Gregory of Tours•LIBRI HISTORIARUM
Abbo Floriacensis1 work
Abelard3 works
Addison9 works
Adso Dervensis1 work
Aelredus Rievallensis1 work
Alanus de Insulis2 works
Albert of Aix1 work
HISTORIA HIEROSOLYMITANAE EXPEDITIONIS12 sections
Albertano of Brescia5 works
DE AMORE ET DILECTIONE DEI4 sections
SERMONES4 sections
Alcuin9 works
Alfonsi1 work
Ambrose4 works
Ambrosius4 works
Ammianus1 work
Ampelius1 work
Andrea da Bergamo1 work
Andreas Capellanus1 work
DE AMORE LIBRI TRES3 sections
Annales Regni Francorum1 work
Annales Vedastini1 work
Annales Xantenses1 work
Anonymus Neveleti1 work
Anonymus Valesianus2 works
Apicius1 work
DE RE COQUINARIA5 sections
Appendix Vergiliana1 work
Apuleius2 works
METAMORPHOSES12 sections
DE DOGMATE PLATONIS6 sections
Aquinas6 works
Archipoeta1 work
Arnobius1 work
ADVERSVS NATIONES LIBRI VII7 sections
Arnulf of Lisieux1 work
Asconius1 work
Asserius1 work
Augustine5 works
CONFESSIONES13 sections
DE CIVITATE DEI23 sections
DE TRINITATE15 sections
CONTRA SECUNDAM IULIANI RESPONSIONEM2 sections
Augustus1 work
RES GESTAE DIVI AVGVSTI2 sections
Aurelius Victor1 work
LIBER ET INCERTORVM LIBRI3 sections
Ausonius2 works
Avianus1 work
Avienus2 works
Bacon3 works
HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE11 sections
Balde2 works
Baldo1 work
Bebel1 work
Bede2 works
HISTORIAM ECCLESIASTICAM GENTIS ANGLORUM7 sections
Benedict1 work
Berengar1 work
Bernard of Clairvaux1 work
Bernard of Cluny1 work
DE CONTEMPTU MUNDI LIBRI DUO2 sections
Biblia Sacra3 works
VETUS TESTAMENTUM49 sections
NOVUM TESTAMENTUM27 sections
Bigges1 work
Boethius de Dacia2 works
Bonaventure1 work
Breve Chronicon Northmannicum1 work
Buchanan1 work
Bultelius2 works
Caecilius Balbus1 work
Caesar3 works
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI VII DE BELLO GALLICO CUM A. HIRTI SUPPLEMENTO8 sections
COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI III DE BELLO CIVILI3 sections
LIBRI INCERTORUM AUCTORUM3 sections
Calpurnius Flaccus1 work
Calpurnius Siculus1 work
Campion8 works
Carmen Arvale1 work
Carmen de Martyrio1 work
Carmen in Victoriam1 work
Carmen Saliare1 work
Carmina Burana1 work
Cassiodorus5 works
Catullus1 work
Censorinus1 work
Christian Creeds1 work
Cicero3 works
ORATORIA33 sections
PHILOSOPHIA21 sections
EPISTULAE4 sections
Cinna Helvius1 work
Claudian4 works
Claudii Oratio1 work
Claudius Caesar1 work
Columbus1 work
Columella2 works
Commodianus3 works
Conradus Celtis2 works
Constitutum Constantini1 work
Contemporary9 works
Cotta1 work
Dante4 works
Dares the Phrygian1 work
de Ave Phoenice1 work
De Expugnatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum1 work
Declaratio Arbroathis1 work
Decretum Gelasianum1 work
Descartes1 work
Dies Irae1 work
Disticha Catonis1 work
Egeria1 work
ITINERARIUM PEREGRINATIO2 sections
Einhard1 work
Ennius1 work
Epistolae Austrasicae1 work
Epistulae de Priapismo1 work
Erasmus7 works
Erchempert1 work
Eucherius1 work
Eugippius1 work
Eutropius1 work
BREVIARIVM HISTORIAE ROMANAE10 sections
Exurperantius1 work
Fabricius Montanus1 work
Falcandus1 work
Falcone di Benevento1 work
Ficino1 work
Fletcher1 work
Florus1 work
EPITOME DE T. LIVIO BELLORUM OMNIUM ANNORUM DCC LIBRI DUO2 sections
Foedus Aeternum1 work
Forsett2 works
Fredegarius1 work
Frodebertus & Importunus1 work
Frontinus3 works
STRATEGEMATA4 sections
DE AQUAEDUCTU URBIS ROMAE2 sections
OPUSCULA RERUM RUSTICARUM4 sections
Fulgentius3 works
MITOLOGIARUM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Gaius4 works
Galileo1 work
Garcilaso de la Vega1 work
Gaudeamus Igitur1 work
Gellius1 work
Germanicus1 work
Gesta Francorum10 works
Gesta Romanorum1 work
Gioacchino da Fiore1 work
Godfrey of Winchester2 works
Grattius1 work
Gregorii Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Gregorius Magnus1 work
Gregory IX5 works
Gregory of Tours1 work
LIBRI HISTORIARUM10 sections
Gregory the Great1 work
Gregory VII1 work
Gwinne8 works
Henry of Settimello1 work
Henry VII1 work
Historia Apolloni1 work
Historia Augusta30 works
Historia Brittonum1 work
Holberg1 work
Horace3 works
SERMONES2 sections
CARMINA4 sections
EPISTULAE5 sections
Hugo of St. Victor2 works
Hydatius2 works
Hyginus3 works
Hymni1 work
Hymni et cantica1 work
Iacobus de Voragine1 work
LEGENDA AUREA24 sections
Ilias Latina1 work
Iordanes2 works
Isidore of Seville3 works
ETYMOLOGIARVM SIVE ORIGINVM LIBRI XX20 sections
SENTENTIAE LIBRI III3 sections
Iulius Obsequens1 work
Iulius Paris1 work
Ius Romanum4 works
Janus Secundus2 works
Johann H. Withof1 work
Johann P. L. Withof1 work
Johannes de Alta Silva1 work
Johannes de Plano Carpini1 work
John of Garland1 work
Jordanes2 works
Julius Obsequens1 work
Junillus1 work
Justin1 work
HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI46 sections
Justinian3 works
INSTITVTIONES5 sections
CODEX12 sections
DIGESTA50 sections
Juvenal1 work
Kepler1 work
Landor4 works
Laurentius Corvinus2 works
Legenda Regis Stephani1 work
Leo of Naples1 work
HISTORIA DE PRELIIS ALEXANDRI MAGNI3 sections
Leo the Great1 work
SERMONES DE QUADRAGESIMA2 sections
Liber Kalilae et Dimnae1 work
Liber Pontificalis1 work
Livius Andronicus1 work
Livy1 work
AB VRBE CONDITA LIBRI37 sections
Lotichius1 work
Lucan1 work
DE BELLO CIVILI SIVE PHARSALIA10 sections
Lucretius1 work
DE RERVM NATVRA LIBRI SEX6 sections
Lupus Protospatarius Barensis1 work
Macarius of Alexandria1 work
Macarius the Great1 work
Magna Carta1 work
Maidstone1 work
Malaterra1 work
DE REBUS GESTIS ROGERII CALABRIAE ET SICILIAE COMITIS ET ROBERTI GUISCARDI DUCIS FRATRIS EIUS4 sections
Manilius1 work
ASTRONOMICON5 sections
Marbodus Redonensis1 work
Marcellinus Comes2 works
Martial1 work
Martin of Braga13 works
Marullo1 work
Marx1 work
Maximianus1 work
May1 work
SUPPLEMENTUM PHARSALIAE8 sections
Melanchthon4 works
Milton1 work
Minucius Felix1 work
Mirabilia Urbis Romae1 work
Mirandola1 work
CARMINA9 sections
Miscellanea Carminum42 works
Montanus1 work
Naevius1 work
Navagero1 work
Nemesianus1 work
ECLOGAE4 sections
Nepos3 works
LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM24 sections
Newton1 work
PHILOSOPHIÆ NATURALIS PRINCIPIA MATHEMATICA4 sections
Nithardus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATTUOR4 sections
Notitia Dignitatum2 works
Novatian1 work
Origo gentis Langobardorum1 work
Orosius1 work
HISTORIARUM ADVERSUM PAGANOS LIBRI VII7 sections
Otto of Freising1 work
GESTA FRIDERICI IMPERATORIS5 sections
Ovid7 works
METAMORPHOSES15 sections
AMORES3 sections
HEROIDES21 sections
ARS AMATORIA3 sections
TRISTIA5 sections
EX PONTO4 sections
Owen1 work
Papal Bulls4 works
Pascoli5 works
Passerat1 work
Passio Perpetuae1 work
Patricius1 work
Tome I: Panaugia2 sections
Paulinus Nolensis1 work
Paulus Diaconus4 works
Persius1 work
Pervigilium Veneris1 work
Petronius2 works
Petrus Blesensis1 work
Petrus de Ebulo1 work
Phaedrus2 works
FABVLARVM AESOPIARVM LIBRI QVINQVE5 sections
Phineas Fletcher1 work
Planctus destructionis1 work
Plautus21 works
Pliny the Younger2 works
EPISTVLARVM LIBRI DECEM10 sections
Poggio Bracciolini1 work
Pomponius Mela1 work
DE CHOROGRAPHIA3 sections
Pontano1 work
Poree1 work
Porphyrius1 work
Precatio Terrae1 work
Priapea1 work
Professio Contra Priscillianum1 work
Propertius1 work
ELEGIAE4 sections
Prosperus3 works
Prudentius2 works
Pseudoplatonica12 works
Publilius Syrus1 work
Quintilian2 works
INSTITUTIONES12 sections
Raoul of Caen1 work
Regula ad Monachos1 work
Reposianus1 work
Ricardi de Bury1 work
Richerus1 work
HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATUOR4 sections
Rimbaud1 work
Ritchie's Fabulae Faciles1 work
Roman Epitaphs1 work
Roman Inscriptions1 work
Ruaeus1 work
Ruaeus' Aeneid1 work
Rutilius Lupus1 work
Rutilius Namatianus1 work
Sabinus1 work
EPISTULAE TRES AD OVIDIANAS EPISTULAS RESPONSORIAE3 sections
Sallust10 works
Sannazaro2 works
Scaliger1 work
Sedulius2 works
CARMEN PASCHALE5 sections
Seneca9 works
EPISTULAE MORALES AD LUCILIUM16 sections
QUAESTIONES NATURALES7 sections
DE CONSOLATIONE3 sections
DE IRA3 sections
DE BENEFICIIS3 sections
DIALOGI7 sections
FABULAE8 sections
Septem Sapientum1 work
Sidonius Apollinaris2 works
Sigebert of Gembloux3 works
Silius Italicus1 work
Solinus2 works
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI Mommsen 1st edition (1864)4 sections
DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI C.L.F. Panckoucke edition (Paris 1847)4 sections
Spinoza1 work
Statius3 works
THEBAID12 sections
ACHILLEID2 sections
Stephanus de Varda1 work
Suetonius2 works
Sulpicia1 work
Sulpicius Severus2 works
CHRONICORUM LIBRI DUO2 sections
Syrus1 work
Tacitus5 works
Terence6 works
Tertullian32 works
Testamentum Porcelli1 work
Theodolus1 work
Theodosius16 works
Theophanes1 work
Thomas à Kempis1 work
DE IMITATIONE CHRISTI4 sections
Thomas of Edessa1 work
Tibullus1 work
TIBVLLI ALIORVMQUE CARMINVM LIBRI TRES3 sections
Tünger1 work
Valerius Flaccus1 work
Valerius Maximus1 work
FACTORVM ET DICTORVM MEMORABILIVM LIBRI NOVEM9 sections
Vallauri1 work
Varro2 works
RERVM RVSTICARVM DE AGRI CVLTURA3 sections
DE LINGVA LATINA7 sections
Vegetius1 work
EPITOMA REI MILITARIS LIBRI IIII4 sections
Velleius Paterculus1 work
HISTORIAE ROMANAE2 sections
Venantius Fortunatus1 work
Vico1 work
Vida1 work
Vincent of Lérins1 work
Virgil3 works
AENEID12 sections
ECLOGUES10 sections
GEORGICON4 sections
Vita Agnetis1 work
Vita Caroli IV1 work
Vita Sancti Columbae2 works
Vitruvius1 work
DE ARCHITECTVRA10 sections
Waardenburg1 work
Waltarius3 works
Walter Mapps2 works
Walter of Châtillon1 work
William of Apulia1 work
William of Conches2 works
William of Tyre1 work
HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM24 sections
Xylander1 work
Zonaras1 work
Igitur post mortem Leuvigilde Hispanorum regis Richaredus, filius eius, foedus iniit cum Goesintha, relicta patris sui, eamque ut matrem suscepit. Haec enim erat mater Brunechildis reginae, matris Childeberthi iunioris. Richaredus vero de alia uxore erat filius Leuvigildi.
Therefore, after the death of Leuvigild, king of the Spaniards, Richaredus, his son, entered into a foedus with Goesintha, the relict of his father, and accepted her as a mother. For she was the mother of Queen Brunechildis, the mother of Childebert Junior. But Richaredus was the son of Leuvigild by another wife.
Finally, having held counsel with the stepmother, he sends an envoy to King Gunthramn and to Childebert, saying: “Have peace with us, and let us enter a treaty, so that, aided by your protection, when necessity shall demand it, we may likewise secure you on like terms, with a pledge interceding.” But the envoys who were sent to King Gunthramn were ordered to remain at the town of Matascon, and there, after men were sent, the king learned the causes, but was unwilling to receive their words. Whence thereafter such enmity sprouted up between them that they permitted no one from his kingdom to cross to the cities of Septimania. Those, however, who came to King Childebert were received with a pledge, and, gifts having been given, peace being made, they returned with gifts.
3. De eo, qui cum cultro ad Gunthchramno rege venit.
3. Concerning him who came with a knife to King Gunthchramn.
Interia advenit festivitas sancti Marcelli, quae apud urbem Cavillonensim mense septimo caelebratur, et Gunthchramnus rex adfuit. Verum ubi, peracta solemnia, ad sacrosanctum altarium communicandi gratia accessisset, venit quidam quasi aliquid suggesturus. Qui dum properat contra regem, culter ei de manu dilabitur; adpraehensumque repente, alium cultrum evaginatum in manu eius repperierunt.
Meanwhile the feast of Saint Marcellus arrived, which is celebrated at the city of Cavillon in the seventh month, and King Gunthchramn was present. But when, the solemnities having been completed, he had approached the sacrosanct altar for the sake of communicating, there came a certain man as if to suggest something. As he hastens against the king, a knife slips from his hand; and, he being suddenly apprehended, they found another knife unsheathed in his hand.
Without delay, led out from the holy basilica, bound and given over to torments, he confesses that he had been sent to put the king to death, saying: 'For thus did he who sent me contrive, because: ìThe king has recognized that the hatreds of many have been aggregated against him, and, being suspicious lest he be struck down, he altogether orders himself to be walled-in by his own; nor is an approach found by which we can with swords be able to come to him, except in the church, in which he is known to stand secure and fearing nothing, let him be beaten"'. But even with those about whom he had spoken apprehended, many being slain, he dismissed this man alive, beaten with blows, because he judged it a nefas if he who had been led out from the church were cut down.
Eo anno Childebertho rege alius filius natus est, quem Veranus Cavelonensis episcopus suscipiens a lavacro, Theodorici nomen inposuit. Erat enim eo tempore ipsi pontifex magnis virtutibus praeditus, ita ut plerumque infirmis signum crucis inponens, statim sanitate, tribuenti Domino, restauraret.
In that year, with Childebert as king, another son was born, whom Bishop Veranus of Cavaillon, receiving from the font, imposed the name Theodoric. For at that time that pontiff himself was endowed with great virtues, such that, very often placing the sign of the cross upon the infirm, he immediately, the Lord granting, restored them to health.
Prodigia quoque multa dehinc apparuerunt. Nam vasa per domus diversorum signis, nescio quibus, caraxata sunt, quae res nullo umquam modo aut eradi potuit aut deleri. Inceptum est autem hoc prodigium ab urbis Carnotinae territurio; et veniens per Aurilianensem, usque Burdegalensem terminum peraccessit, non praetermittens ullam urbem, quae fuit in medio.
Many prodigies thereafter appeared. For vessels throughout the houses of various people were scratched with signs—I know not what—which thing could by no means ever be scraped off or obliterated. Now this prodigy was begun from the territory of the city of Chartres; and, coming through the Orléanais, it made its way as far as the boundary of the Bordelais, not passing over any city that was in between.
Fuit eo anno in urbe Thoronica Desiderius nomine, qui se magnum quendam esse dicebat, adserens se multa posse facere signa. Nam et nuntius inter se atque Petrum Paulumque apostolos discurrere iactitabat. Ad quem, quia praesens non eram, rusticitas populi multa confluxerat, deferentes secum caecos et debiles, quos non sanctitate sanare, sed errore nigromantici ingenii quaerebat inludere.
In that year there was in the city of Tours a man named Desiderius, who kept saying that he was some great person, asserting that he could make many signs. For he even bragged that a messenger ran back and forth between himself and the apostles Peter and Paul. To him, because I was not present, a great rustic crowd of the populace had converged, bringing with them the blind and the weak, whom he sought not to heal by sanctity, but to delude by the error of necromantic ingenuity.
For those who were paralytics or impeded by some other debility, he ordered them to be stretched violently, so that those whom he could not set straight by the largess of divine virtue he might, as if by industry, restore. Finally, his boys would seize the man’s hands, while others his feet, and, having dragged him in different parts, to such a degree that the sinews seemed to be torn asunder, when they were not healed, they were let down lifeless. Whence it came about that under this punishment many breathed out their spirit.
And the wretch was so puffed up that he would say that blessed Martin was his junior to himself, but that he equated himself with the apostles. Nor is it a marvel, if this man says himself like the apostles, since that author of iniquity, from whom these things proceed, confesses that he is Christ at the end of the age. For it has been observed, as we said above, that he had been imbued with the error of the art of necromancy, because, as those who saw him assert, whenever anyone had spoken any evil of him at a distance and in hiding, he would upbraid him with it before the people standing by, saying, “This and that you have uttered about me, which were unworthy of my sanctity.” And how did he know it except by demons announcing it?
He had, moreover, a cowl and a tunic of caprine hair; and in public he was indeed abstinent from food and drink; but secretly, when he had come into an inn, he would so stuff his mouth that the minister could not keep pace to proffer as much as he was demanding. But his trickery, once detected and apprehended by our people, he was ejected beyond the terminus of the city. Nor did we thereafter learn whither he had gone; he did say, however, that he was a citizen of Bordeaux.
For also seven years before this there was another very much a seducer, who deceived many by his dolosity. For this man was clothed in a colobium, wrapped over it with a sindon, carrying a cross, from which little ampullae were hanging, which he said contained holy oil. He kept saying that he was coming from Spain and that he was exhibiting the relics of the most blessed martyrs, of Vincent the deacon and of Felix the martyr.
But when by evening he had already arrived at the basilica of Saint Martin at Tours and we had sat down again to the banquet, he sent a mandate, saying: 'Let them go to meet the holy relics.' To which we, because the hour had already passed, said: 'Let the blessed relics rest upon the altar, until in the morning we shall proceed to meet them.' But this man, rising at first light, and not having waited for us, came with his cross and was present in our little cell. I, astonished and marveling at his levity, ask what these things were meant to be. He replied as if haughty and with an inflated voice: 'You ought to have furnished us a better meeting.'
'But these things I will thrust into the ears of King Chilperic; and he will avenge my disdain.' And having entered the oratory, with me set aside, he himself says one little chapter and another and a third, he himself offers the prayer and he himself consumes, and the cross having been lifted again, he went away. For both his speech was rustic and the breadth of his tongue was foul and obscene; nor did reasonable discourse proceed from him. He advanced as far as Paris.
For in these days the public Rogations were being celebrated, which are wont to be held before the holy day of the Lord’s Ascension. And it came to pass that, as Ragnemodus the pontiff went forth with his people and was going around the holy places, this man also, arriving with his cross, displaying to the people an unusual vestment, with publicans and rustic women appended, likewise made his own chorus, and attempts to go around the holy places as though with his own multitude. Seeing these things, the bishop sent the archdeacon, saying: 'If you are exhibiting the relics of the saints, set them for a little while in the basilica and celebrate the holy days with us; the solemnity run through, you will set out on your way'. But he, making little of the things that were being said by the archdeacon, began to pursue the bishop with insults and maledictions.
The priest, however, understanding him to be a seducer, ordered him to be shut up in a little cell. And when all the things he had were searched, he found with him a large sack full of the roots of diverse herbs, and there also the teeth of a mole, and the bones of mice, and claws, and bear-greases. And seeing that these were malefic arts, he ordered all to be cast into the river; and, the cross taken from him, he ordered him to be excluded from the boundary of the city of Paris.
But he, again, having made for himself another cross, began to exercise what he had previously carried out; and, seized by the archdeacon and bound with chains, he was ordered to be kept in custody. In those days I had arrived at Paris and I had my quarters at the basilica of the blessed Julian the martyr. Therefore on the following night, breaking out of custody, this wretch, with the very chains by which he was fastened, hastens to the aforesaid basilica of Saint Julian, and on the pavement, in the place where I was accustomed to stand, he falls and, overborne by sleep and wine, fell asleep.
But we, truly unaware of what had been done, rising in the middle of the night to render thanks to the Lord, found him sleeping. From him such a great fetor was issuing that that fetor outmatched the fetors of all the cloacae and privies. And we, on account of this fetor, were not able to enter the basilica.
But one of the clerics, approaching with his nostrils closed, tries to rouse him and could not; for the wretch was thus soaked with wine. Then four clerics approaching, lifting him in their hands, cast him into one corner of the basilica; and bringing water, with the pavement washed and even sprinkled with fragrant herbs, thus we entered to fulfill the course. Never, however, while we were psalming, was he able to be awakened, until, day having been given to the lands, the lamp of the sun climbed higher.
Thereafter I rendered the priest excused. But when the bishops were convening at the city of Paris, while we were narrating these things at a banquet, we ordered him himself to be present for the sake of castigation. With him standing by, Amelius, bishop of the city of Beorretana, lifting his eyes, recognizes him to be his own servant and to have slipped away from him by flight; and thus, having received the excused man, he led him back to his fatherland.
For there are many who, practicing these seductions, do not cease to set the rustic populace in error, concerning whom, as I suppose, the Lord also says in the Gospel that pseudo-Christs and pseudo-prophets will arise in the last times, who, giving signs and prodigies, would lead even the elect into error. Of these things let these suffice; let us rather return to our proposed subject.
Ennodius cum ducatum urbium Thoronicae atque Pectavae ministraret, adhuc et Vice Iuliensis atque Benarnae urbium principatum accipit. Sed euntibus comitibus Thoronicae atque Pectavae urbis ad regem Childeberthum, obtenuerunt, eum a se removere. Ille vero, ubi se remotum de his sensit, ad civitates superius memoratas properat; sed dum in illis commoraretur, mandatum accepit, ut se ab eisdem removerit; et sic accepto otio, ad domum suam reversus, privati operis curam gerit.
While Ennodius was administering the duchy of the cities Thoronica and Pectava, he moreover also receives the principate of the cities Vice Iuliensis and Benarna. But when the counts of the city of Thoronica and of Pectava went to King Childebert, they obtained that he be removed from them. He, however, when he perceived himself removed from these, hastens to the above-mentioned cities; but while he was dwelling in them, he received a mandate to remove himself from those same; and thus, leisure having been obtained, returning to his own house, he takes care of private business.
But the Wascones, bursting forth from the mountains, descend into the plains, ravaging vineyards and fields, delivering houses to fire, carrying off not a few captives with the herds. Against them Duke Austrovaldus often advanced, but he exacted little vengeance from them. But the Goths, on account of the previous year’s devastation which the army of King Gunthramn wrought in Septimania, burst into the Arelatensian province, and drove off plunder and led away captives as far as the tenth milestone from the city.
Gunthchramnus vero Boso, cum exosus reginae haberetur, coepit per episcopus ac proceres discurrere et veniam sero praecare, quam ante dispexerat. Nam cum rex Childeberthus esset iunior, Brunechildem reginam saepe conviciis atque inproperiis lacessibat; sed et iniuriis, quae ei ab adversis inferebantur, fautor exteterat. Sed et rex ad ulciscendam iniuriam genetricis iussit eum persequi atque interfici.
But Gunthchramnus Boso, since he was held as hateful by the queen, began to run about among bishops and nobles and to beg pardon late, which he had previously despised. For when King Childebert was younger, he used often to provoke Queen Brunechild with taunts and reproaches; and he had moreover stood forth as a supporter of the injuries that were being brought against her by her adversaries. And the king, to avenge the injury of his genetrix, ordered that he be pursued and put to death.
But he, when he perceived himself set in peril, sought the church of Verdun, trusting to obtain pardon through Ageric, the very bishop, who was the king’s father from the baptismal font. Then the pontiff hastens to the king and pleads for him; and since the king could not deny what he asked, he said: ‘Let him come before us, and, sureties having been given, in the presence of my paternal uncle, whatever his judgment shall decree, let us carry out.’ Then, brought to the place where the king was staying, stripped of arms and held by manacles, he is presented by the bishop to the king. Prostrate at his feet, he said: ‘I have sinned against you and your mother, by not obeying your precepts, but by acting against your will and the public utility; now, however, I beg that you pardon my evils, which I have committed against you.’ But the king ordered him to be raised from the ground and placed him in the hand of the bishop, saying: ‘Let him remain with you, holy priest, until he comes into the presence of King Gunthchramn.’ And he ordered him to depart.
Post haec Rauchingus cuniunctus cum prioribus regni Chlothari, fili Chilperici, confingens se quasi tractaturus de pace, ut inter terminum utriusque regni nulla intentio aut dereptio gereretur, consilium habuerunt, ut scilicet, interfecto Childebertho rege, Rauchingus cum Theodobertho, seniore eius filio , Campaniae regnum teneret, Ursio vero ac Berthefredus , iuniorem filium nuper genitum, qui Theodoricus cognominatur, in se susceptum, excluso Gunthchramno rege, reliquum regni teneret, multa etiam contra Brunechilde reginam frementes, ut eam in contumiliam redigerent, sicut prius fecerant in viduetate sua. Rauchingus ergo, summa elatus potentiam et, ut ita dicam, ad ipsius regalis sceptri se iactans gloriam, iter praeparat ad Childeberthum regem accidendi, ut consilium quod inierat possit explere. Sed pietas Domini haec verba in aures Gunthchramni regis prius inposuit, qui, missis nuntiis clam ad Childeberthum regem, omnes ei molitiones has in notitiam posuit, dicens: 'Accelera velociter, ut videamur a nobis; sunt enim causae, quae agi debeant'. At ille diligenter inquirens, quae ei nuntiata fuerant, veraque esse cognuscens, arcessiri Rauchingum iussit.
After these things Rauchingus, joined with the chiefs of the kingdom of Chlothar, son of Chilperic, feigning himself as if he were about to treat concerning peace, so that between the boundary of each kingdom no contention or depredation might be carried on, held counsel, namely that, with King Childebert slain, Rauchingus with Theodoberth, his elder son, should hold the kingdom of Champagne; but Ursio and Berthefred, the younger son newly begotten, who is surnamed Theodoric, taken under their protection, with King Gunthchramn excluded, should hold the remainder of the kingdom, raging also many things against Queen Brunechilde, to reduce her into contumely, as they had previously done in her widowhood. Rauchingus therefore, exalted by highest potency and, so to speak, vaunting himself to the glory of the royal scepter itself, prepares a journey to go to King Childebert, that he might be able to fulfill the counsel which he had undertaken. But the piety of the Lord first put these words into the ears of King Gunthchramn, who, messengers sent secretly to King Childebert, placed all these machinations into his knowledge, saying: “Hasten swiftly, that we may see one another; for there are causes which ought to be dealt with.” And he, diligently inquiring into the things which had been announced to him and recognizing them to be true, ordered Rauchingus to be summoned.
He, when he had arrived, before the king had ordered him to stand in his presence, letters having been sent and boys assigned with the public post, who were to seize his property in each several place, ordered him to be admitted into the bedchamber; and, having spoken with him, one thing after another, he bids him go out again from the bedchamber. And as he was going out, seized by the feet by two ostiaries, he fell on the steps of the doorway, such that part of his body was inside, but part, indeed, was stretched outside. Then those who had been ordered and were prepared to accomplish these things rush upon him with swords and so crushed his head into tiny pieces, that the whole might be drunk as if like brain; and immediately he died.
Then, stripped and thrown out through the window, he was consigned to burial. He was, moreover, light in morals, beyond the human measure, gaping with cupidity after others’ goods and resources, and from those very riches exceedingly proud, to such an extent that even at the very time of his destruction he confessed himself a son of King Chlothar. Much gold, however, was found with him.
With him having been slain, immediately one of his boys, winging forth with swift run, announced to his consort what had been done. She, indeed, through the street of the city of Soissons, adorned with great ornaments and the costliness of gems and covered with the luster of gold, with an even carriage, boys preceding and others following, was being borne and was hastening to the basilica of Saint Crispin and Crispinian, as if about to await the Masses. For on that day was the Passion of the blessed martyrs.
But seeing the messenger, turning her step down another street, after casting her ornaments upon the ground, she fled into the basilica of Saint Medardus the prelate, and there, thinking to keep herself safe by the protection of the confessors. The pages, however, who had been sent by the king to search out her property, found so much in her treasures as they could not discover even in the very register of the public treasury; and they presented the whole to the sight of the kings. For on that day on which this man was slain, there were with the king many of the Turonians and the Poitevins, among whom such was the counsel: that, if they could bring this evil to completion, they would subject these men to punishment, saying, “From among you there was one who slew our king,” and, after butchering them with diverse tortures, they would boast themselves to be avengers of the royal death.
Sed the omnipotent God dissipated their counsels, because they were iniquitous, and fulfilled that which is written, namely: The pit which you will prepare for your brother, you will walk into it. In the place of Rauchingus, however, Magnovaldus is appointed duke. For already Ursio and Berthefredus, certain that Rauchingus could accomplish the things which they had discussed, having assembled an army, were coming. But, hearing that he had, to wit, been affected with such an end, drawing to themselves an even greater multitude of men, who seemed to pertain to them, within the Vabrense castle, which was near the villa of Ursio, they fortify themselves with all their goods, conscious of their plan, deliberating that, if King Childebert had wished to do anything against them, they would defend themselves by valor from his army.
For the head of these and the cause of the evils was Ursio. But Queen Brunichildis sent a mandate to Berthefredus, saying: 'Disjoin yourself from the hostile man, and you will have life. Otherwise you will perish with the same.' For the queen had received his daughter from the baptismal laver, and on account of this wished to have mercy upon him.
Dum haec autem agerentur, iterum misit Gunthchramnus rex ad nepotem suum Childeberthum, dicens: 'Morae omnes abscedant, et veni, ut te videam. Est enim certae necessitatis causa tam pro vitae vestrae commoda quam pro utilitatibus publicis, ut videamur a nobis'. Haec ille audiens, adsumpta matrem cum sorore et coniuge, ad occursum patrui distinat. Adfuit autem et Magnericus episcopus Trevericae urbis.
While these things, moreover, were being done, King Gunthchramnus again sent to his nephew Childeberth, saying: 'Let all delays depart, and come, that I may see you. For there is a cause of certain necessity, both for the advantage of your life and for public utilities, that we may see one another.' Hearing these things, having taken along his mother with his sister and wife, he hastens to meet his paternal uncle. Present too was Magnericus, bishop of the Treverian city (Trier).
Gunthchramn Boso also came, whom Agericus, bishop of Verdun, had received into his faith. But that pontiff, who had given a pledge on his behalf, was not present, because it had been agreed that he be presented to the king without anyone’s defense, namely so that, if he himself should determine that he deserved death, he would not be excused by the priest; but if, on the other hand, he should grant him life, he would go free. But, the kings being brought together, he is judged culpable for various compliances; it was ordered that he be put to death.
When he had learned this, he rushed to the mansion of Bishop Magneric and, the doors having been closed, with the clerics or servants separated from him, said: 'I know you, most blessed priest, to have great honor with kings. And now I flee to you for refuge, that I may escape. Behold the assassins at the door, whence you may plainly know that, if I am not rescued by you, with you slain, I will go out and die.
For you must most manifestly know that either one and the same death seizes us, or a like life defends us. ‘O holy priest, for I know that you are a common father with the king to his son, and I know that whatever you shall petition from him you will obtain, nor will he at all be able to deny, on account of your sanctity, whatever you have demanded. And so either impart pardon, or let us die together.’ He was saying these things, moreover, with his sword unsheathed.
Disturbed at the hearing, the bishop said: 'And what shall I do, if I am held here by you? Release me, that I may go and beseech the mercy of the king, and perhaps he will pity you'. And he: 'By no means, but dispatch abbots and your trusted men, that they may set forth these things which I speak'. However, these things were not announced to the king as they were; but they said that he was being defended by the bishop. Whence it happened that the king, moved, said: 'If the bishop is unwilling to go out from there, let him perish together with that author of perfidy'. Hearing these things, the bishop sent a messenger to the king.
When they had told these things, King Gunthchramn said: 'Set fire to the house, and if the bishop has been unable to go out, let them be burned up together' . Hearing this, the clerics, the door broken open by force, cast the priest outside. Then the most wretched man, when he saw himself to be walled round by strong flames on either side, girded with a sword made for the doorway. But when first, going out, he set his step outside beyond the threshold of the house, immediately one of the people, a lance having been hurled, struck his forehead.
But he, disturbed by this blow, as if demented, trying to strike out with his sword, is wounded by the bystanders with such a multitude of lances that, the spearheads fixed in his flanks and the shafts sustaining him, he could not collapse to the ground. A few also who were with him were slain and exposed together in the field. On their behalf it was scarcely obtained with the princes that they be interred in the earth.
He, moreover, was light in conduct, gaping after avarice, beyond measure greedy for others’ property, swearing to all and fulfilling promises to none. His wife, moreover, with his sons was given over to exile, and his goods were transferred to the fisc. And a multitude of gold and silver, and of diverse kinds, was found in his registers.
Rex vero Gunthchramnus cum nepote suo ac reginis pacem firmavit, datis sibi invicem muneribus ac stabilitatis causis publicis, epulati sunt pariter. Laudabat enim Dominum Gunthchramnus rex, dicens: 'Refero tibi maximas gratias, omnipotens Deus, qui mihi praestetisti, ut videre merear filios de filio meo Childebertho. Unde non me puto usquequaque a tua maiestate relictum, qui mihi haec praestetisti, ut videam filios filii mei'. Tunc Dinamium et Lupum ducem redditus rex Childeberthus recepit, Cadurcum Brunechilde reginae refudit.
But King Gunthchramnus with his grandson and the queens confirmed peace, with gifts given to one another and public pledges of stability; they feasted together. For King Gunthchramnus was praising the Lord, saying: 'I render to you the greatest thanks, almighty God, who have vouchsafed to me that I may merit to see sons from my son Childeberthus. Whence I do not think myself altogether left by your majesty, you who have granted me this, that I may see the sons of my son'. Then King Childeberthus received back Dinamius and Duke Lupus, restored, and he restored Cadurcum to Queen Brunechilde.
Childebertus vero rex, collecto exercitu, ad locum dirigi iubet, in quo Ursio ac Bertefredus inclusi morabantur. Erat enim villa in pago Vabrense, cui inminebat mons arduus. In huius cacumine basilicam in honore sancti ac beatissimi Martini construxit.
But King Childebert, the army having been gathered, orders it to be directed to the place in which Ursio and Bertefred were shut in and were staying. For it was a villa in the Vabrensian pagus, over which a steep mountain loomed. On the summit of this he built a basilica in honor of Saint and most blessed Martin.
For they said that there had been a castrum there of old; but now it was fortified not by care, but only by nature. Therefore in this basilica the aforementioned had shut themselves in with their goods and wives and household. Therefore, the army having been set in motion, as we have said, King Childebert orders it to be directed thither.
Nevertheless, the men, once roused, before they could come up to them, wherever they were able to find either their villas or their goods, handed all over to fire and to plunder. And approaching this place, they crawl up to the mountain and surround the basilica with arms. They had then, as it were, a leader in Godeghisil, the son-in-law of Duke Lupus.
And when they were not able to extract them from the basilica, they attempted to apply fire. Seeing this, Ursio, girt with a sword, went out outside and with so great a slaughter slew those who were besieging, that, of however many had come within his sight, no living person could remain. There too Trudulf, count of the king’s palace, fell, and many from this army were prostrated.
And when now Ursio, breathless from the slaughter, was perceived, struck by a certain man in the thigh, weakened he rushed to the ground and thus, as others were rushing in, he finished his life. Seeing this, Godeghiselus began to shout and say: 'Let there now be peace! Behold, the greatest enemy of our lords falls; but let this Bertefred have life'. While he was saying these things, as all the people gaped for the despoiling of the goods which had been gathered in the basilica, Bertefred, mounting a horse, directs himself to the city of Verdun, and there, in an oratory which was in the ecclesiastical house, thinking to protect himself, especially since the pontiff Agericus himself was residing in this house.
But when it had been announced to King Childeberthus that Berthefredus had escaped, smitten with pain of heart he said: 'If he escapes death, Godeghiselus will not escape my hands.' The king did not know, however, that he had entered the house of the church, but supposed that he had fled into another region. Then Godeghiselus, afraid, having set the army in motion again, surrounds the house of the church with armed men. But when the pontiff could not hand him over, and tried to defend him, they, going up upon the roof, by striking him with the very tiles and timbers with which the oratory was covered, killed him; and there he died with three servants, the bishop grieving much on account of this, because he not only could not defend him, but even saw the place in which he was wont to pray, and in which the relics of the saints had been gathered, polluted with human blood.
Guntchramnus vero Baddonem, quem pro crimine maiestates superius vinctum diximus, in praesentia sua venire iussit, et transmissum usque Parisius, ait: 'Si eum cum idoneis hominibus Fredegundis ab hac actione, qua inpetitur, inmunem fecerit, abscedat liber et quo voluerit eat'. Sed veniens Parisius, nullus de parte memoratae mulieris adfuit, qui eum idoneum reddere possit. Tunc vinctus et catenis oneratus, sub ardua custodia ad urbem Cavillonensim reductus est. Sed postea, intercurrentibus nuntiis et praesertim Leudovaldo Baiocassino pontifice, demissus ad propria rediit.
Guntchramnus indeed ordered Baddo—whom we said above had been bound for the crime of majesty (treason)—to come into his presence, and, once sent on as far as Paris, he said: ‘If Fredegund, with suitable men, shall make him immune from this action in which he is impeached, let him depart free and go where he will.’ But coming to Paris, no one from the side of the aforementioned woman was present who could render him suitable (i.e., vouch for him). Then, bound and burdened with chains, under arduous custody he was led back to the city of Chalon. But afterwards, messengers having intervened, and especially Leudovald, the Bayeux pontiff, he was let go and returned to his own home.
At that time the dysenteric disease was raging grievously at the city of Metz. In those days, while we were hurrying to meet the king, we came upon Wiliulf, a Pictavian citizen, full of fever and suffering from this disease, on the road, that is, at the city of Reims. Having set out from there, greatly extenuated, when he had come to the Parisian city with his wife’s son, at the villa Rigoialinsis, with a testament made, he passed away.
The boy too, who likewise was held by this languor, died; and thus, carried together within the bounds of the city of Poitiers, they were entombed. Wiliulf’s wife also was joined to a third husband, namely the son of Duke Beppolinus; who likewise, as common report bears, had already left two wives alive. For he was light-minded and dissolute, and, while he was straitened by an excessive ardor of fornication and, leaving his spouse, had lain with maidservants, spurning lawful wedlock, he sought something else.
Post haec cum Egidius Remensis urbis episcopus de illo crimine maiestates, quo superius memorati perempti sunt, suspectus haberetur, cum magnis muneribus ad Childeberthum accedens, veniam deprecatur, prius tamen sacramenta suscipiens in basilicam sancti Remedii, ne aliquid mali in itinere pateretur. Susceptusque a rege, cum pace discessit. Pacem etiam cum Lupo duce obtenuit, quem instinctu eius de Campaniae ducatu supra memoravimus fuisse depulsum.
After these things, when Egidius, bishop of the city of Reims, was being held suspect on that charge of maiestas—treason—by which those mentioned above were put to death, approaching Childebert with great gifts he begs pardon, first, however, receiving the sacraments in the basilica of Saint Remigius, lest he suffer anything ill on the journey. And received by the king, he departed with peace. He also obtained peace with Duke Lupus, whom, at his instigation, we have mentioned above to have been driven from the duchy of Champagne.
Igitur eo tempore in Hispania Richaredus rex, conpunctus miseratione divina, convocatis episcopis relegionis suae, ait: 'Cur inter vos et sacerdotes illus, qui se catholicus dicunt, iugiter scandalum propagatur et, cum illi per fidem suam signa multa ostendant, vos nihil tale agere potestis? Qua de re convenite, quaeso, simul et, discussis utriusque partes credulitatibus, quae vera sunt cognuscamus; et tunc aut accepta illi a vobis ratione ea credant quae dicitis, aut certe vos ab illis veritatem agnuscentes, quae praedicaverint vos credatis'. Quod cum factum fuisset, congregatis utriusque partes episcopis, proposuerunt haeretici illa, quae saepius ab ipsis dicta iam scripsimus. Similiter responderunt episcopi nostrae relegionis ea, de quibus haereticorum partem plerumque victam libris superioribus demonstravimus.
Therefore at that time in Spain King Richared, pricked by divine compassion, having convoked the bishops of his own religion, said: ‘Why is it that between you and the priests of those who call themselves “Catholic” scandal is continually propagated, and, while they display many signs by their faith, you are able to do nothing of the sort? Wherefore, come together, I beg, and, the credulities of each party having been discussed, let us learn which things are true; and then either, an account having been received from you, let them believe what you say, or else you, recognizing the truth from them, believe what they shall have preached.’ And when this had been done, the bishops of both parties having been assembled, the heretics put forward those things which we have already often written as said by them. In like manner the bishops of our religion replied with those matters by which, in the preceding books, we have for the most part shown the party of the heretics to be vanquished.
And especially, since the king declared that no sign of healing upon the sick was shown by the bishops of the heretics, and recalled to memory how in the time of his begetter a bishop, who bragged that by a faith not right he restored light to the blind, having touched a blind man and condemned him to perpetual blindness, departed confounded — which we have more fully declared in the Book of Miracles — he called apart to himself the priests of God. Having examined them, he learned that the one God is worshiped under the distinction of three persons, that is, of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and that the Son is not lesser than the Father and the Holy Spirit, nor the Holy Spirit lesser than the Father or the Son, but that in one equality and omnipotence this Trinity is confessed to be the true God. Then, understanding the truth, Richared, with altercation set aside, subjected himself to the catholic law and, the seal of the blessed cross with the anointing of chrism having been received, he believed Jesus Christ, the Son of God, equal to the Father with the Holy Spirit, reigning unto the ages of ages.
Amen. Then he sends a messenger to the Narbonensian province, who, by recounting the things which he had accomplished, would bind that people together in similar credulity. There was there at that time a bishop of the Arian sect, Athalocus, who so disturbed the churches of God through vain propositions and false interpretations of the Scriptures that it was supposed he himself was Arius, whom the historiographer Eusebius narrated to have cast forth his entrails into a privy.
But since he would not allow the people of his sect to believe these things, and only the adulation of a few favored assent to him, stirred with bile, he entered his little cell, and, with his head inclined over his little couch, breathed out his wicked spirit. And thus the people of the heretics, residing in that very province, having confessed the inseparable Trinity, withdrew from error.
Post haec Richaredus legationem ad Gunthchramnum atque Childeberthum regem direxit pacis gratia, ut scilicet, sicut in fide se adserebat unum, ita et caritate se praestaret unitum. Sed ad Gunthchramno rege repulsi sunt, dicente: 'Qualem mihi fidem promittere possunt aut quemadmodum a me credi debent, qui neptem meam Ingundem in captivitate tradiderunt, et per eorum insidias et vir eius interfectus est, et ipsa in peregrinatione defuncta? Non recipio ergo legationem Richaridi, donec me Deus ulcisci iubeat de his inimicis'. Haec legati audientes, ad Childeberthum proficiscuntur; a quo et in pace suscepti sunt, dicentes: 'Vult se domnus noster, frater tuus, Richaridus, de hoc crimine exuere, quod ei inponitur, quasi in mortem sororis vestrae fuisse conscium; quod aut sacramenta vultis aut qualibet conditione, idoneus reddi potest.
After these things Richared sent a legation to King Gunthchramn and to King Childeberth for the sake of peace, to wit, that, just as in faith he asserted himself one, so also in charity he might show himself united. But by King Gunthchramn they were turned away, he saying: 'What sort of faith can they promise me, or how ought they to be believed by me, who delivered my niece Ingund into captivity, and through their plots both her husband was slain, and she herself died in a foreign land? I do not receive, therefore, the legation of Richared, until God bid me take vengeance upon these enemies.' Hearing these things, the envoys set out to Childeberth; by whom also they were received in peace, saying: 'Our lord, your brother, Richared, wishes to strip himself of this charge which is laid upon him, as though he had been privy to your sister’s death; in which matter, either by the oaths you desire, or on whatever condition, he can be rendered acceptable.'
Then, with your favor, ten thousand solidi being given, he desires to have your charity, that both he may use your solace and you may, wherever it is necessary, partake of his benefits.' As they were saying these things, King Childeberth and his mother promised that they would keep peace and charity with him in full. And with gifts received and given, the envoys added: 'Our lord also ordered us to put a word into your ears about your daughter or sister Chlodosinda, that she be handed over to him in matrimony, whereby the peace which is promised between you may be the more easily confirmed.' They said: 'Our promise in this matter shall be given as fitting, but without the counsel of our uncle King Gunthchramn we do not dare to do these things. For we have promised concerning greater causes to do nothing without his counsel.' The answer therefore having been received, they returned.
Eo anno verno tempore pluviae validae fuerunt, et cum iam vel arbores vel vineae fronduissent, nix decidua cuncta operuit. Subsequente quoque gelu tam palmitis vinearum quam reliqui ostensi fructus incensi sunt. Tantusque rigor fuisse visus est, ut etiam erundines alites, quae de externis regionibus venerant, vi algores extinguerentur.
In that year, in the vernal season, strong rains occurred, and when already either the trees or the vines had put forth leaves, falling snow covered everything. With frost following as well, both the vine-shoots and the rest of the fruit that had shown itself were scorched. And so great a rigor was seen that even the winged swallows, which had come from external regions, were extinguished by the force of the cold.
Brittani quoque inruentes in termino Namnitico, praedas egerunt, pervadentes villas et captivus abducentes. Quod cum Guntchramno rege perlatum fuisset, iussit commoveri exercitum, dirigens illuc nuntium, qui eis loqueretur, ut componerent cuncta quae male gesserant, aut certe noverint, se gladio casurus ab exercitu eius. At ille timentes promittunt, se omnia quae male gesserant emendare.
The Britons also, rushing into the Namnetan border, drove off plunder, overrunning the villas and leading away captives. When this had been conveyed to King Guntram, he ordered the army to be set in motion, dispatching a messenger thither to speak to them, that they should set in order all the things they had ill performed, or at least know that he would fall upon them with the sword by means of his army. But they, being afraid, promise to amend everything which they had ill done.
With these things heard, the king dispatches a legation thither, that is, Namatius of Aurelianum and Bertram of the Cenomanni, bishops, with counts and other magnificent men. There were present also from the realm of Chlothar, son of King Chilperic, magnificent men; who, going into the Namnetian border, spoke with Waroch and Vidimacle about everything that the king had enjoined. But they said: 'We too know that these cities ought to be restored to the sons of King Chlothar, and that we ought to be subject to them; nevertheless we do not delay to compose all the things which we have done against reason'. And, sureties having been given and cautions subscribed, they promised that they would give single thousands of solidi to King Guntchramn and to Chlothar as a composition, promising never to attack beyond the border of those cities.
With these things thus settled, the rest returned and announced to the king what they had carried out. But Bishop Namatius, while, the estates within the boundary of the city of Nantes having been recovered—which his forefathers had once lost—he was staying there, three malignant pustules arose for him on his head. From this, greatly worn out with weariness, while he wished to return to his own city, within the boundary of the territory of Angers he exhaled his spirit.
His little body, carried to his city, was buried in the basilica of Saint Anianus the Confessor. Into whose cathedra Austrinus, the son of the late Pastor, is subrogated. Waroch, however, forgetful of his sacrament and his caution, put aside everything that he had promised, seized the vineyards of the Namnetians, and, gathering the vintage, transferred the wine into Viniticum.
Bellum vero illud, quod inter cives Toronicus superius diximus terminatum, in rediviva rursum insania surgit. Nam Sicharius, cum post interfectionem parentum Chramisindi magnam cum eo amicitiam patravisset et in tantum se caritate mutua diligerent, ut plerumque simul cibum caperent ac in uno pariter stratu recumberent, quadam die cenam sub nocturno tempore praeparat Chramisindus, invitans Sicharium ad epulum suum. Quo veniente, resident pariter ad convivium.
But that war which we said above had been terminated among the citizens of Tours rises again in revived madness. For Sicharius, after the killing of Chramisindus’s parents, had wrought a great friendship with him, and they so loved one another with mutual charity that they often took food together and reclined together on one and the same couch; on a certain day Chramisindus prepares a dinner at night-time, inviting Sicharius to his banquet. When he comes, they sit down together to the feast.
And when Sicharius, heavy with drink from wine, was flinging many taunts at Chramisindus, at the last he is reported to have said: 'You owe to render great thanks to me, O sweetest brother, for this: that I have slain your parents—on account of whom, a composition having been received, gold and silver overflow into your house—and you would now be naked and needy, had not this cause somewhat strengthened you.' Hearing these things, he took the words with a bitter spirit and said in his heart: 'Unless I avenge the death of my parents, I ought to lose the name of man and be called a feeble woman.' And immediately, the lights having been extinguished, he split Sicharius’s head asunder. He, uttering a very small voice at the very limit of life, fell and died. But the boys who had come with him slip away.
Chramisindus hung up the lifeless body, stripped of its garments, on a hedge-stake; and with his horsemen mounted, he made for the king. Entering the church, he prostrates himself at the feet of the king, saying: 'I beg life, O most glorious king, because I have killed the man who, my parents having been secretly slain, plundered all the goods.' And when, the causes having been set forth in order, Queen Brunechildis took it grievously, because Sicharius, placed under her word, had thus been killed, she began to gnash against him. But he, when he saw her adverse to himself, sought out the Vosagian district of the territory of the Bituriges, in which also his parents were dwelling, because it was held in the kingdom of King Guntchramn. Tranquilla likewise, the consort of Sicharius, leaving her sons and her husband’s goods in the Toronic and in the Pectavian, made for her parents’ village Mauriopes; and there she also was joined in matrimony.
But since, as we have said, Queen Brunechildis had placed Sicharius under her word, and therefore ordered his property to be confiscated; yet afterward it was returned by Flavianus the Domestic. And also, hastening to Agen, he obtained a letter from her that he should not be touched by anyone; for to him the property of Sicharius had been granted by the queen.
20. De eo, quod ad Gunthchramno directi sumus.
20. Concerning the fact that we were sent to Gunthchramn.
Eo anno quoque tertio decimo regis Childeberthi, cum ad occursum eius usque Metensim urbem properassemus, iussi sumus ad Gunthchramnum regem in legationem accedere. Quem apud urbem Cavillonensim repperimus, dicentes: 'Salutem uberrimam mittit tibi gloriosissimus nepus tuus Childeberthus, o inclite rex, inmensas referens gratias pietate tuae, quod ad te iugiter commonetur, ut ea agat, quae et Deo placeant et tibi sint accepta et populo congrua. De his vero quae locuti simul fuistis omnia inplere promittit, nec quicquam se de pactionibus, quae inter vos conscriptae sunt, inrumpere pollicetur'. Et rex ad haec ait: 'Non similiter ego gratias ago, quod taliter inrumpitur, quod mihi promissum est.
In that year also, the 13th of King Childebert, when we had hastened as far as the city of Metz for his meeting, we were ordered to approach King Guntram on a legation. Whom we found at the city of Chalon, saying: 'Your most glorious nephew Childebert sends to you the most abundant greeting, O renowned king, rendering immense thanks to your pietas, because he is continually reminded by you to do those things which both are pleasing to God and acceptable to you and suitable to the people. And as to those things which you have spoken together, he promises to fulfill all, and he pledges that he will in no way violate the pactions which have been written between you'. And the king to these things said: 'I do not in like manner give thanks, because that which has been promised to me is thus being broken.
My portion from the city of Silvanectum is not returned; the men, whom for my utility, since they were hostile to me, I wished to cause to migrate, they did not permit. And how will you say that my sweetest nephew wishes to transcend nothing of the written pactions? And we to this: 'He wishes to do nothing against those pactions, but he promises to fulfill all, such that forthwith, if you wish to send to the Silvanectensian division, let there be no delay; for immediately you will receive what is yours.'
As to the men, moreover, whom you mention, let the written names be handed over, and all the things that have been promised will be fulfilled.' While we were saying these things, the king orders that the pact itself be reread before those standing by. Copy of the pact . When in the name of Christ the most preeminent lord Gunthchramn and King Childebert and the most glorious lady Brunechild, queen, at Andelot had come together by zeal of charity, in order that, with fuller counsel, they might define all the things which from anywhere could generate scandal between them, this was set among them, the priests and the nobles mediating, God in the midst, by zeal of charity; it pleased and it was agreed, that, as long as Almighty God should will them to survive in the present age, they ought to preserve for one another pure and simple faith and charity. Likewise, since lord Gunthchramn, according to the pact which he had entered with lord Sigyberth of good memory, said that the entire portion which that man had obtained from the kingdom of Charibert ought to be restored to him in full, and the party of lord Childebert wishes to call back to himself from all quarters those things which his father had possessed, it is established between them, concluded by fixed deliberation, that that third portion of the city of Paris with its boundaries and its people, which had come to lord Sigyberth by a written pact from the kingdom of Charibert, together with the strongholds of Duno and Vindocinum, and whatever in that tract from the pagus Stampensis or Carnotinus the aforesaid king had received with its boundaries and its people, in the right and dominion of lord Gunthchramn, along with that which, while lord Sigyberth was still alive, he previously held from the kingdom of Charibert, ought to remain perpetually.
By an equal condition the civitas of Mel, and two portions of Silvanectis, Thoronus, Pectavis, Abrincatis, Vico Iuli-Consorannis, Lapurdo and Albige the lord King Childeberthus, with their boundaries, from the present day vindicates to his own power. Therefore that condition being observed, that whichever of these kings God shall command to be the surviving one, he ought, in integrity and by perpetual right, to recall to himself the kingdom of him who, without sons, shall have migrated from the light of this present age, and, with the Lord aiding, to leave it to his posterity; it especially pleased that this be preserved through all things inviolably, that whatever the lord King Gunthchramnus has conferred upon his daughter Chlothihelda, or shall yet, God being propitious, confer, in all goods and corporeal properties, both of civitas and of field or revenue, ought to remain in her right and dominion. And if he shall wish, according to the will of his own arbitrium, to do anything or to confer anything upon anyone from the fiscal fields or valuables and the garrison, let it, the Lord aiding, be preserved in perpetuity, nor be torn away by anyone at any time; and under the tutelage and defense of the lord Childeberthus she ought to possess securely, with all honor and dignity, together with this, all the things which the passing of her begetter would find her possessing.
Under an equal condition Lord King Gunthchramn promises in return, that, if—as human fragility has it, which divine piety would not permit, nor does he desire to see it—it should happen that Lord Childeberth, with him surviving, depart from this light, he shall receive his sons Theudeberth and Theuderic, kings, or, if God should be willing still to give him others, as a pious father under his protection and defense, so that they may possess their father’s kingdom in all solidity; and he shall receive under his protection and defense with spiritual affection the mother of Lord Childeberth, Lady Brunichild the queen, and his daughter Chlodosuinda, sister of Lord King Childeberth, as long as she shall be within the region of the Franks, and his queen Faileuba as a good sister and as daughters, and they shall possess under all honor and dignity, with all their goods, with cities, fields, revenues and all titles and the whole body of estate, both what they seem at the present time to possess and what, with Christ presiding, they might still be able justly to augment, under all security and quiet, to the end that, if they should wish, according to the will of their own judgment, to do anything or to confer anything upon anyone from fiscal lands or goods and safeguard, it be preserved with fixed stability in perpetuity, nor at any time be torn from their will by anyone. Concerning the cities, that is Burdegala, Lemovecas, Cadurcus, Benarno, and Begorra, which Gailswintha, sister of Lady Brunichild, is certain to have acquired both in dowry and in morganegyba, that is, the morning-gift, upon coming into Francia, which also, by the judgment of the most glorious Lord King Gunthchramn and of the Franks, with Chilperic and King Sigyberth surviving, Lady Brunichild is known to have acquired, thus it is agreed: that the city of Cadurcus with its boundaries and all its people Lady Brunichild shall from the present receive into her own property; but the remaining cities named above under this condition Lord Gunthchramn, while he lives, shall possess, so that, when after his passing they return, God propitious, into the lordship of Lady Brunichild and of her heirs with all solidity, they are not, while Lord Gunthchramn survives, to be demanded back by Lady Brunechild nor by her son King Childeberth and his sons by any device or at any time. In like manner it is agreed that Lord Childeberth shall hold Silvanectis in integrity, and as much as the third part of Lord Gunthchramn owed therefrom is fitting, let it be compensated to Lord Gunthchramn’s share from the third of Lord Childeberth, which is in Rosontinse.
Similarly it is agreed that, according to the pact concluded between lord Gunthchramnus and lord Sigyberthus of good memory, those leudes (retainers) who, after the passing of lord Chlothar, first tendered oaths to lord Gunthchramnus, and, if afterwards they are proven to have delivered themselves to the other party, are to be removed from the places where they appear to dwell. Likewise, those who after the passing of lord Chlothar are proven to have first tendered oaths to lord Sigyberthus and have transferred themselves to the other side, now likewise let them be removed. Likewise, whatever the aforesaid kings have conferred upon churches or upon their faithful, or shall still wish to confer, God being propitious, in accordance with justice, let it be steadfastly preserved.
And whatever to each one of the faithful in the realms of both is owed by law and justice, let it suffer no prejudice, but let it be permitted to possess and to receive the due things; and if anything to anyone during the interregna has been taken without fault, with a hearing held, let it be restored. And as to that which by the munificences of the preceding kings each one possessed up to the passing of lord Chlothar, king of glorious memory, let him possess it with security. And what therefrom has been taken from faithful persons, let him receive forthwith.
And because between the aforesaid kings a pure and simple concord is bound in the name of God, it is agreed that, in both kingdoms, to the leudes of each, as much for public as for private causes, whoever may wish to travel, passage be denied at no times. Likewise it is agreed that no one either solicit another’s leudes or receive those coming. But if perchance, on account of some admission, he shall think the other party ought to be sought, let them be rendered excused according to the quality of the fault.
It also pleased to add this to the pact, that, if any party should at any time transgress the present statutes under whatever craftiness, it shall lose all benefices both re‑promised and conferred in the present, and let it accrue to him who shall have inviolably kept all the aforesaid; and let him be in all things absolved from the obligation of the oaths. With all these things thus determined, the parties swear by the name of God Almighty and the inseparable Trinity and all divine things and the tremendous Day of Judgment, that they will inviolably keep all that is written above without any evil deceit or contrivance of fraud. The pact was made on the 4th day.
in the year. Therefore, with the pactions read, the king said: 'May I be borne to the judgment of God, if I shall have overstepped in anything those things which are contained here.' And turning to Felix, who at that time had come with us as legate, he said: 'Speak, O Felix, have you now most fully knit friendships between my sister Brunichild and Fredegund, the enemy of God and of men?' When he denied it, I said: 'Let not the king doubt, because those friendships between the same are being kept which many years before these were negotiated by envoys. For be very sure that the hatred which was once established between them still sprouts; it does not wither.'
'Would that you, O most glorious king, had less affection for her! For, as we have often come to know, you have received her legation more worthily than ours.' And he: 'Know, priest of God, that I so receive her legation as not to omit the affection of my grandson, King Childebert. For there I cannot bind friendships, from which there have often proceeded those who would take away my present life.' As he was saying these things, Filex said: 'I believe it has come to your glory that Richared directed a legation to your nephew, who was requesting your niece Chlodosuinda, the daughter of your brother, for him in marriage.'
But he did not wish to promise anything therefrom without your counsel'. The king said: 'It is not best, indeed, that my niece should go thither where her sister was slain. Nor does this reasonably please, that the death of my niece Ingundis not be avenged'. Felix replied: ''They wish to excuse themselves much thereupon, either by oaths or by whatever other conditions you shall order; only you give your consent, that Chlodosuinda be betrothed to him, as he requests'. The king said: 'If indeed my nephew fulfills what he wished to be written in the pactions, I also will do his will in these matters'. We promising that he would fulfill all things, Felix added: 'He also beseeches your piety that you grant him aid against the Langobards, so that, with them expelled from Italy, that part which his begetter, his father, claimed while living may return to him, but the remaining part, through your and his aid, be restored to the emperor’s dominions'. The king replied: 'No', he said, 'I cannot direct my army into Italy to deliver them of my own accord to death. For a most grievous pestilence now devastates Italy'. And I: 'Do you indeed enjoin upon your nephew, that all the bishops of his kingdom should come together into one, because there are many things which they ought to investigate.
But according to the custom of the canons, it pleased your most glorious grandson that each metropolitan should join with his provincials, and then the things which were being done irrationally in his own region should be amended by sacerdotal sanction. For what cause exists that so great a multitude should convene into one? The Church’s faith is not shaken by any peril; no new heresy arises.
'What will that necessity be, that so many lords the priests ought to be joined into one?' And he: 'There are many,' said he, 'things which ought to be discerned, things which have been done unjustly, both concerning incestuous unions and concerning the cases themselves which are conducted among us. But chiefly that cause of God stands forth greater than all, that you ought to inquire why Bishop Praetextatus was slain by the sword in the church. But also concerning those who are accused for luxury (lust), there ought to be an investigation, so that either, if convicted, they ought to be corrected by priestly sanction, or certainly, if they are found innocent, the error of the charge be removed publicly.' Then he ordered that on the Kalends of the 4th month.
For the king was always having discourse about God, about the edification of churches, about the defense of the poor; he would laugh sometimes, delighting in spiritual jest, adding also things from which even we might enjoy something of joy. For he also used to say these words: 'Would that my grandson keep the promises for me! For all the things that I have are his.'
Nevertheless, if that offends him, that I receive the legate of Chlothar, my nephew, am I in any way out of my mind, that I cannot temper between them, lest the scandal be propagated? For I know how rather to cut it short than to promulgate it farther. For I will give to Chlothar, if I shall have recognized him to be my nephew, either two or three in some part of the civitas, so that neither this one may seem to be disinherited from my realm, nor may they prepare unrest for this one in those things which I shall have left to him'. Having spoken these and other things, fostering us with sweet affection and loading us with gifts, he bids us depart, instructing that those things always be insinuated to King Childebert which may become benefits to his life.
Ipse autem rex, ut saepe diximus, in elymosinis magnus, in vigiliis atque ieiuniis prumptus erat. Nam tunc ferebatur, Masiliam a luae inguinaria valde vastare et hunc morbum usque ad Lugdunensim vicum Octavum nomine fuisse caeleriter propalatum. Sed rex acsi bonus sacerdus providens remedia, qua cicatrices peccatoris vulgi mederentur, iussit omnem populum ad eclesiam convenire et rogationes summa cum devotione celebrare et nihil aliud in usu vescendi nisi panem ordeacium cum aqua munda adsumi, vigiliisque adesse instanter omnes iobet.
But the king himself, as we have often said, was great in alms, prompt in vigils and fastings. For it was then reported that Massilia was being very greatly ravaged by an inguinal plague, and that this disease had been quickly made known as far as the Lugdunensian vicus named Octavum. But the king, as if a good priest, foreseeing remedies by which the scars of the sinful common crowd might be healed, ordered all the people to come together to the church and to celebrate the Rogations with the highest devotion, and that nothing else in the use of eating be taken except barley-bread with clean water; and he urgently bids all to be present at the vigils.
Which at that time was so carried out. For during three days, his alms, more lavish than usual and going on ahead, he was so regarded with awe by the whole people, that even then he was thought not only a king but also a priest of the Lord, transfusing all his hope into the Lord’s compassion and casting upon him the thoughts which came upon him, by whom, with the entire integrity of faith, he believed they would be delivered to effect. For it was then celebrated among the faithful that a certain woman, whose son was burdened with a quartan ague and lay anxious on his pallet, came amid the throngs of the people up to the back of the king, and, secretly tearing off the fringes of the royal garment, she put them in water and gave it to her son to drink; and immediately, the fever quenched, he was healed.
Nam superius diximus, Massiliensis urbis contagio pessimo aegrota quanta sustenuerit, altius replecare placuit. His enim diebus Theodorus episcopus ad regem abierat, quasi aliquid contra Nicetium patricium suggesturus. Sed cum a rege Childeberto minime de hac causa fuisset auditus, ad propria redire disposuit.
For we said above how much the ailing city of Massilia had endured from a most wicked contagion; it pleased us to reexamine this more deeply. For in those days Bishop Theodorus had gone to the king, as if about to suggest something against Nicetius the patrician. But since he had not at all been heard by King Childebert on this matter, he resolved to return to his own places.
Meanwhile a ship from Spain, together with the customary commerce, put in to its port, which wickedly was carrying with it the fomite of this disease. From which, as many of the citizens were buying diverse wares, one house at once, in which there were eight souls, the inhabitants having been slain by this contagion, was left empty. Nor is the plague straightway scattered like this blaze through whole houses; but, an interval of fixed time having intervened, and as a flame kindled in a grain-field, it conflagrated the whole city with the fire of the disease.
Nevertheless the bishop of the city approached the place and confined himself within the enclosures of the basilica of Saint Victor with the few who then had remained with him; and there, amid the whole ravaging of the city, giving himself to orations and vigils, he besought the Lord’s mercy, that at length, with the perishing ceasing, it might be permitted the people to rest in peace. This plague indeed abated greatly for two months; and when the people, now secure, had returned to the city, the disease succeeding again, those who had returned died. And on many occasions thereafter it too was weighed down by this destruction.
23. De obitu Agerici episcopi et successore eius.
23. On the death of Bishop Ageric and his successor.
Agericus vero Veredunensis episcopus, cum ex illo diuturnae amaritudinis felle graviter aegrotaret, pro eo quod Gunthramnus Boso, pro quo fideiussor exteterat, interfectus essit, vel etiam addita amaritudine, quod Berthefredus infra oraturium domus eclesiasticae fuerit interfectus, et praesertim cum ipsus Gunthramni filius secum retenens cotidie flerit, dicens: 'In meo vos odio orfani relicti estis', - his accensus, ut diximus, causis, fellis amaritudine adgravatus et maxime inedia consumtus, diem obiit adpositusque est in sepulchro. Bucciovaldus quoque abba eius pro episcopatum concurrit, sed nihil obtenuit. Charimerem enim refrendarium cum consenso civium regalis decrevit auctoritas fieri sacerdotem, Bucciovaldo abbate postposito.
But Agericus, bishop of Verdun, when from that gall of long-lasting bitterness he was grievously ill, on account of the fact that Gunthramnus Boso, for whom he had stood as surety, had been slain, and even with bitterness added, that Berthefred was killed within the oratory of the house of the church, and especially since, keeping with him the very son of this Gunthramnus, he was weeping daily, saying: 'In my hatred you have been left orphans', - inflamed, as we have said, by these causes, weighed down by the bitterness of gall and especially consumed by lack of food, he met his day and was laid in the tomb. Bucciovaldus too, his abbot, contended for the episcopate, but obtained nothing. For the royal authority, with the consent of the citizens, decreed that Charimer, the referendary, be made bishop, with Abbot Bucciovald set aside.
Obiit autem et Deotherius Vinciensis episcopus; in cuius locum Fronimius subrogatus est. Hic autem Fronimius Biturigae urbis incola fuit; sed causa nescio qua in Septimaniam abiit ac post mortem Athanaeldi regis a Leuvane, successore eius, magnifice est receptus adque in urbe Agathensi episcopus ordinatus est. Sed post mortem Leuvanis cum Leuvieldus in illa hereticae pravitatis perfidia crassaretur et Ingundis, filia Sigiberti regis, cui supra meminimus, in Hispaniam ad matrimonium duceretur, audivit Leuvieldus, quasi hic episcopus ei consilium dedisset, ut numquam se veneno hereticae credulitatis debent admiscere, et ob hoc semper ei molestus iniuriarum laqueos intendebat, quousque eum ab episcopato deiecerit.
Moreover Deotherius, bishop of Vence, also died; in whose place Fronimius was appointed. Now this Fronimius was an inhabitant of the city of Biturigae; but for some reason unknown he went into Septimania, and after the death of King Athanaeldus he was magnificently received by Leuvane, his successor, and in the city of Agde he was ordained bishop. But after the death of Leuvanis, when Leuvieldus was swelling in that perfidy of heretical depravity, and Ingundis, daughter of King Sigibert, whom we mentioned above, was being led into Spain for marriage, Leuvieldus heard that this bishop had, as it were, given her the counsel that she ought never to mingle herself with the poison of heretical credulity; and on this account he was always vexatious to him, setting snares of outrages for him, until he deposed him from the episcopate.
And when he could not find by what mousetraps he might ensnare him, at last he sent out one who should assail him with the sword. Learning this through intermediaries, he left the city of Agde and arrived in Gaul, and there, received by many bishops and honored with gifts, he passed on to King Childebert. And thus, the place laid open, at the aforesaid city he assumed the pontifical authority in the 9th year of his deposition, by the king’s granting.
That year the Bretons gravely subjected the Namnetan and Redonian territory to prey, vintaging the vineyards, devastating the cultivations, and leading off the people of the villages captive, keeping nothing of the earlier promises, and not only not keeping the promises, but even detracting from our kings.
Igitur Childebertus rex cum petentibus Langobardis sororem suam regi eorum esse coniugem, acceptis muneribus, promisisset, advenientibus Gothorum legatis ipsam, eo quod gentem illam ad fidem catholicam conversam fuisse cognoscerit, repromisit ac legationem ad imperatorem direxit, ut, quod prius non fecerat, nunc contra Langobardorum gentem debellans, cum eius consilio eos ab Italia removerit. Nihilominus et exercitum suum ad regionem ipsam capessendam direxit. Commotis ducibus cum exercitum illic abeuntibus, confligunt pariter.
Therefore King Childebert, when the Langobards were requesting that his sister be the consort of their king, having received gifts, had promised it; but when envoys of the Goths arrived, he re-promised her to them, because he had learned that that people had been converted to the Catholic faith, and he sent a legation to the emperor, so that, what he had not done before, now, warring down the nation of the Langobards, with his counsel he might remove them from Italy. Nonetheless he also directed his army to take up that very region. With the dukes stirred up and the army going thither, they clash together.
Anno quoque quarto decimo Childeberthi regis Ingoberga regina, Chariberthi quondam relicta, migravit a saeculo, mulier valde cauta ac vitae relegiosae praedita, vigiliis et orationibus atque elymosinis non ignava. Quae, credo, per providentiam Dei commonita ad me usque nuntios dirigens, ut in his, quae de voluntate sua, id est pro animae remedium, cogitabat, adiutur exsisterem, - sic tamen, ut ad ipsam accedens, quae, consilio habito, fieri decernebat, scriptura conecterit, - accessi, fateor, vidi hominem timentem Deum. Qui cum me benigne excepisset, notarium vocat, et habito, ut dixi, mecum consilio, quaedam aeclesiae Toronicae vel basilicae sancti Martini, quaedam Caenomannicae aeclesiae deligavit.
In the fourteenth year also of King Childebert the queen Ingoberga, once the widow of Charibert, departed from this world, a woman very cautious and endowed with a religious life, not idle in vigils and prayers and alms. Who, I believe, admonished by the providence of God, sending messengers even to me, that in those things which she was considering concerning her will, that is, for the remedy of her soul, I might be a helper, - so, however, that, by approaching her, she would bind by writing the things which, counsel having been taken, she determined to be done, - I approached; I confess, I saw a person fearing God. Who, when she had kindly received me, calls a notary, and, counsel having been held with me, as I said, she bequeathed certain things to the church of Tours and the basilica of Saint Martin, certain things to the Cenomannic church.
Amalo quoque dux, dum coniugem in alia villa pro exercenda utilitate dirigit, in amorem puellolae cuiusdam ingenuae ruit. Et facta nocte, crapulatus a vino, misit puerus, ut detrahentes puellolam eam toro eius adscirent. Illa quoque repugnante et violenter in eius mansione deducta, dum ea alapis caedunt, sanguinis unda ex narium meatibus decurrente perfunditur.
Amalo too, the duke, while he sent his wife into another villa to manage affairs, plunged into love for a certain freeborn young maiden. And when night had come, crapulous with wine, he sent boys to, dragging down the young girl, bring her to his bed. She too, resisting, and violently led into his mansion, while they strike her with slaps, is drenched by a wave of blood running down from the passages of her nostrils.
Whence it came about that the bedding of the aforesaid duke too was bloodied by this rivulet. Her, beaten with fists, cuffs and other blows, he himself took up in his arm, and immediately, overpowered by sleep, began to slumber. But she, with her hand stretched across the man’s head, found a sword; which, once unsheathed, she swung to take off the duke’s head, even as Judith [did] Holofernes, with a virile stroke.
‘For this one, who strove to preserve pudicity, must by no means perish.’ Saying these things, he exhaled his spirit. And while over him the household, gathered together, was lamenting, with the help of God the girl, rescued, goes out from the house and by night approached the Cavillonensian city, which is situated from that place at about 35 miles; and there, having entered the basilica of Saint Marcellus, prostrate at the king’s feet, she lays open all that she had endured. Then the most merciful king not only granted her life, but also ordered a precept to be bestowed, that, relying on his word, she should never suffer annoyance in any respect from any of the kinsmen of that deceased man.
28. De speciebus, quas Brunichildis regina transmisit.
28. On the kinds of goods which Queen Brunichildis sent.
Brunechildis quoque regina iussit fabricari ex auro ac gemmis mirae magnitudinis clipeum ipsumque cum duabus pateris ligneis, quas vulgo bacchinon vocant, eisdemque similiter ex gemmis fabricatis et auro, in Hispania regi mittit; in qua re Ebregysilum, qui saepe ad ipsam regionem legationis gratia accesserat, direxit. Quo abeunte, nuntiatum est regi Gunthchramno, dicente quodam, quia Brunechildis regina ad filius Gundovaldi munera dirigit. Quod rex audiens, iussit costodias arduas per vias regni sui fieri, ita ut nullus paenitus praeterire possit, qui non discuteretur.
Queen Brunechildis likewise ordered to be fabricated out of gold and gems a shield of wondrous magnitude, and this together with two wooden bowls, which in the vernacular they call “bacchinon,” and these likewise ornamented similarly with gems and gold, she sends to the king in Spain; in which matter she dispatched Ebregysilus, who had often gone to that region for the sake of an embassy. As he was departing, it was announced to King Gunthchramn, someone saying that Queen Brunechildis is directing gifts to the son of Gundovald. Hearing this, the king ordered strict watches to be made along the roads of his kingdom, so that no one at all could pass who would not be searched.
They were also inquiring in people’s clothing or footwear or in the remaining things, whether hidden letters were being carried. Ebregysilus, moreover, approaching Paris with these wares, having been apprehended by Duke Ebrecharius, is led to Gunthchramn. And the king said to him: 'Is it not enough, O most unlucky of men, that by an impudent counsel you summoned to marriage that Ballomer, whom you call Gundovald, whom my hand subdued, who wished the power of our kingdom to be overborne by his dominion; and now you send gifts to his sons, that you may provoke him himself again in Gaul to slaughter?'
‘And therefore you do not go where you have wished, but by death you shall die, because your embassy is contrary to our people.’ When he, for his part, also refused, saying that he was not a party to these words, but rather that these gifts were being sent to Reccared, who ought to have espoused Chlodosuind, sister of King Childebert, the king believed the speaker and dismissed him; and he went away on the journey to which he had been directed with those gifts.
29. Quod Langobardi pacem ad Childeberthum regem petierunt.
29. That the Langobards sought peace from King Childebert.
Igitur Childeberthus rex, invitante Sigymundo Momotiacensis oppidi sacerdote, die paschae ad supradictam caelebrari statuit urbem. Graviter tunc Theudoberthus, filius eius senior, gulae adflictus tumore laboravit, sed convaluit. Interea Childeberthus rex exercitum commovit et Italiam ad debellandam Langobardorum gentem cum isdem pergere parat.
Therefore King Childeberthus, with Sigymund, priest of the town of Momotiacum, inviting him, decided that on Easter day the celebration be held in the aforesaid city. At that time Theudoberthus, his elder son, suffered grievously, afflicted with a swelling of the gullet, but he recovered. Meanwhile King Childeberthus set the army in motion and prepares to proceed with the same to Italy to subdue the nation of the Langobards.
But the Langobards, on hearing this, send an envoy with gifts, saying: 'Let there be amity between us, and let us not perish, and let us discharge a fixed tribute to your dominion. And wherever it shall be necessary against enemies, it will not be irksome to bring aid.' Hearing these things, King Childeberth sends envoys to King Gunthchramn, to intimate in his ears what was being proffered by them. But he, not averse to this accommodation, offered counsel for confirming the peace.
30. De discriptoribus urbis Pectavae atque Thoronicae.
30. On the assessors of the city of Poitiers and of Tours.
Childeberthus vero rex discriptores in Pectavo, invitante Maroveo episcopo, iussit abire, id est Florentianum maiorem domus reginae et Romulfum palatii sui comitem, ut scilicet populus censum, quem tempore patris reddiderat, facta ratione, innovata re, reddere deberet. Multi enim ex his defuncti fuerant, et ob hoc viduis orfanisque ac debilibus tributi pondus insiderat. Quod hi discutientes per ordinem, relaxantes pauperes ac infirmus, illos quos iustitiae conditio tributarius dabat censo publico subdiderunt.
King Childebert, at the invitation of Bishop Maroveus, ordered the discriptors to go to Pectavum, that is, Florentianus, the queen’s major-domo, and Romulfus, count of his palace, so that the people, an account having been made and the matter renewed, should pay the census which they had rendered in the time of his father. For many of these had died, and on this account the weight of the tribute had settled upon widows, orphans, and the weak. These men, examining it in order, releasing the poor and the infirm, subjected to the public census those whom the condition of justice declared tributary.
And thus they were conveyed to Tours. But when they wished to inflict upon the peoples a tributary exaction, saying that they had a book before their hands showing how they had paid in the time of earlier kings, we answered, saying: 'It is manifest that the city of Tours was surveyed in the time of King Chlothar, and those books went to the king’s presence; but, the king being compunct by fear of Saint Martin the pontiff, they were burned. After the death of King Chlothar, with King Charibert, this people gave an oath; likewise he too promised with an oath that he would not inflict new laws and customs upon the people, but would henceforth keep them here in that very status in which once they had lived under his father’s dominion; and he pledged that he would inflict no new ordinance upon them as regards that which pertains to spoliation.'
Gaiso, however, a count of that same time, having received the capitulary which we have recalled that earlier writers had made, began to exact tributes. But, being prohibited by Bishop Eofronius, after a small amount had been exacted he made his way to the king’s presence, showing the capitulary in which the tributes were contained. But the king, groaning and fearing the virtue of Saint Martin, consigned it to the flames; the gold that had been exacted he sent back to the basilica of Saint Martin, adjuring that no one of the people of Tours should render any tribute to the public treasury.
Now, however, it is within your power whether you deem a tribute, or not; but see to it, that you do no harm, if you plan to walk contrary to his sacrament.' As I was saying these things, they answered: 'Behold, we have a book at hand, in which a census has been inflicted upon this people.' And I say: 'This book has not been brought from the king’s treasury, nor has it ever gained force through so many years. For it is no wonder, if, on account of the enmities of these citizens, it has been kept in whosoever’s house. For God has judged upon those who, for the spoils of our citizens, have brought this forth after so long a lapse of time.' But while these things were being transacted, the son of Audinus, who had produced this very book, on that very day was seized by a fever, and on the third day expired.
After these things we sent messengers to the king, so that he might send back mandates as to what he would order concerning this matter. But immediately they sent an epistle with authority, that the people of Tours, out of reverence for Saint Martin, should not be assessed. These having been left, at once the men who had been sent for this returned to their fatherland.
31. Quod Guntchramnus rex exercitum in Septimania direxit.
31. That King Guntchramnus directed an army into Septimania.
Who, approaching with arrogance, with Austrovald the duke despised and condemned because he had presumed to enter Carcassonne without him, he himself directed thither with the Saintonians, the Petrocoricans and the Burdigalians, and with the Agennensians too and the Tolosans. And when he was carried along in this vaunting and these things had been announced to the Goths, they prepared themselves in ambuscade. Here indeed, upon a very small river near the city, he pitches camp, sits down to banquets, bends to drunkenness, heaping up contumelies and blasphemies against the Goths.
And as these were pursuing, those who had been prepared from ambush rose up, and, enclosing them in the midst, cut them down to extermination. But those who were able to escape, with difficulty, mounting horseback, slipped away in flight, leaving all their equipment on the level plain of the field and carrying nothing with them of their own belongings, counting it a great thing if they were at least granted life. The Goths, however, pursuing, found all their goods and plundered them, abducting all the foot-soldiers as captives.
32. De inimicitia inter Childeberthum et Guntchramnum.
32. On the enmity between Childebert and Guntram.
Commotus autem rex vias claudi per regnum suum praecepit, ne ullus de Childeberthi regno per eius regni territurium pervium possit habere, dicens, quia: 'Per niquitiam eius, qui cum regi Hispaniae foedus iniit, exercitus conruit meus, et ut se non subdant urbis illae dicione meae, eius hoc immissio facit'. Addita est etiam huic causae aliud amaretudinis incendium, quod Childeberthus rex filium suum seniorem Theudoberthum nomine Sessonas dirigere cogitabat; quae res suspicionem fecerat Gunthchramno rege, dicente eo, quia: 'In hoc filium suum nepus meus Sessonas dirigit, ut Parisius ingredi faciat regnumque meum auferre cupiat'. Quod numquam Childeberthus vel in cogitatione, si dici fas est, habere potuit. Multa autem et in Brunichildem regina oppropria iactabat, dicens, eius consilio haec fieri, addens etiam, quod Gundovaldi quondam filium invitatum coniugio copulare vellit; unde etiam synodum episcoporum in Kalendas Novembris congregare praecepit. Multique de extremis partibus Galliarum ad hoc conventum properantes de via regressi sunt, pro eo quod Brunichildis regina se ab hoc crimini exuit sacramentis; et sic viis iterum reseratis, pervium patificit volentibus ad regem Childeberthum accedere.
But the king, being moved, ordered the roads to be closed throughout his kingdom, lest anyone from Childeberth’s realm could have a pervious way through the territory of his kingdom, saying, namely: 'Through his iniquity, he who entered a foedus with the king of Spain, my army has collapsed; and as for those cities not submitting themselves to my dominion, this his instigation brings it about'. To this cause there was also added another conflagration of bitterness, that King Childeberth was considering to send his elder son, by name Theudoberth, to Soissons; which matter had caused suspicion for King Gunthchramn, he saying, namely: 'In this my nephew sends his son to Soissons, so that he may make him enter Paris and desire to take away my kingdom'. Which thing Childeberth could never have, even in thought, if it be lawful to say. Moreover he was hurling many reproaches also against Queen Brunichild, saying that these things were being done by her counsel, adding too that she wished to couple in marriage the one-time son of Gundovald, as an invited suitor; whence also he ordered a synod of bishops to be congregated on the Kalends of November. And many from the farthest parts of the Gauls, hastening to this assembly, turned back from the road, for the reason that Queen Brunichild exonerated herself from this crime by oaths; and thus, the roads being opened again, he made passage manifest for those wishing to approach King Childeberth.
33. Quod Ingitrudis relegiosa ad Childeberthum abiit.
33. That Ingitrudis, a religious woman, went to Childeberth.
His diebus Ingytrudis, quae monasterium in atrio sancti Martini statuerat, ad regem quasi filiam accusatura processit; in quo monastirium Berthefledis, filia quondam Chariberthi regis, resedebat. Sed ista egrediente, haec in Cinomannico est regressa. Erat enim gulae et somno dedita et nullam de officio Dei curam habens.
In these days Ingytrudis, who had established a monastery in the atrium of Saint Martin, went forth to the king, as if about to accuse her daughter; in which monastery Berthefled, daughter of the late King Charibert, was residing. But as the former was going out, the latter returned into the Cenomannic region. For she was devoted to gluttony and to sleep, and had no care for the office of God.
But I think the business of Ingytrudis and her daughter must be taken up from farther back. Accordingly, some years before, when Ingytrudis had begun to establish, as we have said, a monastery of girls within the atrium of Saint Martin, she sends mandates to her daughter, saying: 'Leave your husband and come, that I may make you abbess to this flock which I have gathered'. But she, having heard this counsel of levity, came with her husband to Tours; and having entered her mother’s monastery, she kept saying to her husband: 'Go back from here and govern our affairs and our children, for I will not return with you. For one coupled in marriage will not see the kingdom of God'. But he, coming to me, notified me of all that he had heard from his spouse.
Then I, approaching the monastery, reread the decrees of the Nicene canons, in which it is contained, that: If anyone has left her husband and has spurned the marriage-bed in which she lived well, saying that there is no portion for one who has been coupled in conjugal union in that glory of the heavenly kingdom, let her be anathema. Hearing these things, Berthegundis, fearing lest she be deprived of communion by the priests of God, went out from the monastery and returned with her husband. However, with three or four years interposed, again her mother sends mandates to her, beseeching her to come to her.
At that, with ships laden, both with her own property and her husband’s, taking with her one son, with her husband absent, she made landfall at Tours. But since by her mother she could not be retained on account of the husband’s improbity—namely, lest she incur the calumny which had been fabricated by his deceit—she sent her to Berthchramnus, her brother-german, namely her own son, bishop of the city of Bordeaux. To her husband, therefore, who was following, she said: “Without the counsel of parents you coupled her in marriage; she will not be your wife.” For it was now almost 30 years since they had been joined together.
For her husband indeed very often went to the city of Bordeaux, but the bishop was unwilling to restore her. But when King Guntchramn had come to the city of Orléans, as we have recalled in the previous book, there this man began to assail him more sharply with words, saying: 'You have taken away my wife with her servants. And behold!'
'which does not befit a priest: you with my maidservants, and she with your servants, have perpetrated the disgrace of adultery.' Then the king, stirred to fury, constrained the bishop to promise to return her to her husband, saying: 'This is my kinswoman; if she has practiced anything evil against her husband’s house, I will avenge it; but if otherwise, why, the husband reduced under every disgrace, is his spouse taken away?' Then Bertechramnus the bishop promised, saying: 'She came to me, I confess, my sister, after the lapses of many years, whom for the sake of charity and longing I kept with me as it pleased. Now, however, she has departed from me; let him seek her now and recall her wherever he wishes—he will not find me in the way.' And saying this, he secretly sent messengers to her, ordering that, with clothing changed and penance accepted, she should seek refuge in the basilica of Saint Martin. She did not delay to do this.
And her husband came with many men following, that he might cast her out from that very holy place. For she was in religious attire, asserting that she had received penitence; but she scorned to follow her husband. Meanwhile, with Bishop Bertechramnus having died at the city of Bordeaux, she, returning to herself, said: 'Woe is me, that I listened to the counsel of my iniquitous mother.'
From this enmity arose, as they more frequently approached the king’s presence; and this one, wishing to defend her father’s affair, that one her husband’s, Bertegundis displayed the donation of Bertechramnus, her brother-german, saying: “This and that my brother conferred upon me.” But her mother, not admitting the donation, wishing to vindicate everything for herself, sent those who, having broken open her house, plundered all her goods together with this donation; whence the mother rendered herself proven, since, when certain of these very goods were afterwards being demanded by the daughter, she restored them under strict compulsion. But when I, or our brother Bishop Maroveus, having received royal letters that we ought to pacify them, Bertegundis came to Tours, and, also approaching into judgment, we compelled her, in so far as we could, to follow reason; but her mother could not be bent. Then, kindled with gall, she went to the king, as though about to disinherit her daughter from the paternal estate.
Then, setting forth the causes in the presence of the king, with the daughter absent, it was adjudged to her that, the fourth part being restored to the daughter, she should receive the other three together with her grandsons, whom she had from one son. In this case Theutharius the presbyter, who recently, transformed from the referendary of King Sigibert, had received the honor of the presbyterate, came forward to solemnize this division according to the king’s command. But, the daughter resisting, neither was the division made nor was the scandal settled.
Rigundis autem filia Chilperici, cum saepius matri calumnias inferret diceritque, se esse dominam, genetricemque suam servitio redeberit, et multis eam et crebro convitiis lacesserit ac interdum pugnis se alapisque caederent, ait ad eam mater: 'Quid mihi molesta es, filia? Ecce res patris tui, quae penes me habentur, accipe et utere ut libet'. Et ingressa in registo, reseravit arcam monilibus ornamentisque praetiosis refertam. De qua cum diutissime res diversas extrahens filiae adstanti porregeret, ait ad eam: 'Iam enim lassata sum; inmitte tu', inquid, 'manum et eiece, quod inveneris'. Cumque illa, inmisso brachio, res de arca abstraheret, adpraehenso mater operturio arcae, super cervicem eius inlisit.
But Rigundis, daughter of Chilperic, since she often brought calumnies against her mother and would say that she herself was the mistress, and would render her genetrix into servitude, and assailed her with many and frequent revilings, and at times they would beat each other with fists and slaps, the mother said to her: 'Why are you troublesome to me, daughter? Behold the goods of your father, which are kept with me; take and use them as you please.' And having gone into the strongroom, she unlocked a chest crammed with necklaces and precious ornaments. From which, as she, for a very long time, drawing out various things, was handing them to her daughter standing by, she said to her: 'For I am already wearied; put in your hand,' she said, 'and toss out whatever you find.' And when the girl, having thrust in her arm, was pulling things from the chest, the mother, having seized the chest’s lid, dashed it down upon her neck.
When she pressed it down with force and the lower axle so bruised her throat that even her eyes were ready to crack, one of the girls, who was inside, cried out with a great voice, saying: 'Run, I beg you, run; lo! my lady is being gravely bruised by her mother.' And bursting into the little cell, those who were awaiting their arrival before the doors led the girl outside, rescued from imminent destruction. After these things, however, the enmities between them sprang up more vehemently—and chiefly for no other cause than that Rigundis was pursuing adulteries—there were always quarrels and bloodshed between them.
Beretrudis vero moriens filiam suam heredem instituit, relinquens quaepiam vel monastiriis puellarum, quae ipsa instituerat, vel aeclesiis sive basilicis confessorum sanctorum. Sed Waddo, cui in superiore libro meminimus, quaerebatur, a genero eius equos suos fuisse direptus; cogitavitque accedere ad villam eius unam, quam reliquerat filiae suae, qui infra Pectavo termino erat, dicens: 'Hic a regno alterius veniens, diripuit equos meos, et ego auferam villam eius'. Interea mandatum mittit agenti, ut se adveniente omnia quae erant ad expensam eius necessaria praepararet. Quod ille audiens, coniunctis secum hominibus ex domo illa, se ad bellum praeparat, dicens: 'Nisi moriar, non ingreditur Waddo in domum domini mei'. Audiens autem uxor Waddone, adparatum scilicet belli instaurari contra virum suum, ait ad eum: 'Ne accesseris illuc, care coniux; morieris enim, si abieris, et ego cum filiis misera ero'. Et iniecta manu, voluit eum retenire, dicente praeterea tum filio: 'Si abieris, pariter moriemur, et relinques genetricem meam viduam orfanusque germanus'. Sed cum eum haec verba paenitus retenire non possint, furore accensus contra filium et timidum eum mollemque exclamans, proiecta secure paene cerebro eius inlisit.
Beretrude, however, dying, appointed her daughter her heir, leaving certain things either to the monasteries of girls which she herself had instituted, or to churches or the basilicas of holy confessors. But Waddo, of whom we made mention in the preceding book, it was being alleged, had had his horses despoiled by her son-in-law; and he thought to go to one of her villas which she had left to her daughter, which was within the Poitevin boundary, saying: ‘Here, coming from another’s kingdom, he plundered my horses, and I will carry off his estate.’ Meanwhile he sends a mandate to the agent, that, upon his arriving, he should prepare everything that was necessary for his expenses. Hearing this, he (the agent), having joined to himself men from that house, prepares himself for war, saying: ‘Unless I die, Waddo does not enter my lord’s house.’ But when Waddo’s wife heard that, namely, the apparatus of war was being set up against her husband, she said to him: ‘Do not go there, dear spouse; for you will die if you go away, and I with the children shall be wretched.’ And, with her hand thrown upon him, she wished to hold him back, his son moreover at that moment saying: ‘If you go away, together we shall die, and you will leave my mother a widow and my brother an orphan.’ But when these words could not wholly restrain him, inflamed with fury against his son and shouting that he was timid and soft, with an axe cast he almost dashed it into his brain.
Sed he, being partly shaken aside, escaped the blow of the striker. At length, once mounted on horseback, they departed, giving orders again to the steward, that, the house having been cleaned with brooms, he should cover the benches with bedspreads. But he, making little of his command, with crowds, as we said, of men and women, stood before his master’s doors, awaiting this man’s arrival.
He, coming and straightway having entered the house, said: 'Why are not these benches covered with coverlets or the house cleaned with brooms? ' And, raising his hand with a dagger, he leveled it at the man’s head; he fell and was dead. Seeing this, the son of the dead man, having sent a lance from the opposite side, directs it against Waddo; the falarica, penetrating the middle of his belly with the blow, went out at the back, and as he crashed to the ground, the oncoming multitude, which had been gathered, began to overwhelm him with stones.
Then a certain one of those who had come with him, approaching amid the stony showers, with him covered by a sagum and the populace mitigated, his son wailing, and lifting him onto a horse, led him, still living, back home. But straightway, beneath the tears of his wife and sons, he breathed out his spirit. With so unhappy a life thus ended, his son went to the king and obtained his property.
Igitur anno quo supra regni sui Childeberthus rex morabatur cum coniuge et matre sua infra terminum urbis quam Strateburgum vocant. Tunc viri fortiores, qui erant in urbe Sessionica sive Meldensi, venerunt ad eum, dicentes: 'Da nobis unum de filiis tuis, ut serviamus ei, scilicet ut de progenie tua pignus retenentes nobiscum, facilius resistentes inimicis, terminus urbis tuae defensare studeamus'. At ille gavisus nuntio, Theudoberthum, filium suum seniorem, illuc dirigendum distinat. Cui comitibus, domesticis, maioribus atque nutriciis vel omnibus qui ad exercendum servitium regale erant necessarii delegatis, mense sexto huius anni direxit eum iuxta voluntatem virorum, qui eum a rege flagitaverant transmittendum.
Therefore, in the year of his reign mentioned above, King Childeberthus was staying with his spouse and his mother within the boundary of the city which they call Strasbourg. Then the stronger men who were in the city of Soissons or of Meaux came to him, saying: 'Give us one of your sons, that we may serve him—namely, that, retaining with us as a pledge someone from your progeny, while more easily resisting enemies, we may strive to defend the bounds of your city.' And he, rejoicing at the message, determines that Theudoberthum, his elder son, should be sent there. And when counts, domestics, magnates and nurses, as well as all who were necessary for the exercising of the royal service, had been assigned to him, in the sixth month of this year he sent him according to the will of the men who had demanded from the king that he be transmitted.
Erat enim apud urbem Sessionas his diebus Droctigysilus episcopus, qui propter nimiam, ut ferunt, putationem quarto instante anno sensum perdiderat. Adserebant enim multi civium, quod hoc ei maleficiis accessisset per emissionem archidiaconis, quem ab honore reppulerat, in tantum ut infra muros urbis hanc amentiam magis haberit; si vero de civitate fuisset egressus, agebat commodius. Cumque rex supradictus ad urbem venisset et hic melius ageret, non permittibatur ingredi urbem propter regem, qui advenerat.
For in these days there was at the city of Soissons the bishop Droctigysilus, who, on account of excessive, as they say, “putation,” with the fourth year drawing on, had lost his sense. For many of the citizens asserted that this had come upon him by maleficia through the dismissal of the archdeacon, whom he had repelled from honor, to such an extent that within the city walls he had this madness the more; but if he had gone out from the city, he fared more comfortably. And when the aforesaid king had come to the city and he was doing better, he was not permitted to enter the city on account of the king who had arrived.
And although he was voracious of food and a drinker of wine beyond measure, beyond what sacerdotal caution befits, nevertheless no one spoke anything of adultery concerning him. However, subsequently, when at Sauriciacum, the bishops’ villa, a synod had been convened, it was ordered that it be permitted to him to enter his city.
38. De id quod aliqui contra Brunichildem agere voluerunt.
38. Concerning that which some wished to proceed against Brunichild.
Cum autem Faileuba regina Childeberthi regis, partu editu mox extincto, egrotaret, adtigit aures eius sermo, quod quidam vel contra eam vel contra Brunichildem regina agere conarentur. Cumque, confortata ab incommodo, ad regis praesentiam accessisset, omnia tam ei quam matri eius quae audierat reseravit. Verba autem huiuscemodi erant, quod scilicet Septimina, nutrix infantum eius, consilio suadere vellet regi, ut, eiectam matrem coniugemque relictam, aliam sortiretur uxorem et hic cum eodem quaecumque vellent vel actu agerent vel praecibus obtinerent.
But when Queen Faileuba, wife of King Childebert, fell ill, her child, brought forth in childbirth, having soon perished, a report reached her ears that certain persons were attempting to act either against her or against Queen Brunichild. And when, strengthened after the ailment, she had come into the king’s presence, she disclosed to both him and his mother everything that she had heard. The words, however, were of this sort: namely, that Septimina, the nurse of his infants, wished by counsel to persuade the king that, his mother being cast out and his consort left aside, he should take another wife, and that thereafter, with him, whatever they wished they might either accomplish by action or obtain by entreaties.
But if the king should not wish to acquiesce in what she was urging, he himself, being slain by malefices (sorceries), with his sons elevated in the kingdom, their mother and grandmother nonetheless repulsed, they themselves would rule the realm. For a partner of this counsel he pronounces to be Sunnegysil, Count of the Stable, and Gallomagnus the Referendary, and also Droctulf, who, for the consolation of Septimina, had been given the king’s little one to be nurtured. Finally, these two are seized, namely Septimina and Droctulf.
Without delay, stretched out between stakes and as they were being beaten more vehemently, Septimina professes that she killed her husband Iovius by malefices (sorceries) on account of love for Droctulf, and that she mingled with him in whoredom. Concerning these causes which we have said above, they likewise confess, and they indicate the aforementioned men as having been held in this conspiracy. Without delay, they too are sought; but with conscience affrighting them, they sought a hiding-place within the precincts of the churches.
To whom the king himself, proceeding, said: “You will go out to judgment, that we may come to know about the things which are objected to you, whether they are true or false. For, as I suppose, you would not have slipped away in flight into these churches, unless your conscience had terrified you. Nevertheless, have a promise of life, even if you are found culpable.”
'For we are Christians; for it is nefarious that even a criminal, led out from the church, be punished'. Then, led outside, they came with the king to judgment; and after an examination, they cry out in protest, saying: 'Septimina together with Droctulf disclosed this counsel to us. But we, execrating it and fleeing, never wished to consent to this crime'. And the king: 'If', said he, 'you had afforded no connivance, you would surely have brought it to our ears. Is it true, then, that you proffered consent in this case, when you wanted this before the very eyes of our knowledge?' And immediately, cast out outside, they again sought the church.
Septimina, indeed, together with Droctulf, having been severely beaten and wounded in the face with cauteries set alight, with all that she had taken away from her removed, is led off to the villa Marilegio, to wit, so that, drawing the millstone, she might each day prepare flour for the necessities of victuals for those who had been placed in childbed. For Droctulf, with his hair and ears cut, they assigned to cultivate a vineyard; but after a few days he slips away in flight. Sought by the steward (actor), he is led again to the king; and there, much beaten, he is again consigned to the vineyard which he had abandoned.
But in truth Sunnegisilus and Gallomagnus, deprived of the goods which they had merited from the fisc, are thrust into exile. But with the legates arriving—among whom there were bishops—and petitioning King Gunthchramn on their behalf, they are recalled from exile; for whom nothing else was left, except what they seemed to have as their own.
In monastirio vero Pectavinse, insidiante diabolo in corde Chrodieldis, qui se Chariberthi quondam regis filiam adserebat, orto scandalo, ipsa quoque quasi de parentibus confisa regibus, exacta sacramenta sanctimunialibus, ut, iniectis in abbatissam Leuboveram criminibus, eam monastyrium deiecta, ipsam substituerent principalem, egressa est cum XL aut eo amplius puellis et consubrinam suam Basinam, filiam Chilperici, dicens, quia: 'Vado ad parentes meos regis, ut eis contumeliam nostram innotiscere valeam, quia non ut filiae regum, sed ut malarum ancillarum genitae in hoc loco humiliamur', infilex ac facilis non recordans, in qua se humilitate beata Radegundis, quae hoc instituit monastyrium, exhibebat. Egressa ergo ab eo, Toronus advenit, dataque nobis salutatione, ait: 'Depraecor, sanctae sacerdos, ut has puellas, quae in magna humilitate ab abbatissa Pectavinse redactae sunt, custodire digneris ac cibum praebere, donec ego eam ad reges parentes nostros exponamque eis quae patimur et revertar'. Quibus ego aio: 'Si abbatissa deliquit aut canonicam regulam in aliquo praetermisit, accedamus ad fratrem nostrum Maroveum episcopum et coniuncti arguamus eam; emendatisque negutiis, restituamini in monastirio vestro, ne dispergatur luxoria, quod sancta Radegundis ieiuniis et orationibus crebris aelymosinisque frequentibus adgregavit'. Et illa respondit: 'Nequaquam, sed ad reges ivimus'. Et ego: 'Quare rationi resistitis? Ob quam rem sacerdotale monitum non auditis?
But indeed in the monastery of Poitiers, with the devil lying in ambush in the heart of Chrodieldis, who asserted herself to be the daughter of Charibert, once king, a scandal having arisen, she too, as if confident because of her parents the kings, having exacted oaths from the holy nuns, that, with charges cast upon Abbess Leubovera, having thrown her out from the monastery, they would substitute herself as principal, went out with 40 or more girls, and her cousin Basina, the daughter of Chilperic, saying: 'I go to my parents the kings, that I may be able to make known to them our disgrace, because we are humbled in this place not as daughters of kings, but as if begotten of evil handmaids,' unhappy and fickle, not remembering in what humility the blessed Radegund, who established this monastery, used to present herself. Having gone out from it, she came to Tours, and, having given greeting to us, said: 'I beseech, holy priest, that you deign to guard these girls, who have been brought into great humiliation by the abbess of Poitiers, and to provide food, until I lay her before the kings our parents and set forth to them the things we suffer and return.' To whom I say: 'If the abbess has done wrong or has in any respect omitted the canonical rule, let us go to our brother Bishop Maroveus and, united, let us reprove her; and, the matters amended, be restored in your monastery, lest wantonness be spread abroad, which holy Radegund has gathered together by fasts and frequent prayers and frequent alms.' And she replied: 'By no means, but to the kings we have gone.' And I: 'Why do you resist reason? For what cause do you not hear the priestly admonition?
'I fear lest the joined priests of the churches remove you from communion'. For thus also, as the predecessors in the letter which they wrote to the blessed Radegund at the beginning of this congregation, it is recorded as inserted. Copies of which it has pleased to insert into this reading. Copy of the letter . To the most blessed lady and, in Christ, daughter of the Church, Radegund, Eufronius, Praetextatus, Germanus, Felix, Domitianus, Victurius, and Domnolus, bishops.
The providential remedies of the immense divinity are ever solicitous around the human race, nor do they seem at any place or time to be at some point separated from the assiduity of his benefactions, since the pious arbiter of things everywhere disseminates such persons in the inheritance and cultivation of the ecclesiastical field, that, as they till his land with the intent operation of faith as with a rake, the crop of Christ, by divine tempering, may be able to arrive at the happy yield of the hundredfold. Therefore so widely does the dispensation of his kindness, destined to be of profit, diffuse itself, that he nowhere denies that which he recognizes to be advantageous to many; by the most holy example of which persons, when he shall have come to judge, he may have in many matters something to crown. And so, when with the very rise of the catholic religion the first beginnings of venerable faith began to breathe again in the Gallican borders, and as yet the ineffable sacraments of the Lord’s Trinity had then reached only the knowledge of a few, lest this place acquire anything less than what, in the circuit of the city with the apostles preaching, it obtained, he deigned to direct blessed Martin, of foreign stock, for the illumination of his homeland, consulting mercy.
Although he was not in the time of the apostles, nevertheless he did not escape apostolic grace; for what was lacking in order was supplied in recompense, since a subsequent rank subtracts nothing from him who excels in merits. Of this man also, most reverend daughter, we rejoice that in you redivive examples of supernal love arise by divine propitiation; for, as time declines with the world’s old age, by the striving of your mind faith grows green again in bloom, and what had grown tepid with the torpor and chill of senescence at length grows warm again with the ardor of a fervent spirit. But since you have come, in almost the same way by which we learned that blessed Martin came hither, it is no wonder if you seem to imitate him in deed, whom we believe to have stood forth as the guide of your journey: so that, whose footsteps you have followed, you may, with a felicitous vow, fulfill both vows and examples, and make that most blessed man so much your companion, inasmuch as you shun having a share in the world.
Whose opinions, with a fore-beaming ray, you so render the breasts of your hearers suffused with heavenly radiance, that, everywhere provoked, the minds of maidens, kindled by a spark of divine fire, hasten swiftly and eagerly to be irrigated, in the charity of Christ, at the fountain of your heart; and, parents left behind, they choose you for themselves rather, in that grace, not nature, makes a mother. Therefore, seeing the vows of this zeal, we render thanks to the supernal clemency, who makes the wills of men be connected to His will, since we are confident that those whom He bids to be gathered to you, He wills to preserve in His embrace. And because we have learned, with divinity propitious, that certain ones from our territories have desirably flocked together for the establishment of your rule, and, inspecting also the epistle of your petition gladly received by us, we confirm this, with Christ as author and redeemer: that, - although all equally who come together there to abide in the charity of the Lord ought inviolably to keep what they seem once to have received with a willing mind, since it is not fitting that the faith promised to Christ, with heaven as witness, be contaminated, where it is no light crime to pollute—God forbid!—the temple of God, so that by the mounting of wrath it might be able to be destroyed by Him, - nevertheless we define specifically that, if any, as has been said, from places sacerdotally committed, with the Lord providing, to our governance, in the Pictavian city shall have merited to be associated with your monastery, then according to the constitutions of lord Caesarius of Arles of blessed memory, bishop, let there be for no one any further license of departing, she who, as the rule contains, appears to have entered with her will made manifest; lest by the base disgrace of one they be led into a crime that among all shines forth in honor.
And therefore, if—may God avert it—any woman, kindled by the allurement of an insane mind, should wish to hurl headlong her discipline, glory, and crown to the stain of so great an opprobrium, so that, by the counsel of the Enemy, like Eve cast out of paradise, she should endure to go forth by whatever exit from the cloisters of that very monastery—nay, from the kingdom of heaven—to be plunged and trampled in the vile mud of the streets, let her, separated from our communion, be struck by the wound of dire anathema; in such wise that, if perchance, Christ being abandoned, she should wish to marry a man, the Devil taking her captive, not only she who has fled, but also he who is joined to her—a foul adulterer, and rather sacrilegious than a husband—and whoever supplied poison rather than counsel that this be done, be smitten by a like vengeance, as has been said concerning her, by heavenly judgment, we so desiring, until, separation having been made, through competent penance for the execrable crime she shall have merited to be received back and reattached to the place whence she had gone forth. Adding also that those priests who shall at some time succeed us be held constrained under the charge of like condemnation; if—which we do not believe—they should wish to relax anything otherwise than our deliberation contains, let them know they will plead their case with us, the Eternal Judge deciding, since the instruction of salvation is common, if that which is promised to Christ be inviolably observed. Which decree of our determination, with a view to firmness, we have judged should be strengthened by the subscription of our own hand, to be perpetually observed by us with Christ as auspice.
Therefore, this epistle having been read, Chrodieldis said: 'No delay will ever hold us back, unless we approach the kings, whom we know to be our parents.' For they had come on a pedestrian journey from Poitiers and had had the benefit of no horseman, whence they were panting and quite feeble. Nor had anyone provided them any sustenance of victuals on the way. For they reached our city on the first day of the first month; for the rains were great, and the roads too were dissolved by the excessive immensity of the waters.
Detrahebant enim et de episcopo, dicentes, quia illius dolo et haec turbatae et monastirium fuerit derelictum; sed materiam huius scandali altius placuit memorari. Tempore Chlothari regis, cum beata Radegundis hoc monasterium instituisset, semper subiecta et oboediens cum omni congregatione sua anterioribus fuit episcopis. Tempore vero Sygiberthi, postquam Maroveus episcopatum urbis adeptus est, acceptis epistulis Sygiberthi regis, pro fide ac devotione Radegundis beata in partibus orientis clericos distinat pro dominicae crucis ligno ac sanctorum apostolorum ceterorumque martyrum reliquiis.
For they were even detracting from the bishop as well, saying that by his deceit both these had been thrown into turmoil and the monastery had been abandoned; but it has pleased to recall the matter of this scandal from further back. In the time of King Chlothar, when blessed Radegund had instituted this monastery, she, together with her whole congregation, was always subject and obedient to the earlier bishops. But in the time of Sigibert, after Maroveus obtained the episcopate of the city, letters (epistles) of King Sigibert having been received, for the faith and devotion of blessed Radegund, she dispatched clerics into the regions of the East for the wood of the Lord’s Cross and for the relics of the holy apostles and the other martyrs.
Then the queen sent again to King Sigebert, beseeching that, by his injunction, whichever of the bishops should place these pledges in the monastery with that honor which was fitting, and she also asked for his vow. For this task, the blessed Eufronius, bishop of the city of Tours, is charged; who, approaching Poitiers with his clerics, with a grand apparatus of psalm-chanters and of candles glittering and of incense, brought the holy pledges (relics), the bishop of the place being absent, into the monastery.
After these things, since she was more often seeking the favor of her pontiff and could not obtain it, moved by necessity, with her abbess—whom she had appointed—they made for the city of Arles. From there, the Rule of Saint Caesarius and of blessed Caesaria having been adopted, the kings fortified her with their protection, namely because in him who ought to have been a pastor they had been able to find no care for her defense. From this a scandal propagated from day to day, the time of the migration of blessed Radegundis arrived.
Upon her departure, the abbess again sought to live under the authority of her priest. Which he, when at first he had wished to refuse, on the counsel of his own promised that he would become their father, as was fitting, and, whenever there was necessity, would provide his defense. Whence it came about that, having access to King Childebert, he obtained a precept that it be permitted to govern this monastery, like the other parishes, regularly.
But I believe something, I know not what, still remained settled in their minds, as the girls assert, which was stirring up scandal. But as they were intent that they should hasten, as we have said, to the king’s presence, we gave them counsel, saying: 'You will press on against reason, and in no way can that sequence be inserted for you which would ward off blasphemy. But if, as we have said, you will pass over reason and do not wish to accept salutary counsel, at least cast this into your minds: that, the time of this winter having passed, which has advanced into this spring, when the breezes are more commodious, you may be able to proceed whither your will leads.' Accepting which counsel as apt, in the subsequent summer, leaving at Toronus the others and, the nuns having been commended to her cousin Chrodieldis, she came to King Gunthchramn.
Received by him and honored with gifts, she returned to Tours, leaving Constantina, daughter of Burgolinus, in the monastery at Autun, awaiting the bishops who had been ordered by the king to come and to discuss their case with the abbess. Many, however, of these, ensnared by various men, were coupled in matrimony before this one returned from the king. And when, as they awaited the arrival, they perceived that no bishop was coming, they returned to Poitiers and secured themselves within the basilica of Saint Hilary, having gathered to themselves thieves, homicides, adulterers, and those guilty of every crime, establishing themselves for war and saying, ‘We are queens, and we will not enter our monastery before the abbess is cast out.’ There was there then a certain recluse, who a few years earlier, letting herself down along the wall, had fled to the basilica of Saint Hilary, spewing forth many accusations against the abbess, which, however, we have known to be false.
But after she was drawn back into the monastery by ropes through that place whence she had precipitated herself, she asked that she be shut back up in a secret little cell, saying: 'I have greatly sinned against the Lord and against my lady Radegund' - who in those days was still surviving - 'I wish,' she said, 'to remove myself from this crowding of the whole congregation and to do penance for my neglects. For I know that the Lord is merciful and forgives sins to those confessing.' And she entered the little cell. But when this scandal had been stirred up and Chrodieldis had returned from King Gunthchramn, she, the door of the little cell having been broken open in the nocturnal hours, went out from the monastery and went to Chrodieldis, bursting forth with many crimes against the abbess, as she had done before.
Dum autem haec agerentur, Gundigysilus Burdigalinsis, adiunctis secum Nicasium Ecolesinensim et Saffarium Petrocoricum ac ipso Maroveo Pectavensi episcopis, eo quod huius urbis metropolis esset, ad basilicam sancti Helari advenit, arguens has puellas et in monastirio reducere cupiens. Sed cum illae obstinatius reluctarent et hic cum reliquis iuxta epistulam superius nominatam eis excommonionem indiceret, exsurgens turba murionum praefatorum tanta eos in ipsa sancti Helari basilica caede mactavit, ut, conruentes in pavimento episcopis, vix consurgere possint; sed et diaconi et reliqui clerici sanguine perfusi cum effractis capitibus basilicam sunt egressi. Tam inmensus enim eos, ut credo, diabolo cooperante, pavor obsederat, ut, egredientes a loco sancto nec sibi vale dicentes, unusquisque per viam, quam adrepere potuit, repedaret.
While, however, these things were being transacted, Gundigysilus of Bordeaux, having joined to himself Nicasius of Ecolesina and Saffarius of the Petrocorii and Maroveus himself, bishop of Poitiers, since it was the metropolis of this city, came to the basilica of Saint Hilary, accusing these girls and wishing to lead them back into the monastery. But when they resisted more obstinately, and he with the others, in accordance with the letter named above, declared excommunication to them, a crowd of the aforesaid muriones, rising up, slaughtered them with such a massacre in the very basilica of Saint Hilary that, the bishops collapsing on the pavement, they could scarcely get up; and the deacons and the other clerics, drenched with blood, with their heads broken, went out of the basilica. For so immense a fear, as I believe, with the devil cooperating, had beset them, that, going out from the holy place and not even saying farewell to one another, each one retraced his steps by whatever way he could crawl.
There was present at this calamity also Desiderius, deacon of Siagrius, bishop of Augustodunum, who, without having reconnoitered the ford of the river Clain, at the first shore he touched he entered, and, the horse swimming, was borne out to the plain of the farther bank. From this Chrodield chose “ordinators,” overran the villas of the monastery, and whomever she could seize from the monastery, after afflicting them with blows and slaughters, she was subjugating to her own service, threatening that, if she could enter the monastery, she would cast the abbess down from the wall to the earth. When this had been reported to King Childebert, immediately, authority having been directed, he ordered Count Macco that he ought to repress these things with every intention.
But Gundigisilus, when—as we have said—he had left these women, suspended from communion along with the others, to the bishops, composed a letter in his own name and in that of the brethren present to those priests who at that time had been assembled with King Gunthchramn. From whom he received this rescript: Copy of the rescript . To their ever lords and most worthy of the apostolic see, Gundegyselus, Nicasius, and Saffarius, Aetherius, Syacrius, Aunacharius, Esichius, Agroecula, Urbicus, Felix, Veranus, likewise Felix and Berthechramnus, bishops. The letters of your beatitude, inasmuch as, the messenger unsealing them, we rejoiced at your safety, so much are we constrained with no small grief over the injury which you have marked that you endured, while both the rule is transcended and no reverence is kept for religion.
But because you indicated that the nuns who, from the monastery of Radegund of blessed memory, with the devil instigating, had descended, were not willing to acquiesce to hear any correction from you, nor to return within the bounds of their monastery, from which they had gone out, and moreover that they had brought an injury to the basilica of lord Hilary through assaults upon you and wrongs against yours, wherefore you seemed to have suspended them from the grace of communion, and by this chose to consult our mediocrity thereupon: therefore, since we know that you have run through the most excellent statutes of the canons and contain the plenitude of the rule, to the effect that those who are seen to be apprehended in such excesses ought to be restrained not only by excommunication, but also by the satisfaction of penance, thus rendering, with the cult of veneration, the impulse of love of highest avidity, we declare that we concordantly consent to your sentence in the things that you have defined, until such time as, set together in synodal council on the Kalends of November, we should be bound to treat by counsel how the temerity of such persons may receive the bridle of strictness, so that henceforth it may be pleasing to no one, with vaunting as the mover, to perpetrate similar things under this lapse. Yet, because lord Paul the apostle seems unceasingly to admonish us by his own diction, that “in season, out of season” we ought to correct, by sedulous preaching, whosoever exceed, and he attests that piety is useful for all things, we therefore suggest that you still, with assiduous prayer, beseech the mercy of the Lord, that he himself may deign to inflame them with the spirit of compunction, that they may repent with worthy satisfaction of that which they seem to have contracted through offense, that, by your preaching, the souls which have in a certain manner perished may return, Christ being propitious, to their monastery; that he who brought back on his shoulders the wandering sheep to the fold may also deign to rejoice, as over a flock acquired, at the recovery from their transgression; asking this more especially, that you may, as we are confident, grant without ceasing the suffrages of your intercessions on our behalf. Your own Aetherius, a sinner, presume to send greeting.
42. Exemplare epistolae, quam sancta Radegundis direxit.
42. An exemplar of the epistle, which Saint Radegund sent.
Sed et abbatissa recitavit epistulam, quam beata Radegundis episcopis, qui suo tempore erant, diregi voluit. Cuius nunc iterum ipsa abbatissa exemplaria ad vicinarum urbium sacerdotes direxit. Cuius haec est exemplar: Exemplar epistulae . Dominis sanctis et apostolica sede dignissimis in Christo patribus, omnibus episcopis Radegundis peccatrix.
But also the abbess recited the epistle, which blessed Radegundis wished to be directed to the bishops who were in her own time. Of which now again the abbess herself directed exemplars to the priests of the neighboring cities. Of which this is the exemplar: Exemplar of the epistle . To the holy lords and most worthy of the Apostolic See, fathers in Christ, to all the bishops, Radegundis, a sinner.
Then the beginning of a congruent provision tends robustly to its effect, when to the general fathers, the physicians and shepherds of the fold committed to them, the cause is delivered to their ears and commended to their understanding; whose participation can supply counsel from charity, suffrage from power, and intervention from prayer. And since, long ago loosed from lay bonds, by the providence and inspiring of divine clemency, I was seen to have been transferred, with Christ as leader of my free will, to the norm of religion, and, by the zeal of an eager mind, considering also the advances of others, so that, the Lord assenting, my desires might be brought to pass to be beneficial for the rest, by the instituting and remunerating of the most preeminent lord King Chlothar, I had a monastery of girls established in the city of Poitiers and, a donation having been made, I endowed it according to what royal munificence has bestowed upon me. Moreover, for the congregation gathered by me, Christ providing, I adopted the rule under which Saint Caesaria lived, which the solicitude of blessed Caesarius, the bishop of Arles, suitably collected from the institution of the holy fathers. With the most blessed pontiffs, both of this city and the others, consenting, and with the election also of our congregation, I appointed Lady and my sister Agnes—whom from earliest age I cherished and brought up in the place of a daughter—as abbess, and I committed myself, after God, to obey her regularly by her ordination.
Accordingly, observing the apostolic form, both I and the sisters, of the earthly substance which we seemed to possess, with charters drawn up, handed it over, in fear of Ananias and Sapphira, we who were set in the monastery reserving nothing as our own. But since the moments and times of the human condition are uncertain, aye, with the world running to its end, while some wish rather to serve their own will than the divine, led by the zeal of God, I, as is merited by your apostolate, in the name of Christ lay before you this page of my suggestion, as one devoted. And because I was not able to be present, as though prostrate at your footsteps, by the vicariousness of a letter I abase myself, adjuring by the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit and the day of the dread judgment, that, you thus made present, not a tyrant assail you, but a lawful king crown you, to the effect that, if by chance after my death any person whatsoever, whether the bishop of that place or the power of a prince or anyone else— which we do not believe will be done—should attempt to disturb the congregation either by malicious persuasion or by judicial impulse, or to break the rule, or to appoint another abbess than my sister Agnes, whom the blessing of the most blessed Germanus consecrated in the presence of his brethren, or the congregation itself—which cannot be—should, with murmuring raised, strive to change; or if any person or the bishop of the place should affect certain lordships in the monastery or in the goods of the monastery, beyond those which the predecessor bishops or others, while I was yet alive, had; or should by a new privilege aim at them, or anyone should attempt from that point to go forth outside the rule; or concerning the goods which the most preeminent lord Chlothar or the most preeminent lords the kings, his sons, conferred upon me, and which I, by permission of his precepts, handed over to the monastery to be possessed, and which I obtained to be confirmed by the authorities of the most preeminent lords the kings Charibert, Guntram, Chilperic, and Sigebert, with the interposition of an oath and with the subscriptions of their hands; or from those things which others for the remedy of their souls, or the sisters there from their own goods, have contributed, if any prince or bishop or potentate or any person from among the sisters should strive either to diminish them or by a sacrilegious vow to call them back to his own property—let him thus incur your holiness and that of your successors after God, on behalf of my supplication and the will of Christ, that, just as robbers and despoilers of the poor are held outside your favor, never of our rule or of the goods of the monastery, with you standing in opposition, may he be able to diminish or to change anything.
Also beseeching this, that, when God shall have willed our aforesaid lady, our sister Agnite, to migrate from the world, she in her place should ordain as abbess, from our congregation, her who shall have pleased God and herself, keeping the rule and diminishing nothing of the purpose of sanctity; for never does a private, or anyone’s, will precipitate. But if—may it not be—against God’s command and the authority of the kings anyone should wish to act against the above-written conditions, earnestly commended to you before the Lord and his saints, either to diminish the person or the substance, or should attempt to bring any annoyances upon my aforesaid sister Agnite the abbess, let him incur the judgment of God and of the Holy Cross and of blessed Mary, and let him have as contradictors and persecutors the blessed confessors Hilary and Martin, to whom, after God, I have entrusted my sisters to be defended. You also, blessed pontiff, and your successors, whom I diligently enroll as patrons in the cause of God, if—may it not be—there shall arise someone who shall attempt to plot anything against these things, let it not be irksome, for repelling and confuting the enemy of God, to hasten to the king whom at that time this place shall have regarded, or to the city of Pectava, on behalf of the matter commended to you before the Lord, and to labor, against the injustice of others, as executors and defenders of justice, so that the catholic king may in no way allow such a nefarious act to be admitted in his times, nor permit to be shaken what has been made firm by the will of God and of me and of the kings themselves.
At the same time I adjure also the princes, whom God shall have commanded to survive for the governance of the people after my departure, by the King “of whose (kingdom) there will not be an end” and at whose nod kingdoms consist, who granted to them to live and to reign, that they command the monastery—which by the permission and solace of the lords kings, their fathers or grandfathers, I am understood to have constructed and to have ordered according to the Rule and to have endowed—to be governed under their protection and word together with Agnes the abbess; and that by no one neither our oft‑named abbess nor anything pertaining to our monastery be harassed or disquieted or from it be diminished, nor allow anything to be changed; but rather, for God’s regard, together with the lords bishops, they themselves, I supplicating before the Redeemer of the nations, as I commend it to them, order it to be defended and fortified, so that, in whose honor they protect the handmaids of God, they may be joined with the defender of the poor and the bridegroom of virgins perpetually in the eternal kingdom. This also I adjure you holy pontiffs and most excellent lords kings and the whole Christian people by the catholic faith, in which you have been baptized and you preserve the churches: that in the basilica which we began to build in honor of holy Mary, the mother of the Lord, where also many of our sisters have been laid in rest, whether perfected or imperfect, when God shall have commanded me to migrate from this light, my little body should be buried there. But if anyone shall have willed otherwise concerning it or shall have attempted to have it done, the Cross of Christ and blessed Mary prevailing, let him incur divine vengeance; and, you intervening, in the place of that basilica may I merit to obtain, together with the congregation of sisters, a little place of burial.
And that this my supplication, which I have subscribed with my own hand, may be kept in the archive of the universal Church, I beseech with tears poured out, to wit, that, if necessity should arise against certain wicked men, your merciful pious consolation may, with pastoral solicitude, supply help by your protection to my sister Agnes the abbess or to her congregation, wherever they shall have asked that aid be brought to them, nor let them proclaim themselves bereft of me, for whom God has prepared the safeguard of your grace. Recalling this before your eyes in all things, by Him who from the Cross commended the glorious Virgin, His mother, to the blessed apostle John, that, just as by him it was fulfilled by the Lord’s mandate, so may that which I, unworthy and humble, commend to you—my lords, the fathers of the Church and apostolic men—be likewise fulfilled among you; and when you shall have deigned to keep the deposit, you will merit to be partakers, and, by fulfilling His command, you will worthily restore the apostolic example.
43. Quod Teutarius ad hoc scandalum mitigando venit.
43. That Teutarius came to mitigate this scandal.
Post haec Maroveus episcopus, cum diversa inproperia ab his audiret, Porcarium abbatem basilicae beati Helari ad Gundegysilum episcopum vel reliquos conprovincialis eius distinat, ut, data conmunione puellis, ad audientiam veniendi licentiam indulgere dignarentur. Sed nequaquam potuit obtenere. Childeberthus autem rex, cum assiduas de utraque parte, monasterii scilicet vel puellarum, quae egressae fuerant, molestias patiretur, Theutharium presbiterum ad dirimandas quaeremunias, quae inter easdem agebantur, distinat.
After these things Bishop Maroveus, when he was hearing various reproaches from them, dispatches Porcarius, abbot of the basilica of the blessed Hilary, to Bishop Gundegysilus and the rest of his co-provincials, that, with communion given to the girls, they might deign to grant license to come to an audience. But by no means could he obtain it. King Childeberthus, however, since he was suffering continual vexations from both sides, namely from the monastery and from the girls who had gone out, dispatches the presbyter Theutharius to settle the querimonies which were being conducted between those same parties.
He, having summoned Chrodieldis with the remaining girls to a hearing, they said: 'We are not coming, because we have been suspended from communion. If we merit to be reconciled, then we do not delay to come to the hearing'. Hearing these things, he went away to the bishops. And when he had spoken with them about this cause, he could obtain no effect regarding their communion; and so he returned to the city of Poitiers.
The girls, however, separated from one another: some to their parents, others to their own homes, and some returned to those monasteries in which they had previously been, because, placed together, they could not tolerate the severe winter on account of a penury of wood. A few, however, remained with Chrodielda and Basina. For there was then also great discord among them, because one desired to set herself before another.
Eo anno post clausum pascha tam inmensa cum grandine pluvia fuit, ut infra duarum aut trium horarum spatium etiam per minores vallium meatus ingentia currere flumina viderentur. Arbores in autumno floruerunt et poma, sicut prius dederant, ediderunt. Mense nono rosae apparuerunt.
In that year, after the close of Easter, there was so immense a rain with hail that within the space of two or three hours even through the smaller channels of the valleys huge rivers seemed to run. The trees flowered in autumn and put forth fruits, just as they had given before. In the ninth month roses appeared.