAPTER 19. Saladin crosses the Euphrates, having entered Mesopotamia.

Salahadinus interea, sicut erat vir vigilantissimus et toto mentis ardore ad dilatandam nominis sui gloriam et regni incrementum anhelabat, nostrorum vires quasi pro nihilo ducens et ad majora suspirans, ad partes transire disposuit orientales. Id tamen, nondum pro certo liquet utrum proprio ductus spiritu, et solita praeceps magnanimitate, sit aggressus; an a principibus illius regionis evocatus, rem adeo difficilem, et quae supra vires videbatur, attentaverit. Quacunque ergo fiducia, ingentes equitum collegit copias, et compositis pro locorum et temporum opportunitate sarcinis, et quae ad tantum iter conficiendum sufficere posse videbantur, necessariis, versus Euphratem properat.

Meanwhile Saladin, since he was a most vigilant man and with the whole ardor of his mind was panting for the dilatation of the glory of his name and the increment of his realm, counting our forces as almost nothing and aspiring to greater things, resolved to pass over to the eastern parts. Yet it is not yet clear for certain whether, led by his own spirit and by his accustomed headlong magnanimity, he undertook it; or, having been summoned by the princes of that region, he attempted a matter so difficult and which seemed beyond his powers. Therefore, with whatever confidence, he gathered huge forces of horsemen; and, the baggage composed according to the opportuneness of places and times, and the necessaries which seemed able to suffice for the accomplishing of so great a journey being provided, he hastens toward the Euphrates.

Apud nos autem sermo divulgabatur frequens, quod versus Halapiam contenderet, ut eam sibi vindicare niteretur. Ea enim sola, cum paucis oppidis adjacentibus sibi, de tota Noradini haereditate supererat, quae nondum in ejus pervenerat ditionem. Mortuo enim Noradini filio, frater Cotebedini domini Mussulae, fratre permittente, ad quem jure haereditario, defuncto praedicto adolescente, devoluta fuerat, possidebat.

But among us a frequent report was being spread abroad, that he was making for Halapia, that he might endeavor to vindicate it for himself. For that alone, with a few towns adjacent to it, remained over from all the inheritance of Noradinus, which had not yet come into his dominion. For, with the son of Noradinus dead, the brother of Cotebedinus, lord of Mosul, with the brother permitting it, possessed it, to whom, the aforesaid adolescent being deceased, it had by hereditary right devolved.

Credebatur ergo, sicuti et erat verisimile, quod ut eam urbem obtineret, ad partes illas festinasset. Sed sicut rei patefecit exitus, longe sublimiora mente conceperat. Relicta enim post se urbe praedicta, et Euphrate transmisso, Mesopotamiae urbes splendidissimas, Edessam, Carram, et alias quamplures cum oppidis suffraganeis, et universam pene regionem, quae sub potestate praedicti principis, domini videlicet Mussulae, prius jacuerat, tam viribus quam munerum interventione, intra paucos dies sibi vindicavit.

It was therefore believed, as was also verisimilar, that he had hastened to those parts so that he might obtain that city. But, as the outcome of the matter laid open, he had conceived far more sublime things in mind. For, leaving behind the aforesaid city and crossing the Euphrates, the most splendid cities of Mesopotamia—Edessa, Carrhae, and very many others with their suffragan towns—and almost the whole region, which previously had lain under the power of the aforesaid prince, to wit Lord Mussula, he claimed for himself within a few days, as much by forces as by the intervention of gifts.

Corruptis enim multa liberalitate regionum magnatibus, qui domino saepedicto fidelitate tenebantur astricti, receptisque eorum municipiis, in suum obsequium omnes converterat, ita ut saepedictus magnus et nobilis princeps suorum penitus destitutus auxilio, ei occurrere, aut resistere non posse diceretur, sed etiam publice dicebatur, quod corruptis ejus domesticis et familiaribus, potum ei mortiferum, unde vix postmodum evasit, propinasset: unde liberius usque Mussulam, cum suis expeditionibus jam pervenisse (fama referente) credebatur. Varius tamen super eo facto apud nos disseminabatur sermo, dicentibus aliis, quod prospere incederet et omnia illi suppeterent ad votum; aliis e diverso asserentibus, quod per majores illarum regionum principes, contra illius insolentiam convenientes, ejus male tractatus esset exercitus.

For, having corrupted by much liberality the magnates of the regions, who were held bound by fealty to the oft‑said lord, and having received their municipalities, he had turned them all to his obedience, so that the oft‑said great and noble prince, utterly forsaken of the aid of his own, was said to be unable to meet him or to resist; but it was even publicly said that, his domestics and familiars having been corrupted, he had proffered him a death‑bearing drink, whence he scarcely afterwards escaped; wherefore he was believed to have come more freely even up to Mosul, with his expeditions already (rumor reporting). Nevertheless a various talk was disseminated among us concerning the deed, some saying that he was advancing prosperously and that all things supplied to him according to his wish; others, conversely, asserting that through the greater princes of those regions, convening against his insolence, his army had been ill‑treated.

CAPUT XX. Rex fines Damascenorum hostiliter depopulatur.

CHAPTER 20. The King hostilely devastates the borders of the Damascenes.

Rex igitur et regni nostri principes, videntes regionem hostium, viribus destitutam militaribus, arbitrati, sicut et merito videri poterat, quod nocendi hostibus optata pateret occasio: eoque amplius indignati, quod tantam ejus qui abierat, notabant superbiam, quod contemptis regni viribus, ut regna sibi vindicaret extera, proficiscens, cum rege nec treugam nec foedus inierat; communicato consilio, collectis regni viribus, assumpto sibi vivificae crucis ligno pretioso, domino quoque patriarcha eos prosequente, hostium fines ingressi sunt, regionem pro viribus depopulaturi. Pertranseuntes ergo Traconitidem regionem, quae Bostrensis dioeceseos pars est non modica, Syriam minorem, cujus caput est Damascus, ingressi, et ad orientalem ejus plagam contendentes, locum celebrem et famosum, Zora nomine, multis refertum habitatoribus, qui a Damascena non multum distat urbe, violenter effregerunt; et inde regionem perlustrantes ex parte plurima, loca suburbana quae vulgo Casalia dicuntur, suppositis ignibus et aliis, quibus poterant, nocendi artibus dejecerunt. Regionis autem habitatores, praecognito nostrorum adventu, cum gregibus et armentis, cum liberis et uxoribus ad loca se contulerant munitiora.

Therefore the king and the princes of our realm, seeing the enemies’ region destitute of military forces, judged—as could rightly seem—that a wished‑for occasion lay open for harming the enemies; and were the more indignant because they noted such pride of him who had departed, that, despising the forces of the realm, as he set out to vindicate foreign kingdoms for himself, he had entered into neither truce nor treaty with the king. Counsel having been communicated, the forces of the realm gathered, the precious wood of the life‑giving Cross taken up to themselves, and the lord patriarch also accompanying them, they entered the borders of the enemy, to depopulate the region according to their strength. Passing therefore through the region of Trachonitis, which is no small part of the diocese of Bostra, they entered Lesser Syria, whose head is Damascus, and, making for its eastern quarter, they violently broke into a celebrated and famous place, by name Zora, filled with many inhabitants, which does not lie far from the city of Damascus; and from there, traversing the region through the greater part, the suburban places which in the vernacular are called Casalia, with fires set beneath and with other arts of harming which they could, they cast down. But the inhabitants of the region, our men’s arrival having been foreknown, with flocks and herds, with children and wives, had betaken themselves to more fortified places.

Unde factum est, ut praedae et manubiarum aut nihil, aut modicum secum nostri reportaverint; fruges tamen et caetera vitae necessaria, quae illi abeuntes secum transferre non poterant, nostri vel incendio, vel aliis quibus id modis fieri poterat; consumpserunt. Redeuntes vero depopulando universa quae occurrebant, juxta nobilem illius regionis metropolim, Bostrum nomine, quae vulgari appellatione dicitur Bosseret, habuerunt transitum. Ubi cum de effringendo ejusdem civitatis suburbio, inter nostros tractatus haberetur, videntes quod id subito fieri non posset, sed moram exigeret diuturniorem, quam tamen non dabat aquarum inopia, ad redeundum se praeparant, sibi et equis et jumentis omnibus sitis formidantes importunitatem.

Whence it came to pass that our men brought back with them either nothing, or only a small amount, of booty and manubial spoils; nevertheless the crops and the other necessities of life, which those departing were not able to carry away with them, our men consumed either by fire, or by other methods by which that could be done. But on their return, laying waste everything that presented itself, they had their transit near the noble metropolis of that region, by the name Bostrum, which in the vulgar appellation is called Bosseret. There, when a discussion was being held among our men about breaking open the suburb of that same city, seeing that it could not be done suddenly, but would require a more long-enduring delay—which, however, the lack of waters did not allow—they prepare to return, fearing the importunity of thirst for themselves and for the horses and for all the beasts of burden.

Est enim regio praedicta, arens prorsus et inaquosa; fontes, rivos et flumina non habens penitus; hibernis enim mensibus lacunis solent aquas colligere pluviales, et eas tota conservare diligentia, ad usus necessarios per annum integrum, calore solis, et assiduitate limi cui superjacent, factas insipidas. Has etiam adventu nostrorum praecognito, effractis lacubus, aut emiserant, aut immissis corruperant immunditiis, ne pertransiens exercitus moram ibi posset nectere; sed neque depopulationem quantam vellent exercere, temporis patiebatur pars illa; jam enim fruges, et caetera illa quae incendium solet consumere, congesserant in horrea, quae in specubus subterraneis regio illa habere consuevit; quas etiam terra coopertas et arte occultatas multa, difficile erat invenire; sed etsi quid reperiebatur in areis, id exutum stramine et mundatum a palea, non facile admittebat incendium, gravi solitudine ignem non admittente. Vixque aliud areis damnum poterant inferre, quam ut fruges dispergerent; et ad opus equorum, abeuntes secum deferrent.

For the aforesaid region is utterly arid and waterless; having in no wise springs, rivulets, or rivers; for in the winter months they are accustomed to gather pluvial waters into cisterns, and to conserve them with all diligence for necessary uses for a whole year, made insipid by the heat of the sun and by the assiduity of the mud upon which they lie. These also, with the approach of our men foreknown, by breaking open the cisterns they had either let out, or by introducing impurities had corrupted, lest the passing army should be able to weave a delay there; but neither did that part allow them to exercise as much depopulation as they wished, the time not permitting it; for already they had heaped the grain and the other things which fire is wont to consume into storehouses, which in subterranean caves that region is accustomed to have; which too, covered with earth and by much art concealed, it was difficult to find; but even if anything was discovered on the threshing-floors, that, stripped of straw and cleaned from chaff, did not easily admit fire, the heavy wilderness not admitting the flame. And scarcely could they inflict any other damage upon the threshing-floors than to scatter the grain; and for the use of the horses, as they went away, to carry it off with them.

Multi tamen artem nocendi quaerentes, aliunde stramina, aliunde paleas frugibus immiscebant jam purgatis, ut facilius admittere possent incendia. Residuum autem militiae, quam in eadem regione Salahadinus abiens dereliquerat, quoniam de viribus non praesumebant eatenus ut cum nostris auderent congredi, vel eis de proximo ministrare impedimentum, gregatim de remoto sequebantur, ut circa abeuntis exercitus posteriora, aliquid possent latenter moliri. Sed neque sic nostris impedimentum ministrare potuerunt, aut laedere totum vel partem exercitus.

Many, however, seeking the art of harming, from elsewhere were mixing straw, from elsewhere chaff, into the grain already cleansed, so that it might more easily admit conflagrations. But the residue of the soldiery, which Salahadinus, departing, had left behind in the same region, since they did not presume upon their strength to such an extent as to dare to engage with our men, or to furnish them an impediment at close quarters, were following in groups from afar, so that around the rear of the departing army they might be able to contrive something covertly. But not even thus were they able to minister an impediment to our men, or to injure the whole or a part of the army.

CAPUT XXI. Idem praesidium quod proxime Salahadinus occupaverat, obsidet; obsessum occupat, et Christianitati restituit.

CHAPTER 21. The same garrison which Saladin had most recently occupied, he besieges; once besieged, he takes it, and restores it to Christendom.

Transcursa igitur regione, et ea quantum eis nocere dabatur damnificata, redeuntes, in ea ejusdem provinciae parte, cui Suite nomen est, substiterunt. Haec autem est regio, in qua praesidium situm est, quod a nostris paulo ante, ut praediximus, hostes dum in Syria Sobal moram facerent, fraudulenter eripuerant. Est autem regio commoditatibus vini, frumenti et olei, simul et salubritate commendabilis et amoenitate praecipua; de qua fuisse traditur Baldad ille Job amicus, qui ab ea cognominatus est Suites.

Therefore, the region having been traversed, and it damaged as much as it was given them to injure, as they returned they halted in that part of the same province which is named Suite. Now this is the region in which the stronghold is situated, which a little before, as we have foretold, the enemies, while they were making a delay in Syria Sobal, had fraudulently snatched from our men. Moreover, it is a region commendable for the commodities of wine, grain, and oil, and at the same time for salubrity and preeminent amenity; from which that Baldad, the friend of Job, is related to have been, who from it was surnamed the Suite.

Ad hanc ergo pervenientes, honestum judicant, et ita fieri oportere decernunt, ut praedictum municipium obsideant; et quam nobis intulerant, in ejusdem captione fraudulenta, hostes injuriam, locum recipiendo, si eis concedatur divinitus, resarciant. Juxta ergo condictum, ante locum castra locant supra nominatum, omnem adhibentes operam et studium, ut ii, qui intus erant, ad deditionem compellerentur. Et quoniam locus erat munitissimus et situs ejus hujusmodi, quod ei nullatenus, nisi a parte superiori, noceri posset, ibique non alias quam si rupes usque ad ipsam habitationem incideretur; decernunt a parte superiori caesores lapidum, eisque quotquot haberent ministros necessarios, simul et operum custodes, ut tute et sine irruentium periculo laborare possent, collocare.

Therefore, arriving at this, they judge it honorable and decree that it ought thus to be done: that they besiege the aforesaid municipium; and that the injury which the enemies had brought upon us in the fraudulent capture of the same they make good by recovering the place, if it be granted to them by divine favor. Accordingly, in accordance with the compact, they pitch camp before the above-named place, applying every effort and zeal, that those who were within might be compelled to surrender. And since the place was most fortified and its site of such a kind that it could in no way be harmed, save from the upper side—and there not otherwise than if the rock were cut down as far as the habitation itself—they decree to station on the upper side stone-cutters, and for them as many necessary assistants as they had, together with overseers of the works, so that they might labor safely and without the danger of assailants rushing in.

Erat enim spelunca in altissimo montis latere posita, non habens nisi cum multa difficultate accessum, in quo vix pediti iter esse poterat expedito, nam inferius, usque in profundum subjectae vallis, ingens est et horribile praecipitium; ex latere autem, ad eam accedebatur itinere unius pedis vix habente latitudinem. Erant autem in eadem spelunca mansiones tres, sibi invicem superpositae, in quibus mutuus per quasdam scalas ligneas, et per quaedam angusta foramina interius ascensus erat et descensus. Sic ergo ea sola qua eis noceri poterat via, aggressi sunt speluncam desuper, ut praemisimus, incidere, tentantes si ad primam et superiorem speluncae habitationem, incidendo sic possent penetrare.

For there was a cave set on the very highest flank of the mountain, having access only with much difficulty, in which scarcely could there be a path even for a foot-soldier unencumbered; for lower down, all the way to the depth of the subjacent valley, there is a huge and horrible precipice; and from the side, one approached it by a path scarcely having the breadth of a single foot. Now in that same cave there were three chambers, superposed one upon another, in which there was mutual ascent and descent on the interior by certain wooden ladders and by certain narrow openings. Thus therefore, by the only way by which harm could be done them, they set about cutting into the cave from above, as we have premised, trying whether by cutting they could thus penetrate to the first and uppermost habitation of the cave.

Erat igitur in eo omnis nostrorum intentio, et totus in eo labor impendebatur. Ordinatis enim ad id operis exsequendum artificibus, quotquot erant necessarii, et cooperatoribus ministris, qui lapides incisos et lapidum fragmenta, per praeceps in vallem subjectam devolverent, ut sine intermissione opus procederet, vicarias tam interdiu quam de nocte constituebant successiones, ut defatigatis prioribus, novi recentesque venirent, qui operis possent et scirent portare pondus. Proficiebat ergo labor impendio, tum ex frequentia et fervore eorum qui praedicto instabant operi, tum ex quadam habilitate quam ex se praebebat saxi, quod incidebatur, materia.

Therefore all our intention was upon it, and the whole labor was expended on it. For, with artificers arranged for executing that work, as many as were necessary, and with cooperating ministers to roll the cut stones and fragments of stone headlong down into the subjacent valley, so that the work might proceed without intermission, they established vicariate successions both by day and by night, so that, when the former were wearied, new and fresh men might come, who could and knew how to bear the weight of the work. The labor, therefore, advanced exceedingly, both from the frequency and fervor of those who pressed upon the aforesaid work, and from a certain aptness which the material of the rock that was being cut supplied of itself.

Erat enim lapis cretaceus, et ad frangendum facilis; nisi quod venas durissimi silicis interpolatim habebat immistas, quae saepius et ferrea laederent instrumenta; et iis qui in opere fervebant, aliquoties ministrarent impedimentum. Porro quidquid fragmentorum, ut locus expediretur, in vallem subjectam, ut praediximus, devolvebatur, totum id qui in spelunca erant obsessi, contemplabantur de proximo; unde eis timor incutiebatur amplior, tanquam qui singulis exspectabant horis, ut incisione perfecta ad eos violenter introiretur. Noster autem bipertitus erat exercitus; nam pars ejus, ut praediximus, in monte supremo, in quo erant spelunca, castra locaverat, ut eos qui erant in opere solliciti, ab hostium protegerent insidiis; pars vero inferius residebat in plano, quibus id specialiter erat propositi, ut obsessis introitum negarent et exitum.

For the stone was cretaceous, and easy to break; except that it had interspersed veins of very hard flint mixed in, which would often injure even the iron instruments, and at times would furnish impediment to those who were fervent in the work. Moreover, whatever fragments, so that the place might be cleared, were rolled down into the subjacent valley, as we have said, all this those who were besieged in the cave were observing from close at hand; whence a greater fear was instilled into them, as they expected every hour that, once the cutting was perfected, entry would be made upon them by force. Our army, however, was bipartite; for a part of it, as we have said, had pitched camp on the highest mountain on which the cave was, so that they might protect those anxious over the work from the enemy’s ambushes; but a part was stationed below on the plain, whose special purpose was to deny the besieged both entrance and exit.

Hi etiam nonnunquam per illam arctam, unde praemisimus, semitam, ad inferiorem ejusdem speluncae stationem accedentes, eos qui intus erant, licet non proficerent, assultibus molestare nitebantur. Erant autem intus viri fortes et bellicosi, tam victualium quam armorum habentes copiam, quasi ad septuaginta; quos tanquam virtute probatos, de quorum fide et constantia praesumebat plurimum Salahadinus, abiens intus dimiserat, eorum diligentiae commendans municipium. Et jam eo usque ventum erat, quod qui in spelunca erant, prae frequenti et pene continua malleorum percussione, intus quiescere non poterant; videbatur enim, ad omnem ictuum ingeminationem, spelunca tremiscere et universa concuti; ita ut jam non timerent, quod nostri ad eos irrumperent violenter, sed quod tota spelunca, repetitione malleorum fatigata, subito corruens, universos opprimeret.

These also sometimes, by that narrow path, as we have premised, approaching the lower station of the same cave, endeavored to harass with assaults those who were within, although they made no headway. But inside there were brave and bellicose men, having abundance of victuals as well as of arms, to the number of about seventy; whom, as approved in virtue, and in whose faith and constancy Saladin had the highest presumption, he, on departing, had left within, entrusting the stronghold to their diligence. And already it had come to such a point that those who were in the cave, by reason of the frequent and almost continual percussion of hammers, could not rest within; for at every redoubling of the blows the cave seemed to tremble and to be shaken throughout; so that now they did not fear that our men would violently break in upon them, but that the whole cave, wearied by the reiteration of the hammers, would suddenly collapse and overwhelm them all.

Denique quod eis subsidium ministraretur, omnino sperare non licebat; nam prius noverant, ad partes remotissimas, et unde facile redire non poterat, demigrasse Salahadinum, et militares secum duxisse copias. Unde factum est, quod postquam obsidionem tribus vel modico amplius septimanis perpessi fuerant, missa legatione ad dominum regem, per interventum domini comitis Tripolitani obtinent, ut resignato praesidio, cum armis, quae ipsi intulerant, et propria supellectile, liber eis usque Bostrum indulgeretur transitus. Sic ergo illis abeuntibus, recepto praesidio, confusionem, quam ex eodem prius videbantur induisse, auctore Domino, et per ejus superabundantem gratiam, diluimus.

Finally, that any succor might be ministered to them, it was by no means permitted to hope; for they had first known that Saladin had removed to the most remote parts, whence he could not easily return, and had led the military forces with him. Whence it came about that, after they had endured the siege for three, or a little more, weeks, by sending an embassy to the lord king, through the intervention of the lord Count of Tripoli they obtain that, the garrison being resigned, with the arms which they themselves had brought in and their own furnishings, free passage should be indulged to them as far as Bostra. Thus, then, they departing and the stronghold being received back, the confusion which from this same we had previously seemed to have put on, with the Lord as author, and through His superabundant grace, we washed away.

Porro tam domino regi, quam aliis principibus curae fuit non modicae, statim, sicut expediens videbatur, ut locum resignatum et armis communirent, et victualibus; et viris fidelibus, de quorum fide non dubitaretur et industria, committerent. Quo cum omni diligentia completo, noster ad propria reversus est exercitus. Factum est autem hoc, anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1182, die mensis Octobris.

Furthermore, both to the lord king and to the other princes it was a care not small, immediately, as it seemed expedient, that they should fortify the surrendered place with arms and with victuals; and that they should commit it to faithful men, of whose faith and industry there would be no doubt. When this was completed with every diligence, our army returned to its own. Moreover, this was done in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1182, on a day of the month of October.

CAPUT XXII. Rex iterum fines Damascenorum cum suis expeditionibus ingreditur.

CHAPTER 22. The king again enters the borders of the Damascenes with his expeditions.

Modico autem, post hoc, interjecto temporis intervallo, id est Decembre proxime subsecuto, videntes nostri quod Salahadinus non redierat, et adhuc majoribus negotiis impeditus, circa partes Mussulae detineretur occupatus; nolentes opportunitatem amittere, quam idem de sua absentia ministrabat, iterum convenientes, communicato regni consilio, apud Caesaream urbem maritimam condicunt unanimiter, et communi decernunt voluntate, ut collectis regni viribus et praeparatis ad dies quindecim, tam ad usus hominum quam jumentorum necessariis, fines hostium iterum egrediantur, porrectam occasionem non neglecturi. Facta ergo expeditione occulta, in qua solos equites secum habuerunt, ab hostium finibus Bostro adjacentibus, sicut ab initio condictum fuerat praedam in gregibus et armentis, nec non a mancipiis quampluribus, secum traxerunt, cum omni incolumitate redeuntes ad propria. Cui negotio, quoniam a partibus Tiberiadensibus et profectum habuerunt, et ad easdem partes regressum, dominus comes Tripolitanus praefuit.

However, after a modest interval of time interjected, that is, with December next ensuing, our men, seeing that Saladin had not returned, and that, still impeded by greater affairs, he was detained occupied about the parts of Mosul, not wishing to lose the opportunity which that same man’s absence supplied, met again; and, counsel of the realm having been communicated, they unanimously appoint at Caesarea, the maritime city, and by common will decree that, the forces of the realm being gathered and provisions prepared for fifteen days, necessary both for the uses of men and of beasts of burden, they should again go forth into the enemy’s borders, not about to neglect the proffered occasion. Therefore a covert expedition having been made, in which they had with them only knights, from the enemy frontiers adjoining Bosra, as from the beginning had been stipulated, they drew off booty in flocks and herds, and also very many slaves, returning to their own with complete safety. Over this undertaking—since from the parts of Tiberias they both had their setting-out and to those same parts their return—the lord count of Tripoli presided.

Quinta decima vero demum die, rex cum universis regni principibus, equitumque ac peditum copiis, quas regnum pro tempore ministrare potuit, assumpta secum cruce Dominica, juxta Tiberiadem, secus mare Galileae, in loco cui nomen Castelletum, adfuit, et exinde, per locum, cui nomen vadum Jacob, fluvium pertransiens, hostium regionem ingressus est. Unde progrediens exercitus, Libanum a sinistris deserens, et loca planiora secutus, prius locum cui nomen Bettegene, cum adjacentibus viculis, partim incendio, partim ruina dejecerunt funditus, universa ejus bona, modis variis tradentes exterminio. Consequenter vero continuato itinere, ad locum pervenerunt, cui nomen Daria, quae ab urbe Damascena vix quatuor aut quinque distat milliaribus, quam etiam cum adjacentibus viculis eodem modo depopulati sunt.

But finally on the fifteenth day, the king, with all the princes of the realm and with the forces of horse and foot which the kingdom was able at the time to furnish, taking with him the Lord’s Cross, was present near Tiberias, alongside the Sea of Galilee, at a place whose name is Castelletum; and from there, by the place called the ford of Jacob, crossing the river, he entered the enemy’s region. Whence advancing, the army, leaving Lebanon on the left and following the more level places, first utterly cast down the place called Bettegene, with the adjacent hamlets, partly by fire, partly by demolition, delivering all its goods to extermination in various ways. Next, however, continuing the march, they came to the place named Daria, which is scarcely four or five miles distant from the city of Damascus, which likewise, with the neighboring hamlets, they depopulated in the same manner.

Regionis autem incolae, partim ad juga Libani se contulerant, partim confugerant Damascum. Unde in tota regione, vix unum de hostibus valuerunt comprehendere; de nostris tamen quosdam qui pabulatum egressi, incaute se habebant, amisimus. Egressi enim ab urbe Damascena equites nonnulli, de equorum velocitate fidentes, exercitum eminus aliquando praeibant, aliquando subsequebantur, exspectantes, si nocendi tempus aut locum invenirent; qui in nostros, de quibus praediximus, irruentes, more hostili in eos versati sunt, universos obtruncantes.

But the inhabitants of the region had partly betaken themselves to the ridges of Lebanon, partly had fled for refuge to Damascus. Whence, in the whole region, they were scarcely able to apprehend a single one of the enemies; of our men, however, we lost certain ones who, having gone out to forage, were conducting themselves incautiously. For some horsemen, having gone out from the Damascene city, trusting in the velocity of their horses, at times went before the army from a distance, at times followed after, awaiting whether they might find a time or place for harming; and they, rushing upon our men, of whom we have spoken above, dealt with them in hostile fashion, cutting them all down.

Cives autem Damasceni ab urbe egressi, junctis agminibus circ pomeria, quae urbi adjacent plurima, conglobati, nostrorum cohortes eminus contemplabantur, procedere non audentes. Factumque est ita, quod neque nostri in eos, neque ipsi in nostras expeditiones attentaverunt irruere; sed abeuntibus nostris, ipsi in urbem se receperunt. Nostri vero regione, ut praedictum est, decursa et damno illato, ut praediximus, sine difficultate et impedimento, reversi sunt ad propria, domino rege Tyrum, ut ibi Dominicae Nativitatis nobiscum solemnia celebraret properante

Certainly the Damascene citizens, having gone out from the city, with their columns joined, massed together around the pomeria, which are very many adjoining the city, contemplated from afar the cohorts of our men, not daring to advance. And it came to pass thus, that neither did our men attempt to rush upon them, nor they upon our expeditions; but as our men were going away, they themselves withdrew into the city. Our men, however, the region, as has been said, having been run through and damage inflicted, as we have said, without difficulty and impediment, returned to their own, the lord king hastening to Tyre, that there he might celebrate with us the solemnities of the Lord’s Nativity.

CAPUT XXIII. Census in regno colligitur, quo contra futuros casus regnum se tueatur.

CHAPTER 23. A census is collected in the kingdom, whereby the kingdom may protect itself against future contingencies.

Interea de Salahadino, rumor incertus ferebatur, dicentibus aliis, quod in Mesopotamia circa partes Mussulae multum proficeret, et sibi regionem subjugaret universam. Aliis autem dicentibus, quod universi Orientalis tractus principes convenerunt, ut eum ab illis regionibus expellerent violenter; et eas partes, quas ipse dolis et interventu pecuniae sibi vindicaverat, ab eo revocarent. Nobis autem valde suspectus erat ejus profectus; et ne majus susciperet incrementum, eramus plurimum solliciti, timentes ne multiplicatis viribus ad nos rediret fortior.

Meanwhile, about Saladin an uncertain rumor was being spread, some saying that in Mesopotamia, around the parts of Mosul, he was making much progress and was subjugating the whole region to himself. Others, however, were saying that all the princes of the Oriental tract had come together to expel him by force from those regions, and to revoke from him those parts which he had claimed for himself by wiles and by the intervention of money. But to us his advance was very suspect; and lest it should take on a greater increment, we were exceedingly solicitous, fearing lest, with his forces multiplied, he might return to us stronger.

Unde factum est, quod subsequente Februario, convenerunt regni principes universi, apud Hierosolymam, de rerum statu, qui praesens erat, consilium habituri. Multum enim, ut praedictum est, de ejus reditu timebatur: unde et anxie magis omnia resistendi argumenta, se nitebantur attollere. Factum est igitur post multas deliberationum partes, quod de universorum placuit consilio, ut census de universis regni finibus colligeretur, unde necessitatis tempore, equitum peditumque copias habere possemus; ut rediens praedictus hostis, nos ad resistendum paratos inveniret.

Whence it came to pass that, in the following February, all the princes of the kingdom assembled at Jerusalem to hold a council about the present state of affairs. For, as has been said, his return was greatly feared; wherefore they strove anxiously to raise up all the means of resisting. Therefore, after many courses of deliberation, it was agreed by the counsel of all that a census (assessment) should be collected from all the confines of the kingdom, whence, in time of necessity, we might have forces of horse and foot; so that, when the aforesaid enemy returned, he might find us prepared to resist.

Rex enim et alii principes, in tantam descenderant egestatem, quod ad complenda debita munia, omnino erant insufficientes. Collecta est ergo de publico pecunia, cujus descriptionis quis fuerit modus, ex rescripti, quod super eo negotio factum est, serie, plenius innotescet, quod sic habet: Haec est forma colligendi census, qui de communi omnium principum, tam ecclesiasticorum quam saecularium, et de assensu universae plebis regni Hierosolymorum, pro communi utilitate ejusdem regni, contra imminentes necessitates, colligi debet. Decretum est publice, quod in qualibet civitate regni, quatuor eligantur viri prudentes et fide digni qui et ipsi juramento corporaliter praestito, quod in praesenti negotio bona fide debent versari, primum pro se debent dare, deinde alios ad id ipsum compellere, de singulis centum Bizantiis, quos habent, vel eorum valens, sive in rebus penes se constitutis, sive in debitis quae sibi debentur, Bizantium unum; de redditibus vero, de singulis centum Bizantiis, Bizantios duos.

For the king and the other princes had descended into such poverty that they were altogether insufficient to fulfill the duties owed. Therefore money was collected from the public, the manner of which levy will be made more fully known from the tenor of the rescript that was made on that business, which runs thus: This is the form of collecting the census, which, from the commonwealth of all the princes, both ecclesiastical and secular, and from the assent of the entire people of the kingdom of Jerusalem, for the common utility of the same kingdom, against the imminent necessities, must be collected. It is publicly decreed that in each city of the kingdom four men be chosen, prudent and worthy of faith, who also themselves, having rendered a corporal oath, that in the present business they ought to conduct themselves in good faith, must give first on their own behalf, then compel others to the same: from each hundred Byzants which they have, or the value of them—whether in goods in their possession, or in debts that are owed to them—one Byzant; but from revenues, from each hundred Byzants, two Byzants.

Debent autem circa alios compellendos ita se habere, quod unumquemque de civibus, seu habitatoribus civitatum, vel locorum quibus praesunt, juxt id quod eis videbitur bona fide, quod eorum substantia valeat, unicuique secundum possibilitatem suam injungere secrete, quid ad praedictam collationem solvat. Quod si ille cui injunctum est quantum debeat dare, dixerit, se gravatum esse, et supra vires ei injunctum esse, afferet juxta propriam conscientiam quantum ei videbitur, quod sua mobilia valeant, et praestito juramento, quod amplius non debeat dare, juxta dictam conditionem recedet quietus. Illi autem quatuor tenebuntur ex debito juramenti secretum tenere, quidquid a civibus eis oblatum fuerit, sive magnum, sive parvum; et divitias sive paupertatem eorum tenebuntur ex juramento non detegere.

They ought, moreover, in the matter of compelling others, to conduct themselves thus: that each one of the citizens, or inhabitants of the cities, or of the places over which they preside, according to what shall seem to them in good faith that their substance is worth, they should enjoin to each, according to his possibility, in secret, what he should pay to the aforesaid collection. But if he upon whom it has been enjoined how much he ought to give shall say that he is burdened, and that it has been enjoined upon him beyond his powers, he shall state, according to his own conscience, how much it shall seem to him that his movables are worth; and, an oath having been taken, that he ought not to give more, according to the said condition he shall depart in quiet. Those four, moreover, shall be held by the debt of their oath to keep secret whatever shall have been offered to them by the citizens, whether great or small; and they shall be bound by oath not to disclose their riches or their poverty.

Hoc autem debent observare in his omnibus, qui habent valens centum Byzantiorum, cujuscunque linguae, cujuscunque nationis, cujuscunque fidei, non habita differentia sexus, et sive sint viri, sive sint feminae, omnes huic legi subjacebunt. Si vero praedicti quatuor selecti, qui ad hoc deputati sunt, cognoverint pro certo, quod alicujus substantia non valeat centum Byzantios, accipiant super eum Foagium, id est pro foco, Byzantium unum; quod si non potuerint integrum, accipient dimidium; et si dimidium non potuerint, accipient Rabuinum, secundum quod bona fide videbitur eis faciendum. Huic autem conditioni subjacebunt omnes illi cujuscunque nationis, linguae, et fidei, et sexus sint, quorum mobilia non valent centum Byzantios.

This moreover must be observed in all these cases by those who have property worth one hundred Bezants, of whatever language, of whatever nation, of whatever faith, no distinction of sex being had; and whether they be men or women, all will be subject to this law. But if the aforesaid four chosen, who are deputed to this, shall have come to know for certain that someone’s estate is not worth one hundred Bezants, let them take from him the Foagium, that is, for the hearth, one Bezant; but if they cannot take the whole, they shall take a half; and if they cannot take a half, they shall take the Rabuinum, according to what in good faith shall seem to them ought to be done. To this condition, moreover, all shall be subject, of whatever nation, language, faith, and sex they may be, whose movables are not worth one hundred Bezants.

Decretum est etiam, quod singulae Ecclesiae, et singula monasteria, et barones omnes, quotquot sunt, et vavassores etiam, de singulis centum Byzantiis quos habent in redditibus, sicut et alii, de regno quicunque redditus habent, debent dare duos Byzantios; solidarii vero de singulis centum Byzantiis, Byzantium unum. Quicunque vero casalia habent, tenentur jurare, quod de singulis focis quos habent in villis et casalibus suis praeter supradicta, bona fide dabunt unum Byzantium; ita quod si casale focos habuit centum, centum inde Byzantios persolvere, rusticos compellat. Erit autem postmodum domini casalis, inter rusticos ejusdem loci, praedictos Byzantios congruis portionibus dividere, ita ut juxta possibilitatem suam ad solutionem praedictam, unusquisque compellatur; ne ditiores levius transeant, vel graventur pauperiores.

It is also decreed that each Church, and each monastery, and all the barons, as many as there are, and the vavassors as well, for each hundred Byzants which they have in revenues, just as others, whoever in the kingdom have revenues, ought to give two Byzants; but the solidarii, for each hundred Byzants, one Byzant. And whoever have casalia are bound to swear that, for each hearth which they have in their villages and casalia, besides the things aforesaid, they will in good faith give one Byzant; in such wise that, if a casale has had a hundred hearths, he compels the rustics to pay therefrom a hundred Byzants. It will moreover be the task thereafter of the lord of the casale to divide among the rustics of the same place the aforesaid Byzants in fitting portions, so that, according to his own possibility, each is compelled to the aforesaid payment; lest the richer pass off more lightly, or the poorer be burdened.

Idem autem erit, etsi plures vel pauciores habeat casale focos. Hanc autem pecuniam sic collectam de singulis urbibus, quae sunt a Caïpha, citra versus Hierosolymam, illi qui, ut praediximus, praeerunt singulis urbibus et castellis, deferent Hierosolymam; et eam tradent sub certo numero et pondere, his qui Hierosolymis ad hoc opus praesunt et ipsi consignatam et seorsum, sicuti de singulis civitatibus vel locis aliis recipient, in saccis singulis sigillatam, praesente domino patriarcha, vel ejus nuntio, praesente quoque priore Dominici Sepulcri, praesente quoque castellano urbis ejusdem debent collocare in arcam, quae erit in thesauro Sanctae Crucis, quae habebit tres seras, et claves totidem, quarum primam habebit dominus patriarcha, secundam prior Sepulcri, et tertiam castellanus, et quatuor praedicti cives, qui ad colligendam pecuniam sunt deputati. A Caïpha vero usque Berythum, qui urbibus praeerunt, collectam pecuniam similiter deferent ad Acconensem civitatem, et ibi tradetur sicuti de singulis civitatibus et castellis deferetur, sub certo numero et pondere illis quatuor qui in eadem civitate colligendae praesunt pecuniae, et reponetur in singulis saccis inscriptis et sigillatis in arcam, quae habebit seras tres, et totidem claves; quarum primam habebit dominus Tyrensis archiepiscopus, secundam Joscelinus regius senescalcus, tertiam vero praedicti quatuor cives, qui ad hoc opus urbi praesunt Acconensi.

But it shall be the same, even if the casale have more or fewer hearths. Now this money, thus collected from each of the cities which are from Caïpha on this side toward Jerusalem, those who, as we said above, preside over each of the cities and castles will carry to Jerusalem; and they will hand it over under a fixed number and weight to those who at Jerusalem preside over this work; and these likewise must, consigned and kept separate—just as they receive it from each of the cities or other places—place it, sealed in individual sacks, in a chest, in the presence of the lord patriarch, or his envoy, and likewise in the presence of the Prior of the Lord’s Sepulchre, and likewise in the presence of the castellan of that same city; which chest shall be in the Treasury of the Holy Cross, and shall have three locks and as many keys, of which the lord patriarch shall have the first, the Prior of the Sepulchre the second, and the third the castellan and the four aforesaid citizens who are deputed to collect the money. But from Caïpha up to Berythus, those who preside over the cities will likewise carry the collected money to the city of Acre, and there it shall be handed over—just as it is carried from each of the cities and castles—under a fixed number and weight to those four who in that same city preside over the collecting of the money; and it shall be placed in individual sacks, inscribed and sealed, into a chest, which shall have three locks and as many keys; of which the lord Archbishop of Tyre shall have the first, Joscelin the royal seneschal the second, and the third the aforesaid four citizens, who for this work preside over the city of Acre.

Recipient autem praedictum monetam isti, praesentibus dictis dominis qui claves habebunt. Haec autem sic collecta pecunia, expendi non debet in minutis regni negotiis, sed in descensione terrae tantummodo; et quandiu haec pecunia supererit, cessare debebunt tam ab ecclesiis, quam a civitatibus exactiones, quae vulgo Taliae appellantur; fietque semel; et non reputabitur pro consuetudine inposterum.

But these will receive the aforesaid money, in the presence of the said lords who will hold the keys. Moreover, this money thus collected ought not to be expended on the minute affairs of the kingdom, but only on the descent upon the land; and so long as this money remains, the exactions which in the vulgar tongue are called tallages ought to cease both from the churches and from the cities; and it shall be done once, and it shall not be reckoned as a custom hereafter.

CAPUT XXIV. Salahadinus Halapiam obsidet; et obsessam quibusdam conditionibus interpositis obtinet. Princeps Antiochenus cum Rupino Armenorum duce Tarsum commutat.

CHAPTER 24. Saladin besieges Aleppo; and obtains the besieged city, certain conditions having been interposed. The Prince of Antioch exchanges Tarsus with Rupinus, duke of the Armenians.

Interea vir impiger, et per omnia strenuum principem agens, Salahadinus, in Mesopotamia Syriae regiones occupat, et praecipui nominis sibi violenter vindicat civitates; inter quas egregiam metropolim Amidam, quae et populi numerositate, et murorum validissimo ambitu, simulque loci situ, videbatur inexpugnabilis, obsidet, obsessam expugnat et expugnatam tradit ex compacto cuidam Turcorum principi, Noradino nomine, filio Carassalem; cujus obsequiis et auxilio fretus, liberam in partibus illis moram egerat et subegerat regionem. Vere demum proxime subsecuto, revocatis expeditionibus et universa regione apud fideles suos in tuto collocata, remenso Euphrate in Coelesyriam revertitur, circa Halapiam disponens exercitum, et urbem modis omnibus satagens molestare. Qui autem eidem urbi praeerat, videns quod frater ejus, qui se multo erat fortior et potentior, videlicet Mussulae dominus, eumdem Salahadinum non potuerat a suis finibus arcuisse, sed eo invito omnes trans Euphratem subegerat provincias, timens ne simile sibi aliqui contingeret, missa clam legatione, absque Halapiensium conscientia, cum Salahadino paciscitur, ut reddita sibi Semar, et quibusdam aliis oppidis.

Meanwhile, the energetic man, playing in all things the strenuous prince, Saladin, occupies the regions of the Mesopotamia of Syria, and violently claims for himself cities of outstanding name; among which, the distinguished metropolis Amida, which both by the multitude of its people and by the most strong circuit of its walls, together also with the site of the place, seemed unassailable, he besieges, takes when besieged, and, once taken, delivers by compact to a certain prince of the Turks, by name Noradinus, son of Carassalem; relying on whose services and aid, he had enjoyed free tarrying in those parts and had subdued the region. With spring then next ensuing, his expeditions having been called back and the whole region placed in safety among his faithful men, having re-crossed the Euphrates he returns into Coele-Syria, arraying the army around Aleppo, and striving by all means to molest the city. But he who was in charge of that same city, seeing that his brother, who was much stronger and more powerful than himself, namely the lord of Mosul, had not been able to keep that same Saladin from his borders, but, he being unwilling, had subdued all the provinces across the Euphrates, fearing lest something similar might befall himself, a secret embassy having been sent, without the knowledge of the Aleppines, makes terms with Saladin, on condition that, with Semar restored to him, and certain other towns.

quorum nomina non tenemus, ipse Halapiam eidem resignaret. Quam legationem Salahadinus cum omni jucunditate suscipiens, quia nihil avidius ab initio sui principatus affectaverat, quam ut Halapiam, quasi totius regni robur, sibi modo quocunque vindicaret, grato concurrens assensu, conditionem amplectitur; et tradita civitate praenominata, cum adjacentibus pertinentiis, recepit Halapiam, in Nonis Juniis. Hic primum nostros geminatus corripuit timor; nam quod maxime verebantur, acciderat.

whose names we do not retain, he himself would resign Aleppo to the same. Which legation Saladin, receiving with all jucundity, because from the beginning of his principate he had desired nothing more avidly than that he might vindicate to himself Aleppo, as the very strength of the whole kingdom, by whatever means, with grateful concurring assent, embraces the condition; and the aforesaid city, with adjacent appurtenances, having been handed over, he received Aleppo, on the Nones of June (June 5). Here for the first time a doubled fear seized our people; for that which they most were fearing had happened.

Visum enim erat ab initio nostris, quod si saepe nominatam urbem suo posset adjungere principatui, omnis nostrorum regio undique videretur, et quasi per circuitum, ejus potentia et viribus quasi obsidione vallata; unde rumore comperto, nostri in varia se attollunt argumenta, elaborantes circa urbium et oppidorum, maxime [quae] in confinibus hostium posita erant, munitionem; praecipue autem, circa Berythensium urbem, quae hujusmodi opera plurimum videbatur indigere. Sed et princeps Antiochenus de tanti hostis vicinitate sollicitus, videns sibi duriorem oppositum adversarium, cum modico comitatu, ne terram suam militaribus copiis relinqueret destitutam, assumpto secum comite Tripolitano regem adiit, qui per eos dies in urbe Acconensi moram faciebat. Ubi in praesentia regni principum, contra praedictum Salahadinum auxilium postulans, juxta votum meruit exaudiri.

For it had seemed from the beginning to our men that, if he could annex the often-named city to his principality, the whole region of our people would appear on every side, and as it were in a circuit, to be girded as by a siege by his power and forces; wherefore, the rumor having been learned, our men betake themselves to various measures, laboring at the fortification of the cities and towns, especially those which were situated on the confines of the enemy; and chiefly around the city of the Berythenses (Beirut), which seemed to be in the greatest need of works of this kind. But the Prince of Antioch also, anxious at the vicinity of so great an enemy, seeing a harder adversary opposed to him, with a modest retinue, lest he leave his land destitute of military forces, having taken with him the Count of Tripoli, approached the king, who in those days was making a stay in the city of Acre. There, in the presence of the princes of the kingdom, asking aid against the aforesaid Saladin, he was heard according to his wish.

Designati sunt enim et in optatum subsidium, de regni militia promiscuae conditionis, quasi equites trecenti; qui eum ad partes Antiochenas secuti, dum in ejus parati erant militare obsequio, infra modicum tempus, sumpta ab eodem licentia, reversi sunt. Ipse vero cum praedicto Salahadino pace temporali composita, visus est aliquam tranquillitatem assecutus. Utque minus sollicitudinis haberet, magisque circa fines Antiochenas invigilare posset, et curam impendere propensiorem, Tarsum primae Ciliciae metropolim, quam a Graecis receperat, Rupino Armeniorum satrapae potentissimo, qui ejusdem regionis urbes reliquas possidebat, multarum pecuniarum tradidit interventu; consulte id faciens: nam, cum esset ab eo remota nimis, et praedicti Rupini terra in medio constituta, non nisi cum difficultate, et infinitis sumptibus ejus curam princeps gerere poterat, quod praedicto nobili viro erat facile.

For there were also designated, as a longed-for subsidy, from the kingdom’s militia, of mixed condition, as it were three hundred knights; who, having followed him to the Antiochene parts, while they were ready to serve in his military obsequy, within a short time, having obtained leave from him, returned. He himself, with a temporary peace arranged with the aforesaid Salah ad-Din, seemed to have attained some tranquillity. And that he might have less solicitude, and be able to keep better watch around the Antiochene borders and to bestow more inclined care, Tarsus, the metropolis of First Cilicia, which he had received from the Greeks, he handed over to Rupinus, a most powerful satrap of the Armenians, who possessed the remaining cities of that region, with the intervention of much money; doing this advisedly: for, since it was too far removed from him, and the land of the aforesaid Rupinus lay in the middle, the prince could manage its care only with difficulty and with infinite expenses—which for the aforesaid noble man was easy.

Salahadinus autem, in ea regione rebus pro voto compositis, Damascum cum suis legionibus se transtulit. Unde etiam priore multo vehementior nostros formido corripuit; eoque periculosior, quo de ejus proposito per exploratores nullatenus certificari poterant. Aliis enim videbatur, quod advocato navali exercitu, Berythensium urbem, sicut anno proxime praeterito fecerat, moliretur obsidere; alii vero nitebantur asserere, quod in montanis, qui Tyrensi prominent civitati; praesidia duo, Toronum et Castellum novum ejus esset propositum expugnare; aliis vero videbatur, quod regionem trans Jordanem, videlicet Syriam Sobal, cordi haberet depopulari, et oppida quae in ea regione sunt, evertere.

Saladin, however, with affairs in that region arranged according to wish, transferred himself to Damascus with his legions. Whence also a fear much more vehement than the former seized our people; and all the more perilous, because they could in no way be certified through scouts about his design. For to some it seemed that, having called in a naval army, he was attempting to besiege the city of the Berythians, as he had done in the year immediately past; others, however, strove to assert that in the highlands which project toward the Tyrian city; the two garrisons, Toron and the New Castle, it was his purpose to storm; while to others it seemed that he had at heart to devastate the region across the Jordan, namely Syria Sobal, and to overthrow the towns which are in that region.

Nonnulli etiam erant qui persuadere nitebantur, quod diuturnis longisque expeditionibus fatigatus, pace ad tempus impetrata, propositum haberet in Aegyptum descendere, ut fatigatos exercitus repararet et sumptus iterum ad futuras expeditiones colligeret necessarios. Inter haec igitur tam ambigua, rex et regni principes universi, cum multa formidine tenebantur suspensi. Unde collectis regni viribus apud fontem Seforitanum, ubi convenire de prisca consuetudine solent exercitus residentes, rei eventum praestolabantur.

There were also some who strove to persuade that, wearied by long and long-lasting expeditions, with peace obtained for a time, he had it as his purpose to descend into Egypt, so that he might repair the fatigued armies and again collect expenses necessary for future expeditions. Amid these therefore so ambiguous matters, the king and all the princes of the kingdom were held suspended with much fear. Whence, the forces of the realm having been gathered at the Seforitan spring, where by ancient custom the armies in residence are wont to convene, they were awaiting the outcome of the matter.

Vocatisque tam principe Antiocheno, quam Tripolitano comite, vires et subsidia corrogabant, undecunque de die in diem exspectantes, ut in aliquas regni partes subitus irrumperet, et legiones induceret solito multipliciores.

And, with both the Antiochene prince and the Tripolitan count summoned, they were corralling forces and subsidies, expecting from wherever, day by day, that he would suddenly break into some parts of the kingdom and would bring in legions more numerous than usual.

CAPUT XXV. Rex apud Nazareth aegritudine correptus valida, Guidonem de Luziniano, comitem Joppensem, regni procuratorem constituit.

CHAPTER 25. The king, at Nazareth, seized with a strong sickness, constituted Guy of Lusignan, count of Joppa, procurator of the kingdom.

Dum igitur noster, apud fontem Seforitanum, ita suspensus detineretur exercitus, contigit regem apud Nazareth febre repentina gravissime laborare; morbo quoque elephantioso, quo ab initio regni sui, et a primis adolescentiae auspiciis molestari coeperat, praeter solitum ingravescente, lumen amiserat, et corporis extremitatibus laesis et computrescentibus omnino, pedes manusque ei suum denegabant officium; regiam tamen dignitatem et administrationem nihilominus (licet a nonnullis ei suggereretur, ut cederet, et de bonis regiis sibi tranquillam seorsum eligenti vitam, honeste provideret) hactenus detrectaverat deponere. Licet enim corpore debilis esset et impotens, forti tamen pollebat animo, et ad dissimulandam aegritudinem et supportandam regiam sollicitudinem supra vires enitebatur. Febre igitur, ut praemisimus, est correptus; et de vita desperans, convocatis ad se suis principibus, praesente matre et domino patriarcha, Guidonem de Luziniano sororis suae maritum, comitem Joppensem et Ascalonitanum, de quo in superioribus saepissimam fecimus mentionem, regni constituit procuratorem, salva sibi regia dignitate, retentaque sibi sola Hierosolyma cum reditu decem millium aureorum, annuatim solvendorum; reliquarum regni partium generalem et liberam ei contulit administrationem, praecipiens fidelibus suis et generaliter principibus omnibus, ut ejus vasalli fierent, et ei manualiter exhiberent fidelitatem; quod et factum est.

While therefore our army was being held in such suspense at the Seforitan spring, it befell that the king at Nazareth was grievously afflicted by a sudden fever; and the elephantine disease as well, with which from the beginning of his reign and from the first auspices of his adolescence he had begun to be molested, growing heavier than usual, he had lost his sight, and with the extremities of his body entirely injured and putrefying, his feet and hands denied him their function; nevertheless he had thus far refused to lay down the royal dignity and administration (although it was suggested to him by some that he should yield, and make honest provision for himself by choosing a tranquil life apart from the royal goods). For although he was weak and powerless in body, yet he was strong in spirit, and strove beyond his strength to dissemble his sickness and to bear the royal solicitude. Therefore, as we premised, he was seized by fever; and despairing of life, having called to him his princes, with his mother and the lord patriarch present, he appointed Guy of Lusignan, the husband of his sister, count of Joppa and Ascalon, of whom we have made most frequent mention above, procurator of the kingdom, with the royal dignity saved to himself, and Jerusalem alone retained to himself, with a revenue of 10,000 gold pieces, to be paid annually; to him he granted the general and free administration of the remaining parts of the kingdom, enjoining upon his faithful men and generally upon all the princes, that they should become his vassals, and render fealty to him with their hands; and so it was done.

Jurasse tamen prius de mandato domini regis perhibetur, quod eo vivente non aspiraret ad coronam; et quod de universis civitatibus et castellis quae rex inpraesentiarum possidebat, nihil transferret in alium, vel a fisco alienaret. Creditur autem id studiose, et de multa industria eidem injunctum fuisse, et ad id firmiter observandum jurisjurandi religione in praesentia universorum principum obligatum fuisse, eo quod singulis eorum, fere de majoribus regni membris, portiones promiserat non modicas, ut ad id obtinendum quod petebat, eorum suffragiis juvaretur et studio; quibus, ut promissa compleret, simili vinculo, dicebatur astrictus. Nos vero id asserendo dicere non convenit, quia pro recto compertum non habemus; ita tamen fama frequente divulgabatur in populo. Erant tamen nonnulli, quibus haec mutatio non multum placuit, quorum alii familiaribus studiis et ex causis occultis ad id ut displiceret proclives se dabant; alii publicam agentes causam et de regni statu anxie solliciti, publice contestabantur, praedictum comitem, tantae administrationis imparem oneri, ad procuranda regni negotia non posse sufficere; alii vero, quibus de ejus promotione spes suberat, ut suas meliores possent facere conditiones, utiliter factum asserebant.

He is reported, however, first to have sworn by mandate of the lord king, that while he lived he would not aspire to the crown; and that, of all the cities and castles which the king at present possessed, he would transfer nothing to another, nor alienate it from the fisc. It is believed moreover that this was diligently, and with much industry, enjoined upon him, and that he was bound by the religion of an oath, in the presence of all the princes, firmly to observe it, because to each of them, almost among the greater members of the realm, he had promised not small portions, so that for obtaining that which he sought he might be aided by their suffrages and zeal; and he was said to be bound by a similar bond, that he might complete the promises. For us, however, it is not fitting to assert this outright, because we do not have it ascertained as correct; thus nevertheless the frequent rumor was spread among the people. There were, however, some to whom this change did not greatly please: some of whom, through private partisanships and from occult causes, showed themselves prone to dislike it; others, prosecuting the public cause and anxiously solicitous for the state of the kingdom, publicly protested that the aforesaid count, unequal to the burden of so great an administration, could not suffice to procure the affairs of the kingdom; while others, for whom there was hope from his promotion, that they might make their own conditions better, asserted that it had been done usefully.

Eratque murmur, et vox dissona plurimum in populo, juxta id quod proverbialiter dici solet: Quot homines, tot sententiae. Verumtamen hac diu desiderata et injuncta sibi pro votis administratione, qua in primis satis inconsiderate visus est gloriari, non diu laetatus est, sicut in sequentibus dicetur. Inconsiderate autem onus hujusmodi praefatum sibi assumpsisse comitem, ea diximus ratione, quod non satis diligenter vires suas cum eo quod injungebatur munere compensavit. Impar enim et viribus et prudentia, pondus importabile humeris imposuit, parabola non satis edoctus evangelica, qua suggeritur ei qui turrim vult aedificare, ut sedens prius computet sumptus, et discutiat diligenter utrum pares cum assumpto proposito vires habeat, ne deficiens audiat: Iste homo coepit aedificare, et non potuit consummare.

And there was murmuring, and a very dissonant voice among the people, according to that which is proverbially wont to be said: As many men, so many opinions. Nevertheless, with this administration long desired and enjoined upon him according to his wishes, in which at the outset he seemed to glory quite inconsiderately, he did not rejoice for long, as will be said in what follows. But that the aforesaid count took upon himself so inconsiderately a burden of this kind, we have said for this reason: that he did not sufficiently and diligently compensate his own strengths with the office that was enjoined. For unequal both in forces and in prudence, he placed upon his shoulders an unportable weight, not sufficiently taught by the evangelical parable, wherein it is suggested to him who wishes to build a tower that, sitting first, he should compute the expenses, and examine diligently whether he has forces equal to the undertaking assumed, lest, failing, he hear: This man began to build, and could not consummate.

CAPUT XXVI. Salahadinus cum ingentibus copiis fines nostros ingressus, circa partes Scythopolitanas consedit; nostri occurrunt ei.

CHAPTER 26. Saladin, with immense forces, having entered our borders, encamped around the Scythopolitan parts; our men go out to meet him.

His ergo apud nos se ita habentibus, exercitu quoque nostro apud Sephorim in unum, ex parte plurima, congregato, saepedictus Salahadinus, post multam deliberationem, accitis sibi viribus de regione quae trans Euphraten est, convocatis quas undecunque potuit asciscere equitum copiis, in multitudine gravi et ad unguem armata, novissimum fines nostros ingressus est. Subito enim transcursa Auranitide regione, secus mare Tiberiadis, in campestribus Jordanis, eo loco cui nomen est Cavan, cum suis legionibus apparuit, in partes varias distributo exercitu; unde profectus, secus Jordanis fluenta versus Scythopolim properat. Scythopolis autem, ut saepe dictum est, ea est quae hodie dicitur Bethsan, olim universae metropolis Galilaeae; cujus nobilitatis argumenta, ex aedificiorum ruina pristinorum, et multo marmore, quod in effractis aedificiis invenitur, est colligere; nunc vero ad nihilum redacta, raro incolitur habitatore, solo oppidulo, quod in paludibus situm est, paucorum habitationi reservato.

Therefore, with matters thus standing among us, and with our army also, for the most part, gathered as one at Sephoris, the oft‑mentioned Salahadin, after much deliberation, having called to himself forces from the region which is beyond the Euphrates, and having summoned the troops of horsemen he could enlist from wherever, entered our borders at last in a heavy multitude and armed to a nicety. For, having swiftly traversed the region of Auranitis, along the Sea of Tiberias, on the plains of the Jordan, in that place whose name is Cavan, he appeared with his legions, the army distributed into various parts; whence setting out, along the streams of the Jordan he hastens toward Scythopolis. Now Scythopolis, as has often been said, is that which today is called Beth‑shan, once the metropolis of all Galilee; proof of whose nobility it is possible to gather from the ruin of former buildings and the much marble which is found in the broken‑down structures; but now reduced to nothing, it is rarely inhabited, with only a little town, which is set in the marshes, reserved for the dwelling of a few.

Hi vero, licet armis et victualibus pro suo numero, et loci capacitate satis abundarent, de praesidii tamen munitione diffidentes, antequam hostilis omnino accederet exercitus, castrum deseruerant, relictis impedimentis omnibus, Tiberiadem se transferentes. Unde factum est quod hostes ad praedictum accedentes locum et vacuum reperientes, eum pro arbitrio tractaverunt: quidquid armorum, quidquid victus, quidquid utilium denique intus erat, secum deferentes. Unde profecti, divisoque procedentes exercitu, pars quaedam circa fontem, cui nomen Tubania, qui ad radices montis Gelboe oritur, secus urbem antiquitus nobilem, quae dicta est Jezrael, nunc autem vulgari appellatione dicitur parvum Gerinum, castra locaverunt, commoditatem aquarum secuti.

These men, although they abounded sufficiently in arms and victuals according to their number and the capacity of the place, yet, distrusting the fortification of the garrison, before the hostile army should at all approach, had deserted the castle, leaving all the baggage, transferring themselves to Tiberias. Whence it came to pass that the enemy, approaching the aforesaid place and finding it empty, dealt with it at their pleasure, carrying off with them whatever of arms, whatever of victual, whatever of useful things, in fine, was inside. Whence, setting out, and proceeding after the army had been divided, a certain part pitched camp around the spring named Tubania, which rises at the foot of Mount Gelboe, beside the city anciently noble, which is called Jezrael, but now by common appellation is called Little Gerinum, following the convenience of the waters.

Nostri autem qui apud fontem Sephoritanum (de quo saepissimam in his tractatibus nostris fecimus mentionem) adhuc detinebantur in castris, exspectantes suspensi, ex quanam parte hostiles in nostram regionem vellent irrumpere legiones; cognitoque quod campestria Bethsaniam tenerent, et multiformiter partitis legionibus jam occupassent illas partes, correptis armis unanimiter, vivificae crucis lignum regiaque vexilla secuti, transcursis montibus, in quibus sita est Nazareth, Domini civitas, descenderunt in campum magnum, cui nomen vetus Esdrelon. Unde ordinatis aciebus, et juxta militarem disciplinam modo competenti dispositis, versus fontem Tubaniae, ubi saepe dictus Salahadinus, cum ingenti egregiorum et selectorum militum manu secus aquas se locaverat, cuneos dirigunt; quasi propositum habentes, hostibus expulsis, aquarum sibi vindicare commoditatem. Quo pervenientes, rati sunt, quod non sine difficultate et periculosis congressionibus aquas possent obtinere; subito Salahadinus castra solvens, ex insperato fontem deserit inferiusque versus Bethsan, fontis ejusdem fluenta sequens, vix unius milliarii spatio a nostris semotus, castrametatus est.

Our men, however, who at the Sephoritan spring (of which we have made very frequent mention in these our tractates) were still being detained in camp, waiting in suspense from what quarter the hostile legions would wish to break into our region; and when it was learned that they were holding the plains of Bethsan, and that, their legions divided in manifold fashion, they had already occupied those parts, seizing their arms with one mind, and following the wood of the life-giving Cross and the royal standards, having crossed the mountains in which Nazareth, the Lord’s city, is situated, they descended into the great plain whose ancient name is Esdrelon. Whence, the battle-lines having been arrayed and disposed in a manner suitable according to military discipline, toward the spring of Tubania—where the oft-mentioned Saladin, with a vast band of outstanding and select soldiers, had placed himself along the waters—they direct their wedges, as though they had the purpose, the enemies being driven off, to vindicate to themselves the convenience of the waters. On arriving there, they judged that they could not obtain the waters without difficulty and perilous encounters; suddenly Saladin, breaking camp, unexpectedly abandons the spring, and farther down toward Bethsan, following the streams of that same spring, having withdrawn scarcely the space of a single mile from our men, he encamped.

Porro, antequam nostri ad eum pervenissent locum hostes turmatim se dividentes a majoribus copiis, regionem adjacentem circuire, et more hostili tractare jam inceperant; ex quibus quidam vicum supra nominatum, videlicet parvum Gerinum, confregerant, cuncta quae in eo repererant, tradentes exterminio; de loci tamen habitatoribus paucos, aut nullos reperire potuerunt; nam hostium adventu praecognito, ad loca munitiora se contulerant. Quidam autem eum locum, qui vulgari appellatione dicitur Forbelet, adeuntes, vicum effregerunt, cuncta quae illis se dabant obviam tractantes hostiliter; alii vero vias secuti publicas, quibus ad nostrum, ex partibus diversis, tam equites quam pedites properabant exercitum, transeuntibus multiplicia inferebant pericula; ita ut non sine discrimine et mortis dispendio, ad nostrum alicunde perveniretur exercitum. Nonnulli vero ex eisdem, in montem Thabor (quod prius fuerat inauditum) ascenderunt; et monasterium Graecorum, quod dicitur Sancti Eliae, pro libero tractantes arbitrio, ipsum etiam majus coenobium effringere tentaverunt; sed receperant se infra septa monasterii, quae muro et turribus erant vallata, tam monachi quam eorum universa familia, et de viculis nonnulli finitimis; qui eos qui in montem ascenderant hostes, ab universo monasterii ambitu viriliter abegerunt.

Moreover, before our men had reached that place, the enemy, dividing themselves by squadrons from the larger forces, had already begun to go around the adjacent region and to treat it in hostile fashion; of whom certain had smashed the village named above, namely the little Gerinum, consigning to destruction everything they had found in it; yet of the inhabitants of the place they were able to find few or none, for, the arrival of the enemy having been foreknown, they had betaken themselves to more fortified places. Some, however, approaching that place which in the vulgar appellation is called Forbelet, broke open the village, handling in hostile manner all things that presented themselves to them; others indeed, following the public roads by which both horse and foot from diverse quarters were hastening to our army, brought manifold perils upon those passing by, so that not without danger and loss of life could one from anywhere reach our army. Some indeed of the same ascended Mount Tabor (which previously had been unheard-of); and, handling at their free will the monastery of the Greeks which is called of Saint Elias, they even attempted to break into the larger coenobium itself; but the monks as well as their entire household, and some from the neighboring hamlets, had withdrawn within the enclosures of the monastery, which was walled with a wall and towers; and they manfully drove away from the whole circuit of the monastery those enemies who had ascended the mountain.

Ascenderunt etiam, nihilominus ex eodem comitatu, in eum montem, super quem Nazarena sita est civitas; ita ut de prominentibus collibus universam infra se positam respicerent civitatem; qui tantae fuerunt formidini mulieribus et parvulis, senibus, aut debilibus qui in urbe erant relicti, ut dum certatim in majorem ecclesiam inveniendae gratia salutis se conferre niterentur, multi a turba praefocati interiisse dicerentur. Armipotentium enim magna pars civium, aut castra secuti erant et expeditionem publicam; aut ad urbes maritimas, maxime Ptolomaïdam, cum suis se transtulerant famulis.

They also ascended, nonetheless from the same company, onto that mountain upon which the Nazarene city is situated; so that from the projecting hills they looked down upon the whole city set beneath them; who were such a terror to the women and little ones, to the old or the feeble who had been left in the city, that, while they were striving in rivalry to betake themselves into the greater church for the sake of finding safety, many were said to have perished, choked by the crowd. For a great part of the armipotent citizens had either followed the camp and the public expedition, or had transferred themselves to the maritime cities, especially Ptolemais, with their household servants.

CAPUT XXVII. Fames in exercitu oritur valida; tandem sine commisso praelio, tam nostri quam hostes ab invicem discedunt.

CHAPTER 27. A strong famine arises in the army; at length, without a battle being joined, both our men and the enemies depart from one another.

Sic igitur qui a majore hostium se diviserant exercitu, longe lateque per universam regionem dispersi, volentibus ad nostras accedere legiones dura et gravissima inferebant pericula; quo terrore, jam nemo vel commerciorum gratia, vel auxiliarium more ad castra nostrorum audebat accedere: unde subito fames exorta est in exercitu. Nam, ut expeditius hostibus occurrerent, absque oneribus et impedimentis, nostrae illuc se transtulerunt acies, sperantes quod infra biduum, aut triduum saltem res esset finem habitura. Indigebant autem maxime pedites, et praesertim qui ab ora maritima instantissime vocati fuerant, Pisani, Januenses, Veneti, Longobardi, qui relictis navibus et transfretandi apparatu (instabat enim transitus, Octobre jam pene mediante) simul cum peregrinis quos referendos susceperant, nostris se adjunxerant castris.

Thus, therefore, those who had separated themselves from the larger army of the enemy, dispersed far and wide through the entire region, were bringing hard and most grave perils upon those wishing to approach our legions; by which terror, now no one either for the sake of commerce or in the manner of auxiliaries dared to approach our camp: whence suddenly a famine arose in the army. For, that they might meet the enemy more expeditiously, without burdens and impediments, our lines of battle transferred themselves thither, hoping that within two days, or three at least, the affair would have its end. The infantry, however, were in greatest need, and especially those who from the sea-coast had been most urgently summoned—the Pisans, Genoese, Venetians, Lombards—who, with the ships and the apparatus for crossing left behind (for the transit was pressing, October now almost at mid-month), together with the pilgrims whom they had undertaken to carry back, had joined themselves to our camp.

Hi autem omnes, vix ad arma ferenda sufficientes, quia castrorum locus a mari quasi viginti distabat milliaribus, nihil omnino victualium intulerant. Mittuntur igitur legati ad urbes finitimas, qui earum praefectos, pro mittendis cibariis sub omni celeritate sollicitent; qui debita diligentia, regiae parentes jussioni, certatim et sine dilatione, quanta possunt, illuc dirigunt victualia. Quorum pars maxima ad castra perveniens, opulentiam intulit pro loco et tempore sufficientem; pars vero quaedam incautius delata, ad manus hostium pervenit, multam inferens commoditatem; nam et ipsi nihilominus inopia premebantur.

But all these men, scarcely sufficient to bear arms, because the site of the camp was almost 20 miles from the sea, had brought in no victuals at all. Accordingly legates are sent to the neighboring cities to solicit their prefects for the dispatch of provisions with all celerity; who, with due diligence, being obedient to the royal injunction, in emulous haste and without delay, send thither, as much as they can, victuals. The greater part, reaching the camp, brought plenty sufficient for the place and the time; but a certain portion, carried incautiously, came into the hands of the enemy, bringing them much advantage; for they likewise were pressed by want.

Praemissi fuerant sane de nostris equites nonnulli, quibus id erat muneris specialiter injunctum, ut iis qui cum alimentis ad exercitum accedebant, tutum procurarent accessum, qui quos repererunt sibi obviam, cum incolumitate perduxerunt ad castra; quibus autem hi tales non fuerunt praesidio, manus hostium incurrentes, aut gladio interempti sunt, aut hostibus perpetuo servire compulsi. Hic sane si nostra peccata, nobis Deum passa fuissent esse propitium, videbatur robur hostium facile in ruinam verti potuisse et intolerabilem superbiam descendisse in lubricum. Nunquam enim legitur tantam ex universo Orientali tractu convenisse, tam equitum quam peditum multitudinem; nec ab aliquibus traditur senioribus adeo armatam in unum coiisse manum, ex privati regni viribus.

Some of our horsemen had indeed been sent on ahead, to whom this duty had been specially enjoined: that they should procure a safe access for those who were approaching the army with aliments; those whom they found coming to meet them they led in safety to the camp; but those for whom such men were not a protection, as the hands of the enemy burst in, were either slain by the sword or compelled to serve the enemies perpetually. Here indeed, if our sins had allowed God to be propitious to us, it seemed that the strength of the enemy could easily have been turned into ruin, and that their intolerable pride had descended onto the slippery. For never is it read that from the whole Oriental tract so great a multitude, both of horsemen and of footmen, convened; nor is it handed down by any elders that so armed a band ever came together into one, from the forces of a private kingdom.

Erant enim eis equites ad mille trecentos; peditum vero armatorum egregie, quindecim millium summam dicebatur numerus excedere. Praeterea magni et admirabiles praeerant exercitui duces, illustres genere et armorum experientia praeclari: dominus Raimundus comes Tripolitanus; dominus Henricus dux Lovaniae, nobilis de imperio Teutonicorum princeps; Radulfus de Maleine, inclytus de Aquitania vir, exceptis regni principibus, qui erant, Guido comes Joppensis, Rainaldus de Castellione, dominus terrae ultra Jordanem, qui aliquando fuit princeps Antiochenus, Balduinus de Ramis, Balianus Neapolitanus frater ejus, Rainaldus Sidoniensis, Galtherus-Caesariensis, Joscelinus regius senescalcus. Ex his omnibus videbatur satis probabile, hostes nostros, inconsiderate nimis transisse Jordanem, et nostris finibus insedisse; sed peccatis nostris id merentibus, effusa est contentio super principes (Psal.

For they had horsemen to about 1,300; but of foot-soldiers, excellently armed, the number was said to exceed the total of 15,000. Moreover, great and admirable leaders presided over the army, illustrious by lineage and distinguished in experience of arms: lord Raymond, count of Tripoli; lord Henry, duke of Louvain, a noble prince of the empire of the Teutons; Radulf of Maleine, a renowned man of Aquitaine, besides the princes of the kingdom, who were: Guy, count of Jaffa; Renaud of Châtillon, lord of the land beyond the Jordan, who was once prince of Antioch; Baldwin of Ramis; Balian of Neapolis, his brother; Renaud of Sidon; Walter of Caesarea; Joscelin, the royal seneschal. From all this it seemed quite probable that our enemies, too inconsiderately, had crossed the Jordan and had taken seat within our borders; but our sins deserving it, contention was poured out upon the princes (Ps.

CVI, 40), ita ut in publicis negotiis, quae tantam videbantur exigere diligentiam, non solum negligenter, verum etiam malitiose dicerentur versati. Nam qui negotia praesentia videbantur maxime promovere potuisse, hi, ut dicitur, comitis Joppensis odio, cui regni curam nudius tertius rex commiserat, indigne ferentes, quod homini incognito, indiscreto et penitus inutili tantorum negotiorum summam in tantis periculis, et tantae necessitatis articulo commisisset. Unde factum est quod per octo dies continuos, castra hostium circa se posita, et vix a nostris distantia spatio unius milliarii, patienter nimis, imo probrose, quod nusquam alibi in regno accidisse legitur, passi sunt moram facere, et in regionem pro libero arbitrio desaevire universam.

106, 40), so that in public affairs, which seemed to demand such great diligence, they were said to have conducted themselves not only negligently, but even maliciously. For those who seemed most able to promote the present business, these men, as it is said, out of hatred for the count of Joppa, to whom the king three days ago had committed the care of the kingdom, took it ill that to an unknown, indiscreet, and utterly useless man he had entrusted the sum of such great affairs amid such dangers and at a crisis of such great necessity. Whence it came about that, for eight continuous days, the enemy’s camp, pitched around them and scarcely distant from our men by the space of one mile, they endured—far too patiently, nay, disgracefully, a thing which is read to have happened nowhere else in the kingdom—to make delay and to rage, at their free will, throughout the entire region.

Mittebantur qui aderant viri simplices, et malitiae principum nostrorum expertes, quidnam esset, quod tanta opportunitate oblata non fieret cum hostibus congressio, neque de conflictu quidquam ordinaretur. Praetendebant tamen occasionem, ubi de his in publico tractabatur, quod Salahadinus hostilium princeps legionum, in loco resideret scopulis obsito, ita quod ad eum, non sine periculo gravi, nostrae possent acies accedere; praeterea et cohortes haberet validas, quasi in circuitu dispositas, quae in nostros propositum haberent undique irruere, si cum Salahadino nostrae tentarent acies congredi. Dicebatur a quibusdam, quia vere sic erat, et juste a principibus sic allegabatur; alii vero asserebant, quia color quaesitus erat et fraudulenter fabricabatur belli fuga, ne comiti ascriberetur si quid prosperum in eo facto accideret, et sub ejus ducatu rem bene gessisse viderentur.

Simple men who were present, and unacquainted with the malice of our princes, were being sent to ask what it might be, that with so great an opportunity offered there was no congress with the enemy, nor was anything ordered concerning the conflict. They nevertheless put forward a pretext, whenever these matters were handled in public: that Salahadin, the enemy prince of the legions, was sitting in a place overgrown with rocks, such that our battle-lines could not approach him without grave peril; moreover, that he had strong cohorts, as if arranged in a circuit, which had the purpose to rush upon us from every side, if our lines should attempt to engage with Salahadin. It was said by some that thus it truly was, and was justly alleged by the princes; but others asserted that a color was being sought and that an avoidance of war was being fraudulently fabricated, lest, if anything prosperous should happen in that deed, it be ascribed to the count, and they seem to have conducted the matter well under his leadership.

Haec tam multipliciter a pluribus dicta, ita conscripsimus, nihil assertive ponentes, tanquam qui rei veritatem non sumus plenius assecuti. Certum est tamen, quod septem aut octo diebus continuis, circa Jordanem in finibus nostris hostes moram egerunt liberam, nostris quotidie impune damna irrogantes multiplicia. Octava tandem die, sive nona potius, revocatis expeditionibus suis, ad propri reversus est indemnis.

These things, spoken in so many ways by many, we have thus written down, putting nothing forward assertively, as being such as have not more fully attained the truth of the matter. It is certain, however, that for seven or eight continuous days the enemy around the Jordan within our borders made a free sojourn, daily inflicting multiple damages upon our people with impunity. At last on the eighth day, or rather the ninth, their expeditions having been recalled, he returned to his own quarters unscathed.

Nostri vero ad fontem iterum se contulerunt Sephoritanum, non penitus, quin adhuc rediret, securi. Accidit autem per eosdem dies, quibus ad fontem Tubaniam noster exercitus detinebatur, quiddam memoria dignum. Nam, cum hactenus tam fons supra nominatus quam qui ex eo rivus profluit, pisces aut nullos, aut rarissimos habere crederetur, illis diebus tantam dicitur copiam ministrasse, quae universo exercitui sufficere posset.

Our men, for their part, betook themselves again to the Sephoritan spring, not wholly secure from his still returning. It happened moreover in those same days, during which our army was detained at the spring of Tubania, that something worthy of memory occurred. For whereas up to now both the aforesaid spring and the brook which flows out from it were believed to have fish either none or most rare, in those days it is said to have ministered such an abundance as could suffice for the universal army.

CAPUT XXVIII. Salahadinus urbem Petracensem trans Jordanem obsidet; et obsessam impugnat hostiliter.

CHAPTER 28. Saladin besieges the city of Petra across the Jordan; and assaults the besieged city in hostile fashion.

Accidit porro non multum ab eorum opinione secus; nam vix evoluto unius mensis spatio, renovatis viribus, bella parat recidiva, revocat cohortes, congregat legiones, comportat machinas, et eorum omnium quae urbes obsidentibus usum solent praestare necessarium, curam gerit diligentem. Quibus rite dispositis, transcursis Basan et Galaad; Ammonitarum quoque et Moab, quae sunt ultra Jordanem regionibus, urbem cui nomen pristinum Petra deserti, modernum vero Crach, obsidere disponit. Quo per exploratores praecognito, Rainaldus de Castellione, qui regionis illius tanquam haereditatis uxoriae curam gerebat, trahens secum militiam, quae ad castri tuitionem sufficere posse videbatur, ad partes illas citus pertransiit.

It happened, moreover, not much otherwise than as they supposed; for with scarcely the space of one month elapsed, his forces renewed, he prepares a recidivist war, recalls the cohorts, gathers the legions, conveys the engines, and takes diligent care of all those things which are accustomed to furnish necessary use to those besieging cities. With these duly disposed, Bashan and Gilead traversed; and the regions of the Ammonites and of Moab also, which are beyond the Jordan, he sets about to besiege the city whose former name was Petra of the Desert, but whose modern name is Crach. This being foreknown through scouts, Reynald of Châtillon, who bore the charge of that region as of a hereditary possession from his wife, drawing with him the soldiery which seemed able to suffice for the defense of the castle, swiftly passed over to those parts.

Erat autem ei ibidem et aliud negotium. Nam Henfredus tertius, junioris Henfredi filius, senioris Henfredi qui cognominatus est de Torono, regii constabularii ex filio nepos, praedicti Rainaldi privignus, domini regis sororem juniorem, quam quadriennio pene ante desponsaverat, ducturus erat illis diebus in uxorem. Vix ergo ad locum pervenerat supra nominatum, vixque nuptiarum compleverant solemnia, cum ecce eadem die, ut dicitur, Salahadinus cum innumerabili adfuit multitudine, machinas et tormenta jaculatoria, quibus obsessa solent flagellari praesidia, secum deferens; et castris circumpositis locum obsidione vallavit.

Moreover, he had there as well another business. For Henfredus the Third, son of the younger Henfredus, grandson through a son of the elder Henfredus who is surnamed “of Toron,” the royal constable, the stepson of the aforesaid Rainaldus, was in those days about to take to wife the lord king’s younger sister, whom he had betrothed almost four years before. Scarcely, then, had he reached the aforesaid place, and scarcely had they completed the solemnities of the nuptials, when behold, on that same day, as it is said, Salahadinus arrived with an innumerable multitude, bringing with him machines and jaculatory engines with which the besieged garrisons are wont to be scourged; and, the camps being set round about, he girded the place with a siege.

Fuit autem praedicta civitas in monte sita sublimi admodum, et vallibus ambitu profundis; jacuitque multis temporibus confracta, redacta penitus in solitudinem. Tandem vero regnante domino Fulcone Latinorum Orientalium rege tertio, Paganus quidam qui cognominatus est Pincerna, regionis ultra Jordanem dominus, in eodem monte, in quo civitas sita fuerat, praesidium fundavit, in ea montis parte, qua idem mons minus clivosus est, et quae plano exterius adjacenti magis est contermina. Qui vero successerunt ei, Mauritius videlicet nepos ejus et Philippus Neapolitanus, locum praedictum vallo et turribus reddiderunt insigniorem.

Now the aforesaid city was situated on a very lofty mountain, and was surrounded by valleys of profound depth; and for a long time it lay shattered, reduced utterly into desolation. At length, however, when Lord Fulk, the third king of the Eastern Latins, was reigning, a certain Paganus, who was surnamed the Butler, lord of the region beyond the Jordan, founded a garrison on the same mountain on which the city had been situated, on that part of the mountain where the same mountain is less steep, and which is more conterminous with the plain adjoining on the outside. But those who succeeded him—namely, Maurice, his grandson, and Philip the Neapolitan—made the aforesaid place more distinguished with a rampart and towers.

Extra praedictum autem praesidium, ubi olim civitas aedificata fuerat, suburbium nunc erat, in quo ejus loci habitatores quasi satis tuta sibi posuerant domicilia. Nam ab oriente erat eis oppidum, quasi pro munitione summa, ex reliquis vero partibus totus mons, ut praedictum est, imis vallibus cingebatur: ita ut, si vel modico muro esset praecinctus, nullius hostilitatis formidaret accessus; duobus enim tantum locis, ad montis fastigium ascendendi patet opportunitas, qui a paucis facile contra hostium ingentes copias possunt defendi, reliquae vero partes omnino dicuntur imperviae. Videns ergo princeps Rainaldus, quod hostes advenerant, proposuit, improvide satis, sicut iis videtur qui circa hujusmodi sensum habent exercitatum, locum exteriorem et suburbium praesidio adjacens, tueri; inhibuitque habitatoribus loci, res suas in praesidium transferre volentibus, et suae providere saluti, ne sua desererent domicilia, nec aliquid de suis frivolis praesumerent asportare.

Outside the aforesaid presidium, where once a city had been built, there was now a suburb, in which the inhabitants of that place had set up dwellings for themselves as if sufficiently safe. For on the east there was for them a town, as it were for a supreme fortification, while on the other sides the whole mountain, as has been said, was girded by the deepest valleys: such that, if it were enclosed even with a slight wall, it would fear the approach of no hostility; for in only two places does an opportunity lie open for ascending to the mountain’s summit, which can easily be defended by a few against the vast forces of the enemies, whereas the remaining parts are said to be altogether impassable. Therefore, when Prince Rainald saw that the enemies had arrived, he proposed—quite improvidently, as it seems to those whose judgment in matters of this kind is exercised—to protect the outer place and the suburb adjacent to the presidium; and he forbade the inhabitants of the place, who wished to transfer their goods into the presidium and to provide for their own safety, to desert their homes, and to presume to carry off anything of their movable property.

Sed, dum tam equites quam peditum manipuli circ hoc essent solliciti, et ad impediendum hostium ascensus desudarent, vicit hostium multitudo; et illis in fugam versis, qui eis iter praepedire moliebantur, montem obtinuerunt, ferro iter aperientes universum; ita ut paulo minus cum nostris in praesidium se recipere certantibus, hostes violentum habuerint ingressum; ita ut nisi unius equitis, cui nomen Ivenus erat, restitisset miranda probitas, qui jam de hostibus accesserant, per pontem et portam ponti conterminam, liberum suis et sine difficultate vindicassent introitum. Sic ergo miseri cives, imprudenti rectoris consilio, rerum suarum passi sunt dispendium, hostibus eorum lares obtinentibus, cum utensilibus omnimodis et supellectile universa. Qui autem in praesidium se receperant, timentes hostium impetum, imprudenter nimis et inconsiderate penitus, pontem, qui super vallum erat unicus, quo iis qui obsessi erant, introitus patebat et exitus, dejecerunt.

But while both the knights and the maniples of foot were anxious about this, and were sweating to impede the enemies’ ascents, the multitude of the enemy prevailed; and when those who were striving to hinder their way were turned to flight, they seized the mountain, opening the whole way with iron, so that, with our men vying to withdraw into the stronghold, they almost had a violent ingress; indeed, had not the admirable prowess of a single knight, whose name was Ivenus, stood firm, the enemy who had already come up would have claimed for themselves, through the bridge and the gate contiguous to the bridge, a free entrance and without difficulty. Thus, then, the wretched citizens, by the imprudent counsel of their ruler, suffered loss of their goods, the enemy occupying their hearths, together with utensils of every kind and all their furniture. But those who had taken refuge in the stronghold, fearing the enemy’s onrush, very imprudently and wholly inconsiderately threw down the bridge which, over the rampart, was the only one, by which for those who were besieged both entrance and exit lay open.

Erant autem intus promiscuae conditionis et sexus turba plurima et inutilis, quae obsessis potius oneri erant quam utilitati, histrionum videlicet, tibicinum et psaltriarum, quae ex omni regione ad diem nuptiarum convenerant; quibus praeter spem accidit; nam dum ludicra quaererent et lasciviam nuptialem, Martios invenerunt congressus, et longe suis studiis dissimiles praeliorum occupationes. Contulerant se praeterea in locum praedictum ex locis suburbanis. Suriani cum uxoribus et parvulis, locumque repleverant.

But inside there was a very great and useless crowd of mixed condition and sex, who were rather a burden than a benefit to the besieged—namely actors, pipe-players, and psaltery-players, who from every region had gathered for the wedding day; to whom there befell, beyond expectation, a different outcome: for while they were seeking entertainments and nuptial lasciviousness, they found Martial encounters, and engagements of battles far dissimilar to their pursuits. Moreover, from the suburban places Syrians had betaken themselves into the aforesaid place with their wives and little children, and had filled the place.

Ita ut discurrere volentibus, prae turbis non pateret via libera; essentque viris expeditioribus, et defensionis studio dantibus operam oneri et impedimento. Victualibus tamen dicebatur locus abundare; sed armorum non erat tanta copia, quantam loci tuitio videbatur exigere.

So that, for those wishing to run about, on account of the crowds no free way lay open; and they were to the more nimble men, and to those applying themselves with zeal for defense, a burden and an impediment. In victuals, however, the place was said to abound; but there was not such a supply of arms as the guarding of the place seemed to require.

CAPUT XXIX. Rex comiti Joppensi administrationem aufert; Balduinum nepotem suum regio diademate coronat.

CHAPTER 29. The king removes the administration from the count of Jaffa; he crowns Baldwin, his nephew, with the royal diadem.

Rex vero interea videns, quod in supradicto negotio apud fontem Tubaniacum comes Joppensis, cui, ut praemisimus, regni commiserat administrationem, minus strenue minusque prudenter se gesserat; quodque ejus imprudentia et omnimoda insufficientia regni status pene lapsus fuerat, saniore usus consilio, revocat ad se suam quam illi commiserat administrationem. Dicuntur et aliae subesse causae. Nam, ut praediximus, ubi curam regni ei commiserat, urbem Hierosolymam cum decem millibus aureorum persolvendorum annuatim, pro expensis familiaribus, sibi retinuerat; postmodum, facti poenitens, pro Hierosolyma Tyrum eisdem conditionibus, eo quod munitissima totius regni esset civitas et suis commoditatibus aptior videretur, sibi voluit permutari.

Meanwhile the king, seeing that in the aforesaid business at the spring of Tubaniacum the count of Joppa, to whom, as we have premised, he had entrusted the administration of the kingdom, had borne himself less strenuously and less prudently; and that by his imprudence and all-around insufficiency the status of the kingdom had nearly collapsed, using sounder counsel, recalls to himself his administration which he had committed to him. Other causes also are said to underlie this. For, as we said before, when he had committed to him the care of the kingdom, he had retained for himself the city of Jerusalem, with ten thousand pieces of gold to be paid annually for household expenses; afterward, repenting of the deed, he wished, in place of Jerusalem, to have Tyre, on the same conditions, because it was the most fortified city of the whole kingdom and seemed more apt to his own conveniences.

Quam ejus petitionem, quoniam comes aegre visus est suscepisse, rex praedictam dicitur mutasse sententiam. Factumque est merito ut, qui in modico erga eum qui sibi universa contulerat, noluit esse liberalis, ab universa summa rerum decideret. Nec solum regni cura et administrationis honor ei subtractus est, verum etiam successionis spes est eidem penitus amputata.

Since the count seemed to have taken his petition ill, the king is said to have changed the aforesaid sentence. And it came about deservedly that he who, in a small matter toward him who had conferred all things upon him, was unwilling to be liberal, should fall from the entire sum of affairs. Not only was the care of the kingdom and the honor of administration withdrawn from him, but even the hope of succession was utterly amputated for him.

Nam de communi principum consilio, maxime domini Boamundi principis Antiochenorum, domini quoque Raimundi Tripolitani comitis, Rainaldi Sidoniensis, Balduini Ramatensis, Baliani fratris ejus, praesente ipso et contradicere non audente, suggerente hoc et ad id penitus hortante matre, Balduinus, adhuc puerulus, vix annorum quinque, prosequente eum universae plebis suffragio, cleri quoque qui praesens erat assensu, in ecclesia Dominicae Resurrectionis, regia decoratus est unctione, et solemniter coronatus; statimque sine dilatione exhibitae sunt eidem puero, universorum baronum cum solita juramentorum forma manualiter fidelitates, honorque et gloria regiae debita majestati, cum omni plenitudine sunt depensa; solus tamen Joppensis comes, ut ei suum exhiberet hominium, a nemine est invitatus: quod factum prudentioribus, sicut erat procul dubio, conceptae simultatis, imo manifesti odii, evidens visum est argumentum, sicut ex post facto liquebit manifestius. Verum super hoc tantae mutationis articulo varia erat et multiplex virorum prudentium opinio, dicentibus aliis, quod in hac pueri promotione nihil compendii regno, nihil utilitatis rebus accessisset publicis: nam uterque regum, alter morbo, alter aetate praepediente, prorsus erat inutilis; magisque videretur expediens, si de communi consilio procerum, alicui viribus strenuo, consilio pollenti, regiorum cura negotiorum, et reipublicae committeretur administratio; aliis autem videbatur, quod de puero factum erat, etsi non poterat usquequaque utile judicari, iu eo tamen publicae videbatur consultum esse utilitati, quod praedicto comiti ad regni successionem anhelanti, viro, ut dicebant, insufficienti, succedendi spes erat praecisa: in quo futurorum materia scandalorum, et periculosae seditionis quae post regis obitum timebatur, fomes, finem accepisse sperabatur. Omnibus tamen mens una erat et desiderium, ut gerendis publicis, maximeque educendis et reducendis exercitibus, contra hostium solito vehementiorem instantiam, praeficeretur procurator; idque soli comiti Tripolitano convenire, eumque solum ad praedicta posse sufficere, pene omnium una erat sententia.

For by the common counsel of the princes, especially of lord Bohemond, prince of the Antiochenes, and also of lord Raymond, count of Tripoli, of Rainald of Sidon, of Baldwin of Ramla, of Balian his brother, with himself present and not daring to contradict, his mother suggesting this and thoroughly urging to that end, Baldwin, still a little boy, scarcely five years of age, with the suffrage of the whole people following him, and with the assent of the clergy also who were present, in the church of the Lord’s Resurrection, was adorned with the royal unction and solemnly crowned; and immediately without delay there were rendered to that same boy, by all the barons, the fealties by hand with the customary form of oaths, and the honor and glory due to royal majesty were paid with all fullness; yet the count of Joppa alone was by no one invited to render him his homage: which deed seemed to the more prudent—just as it was beyond doubt—an evident argument of conceived feud, nay of manifest hatred, as will be made more clear from what happened afterward. However, on this crisis of so great a change, the opinion of prudent men was varied and manifold, some saying that in this promotion of the boy nothing of compendium had accrued to the kingdom, nothing of utility to the public affairs: for each of the kings, the one being hindered by sickness, the other by age, was altogether useless; and it would seem more expedient, if by the common counsel of the magnates, the administration of the royal business and of the republic were committed to some man strenuous in forces and abounding in counsel; to others, however, it seemed that what had been done concerning the boy, although it could not in every respect be judged useful, yet in this the public utility seemed to have been consulted, that to the aforesaid count, panting after the succession of the kingdom—a man, as they said, insufficient—the hope of succeeding had been cut off: in which the material of future scandals, and the tinder of the dangerous sedition which was feared after the king’s death, was hoped to have taken an end. To all, however, the mind and desire was one, that for carrying on the public affairs, and especially for leading out and leading back the armies, against the enemies’ more-than-usual vehemence of pressure, a procurator should be put in charge; and that this suited the count of Tripoli alone, and that he alone could suffice for the aforesaid things, was the single opinion of nearly all.

Factum est autem hoc, anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1183, indictionis I, mense Novembre, vicesima die mensis.

Now this took place, in the year of the Incarnation of the Lord 1183, of indiction 1, in the month November, on the twentieth day of the month.

CAPUT XXX. Rex congregatis copiis ultra Jordanem festinat, ut obsessis subveniat. Salahadinus obsidionem solvit.

CHAPTER 30. The King, with forces gathered, hastens beyond the Jordan, to succor the besieged. Saladin lifts the siege.

At vero Salahadinus interim, dum haec Hierosolymis sic aguntur, obsessam urbem cura nihilominus propensiore et totis viribus fatigabat, iis qui intus erant obsessi, requiem importuna denegans instantia. Octo enim erectis machinis, sex ab interiori parte, ubi antiqua fuerat civitas, duabus vero ab exteriore, in eo loco, qui vulgari appellatione dicitur Obelet, castrum tanta importunitate non minus nocte quam interdiu, immissis mirae magnitudinis molaribus flagellabat, quod vel manum exerere, vel respicere per cancellos, aut aliquo defensionis uti genere nemo illorum qui intus erant, praesumerent attentare; eoque ventum erat, quod eis prae nimio terrore confusis, nec audentibus comparere, hostes ad praedam, quam miseri cives in vallum, quod praesidio conterminum suberat, introduxerant, immissi funibus * impune occiderent, et divisa membratim animalia sibi extraherent ad cibum indemnes, omnino adversitatis nihil ab oppidanis perpessi. Sed et qui in exercitu hostium erant, coquorum vel pistorum habentes officium, quique rerum venalium procurabant forum, hi in domibus civium omni commoditate refertis officinas locaverant suas, libere suis professionibus utentes.

Meanwhile, however, Saladin, while these things were thus being transacted at Jerusalem, was nonetheless harassing the besieged city with a more inclined diligence and with all his forces, denying to those who were shut up inside a respite by importunate insistence. For, eight engines having been set up—six on the inner side, where the ancient city had been, and two indeed on the outer, in that place which in vulgar appellation is called Obelet—he was scourging the castle with such importunity, no less by night than by day, by launching stones of wondrous magnitude, like millstones, so that neither to put forth a hand, nor to look through the battlement-gratings, nor to use any kind of defense would any of those who were inside presume to attempt; and it had come to this point, that they, thrown into confusion by excessive terror and not daring to show themselves, the enemies, let down by ropes to the booty which the wretched citizens had brought into the rampart which lay contiguous to the garrison, would with impunity slaughter*, and the animals, divided limb by limb, they would draw out for themselves for food unharmed, suffering absolutely nothing of adversity from the townsmen. But even those who were in the enemy’s host, holding the office of cooks or bakers, and those who managed the market of things for sale, these had placed their workshops in the houses of the citizens, filled with every convenience, freely using their professions.

Repererant sane in eis frumenti, hordei, vini et olei pro votis abundantiam, quibus, invitis eorum dominis, violenter utebantur. Porro qui in praesidio erant, et ipsi machinam aliquando tentaverunt erigere; sed tanto artificio saxa dirigebant contorta, qui machinis praeerant exterioribus, quod prae assiduis ictibus et mortis formidine, quam singuli lapidum immissorum intentare videbantur, nostri a proposito deficientes, satius judicabant, patienter quidquid inferebatur portare, quam ad illud defensionis genus cum mortis se attollere periculo. Nec solum qui egrediebantur de abditis, accedentes ad propugnacula, ut vel tela vel lapides in hostes jacularentur, vel ut obsidentes inspicerent legiones, tanto erant expositi periculo, terroreque quatiebantur ad desperationem compellente; verum et qui erant in conclavibus intimis, et qui ad loca secretiora se contulerant, accedentium fragore molarium et sonitu perterriti, videbantur quasi audire tonitrua, exspectantes quasi fulminum ictus, et suspensi semper, ne confracta super eos ruerent aedificia.

They had indeed found in them an abundance of grain, barley, wine, and oil to their desires, of which, their owners unwilling, they made use by force. Moreover, those who were in the garrison themselves at times tried to set up a machine; but those who were over the external machines directed the hurled stones with such artifice that, because of the incessant blows and the dread of death which each of the stones discharged seemed to threaten, our men, failing from their purpose, judged it better to bear patiently whatever was inflicted than to raise themselves to that kind of defense with the peril of death. Nor were only those who went out from hiding-places, approaching the battlements so that they might hurl either missiles or stones against the enemy, or that they might inspect the besieging legions, exposed to so great a danger and shaken by a terror driving them to desperation; but even those who were in the inmost chambers (conclaves), and those who had betaken themselves to more secret places, terrified by the crashing of the approaching molar-stones and by the din, seemed as it were to hear thunders, expecting as if the strokes of lightnings, and always in suspense lest the shattered buildings should fall upon them.

Sollicitus erat rex interea, et tota procurabat diligentia quomodo subveniretur obsessis; quomodo eis desideratum maturaretur subsidium. Assumpto igitur secum vivificae crucis ligno salutari, et regni viribus ex omni parte congregatis, ad partes illas properat, opem laturus obsessis; perveniensque ad mare Salis, quod alio nomine dicitur lacus Asphaltes, secus locum cui nomen Segor, qui hodie vulgari appellatione dicitur Palmer, post multas deliberationes, universo exercitui ducem ac praeceptorem, comitem instituit Tripolitanum. Salahadinus vero, cognito per exploratores, quod Christianus in proximo esset exercitus, et quod Tripolitanus comes praefectus esset legionibus, depositis machinis, et indicto suis reditu, obsidionem, qua per mensem continuum, locum afflixerat praedictum, solvit ad propria reversus.

Meanwhile the king was solicitous, and with total diligence was taking care how relief might be brought to the besieged, how the desired succor might be hastened to them. Therefore, taking with him the salutary, life‑giving wood of the Cross, and with the forces of the realm gathered from every quarter, he hastens to those parts, to bring help to the besieged; and arriving at the Sea of Salt, which by another name is called the Asphalt Lake, near the place whose name is Segor, which today in the vulgar appellation is called Palmer, after many deliberations he appointed for the whole army as leader and commander the Count of Tripoli. But Saladin, having learned through scouts that the Christian army was at hand, and that the Count of Tripoli had been set over the legions, after laying down his engines and proclaiming a return to his men, loosed the siege, with which for a continuous month he had afflicted the aforesaid place, and returned to his own.

Rex tamen nihilominus cum omni exercitu ad locum perveniens destinatum, optatam civibus intulit consolationem; indictoque reditu et revocatis agminibus, sospes Hierosolymam reversus est.

The king nonetheless, arriving with the whole army at the appointed place, brought the desired consolation to the citizens; and, with a return proclaimed and the columns recalled, he returned safe to Jerusalem.