Melanchthon•Historia de Vita et Actis Lutheri
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MAGNUS ERAT LUCTUS, ingentes querelae, multae lachrimae in universa Roma, cum Cicero pater patriae pulsus, cogeretur exulare. Occupavit tame iste luctus non quosius, non seditiosos Catilinas, non furibundos Antronios, hisq; similes sclerators & ulcera urbis, sed pacificos & moderators, & qui amabant aequitate(m), & quibus grata erat Reipub. tranquillitas, ita no(n) dubito, etiam adhuc hodie Lutheri mortem tristem & accerbamesse, semperq; futuram, et si non omnibus, tamen viris bonis Imprimis autem illis, quibus Relligio chara est, et qui afficiuntur periculis Ecclesiae Christi, quae sub hoc Doctore satis florens, tuta, ac munita fuit.
GREAT WAS THE MOURNING, vast laments, many tears in all Rome, when Cicero, father of the fatherland, having been driven out, was compelled to go into exile. Yet this mourning did not seize the depraved, not the seditious Catilines, not the raving Antonies, and those like them, criminals & ulcers of the city, but the peaceable & the moderators, & those who loved equity, & to whom the tranquility of the Republic was pleasing; thus I do not doubt that even still today Luther’s death is sad & bitter, & will always be so, and if not to all, yet to good men. Especially, however, to those to whom Religion is dear, and who are moved by the dangers of the Church of Christ, which under this Doctor was sufficiently flourishing, safe, and fortified.
Now indeed, since he has been taken away, what in the meantime has happened, with great mourning and with many tears up to this point we have seen, and day by day we see; nor yet do we know what is still to be hoped concerning the frenzies of certain men, whom Luther by his force and authority repressed. I for my part fear something of great moment; for when I gather the events of prior times, I discover that the fall of such great men has rarely not been deadly. But for us a sure and firm consolation has been set forth, namely Prayer & the promises of God. We will pray [sic], therefore, to God our Father, that he may still send forth other laborers into his harvest, who may go on to illustrate the glory of his grace, & of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, for the promoting and perfecting of the salvation of his elect.
And we shall ask the Father, in the name of his only-begotten Son Jesus Christ our Lord, that his Church, & this little hospice of his faithful, which among us by his word, through Luther, he built, may he rule, govern & preserve, to the glory of his name, Amen. He himself has pledged to be with us, up to the consummation of the age, & dixit, I will not leave you (sic) orphans. These things being true, & maxime consolatory to pious minds, meanwhile nevertheless it must be mourned, as often as we see the Church being bereft of Doctors of this sort, when we experience these organs & vasa (sic) of grace to fall, and men endowed with such great gifts to be snatched from our sight atq; our companionship; for will the dead indeed praise the Lord?
Ego igitur, ut me quoq; ob haec incomooda angi ostenderem, aliquid Carminis congessi, in laudem huisu maximi nostri Theologi. Adieci quoq; Vitam eius, sicuti eam reperi perscriptam a D.Philippo nostro, una cum Actis Vuormatiensibus (sic), non sine certo ac gravi consilio, quae omnia, ut spero, Ecclesiae non erunt ingrata. Ea nunc tibi ampliss.
I therefore, that I too might show myself to be anguished on account of these incommodities, have compiled something of verse, in praise of this greatest of our Theologians. I have also added his Life, just as I found it written out by our Doctor Philip, together with the Worms Acts (sic), not without a sure and weighty counsel, all of which, as I hope, will not be unpleasing to the Church. These things now to you, most distinguished.
and most illustrious Prince,
I ascribe and dedicate, and I beseech C.T. to take it in good and fair part. But that I might address C.T. with this little book, there moved me, first, the similarity of offices, which you and Luther had equal; for C.T. also sustains, just as a little (sic) before Luther, the government of the Church (sic), which function indeed is very difficult and full of labor, and most dangerous, in these our confused and turbulent times, especially where there is the infinite license of wicked and most audacious men.
Then this too moved me, that I knew Your Highness to have been uniquely always both loved and venerated by Luther; therefore I seemed to myself to do well and piously, and to do a thing pleasing to Your Highness, if I should make mention, of the most beloved before the most beloved, even after death. I ask therefore, Most Illustrious Prince, Your Highness, to be willing to hold this writing in high esteem, on account of the pious fates of Luther, whose business is handled here, for whose sake I know Your Highness cannot deny this to me.
M. Ioannes Pollicarius Cygnaeus apud Vueisenfelsenses Verbi Dei Minister.
M. John Pollicarius of Zwickau, Minister of the Word of God among the people of Weissenfels.
Spem nobis fecerat Reverendus vir Martinus Lutherus, et curriculum se vitae suae, et certaminum occasiones narraturum esse, quod fecisset, nisi x hac mortali vita, ad aeternam Dei et Ecclesiae coelestis consuetudinem evocatus esset. Utilis autem esset et privatae ipsius vitae consideratio luculenter scripta, plena enim fuit Exemplorum, quae ad confirmandam pietatem in bonis mentibus profutura essent, et occasionum recitatio, quae posteritatem de multis rebus commonefacere posset, deinde et calumnias refutaret eorum, qui vel incitatum a principibus viris aut aliis, ut labefactaret Episcoporum dignitatem, vel privata ispum cupiditate inflammatum, servitutis Monasticae vincula rupisse fingunt.
The Reverend man Martin Luther had given us hope that he would narrate both the course of his life and the occasions of his contests, which he would have done, had he not been called from this mortal life to the eternal communion of God and the heavenly Church. Yet a consideration of his private life, written splendidly, would be useful; for it was full of Examples, which would be about to be of benefit for confirming piety in good minds, and a recitation of occasions, which could remind posterity of many matters, and then also would refute the calumnies of those who either pretend that he was incited by princely men or by others to undermine the dignity of the bishops, or that, himself inflamed by private desire, he broke the bonds of monastic servitude.
Haec prodesset ab ipso integre et copiose exposita et commemorata esse. Etsi enim Malevoli vulgate illud obiecturi erant, autos hauton aulei, tamen et in ipso tantum gravitatis fuisse scimus, ut optima fide Historiam recitaturus fuerit. Et multi boni et sapientes viri adhuc vivunt, quibus cum sciret seriem harum rerum notam esse, fuisset ridiculum, aliam historiam, ut fit interdum in poematis, comminisci.
This would have been of benefit, had it been set forth and commemorated by himself, integrally and copiously. Even if, indeed, the ill-disposed were going to object the vulgar saying, autos hauton aulei—he plays the flute to himself—yet we know that there was in him so much gravity that he would have recounted the history with the best good faith. And many good and wise men still live, to whom, since he knew that the series of these matters was known, it would have been ridiculous to concoct another history, as sometimes happens in poems.
Vetus familia est, et late propagata mediocrium hominum, cognomine Luther, in ditione inclytorum Comitum Manssfeldensium. Parentes vero Martini Lutheri primum in oppido Issleben, ubi Martinus Lutherus natus est, domicilium habuerunt, deinde migragrunt in oppidum Manssfeldt, ubi pater Iohannes Lutherus et Magistratus gessit, et propter intergritatem omnibus bonis viris carissimus fuit.
An ancient family, and widely propagated of men of the middle sort, with the cognomen Luther, in the dominion of the illustrious Counts of Manssfeld. The parents of Martin Luther first had a domicile in the town of Issleben, where Martin Luther was born, then migrated into the town of Manssfeldt, where his father John Luther also held magistracies, and on account of his integrity was most dear to all good men.
In matre Margarita, coniuge Iohannis Lutheri, cum coeterae erant virtutes honestae Matronae convenientes, tum vero praecipue lucebant pudicitia, timor Dei, et invocatio, intuebanturque, in eam coeterae honestae mulieres, ut in exemplar virtutum. Haec mihi aliquoties interroganti de tempore, quo Filius natus est, respondit, diem et horam se certo meminisse, sed de anno dubitare. Affirmabat autem natum esse die decimo Novembris, nocte post horam undecimam, ac nomen Martini attributum infanti, quo dies proximus, quo infans per Baptismum Ecclesiae Dei insertus est, Martino dicatus fuisset.
In the mother Margaret, the spouse of John Luther, since the other virtues befitting an honorable Matron were present, there especially shone chastity, the fear of God, and invocation, and the other honorable women looked upon her as an exemplar of virtues. She, having been asked by me several times about the time when the Son was born, responded that she certainly remembered the day and the hour, but doubted about the year. She affirmed, moreover, that he was born on the tenth day of November, at night after the eleventh hour, and that the name Martin was attributed to the infant, because the next day, on which the infant was inserted into the Church of God through Baptism, was dedicated to Martin.
Postquam aetas doctrinae capax fuit, parentes filium Martinum ad agnitionem et timorem Dei, et ad aliarium virtutum officia domestica institutione diligenter adsuesecerunt, et ut est consuetudo honestorum hominum, curaverunt ut literas disceret, gestavitque in ludum literarium adhuc parvulum Georgii Aemilii pater, qui cum adhuc vivat, testis huius narrationis esse potest.
After his age was capable of doctrine, the parents diligently habituated their son Martin to the recognition and fear of God, and to the offices of other virtues by domestic instruction, and, as is the custom of honorable men, they took care that he learn letters, and while he was still very small he was carried into the literary school by the father of Georgius Aemilius, who, since he still lives, can be a witness of this narration.
Florebant autem eo tempore Scholae Grammaticae in Saxonibus urbibus mediocriter, quare cum Martinus ingressus esset annum quartum deimum, una cum Iohanne Reinec(?), cuius postea virtus fuit excelles, et virtute parta auctoritas in his Regionibus magna, Magdeburga missus est, fuitque mutua benevolentia inter hos duos Lutherum et Reinecumsem per eximia, seu ab aliquo naturae consensu, seu ab illa puerilium studiorum societate orta, nec tamen diutius anno mansit Lutherus Magdeburgae.
However, at that time the Grammar Schools in the Saxon cities were flourishing to a middling degree; therefore, when Martin had entered his fourteenth year, together with Johannes Reineck(?), whose virtue was afterward excellent, and whose authority, obtained by virtue, was great in these Regions, he was sent to Magdeburg; and there was a mutual benevolence between these two, Luther and Reineck, in an exceptional degree, whether arising from some consent of nature, or from that society of boyish studies; nor, however, did Luther remain at Magdeburg longer than a year.
Deinde in schola Isennacensi quadriennio audivit Praeceptorem rectius et dexterius tradentem Grammaticen, quam alibi tradebatur, Nam huius ingenium memini a Luthero laudari. In eam autem urbem missus est, quod mater in iis locis honesta et veteri familia nata fuerat: hic absolvit grammaticum studium, cumque et vis ingenii acerrima esset, et imprimis ad eloquentiam idonea, celeriter aequalibus suis praecurret, et verbis et copia sermonis in loquendo, et in scribenda soluta oratione, et in Versibus coeteros adolescentes, qui una discebant, facile vicit.
Then in the Isennach school for four years he listened to a Preceptor teaching Grammar more correctly and more dexterously than it was taught elsewhere. For I remember this man’s genius to have been praised by Luther. Moreover, he was sent into that city because his mother had been born in those places, of an honorable and ancient family: here he completed the grammatical study, and since both the force of his talent was very keen, and especially suited to eloquence, he quickly outstripped his equals, both in words and in abundance of discourse in speaking, and in writing prose, and in Verses he easily surpassed the other adolescents who were learning together.
Degustata igitur literarum dulcedine, natura flagrans cupiditate discendi, appetit Academiam, tanquam fontem omnium doctrinarum. Et omnes artes ordine percipere tanta vis ingenii potuisset, si Doctores idoneos invenisset, et fortassis ad leniendam vehemantiam naturae mitiora studia Philosophiae, et cura formandae orationis profuissent. Sed incidit Erfordiae in eius aetatis Dialecticen satis spinosam, quam cum sagacitate ingenii praeceptionum causas et fontes melius quam coeteri perspiceret, cito arripuit.
Having therefore tasted the sweetness of letters, his nature blazing with a desire of learning, he seeks the Academy, as the fountain of all doctrines. And such a force of talent could have grasped all the arts in order if he had found suitable Doctors, and perhaps for softening the vehemence of his nature the milder studies of Philosophy, and a care for forming oration, would have profited. But he fell at Erfurt upon the rather thorny Dialectic of that age, which, since with the sagacity of his wit he perceived the causes and sources of the precepts better than the others, he quickly seized.
Cumque mens avida doctrinae, plura et meliora requireret, legit ipse plaerque veterum Latinorum scriptorum monumenta, Ciceronis, Virgilii, Livii et aliorum. Haec legebat, non ut pueri, verba tantum excerpentes, sed ut humanae vitae doctrinam, aut imagines, Quare et consilia horum scriptorum et sententias proprius aspiciebat, et ut erat memoria fideli et firma, plaeraque ei lecta et audita, in conspectu et ob oculos erant. Sic igitur in iuventute eminebat, ut toti (sic?) Academiae Lutheri ingenium admirationi esset.
And since a mind avid for doctrine was requiring more and better things, he himself read most of the monuments of the ancient Latin writers, of Cicero, Virgil, Livy, and others. He used to read these, not as boys, extracting words only, but as the doctrine of human life, or images. Wherefore both the counsels of these writers and their sentences he looked upon more closely, and, as he had a faithful and firm memory, most things read and heard were before his sight and before his very eyes. Thus therefore in youth he stood out, so that Luther’s genius was a matter of admiration to the whole (sic?) Academy.
Ornatus igitur gradu Magisterii Philosophici, cum natus esset annum vicesimum, de consilio propinquorum, qui hanc tantam vim ingenii et facundiam iudicabant in lucem et ad Rempublicam educendam esse, inchoat iuris studium. Sed brevi post, cum natus esset annum unum et vicesimum, subito praeter parentum et propinquorum opinionem, venit ad Collegium Monachorum Augustinianorum Erphordiae, seque recipi petit. Receptus, iam non solum acerrimo studio doctrinam Ecclesiae discit, sed etiam summa disciplinae severitate se ipse regit, et omnibus exercitiis lectionum, disputationum, ieiuniorum, precum omnes longe superat.
Adorned therefore with the degree of the Mastership of Philosophy, when he was twenty years old, by the counsel of his kin, who judged that so great a force of genius and eloquence ought to be brought into the light and to the Republic, he begins the study of law. But shortly after, when he was twenty-one years old, suddenly, contrary to the expectation of his parents and relatives, he came to the College of the Augustinian Monks at Erfurt, and sought to be received. Received, now not only does he learn the doctrine of the Church with the keenest zeal, but he also governs himself with the utmost severity of discipline, and in all the exercises of readings, disputations, fastings, prayers he far surpasses all.
There was moreover by nature, which I have often marveled at, in a body neither small nor feeble, a very great moderation of food and drink; I saw for four continuous days, when indeed he was in good health, him eating or drinking absolutely nothing; I saw often at other times, for many days, daily content with scant bread and salt-fish.
Occasio autem ingrediendi illud vitae genus, quod pietati et studiis doctrinae de Deo existimavit esse convenientius, haec fuit, ut ipse narrabat, et ut multi norunt. Saepe eum cogitantem attentius de ira Dei, aut de mirandis poenarum exemplis, subito tanti terrores concutiebant, ut paene exanimaretur. Ac vidi ipse, cum in quadam doctrinae disputatione propter intentionem consternatus, in vicino cubiculo se in lectum collocavit, ubi hanc sententiam crebro repetitam miscuit invocationi, conclusit omnes sub peccatum, ut omnium misereatur.
The occasion of entering that kind of life, which he judged to be more convenient to piety and to the studies of doctrine concerning God, was this, as he himself used to relate, and as many know. Often, when he was thinking more attentively about the wrath of God, or about the wondrous examples of punishments, suddenly such great terrors would shake him that he was almost breathless. And I myself saw, when in a certain disputation of doctrine, through intensity confounded, he placed himself upon the bed in a neighboring little chamber, where he mixed this sentence, repeated frequently, with an invocation: he has shut up all under sin, that he may have mercy upon all.
Non igitur paupertas, sed studium pietatis eum in illud viae monasticae genus induxit, in quo etsi doctrinam in scholis usitatam quotidie discebat, et Sententiarios legebat, et in Disputationibus publicis labyrinthos aliis inextricabiles, diserte multis admirantibus explicabat, tamen quia in eo vitae genere non famam ingenii, sed alimenta pietatis quaerebat, haec studia tanquam parergatractabat, et facile arripiebat illas scholasticas methodos. Interea fontes doctrinae caelestis avide legebat ipse, scilicet scripta Propheticae et Apostolica, ut mentem suam de Dei voluntate erudiret, et firmis testimoniis aleret timorem et fidem. Hoc studium ut magis expeterat, illis suis doloribus et pavoribus movebatur.
Therefore it was not poverty, but a zeal for piety that led him into that kind of monastic way, in which, although he was daily learning the doctrine usual in the schools, and reading the Sententiaries, and in public Disputations was explaining, eloquently, to the admiration of many, labyrinths inextricable to others, nevertheless, because in that kind of life he sought not the fame of wit, but the nourishment of piety, he treated these studies as parerga, and easily seized upon those scholastic methods. Meanwhile he himself eagerly read the fountains of heavenly doctrine, namely the Prophetic and Apostolic writings, that he might instruct his mind concerning the will of God, and feed fear and faith with firm testimonies. That he might desire this study the more, he was moved by those pains and terrors of his.
Et senis cuiusdam sermonibus in Augustiniano Collegio Erphordiae saepe se confirmatum esse narrabat, cui cum consternationes suas exponeret, audivit eum de fide multa disserentem, seque deductum aiebat ad Symbolum, in quo dicitur, Credo remissionem peccatorum. Hunc Articulum sic ille interpraetatus erat non solum in genere credendum esse, aliquibus remitti, ut et Daemones credunt, Davidi aut Petro remitti, Sed mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli homines remitti nobis peccata credamus. Et hanc interpraetationem confirmatam dicebat Bernardi dicto, monstra(?) tumque locum in concione de Annunciatione, ubi haec sunt verba, Sed adde ut credas et hoc, quod per ipsum peccata TIBI donantur, Hoc est testimonium, quod perhibet Spiritus Sanctus in corde tuo, dicens, Dimissa sunt tibi peccata tua.
And he used to relate that he had often been strengthened by the discourses of a certain old man in the Augustinian College at Erfurt, and when he set forth his consternations to him, he heard him discoursing much concerning faith, and he said that he had been led to the Symbol, in which it is said, I believe the remission of sins. He had thus interpreted this Article: that it is to be believed not only in general that sins are remitted to some—just as even the daemons believe that they were remitted to David or to Peter—but that it is the mandate of God that individual men believe that our sins are remitted to us. And he said that this interpretation was confirmed by Bernard’s dictum, and he also pointed out the passage in the sermon On the Annunciation, where these words are: But add that you believe this also, that through him sins are granted TO YOU; this is the testimony which the Holy Spirit bears in your heart, saying, Your sins are forgiven you.
Hac se voce non solum confirmatum esse Lutherus dicebat, sed commonefactum etiam de tota Pauli sententia, qui toties inculcat hoc dictum, Fide iustificamur. De quo, cum multorum expositiones legisset, tunc et ex huius sermonibus, et suae mentis consolatione animadvertisse, interpraetationum, quae tunc in manibus erant, vanitatem. Paulatim legenti et conferenti dicta et exempla in Prophetis et Apostolis recitata, et in quotidiana invocatione excitanti fidem, plus lucis accessit.
By this utterance Luther said that he had been not only confirmed, but also reminded even of the whole sentiment of Paul, who so often inculcates this dictum, By faith we are justified. About which, when he had read the expositions of many, then both from this man’s sermons and from the consolation of his own mind he observed the vanity of the interpretations which were then in people’s hands. Gradually, as he read and compared the sayings and examples recited in the Prophets and Apostles, and in daily invocation was exciting faith, more light was added.
Tunc et Augustini libros legere coepit, ubi et in Psalmorum enarratione, et in libro de Spiritu et litera, multas perspicuas sententias reperit, quae confirmabant hanc de fide doctrinam, et consolationem, quae in ipsius pectore accensa erat. Nec tamen prorsus reliquit Sententiarios, Gabrielem et Cammeracensem paene ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Diu multumque legit scripta Occam, huius acumen anteferebat Thomae et Scoto.
Then too he began to read the books of Augustine, where both in the Exposition of the Psalms, and in the book On the Spirit and the Letter, he found many perspicuous sentences, which confirmed this doctrine of faith, and the consolation which in his own breast had been kindled. Yet he did not utterly leave the Sententiaries; Gabriel and the Cameracensian he could recite almost word for word from memory. For a long time and much he read the writings of Ockham; he preferred this man’s acumen to Thomas and to Scotus.
Eo autem tempore, quia Reverendus vir Stupicius, qui exordia Academiae Vuittebergensis adiuverat, studium Theologicum in recenti Academia excitare cupiebat, cum ingenium et eruditionem Lutheri confiderasset, traducit eum Vuittebeagam, Anno1508 cum iam ageret annum vicesimum sextum.Hic inter quotidiana exercitia Scholae et concionum, magis etiam lucere eius ingenium coepit. Cumque eum attente audirent viri sapientes, Doctor Martinus Mellerstadius et alii, saepe dixit Mellerstadius, tantam esse vim ingenii in hoc viro, ut plane praesagiret mutaturum esse vulgare doctrinae genus, quod tunc in Scholis unicum tradebatur.
At that time, because the Reverend man Stupicius, who had assisted the beginnings of the Academy of Wittenberg, wished to rouse the Theological study in the recent Academy, when he had trusted in Luther’s genius and erudition, he brings him over to Wittenberg, in the year 1508, when he was already in his twenty-sixth year.Here, amid the daily exercises of the School and of sermons, his genius began to shine even more. And when wise men listened to him attentively, Doctor Martin Mellerstadius and others, Mellerstadius often said that so great was the force of genius in this man, that he plainly foreboded the common kind of doctrine, which then in the Schools alone was being taught, would be changed.
Hic primum Dialecticen et Physicen Aristotilis enarravit, Interea tamen suum illud studium legendi scripta Theologica non omittens. Post triennium Romam profectus, propter Monachorum controversias, cum eodem anno reversus esset, usitato more scholarum, Duce Saxoniae Electore Friderico praebente sumptus, ornatus est gradu Doctorum, ut usitate loquimur. Audierat enim concionantem, et vim ingenii, et nervos orationis, ac rerum bonitatem expositarum in concionibus, admiratus fuerat.
Here first he expounded the Dialectic and Physics of Aristotle, meanwhile, however, not omitting that pursuit of his of reading Theological writings
not omitting. After three years he set out to Rome, on account of the controversies of the Monks,
when he had returned in the same year, by the customary manner of the schools, with the Duke
of Saxony, Elector Frederick, furnishing the expenses, he was adorned with the degree of Doctors, as
we commonly speak. For he had heard him preaching, and had admired the force of intellect, and the sinews
of speech, and the excellence of the matters set forth in the sermons.
And so that by a certain, as it were, maturity of judgment you may see that the degree of Doctors was attributed to him, know that it was Luther’s thirtieth year of age. He himself used to tell that, when he was very much fleeing and refusing, it had been enjoined on him by Staupitz that he should allow himself to be adorned with this degree; and that Staupitz, in jest, had said that there would be much business for God already in the Church, for which He would use his services. To which utterance, although it was then emitted in jest, nevertheless the event answered, as many presages precede mutations.
Postea enarrare Epistolam Ad Romanos coepit, deinde Psalmos, haec scripta sic illustravit, ut post longam et obscuram noctem, nova doctrinae lux oriri videretur, omnium piorum et prudentum iudicio. Hic monstravit Legis et Evangelii discrimen, hic refutavit errorem, qui tunc in Scholis et concionibus regnabat, qui docet, mereri homines remissionem peccatorum propriis operibus, et homines coram Deo iustos esse disciplina, ut Pharisaei docuerunt.
Afterwards he began to expound the Epistle to the Romans, then the Psalms, he so illuminated these writings, that after a long and obscure night, a new light of doctrine seemed to arise, in the judgment of all the pious and prudent. Here he demonstrated the distinction of Law and Gospel, here he refuted the error, which then in the Schools and in sermons reigned, which teaches, that men merit the remission of sins by their own works, and that men are just before God by discipline, as the Pharisees taught.
Revocavit igitur Lutherus hominum mentes ad filium Dei, et ut Baptista, monstravit agnum Dei, qui tulit peccata nostra, ostendit gratis propter Filium Dei remitti peccata, et quidem oportere id beneficium fide accipi. Illustravit et coeteras partes doctrinae Ecclesiasticae.
Therefore Luther recalled the minds of men to the Son of God, and, as the Baptist, he showed the Lamb of God, who took away our sins; he showed that sins are remitted gratis on account of the Son of God, and indeed that this benefit ought to be received by faith. He also illumined the other parts of Ecclesiastical doctrine.
Haec ei exordia rerum optimarum magnam autoritatem circumdederunt, praesertim cum mores congruerent cum oratione docentis, videreturque oratio non in labris nasci, sed in pectore. Haec vitae admiratio magnas efficit inclinationes in animis auditorum, ut Veteres etiam dixerunt, [Greek] schedon, h“s eipein kuri“tatum echei pisin to ˆthos. Qua re cum postea quosdam receptos ritus mutaret, honesti viri, qui eum norant, minus vehementer adversati sunt, eique propter autoritatem, quam et rerum bonarum illustratione, et sanctitiate morum antea pepererat, in iis sententiis adsenserunt, quibus magno cum dolore videbant orbem terrarum distrahi.
These beginnings of the best things surrounded him with great authority, especially since his morals were congruent with the oration of the teacher, and the oration seemed not to be born on the lips, but in the breast. This admiration of life brings about great inclinations in the minds of the hearers, as even the Ancients said, [Greek] schedon, h“s eipein kuri“tatum echei pisin to ˆthos. Wherefore, when afterwards he changed certain received rites, honorable men, who knew him, opposed less vehemently, and to him, on account of the authority which both by the illumination of good things and by the sanctity of morals he had previously procured, they assented in those opinions, by which with great sorrow they saw the whole world being torn apart.
Nec Lutherus tunc in ritibus quidque mutabat, imo tetricus disciplinae custos inter suos erat, nec miscuerat aliquid opinionum horridiorum. Sed illam communem et prorsus necessariam doctrinam omnibus magis magisque illustrabat, de paenitentia, de remissione peccatorum, de fide, de veris consolationibus in cruce. Huius doctrinae dulcedine pii omnes valde capiebantur, Et eruditis gratum erat, quasi ex tenebris, carcere, squalore educi Christum, Prophetas, Apostolos, conspici discrimen Legis, et Evangelii, promissionum Legis, et promissionis Evangelicae, Philosophiae et Evangelii, quod certe non extabat in Thoma, Scoto et similibus, Iustitiae spiritualis et rerum politicarum.
Nor was Luther then changing anything in the rites; nay rather, he was an austere guardian of discipline among his own, nor had he mixed in anything of the more horrid opinions. But he was more and more illuminating that common and altogether necessary doctrine for all—on penitence, on the remission of sins, on faith, on true consolations in the cross. By the sweetness of this doctrine all the pious were greatly captivated, And to the erudite it was welcome, as if Christ, the Prophets, the Apostles were being led out from darkness, prison, squalor, the distinction being seen between the Law and the Gospel, the promises of the Law and the Evangelical promise, Philosophy and the Gospel—which certainly was not extant in Thomas, Scotus, and the like—between spiritual righteousness and political affairs.
Accedebat huc, quod Erasmi scriptis iam invitata erant iuventutis studia ad Latinae et Graecae linguae cognitionem, Quare monstrato iam dulciore doctrinae genere, multi bonis et liberis ingeniis praediti, abhorrere a barbarica et Sophistica doctrina Monachorum incipiebant.
To this there was added, that by the writings of Erasmus the studies of youth had already been invited to the knowledge of the Latin and Greek language, Wherefore, with a sweeter kind of doctrine now pointed out, many endowed with good and free talents began to abhor the barbaric and Sophistic doctrine of the Monks.
In hoc cursu cum esset Lutherus, circumferuntur venales Indulgentiae in his regionibus a Tecelio Dominicano, impudentissimo Sycophanta, cuius impiis et nefariis concionibus irritatus Lutherus, studio pietatis ardens, edidit Propositiones de Indulgentiis, quae in primo Tomo monumentorum eius extant, et has publice Templo, quod Arci Vuiteberdensi contiguum est, affixit pridie festi omnium Sanctorum, Anno 1517. Hic Tecelius nihil sui dissimilis, ac sperans etiam gratiam se apud Romanum Pontificem initurum esse, suum Senatum convocat, Monachos aliquot et Theologos Sophistica sua utcumque leviter tinctos, hos componere aliquid iubet adversus Lutherum. Ipse interea, ne esset [Greek] k“phon pros“pon, non iam Conciones, sed fulmina in Lutherum torquet, vociferatur ubique hunc Haereticum igni perdendum esse, Propositiones etiam Lutheri et Concionem de Indulgentiis publice coniicit in flammas.
While Luther was in this course, Indulgences for sale are carried about in these regions by Tetzel the Dominican, a most impudent Sycophant; and Luther, provoked by his impious and nefarious sermons, burning with zeal of piety, published Propositions on Indulgences, which appear in the first Tome of his Monuments, and he publicly affixed these to the Temple contiguous to the Wittenberg Citadel, on the day before the Feast of All Saints, in the year 1517. This Tetzel, in no way unlike himself, and hoping also that he would enter into favor with the Roman Pontiff, convenes his council, a number of Monks and Theologians lightly tinged, as it were, with his Sophistry; he orders these to compose something against Luther. He himself meanwhile, lest he be a [Greek] k“phon pros“pon, hurls not now sermons, but thunderbolts against Luther, vociferates everywhere that this Heretic must be destroyed by fire, and even publicly casts Luther’s Propositions and his Sermon on Indulgences into the flames.
Haec initia fuerunt huius controversiae, in qua Lutherus nihil adhuc suspicans aut somnians de futura mutatione rituum, ne quidem ipsas Indulgentias prorsus abiiciebat, sed tantum moderationem flagitabat. Quare falso eum calumniantur, qui a plausibili causa exorsum dicunt, ut postea mutaret Rempublicam et vel sibi vel aliis potentiam quaereret. Ac tantum abest, ut ab aulicis subornatus aut incitatus sit, sicut scripsit Dux Brunsuuicensis, ut doluerit etiam Dux Fridericus moveri certamina, longe prospiciens, quanquam exordium esset de re plausibili, tamen paulatim latius vagaturam esse hanc flammam, ut de Lite apud Homerum dicitur, Parva metu primo, mox sese attollit in auras.
These were the beginnings of this controversy, in which Luther, suspecting or dreaming nothing as yet of a future change of rites, was not even utterly casting away the Indulgences themselves, but only was demanding moderation. Wherefore they slander him falsely, who say that he began from a plausible cause, so that afterward he might change the Commonwealth and seek power either for himself or for others. And so far is it from the case that he was suborned or incited by courtiers, as the Duke of Brunswick wrote, that even Duke Frederick was grieved that contests were being set in motion, seeing far ahead that, although the beginning was about a plausible matter, yet little by little this flame would wander more widely, as is said about Strife in Homer, Small to be feared at first, soon she lifts herself into the breezes.
Cum unus omnium nostrae aetatis Principum Fridericus et tranquillitatis publicae amantissismus fuerit, et minime [Greek] pleonektikos, maximeque solitus sit referre consilia ad communem salutem orbis terrarum, ut ex multis rebus intellegi potest, nec incitator Luthero, nec adplausor fuit, suumque dolorem saepe significavit, quem assidue circumtulit, metuens discordias maiores.
Since Frederick, among all the princes of our age, was a most loving devotee of public tranquility, and by no means [Greek] pleonectic, and was most of all wont to refer his counsels to the common safety of the orb of lands, as can be understood from many things, he was neither an inciter to Luther nor an applauder, and he often signified his own grief, which he continually bore about, fearing greater discords.
Sed vir sapiens, et non tantum prophana iudicia sequens, quae tenera initia omnium mutationum celerrime opprimi iubent, Sed etiam normam divinam in consilium adhibens, quae iubet audiri Evangelium, et vetat agnitae veritati adversari, ac blasphemiam vocat horribiliter damnata a Deo, pertinaciam veritati adversantem, fecit, quod multi alii pii et sapientes fecerunt, Deo cessit, studiose legit ea quae scribantur, et ea quae iudicacit vera esse, delere non voluit.
But the wise man, and not only following profane judgments, which order the tender beginnings of all changes to be suppressed with the utmost speed, But also bringing the divine norm into counsel, which orders that the Gospel be heard, and forbids opposition to the acknowledged truth, and calls blasphemy—horribly condemned by God—the pertinacity opposing the truth, did what many other pious and wise men did: he yielded to God, diligently read the things that were being written, and the things which he judged to be true, he did not wish to erase.
Scio etiam saepe eum sciscitatum de rebus ipsis eruditorum et sapientum sententias, et in eo Conventu, quem in urbe Agrippina Colonia egit Imperator Carolus V post coronationem, Erasmum Roterodamum, amanter orasse, ut libere diceret, num errare Lutherum in iis controversiis iudicaret, de quibus praecipue disseruisset. Ibi Erasmus plane dixit, recte sentire Lutherum, sed lenitatem se in eo desiderare. Qua de re gravissime postea Dux Fridericus ad Lutherum scribens, valde eum hortatus est, ut styli asperitatem moderaretur.
I know also that he often inquired, concerning the matters themselves, the judgments of the erudite and wise,
and in that Convention which in the city of Agrippina, Cologne, the Emperor held,
Charles 5, after the coronation, amicably entreated Erasmus of Rotterdam to
speak freely whether he judged Luther to err in those controversies about which
he had especially discoursed. There Erasmus plainly said that Luther thinks rightly, but
that he desired gentleness in him. On which matter, most gravely afterward, Duke Frederick,
writing to Luther, strongly exhorted him to moderate the asperity of his style.
Constat etiam Lutherum Cardinali Caietano promissurum fuisse silentium, si adversariis etiam silentium indiceretur. Qua ex re perspicue intelligi potest, tunc quidem nondum eum docuisse, alia se deinceps moturum esse certamina, sed tranquillitatis cupidum fuisse, sed paulatim ad alias materias pertractum esse, undique lacessentibus eum indoctis Scriptoribus.
It is also established that Luther had promised silence to Cardinal Cajetan, if silence were likewise enjoined upon his adversaries. From which matter it can be clearly understood that at that time indeed he had not yet declared that he would thereafter set other contests in motion, but that he was desirous of tranquility, but gradually had been drawn to other subjects, with unlearned Writers provoking him from all sides.
Secutae sunt igitur Disputationes, De discrimine legum divinarum et humarnarum, de tetra prophanatione Coenae Domini, in venditione et applicatione eius pro aliis. Hic explicanda tota Sacrificii ratio fuit, et ostendendus usus Sacramentorum. Cumque iam audirent homines pii in Monasteriis, fugienda esse Idola, discedere ex impia servitute coeperunt.
Therefore followed Disputations, On the discrimination of divine and human laws, on the foul profanation of the Lord’s Supper, in its sale and application for others. Here the whole rationale of the Sacrifice had to be explained, and the use of the Sacraments shown. And when pious men in Monasteries now heard that Idols were to be shunned, they began to withdraw from impious servitude.
Addidit igitur lutherus ad explicationem doctrinae de poenitentia, de remissione peccatorum, de fide, de Indulgentiis, Deinde et has materias, discrimen legum divinarum et humanarum, et doctrinam de usu Coenae Domini, et aliorum Sacramentorum, et de Votis. Et haec fuerunt praecipua certamina. Quaestionem de Romani Episcopi potestate Eccius movit, non aliam ob causam, nisi ut accenderet Pontificis et Regum odia adversus eum.
Therefore Luther added to the explication of the doctrine of penitence, of the remission of sins, of faith, of Indulgences. Then also these subjects: the distinction of divine and human laws, and the doctrine on the use of the Supper of the Lord, and of the other Sacraments, and of Vows. And these were the principal contests. The question concerning the power of the Roman Bishop Eck raised, for no other cause, except to inflame the hatreds of the Pontiff and of kings against him.
Symbola vero Apostolicum, Nicenum, et Athanasianum purissime retinuit, Deinde in ritibus et traditionibus humanis quid et cur mutandum su satis (sic) copiose in multis scriptis exponit, Et quid retineri voluerit, et quam formam doctrinae et administrationis Sacramentorum probaverit, liquet ex Confessione, quam Dux Saxoniae Elector Iohannes, et princeps Philippus Landgravius Cattorum etc. in Conventu Augustano Imp. Carolo V. Anno 1530 exhibuerunt.
The Apostolic, Nicene, and Athanasian Symbols (Creeds) he most purely retained. Then, in rites and human traditions—what and why ought to be changed—he sufficiently (sic) copiously sets forth in many writings. And what he wished to be retained, and what form of doctrine and of the administration of the Sacraments he approved, is clear from the Confession which the Duke of Saxony, Elector John, and Prince Philip, Landgrave of the Catti, etc., presented at the Augsburg Diet to Emperor Charles 5, in the year 1530.
It is clear likewise from the very rites of the Church in this city, and from the Doctrine which resounds in our Church, whose sum is clearly comprehended in the Confession. Which I therefore recite, so that the pious may not only consider what errors he has taxed, what Idols Luther has taken away, but also may know that he has embraced the whole Doctrine of the Church that is necessary, and has restored purity in the rites, and has shown to the pious Examples of Churches to be restored. And it is useful that posterity know what Luther approved.
Illud commemorare hoc loco nolo, qui primi publice praebuerint utramque partem Coenae Domini, qui primi omiserint privatas Missas, ubi deserta primum sint Monasteria. Nam Lutherus de his materiis ante Conventum, qui fuit in urbe Vangionum Anno 1521 tantum pauca disputaverat. Ritus non mutavit ipse, sed eo absente Carolostadius et alii ritus mutarunt: cumque quaedam tumultuosious fecisset Carolostadius, rediens Lutherus, quid probaret aut non probaret, aeditis suae sententiae perspicuis testimoniis, declaravit.
I do not wish to commemorate in this place who first publicly provided both parts of the Lord’s Supper, who first omitted private Masses, where Monasteries were first deserted. For Luther, concerning these matters, before the Diet which was in the city of the Vangiones in the year 1521, had disputed only a few things. He himself did not change the rites, but in his absence Carolostadius and others changed the rites; and since Carolostadius had done certain things rather tumultuously, Luther on returning, what he approved or did not approve, by publishing clear testimonies of his judgment, declared.
Scimus politicos viros vehementer detestari omnes mutationes, et fatendum est, discordiis etiam propter iustissimas causa motis, in hac tristi confusione vitae humanae semper aliquid mali misaeri. Sed tamen in Ecclesia necesse est anteferri mandatum Dei omnibus rebus humanis. Aeternus Pater hanc vocem de Filio edidit: Hic est Filius meus dilectus, hunc audite, Et minitatur aeternam iram blasphemis, hoc est iis, qui agnitam veritatem delere conantur, Quare pium et necessarium officium fuit Lutheri, praesertim cum Eccleiam Dei doceret, taxare perniciosos errores, quos homines Epicurei etiam nova impudentia cumulabant, et auditores recte docenti assentiri necesse fuit.
We know political men vehemently to detest all changes, and
it must be confessed that, even with discords set in motion for the most just causes, in this sad
confusion of human life there is always something evil mixed in. Yet nevertheless in the Church
it is necessary to prefer the mandate of God to all human matters. The Eternal Father put forth this voice concerning the Son: This is my beloved Son, hear him, And he threatens
eternal wrath to blasphemers, that is, to those who try to destroy the acknowledged truth.
Wherefore it was a pious and necessary duty of Luther, especially when he was teaching the Church of God,
to censure pernicious errors, which Epicurean men were even heaping up with new
impudence, and it was necessary for the hearers to assent to one teaching rightly.
Haec non modo eo commemoro, ut Lutherum et eius auditores defendam, sed etiam ut piae mentes hoc tempore et ad posteritatem cogitent, qualis sit et semper fuerit verae Ecclesiae Dei gubernatio, quomodo Deus sibi voce Evangelii aeternam Ecclesiam ex hac massa peccati, hoc est, ex magna hominum colluuie excerpat, inter quos lucet Evangelium, ut scintilla in tenebris. Ut Pharisaeorum tempore tamen Zacharias, Elisabeth, Maria, et alii multi verae doctrinae custodes fuerunt, Ita etiam ante haec tempora multi fuerunt, recte invocantes Deum, alii magis alii minus perspicue tenentes Evangelii doctrinam. Talis fuit et ille Senex, de quo dixi, qui Lutherum conflictantem pavoribus saepe erexit, eique aliquo modo monstrator fuit doctrinae et fide.
I recall these things not only for this reason, that I may defend Luther and his auditors, but also that pious minds at this time and for posterity may consider what the governance of the true Church of God is and always has been, how God for himself by the voice of the Gospel extracts the eternal Church out of this mass of sin, that is, out of the great offscouring of men, among whom the Gospel shines as a scintilla in the darkness. As in the time of the Pharisees, nevertheless, Zechariah, Elizabeth, Mary, and many others were custodians of the true doctrine, so also before these times many there were, rightly invoking God, some more, others less, holding the doctrine of the Gospel perspicuously. Such also was that Elder, of whom I have spoken, who often raised up Luther wrestling with fears, and was to him in some manner a guide of doctrine and faith.
Thus that
God may preserve hereafter among many the light of the Gospel, let us pray with ardent vows,
Just as Isaiah prays for his hearers, Seal the law among my disciples. Next, this commemoration shows that painted-over superstitions are not durable,
But to be uprooted by divine power. Since this is the cause of changes, we must beware, lest errors
be taught in the Church.
Sed redeo ad Lutherum, ut initio sine privata cupiditate in hanc causam ingressus est, ita etsi fuit natura ardens et iracunda, tamen semper sui muneris memor, tantum docendo proeliatus est, ac vetuit arma sumi, sapienterque distinxit officia toto genere diversa, Episcopi docentis Ecclesiam Dei, et Magistratuum, qui gladio cohercent certorum locorum multitudinem.
But I return to Luther, just as at the beginning he entered upon this cause without private cupidity, so although he was by nature ardent and irascible, yet always mindful of his own office, he fought only by teaching, and forbade that arms be taken up, and wisely distinguished offices wholly diverse in kind, that of the Bishop teaching the Church of God, and that of the Magistrates, who by the sword restrain the multitude of certain places.
Quare cum aliquoties Diabolus, qui scandalis dissipare Ecclesiam et contumelia Deum afficere studet, et ut est [Greek] epichairekakos, voluptatem capit ex hominum miserorum erroribus et exitio, inflammasset seditiosa ingenia ad excitandos tumultus, ut Monetarium et similes, acerrime illos furores damnavit, et dignitatem ac vincula omnia politici ordinis non solum ornavit, sed etiam munivit. Cum autem apud me cogito, quam multi magni viri in Ecclesia saepe in hac re hallucinati sint, plane statuo, non sola humana diligentia, sed etiam divina luce pectus eius gubernatum fuisse, ut intra sui muneris metas tam constanter manserit.
Therefore, when at times the Devil, who strives to dissipate the Church by scandals and to afflict God with contumely, and, as he is [Greek] epichairekakos, takes pleasure in the errors and destruction of wretched men, had inflamed seditious minds to rouse tumults, as with Münzer and the like, he most sharply condemned those frenzies, and the dignity and all the bonds of the political order he not only adorned but also fortified. But when I consider with myself how many great men in the Church have often erred in this matter, I plainly determine that his breast was governed not by human diligence alone, but also by divine light, so that he remained so constantly within the bounds of his office.
Execrabatur igitur non solum huius aetatis seditiosos Doctores, Monetarium, et Anabaptistas sed etiam eos Episcopos Romae, qui audacissime impudentissimeque Decretis conditis affirmarunt, Petro non tantum Evangelii docendi munus mandatum esse, sed etiam Imperia politica tradita esse.
Therefore he execrated not only the seditious Doctors of this age, Monetarius, and the Anabaptists, but also those Bishops at Rome, who most audaciously and most impudently, by decrees enacted, affirmed that to Peter there had been entrusted not only the office of teaching the Gospel, but that political empires had also been handed over.
Denique erat hortator omnibus, ut quae Dei sunt Deo darent, quae Caesaris Caesari, id est, ut vera paenitentia, verae doctrinae agnitione et propagatione, vera invocatione, et bonae conscientiae officiis Deum colerent. Suae vero politiae quisque in omnibus civilibus officiis reverenter propter Deum obtemperaret. Ac talis quidem Lutherus ipse fuit, quae Dei sunt Deo dedit, recte docuit, Deum recte invocavit, habuit et alias virtutes necessarias in homine, qui placet Deo, Deinde in politica consuetudine constantissime vitavit omnia seditiosa consilia.
Finally he was an exhorter to all, that they should give to God the things that are God’s, to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, that is, that with true penitence, with the recognition and propagation of true doctrine, with true invocation, and with the offices of a good conscience they should worship God. But as to their own polity, let each person in all civil offices obey reverently for God’s sake. And such indeed was Luther himself, he gave to God the things that are God’s, he taught rightly, he rightly invoked God, and he had also other virtues necessary in a man who pleases God, Then in political practice he most steadfastly avoided all seditious counsels.
Et quanquam ipsius viri virtus etiam laude digna est, qui Dei donis reverenter usus est, tamen praecipue Deo gratias agi necesse est, quod per eum restituit nobis Evangelii lucem, et ipsius doctrinae memoria retinenda et propaganda est. Nec moveor clamoribus Epicureorum aut Hypocritarum, qui aut rident aut damnant manifestam veritatem, sed vere statuo consensum perpetuum esse Catholicae Ecclesiae Dei hanc ipsam doctrinae vocem, quae sonat in Ecclesiis nostris, et huius doctrinae agnitione necessario regendam esse invocationem et vitam. Denique hanc ipsam esse doctrinam, de qua Filius Dei inquit, Si quis diligit me, sermonem meum servabit, et Pater meus diliget eum, et veniemus ad eum, et mansionem apud eum faciemus.
And although the virtue of the man himself is also worthy of praise, who used the gifts of God reverently, yet chiefly it is necessary that thanks be given to God, because through him He restored to us the light of the Gospel, and the memory of his doctrine is to be retained and propagated. Nor am I moved by the clamors of Epicureans or Hypocrites, who either laugh at or condemn the manifest truth, but I truly hold that the perpetual consensus of the Catholic Church of God is this very voice of doctrine, which resounds in our churches, and that by the recognition of this doctrine invocation and life must necessarily be governed. Finally, that this is the very doctrine about which the Son of God says, If anyone loves me, he will keep my word, and my Father will love him, and we will come to him, and we will make a dwelling with him.
I speak, indeed, of the sum of the Doctrine, as in our Churches it is understood and explained by the pious and the learned. For although some more, others less properly and neatly sometimes explain something, or one speaks at times more roughly than another, nevertheless about the matters, in sum, among the pious and learned there is consensus .
Ac mihi saepe multumque cogitanti, de omnium temporum doctrina, inde usque ab Apostolis, post primam puritatem secutae videntur mutationes doctrinae insignes quatuor. Origenica aetas, etsi aliqui fuerunt recte sentientes, qualem fuisse Methodium arbitror, qui deliramenta Originis improbavit, tamen in animis multitudinis inflexit Evangelium ad Philosophiam, hoc est, offudit hanc persuasionem, mediocrem rationis disciplinam mereri remissionem peccatorum, et esse iusticiam de qua diceretur: Iustus ex fide sua vivet. Haec aetas pene totum amisit discrimen Legis et Evangelii, et sermonem Apostolicum dedidicit, Non enim retinuit nativam significationem vocabulo ex literae, spiritus, iusticiae, fidei.
And to me, as I often and much reflect on the doctrine of all times, from the Apostles onward, after the first purity there seem to have followed four notable mutations of doctrine. The Origenic age, although there were some who thought rightly—such as I suppose Methodius to have been, who disapproved the deliria of Origen—yet in the minds of the multitude bent the Gospel toward Philosophy; that is, it diffused this persuasion, that a moderate discipline of reason merits the remission of sins, and is the justice of which it would be said: The just shall live by his faith. This age almost entirely lost the distinction of Law and Gospel, and unlearned the Apostolic discourse; for it did not retain the native signification of the terms letter, spirit, justice, faith.
And with the propriety of words—which are the marks of things—lost, other things must needs be devised. From these seeds arose the error of Pelagius, which ranged widely. Therefore, although the Apostles had given to the Church pure doctrine, that is, the limpid and most salubrious fountains, Origen poured in much mud.
Huius aetatis errores ut emendarentur, saltem aliqua ex parte, Augustinum Deus excitavit, hic mediocriter fontes repurgavit, ne dubito, si hic Iudex esset controversiarum huius aetatis, habituros nos cum prorsus [Greek] homopsˆphon. Certe de remissione gratuita, de iusticia fidei, de usu Sacramentorum, de adiaphoris expresse nobiscum sentit. Etsi autem alibi magis, alibi minus diserte seu proprie exponit quod vult, tamen si Lector candorem et dexteritatem in iudicando ad eum adferet, sentire eum nobiscum agnoscit.
In order that the errors of this age might be corrected, at least in some part, God roused Augustine,
he here moderately cleansed the sources; nor do I doubt that, if he were the Judge of the controversies of this age,
we should have with him an altogether [Greek] homopsˆphon. Certainly concerning gratuitous remission, concerning the justice of faith, concerning the use of the Sacraments, and concerning
adiaphora, he expressly thinks with us. And although in some places more, in others less,
he sets forth what he intends explicitly or properly, nevertheless, if the Reader brings candor and
dexterity in judging to him, he will recognize that he thinks with us.
For indeed our adversaries sometimes cite against us sentences excerpted from it, and with great clamor appeal to the Fathers; they do not do this out of zeal for truth and antiquity, but sycophantically cloak the present Idols with the authority of the ancients, to whom these Idols of the latest age were still unknown.
Sed semina superstitionum tamen in illa Patrum aetate extitisse adparet. Ideo et de votis quaedam constituit Augustinus, etsi de his quoque minus horride loquitur quam caeteri. Semper autem aliquid ineptiarum singulis etiam bonis aspergunt contagia suae aetatis, quia ut patriae, ita praesentibus ritibus favemus, quibus innutriti sumus, verissimumque illud est Euripidis, [Greek] pan suntrophon gluku.
But the seeds of superstitions nevertheless appear to have existed in that age of the Fathers. Therefore Augustine also constituted certain things concerning vows, although about these too he speaks less horridly than the others. Yet the contagions of their age always sprinkle some ineptitudes even upon individual good things , because, as for the fatherland, so for the present rites we favor, by which we have been nurtured; and most true is that saying of Euripides, [Greek] pan suntrophon gluku.
Ac restituta lux Augustini scriptis, posteritati profuit, Nam deinde Prosper, Maximus, Hugo, et aliqui similes, qui studia gubernarunt, usque ad Bernardi aetatem, propemodum Augustini normam sequuntur. Interea tamen crescentibus Imperiis et opibus Episcoporum, secuta est velut Gygantum aetas, prophani homines et indocti regnarunt in Ecclesia, quorum aliqui aulae Romanae artibus aut forensi doctrina exculti fuerunt.
And the light restored by Augustine’s writings profited posterity, For thereafter Prosper, Maximus, Hugh, and some similar men, who governed the studies, down to the age of Bernard, almost follow Augustine’s norm. Meanwhile, however, with the Empires and the wealth of the Bishops increasing, there followed, as it were, an age of Giants; profane and unlearned men reigned in the Church, some of whom had been cultivated by the arts of the Roman court or by forensic doctrine.
Exorti sunt igitur Dominicani, et Franciscani, qui cum viderent luxum et opes Episcoporum, et prophanos mores detestarentur, modestiorem vitam instituerunt, seque quasi disciplinae carceribus incluserunt. Sed primum inscitia superstitiones auxit, Deinde cum viderent hominum studia in Scholis ad solam forensem doctrinam converti, quod Romae iam lites multis augerent autoritatem et opes, ipsi revocare homines ad Theologica studia conati sunt, sed consilium defuit. Albertus et similes, qui dediti fuerant Aristotelis doctrinae, transformare Ecclesiae doctrinam in philosophiam coeperunt.
Therefore there arose the Dominicans and the Franciscans, who, when they saw the luxury and wealth of the bishops, and detested the profane morals, instituted a more modest life, and shut themselves up, as it were, in the prisons of discipline. But at first ignorance increased superstitions, Then when they saw the studies of men in the Schools turned to mere forensic doctrine, because lawsuits at Rome were now in many ways augmenting authority and wealth, they themselves tried to recall men to Theological studies, but a plan was lacking. Albert and the like, who had been devoted to the doctrine of Aristotle, began to transform the doctrine of the Church into philosophy.
And this fourth age poured not only filth, but over and above venoms, that is, opinions approving manifest Idols, into the Evangelical founts; so great is the amount of labyrinths and false opinions in Thomas, Scotus, and the like, that the sounder Theologians have always desired another kind of doctrine, plainer and purer.
Nec sine insigni impudentia dici potest, non fuisse opus eius doctrinae mutatione, cum manifestum sit, magnam partem Sophismatum in illis disputationibus ne ab iis quidem intelligi, qui in eo doctrinae genere consenuerunt. Deinde aperte confirmantur eid“lomaniai, ubi docent applicationes Sacrificii ex opere operato, ubi statuarum invocationes excusant, ubi negant gratis peccata remitti fide, ubi ex Ceremoniis humanis carnificinam faciunt conscientiarum, denique multa sunt alia magis tetra et dusphˆma, quae cogitans toto corpore cohorresco.
Nor can it be said without remarkable impudence that there was no need of a change of that doctrine, since it is manifest that a great part of the Sophisms in those disputations are not understood even by those who have grown old in that kind of doctrine. Then idolatries are openly confirmed, where they teach applications of the Sacrifice ex opere operato, where they excuse the invocations of statues, where they deny that sins are remitted freely by faith, where from human Ceremonies they make a butchery of consciences; finally there are many other things more grim and blasphemous, which, as I think on them, I shudder in my whole body.
Gratias igitur agamus Deo aeterno Patri Domini nostri Ihesn Christi, qui Martini Lutheri ministerio ex fontibus Evangelicis rursus eiici coenum et venena voluit, et Ecclesiae puram doctrinam restituit, qua de re cogitantes omnes pios toto orbe terrarum coniungere vota et gemitus decet, ac petere ardentibus pectoribus, ut Deus confirmet hoc quod operatus est in nobis, propter templum sanctum suum. Tua est haec vox et promissio, vive et vere Deus, aeterne Pater Domini nostri Ihesu Christi, conditor omnium rerum et Ecclesiae, propter nomen meum miserebor vestri, propter me, Propter me faciam ut non blasphemer. Te oro toto pectore, ut propter gloriam tuam et Filii tui semper tibi inter nos quoque Ecclesiam aeternam voce Evangelii tui colligas, et propter Filium tuum Dominum nostrum Ihesum Christum, crucifixum pro nobis et resuscitatum, [Greek] Mesitˆn kai hiketˆn, nostra pectora Spiritu sancto regas, ut te vere invocemus, et officia tibi placentia praestemus.
Therefore let us give thanks to God, the eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who
by the ministry of Martin Luther willed that from the Evangelical fountains the mud and
poisons be cast out again, and restored to the Church pure doctrine; thinking on which
it befits all the pious throughout the whole orb of lands to unite vows and groans, and to ask
with burning breasts, that God may confirm this which he has wrought in us, for the sake of his holy temple. Thine is this voice and
promise, living and true God, eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,
founder of all things and of the Church: for my name I will have mercy on you,
for my sake, For my sake I will do it, that I be not blasphemed. I beg thee with my whole breast, that
for the sake of thy glory and of thy Son thou mayest always gather to thyself among us also the eternal Church
by the voice of thy Gospel, and for the sake of thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, crucified for us and raised, [Greek] Mediator and
suppliant, thou mayest rule our hearts by the Holy Spirit, that we may truly invoke thee, and render services
pleasing to thee.
Rege etiam studia doctrinae, et guberna ac serva has politias et earum disciplinam, quae sunt hospitia tuae Ecclesiae et studiorum, Cum ideo genus humanum condideris, ut ab hominibus agnoscaris et invoceris, quare et illustribus testimoniis te patefecisti, non sinas deleri haec agmina, in quibus doctrina tua sonat. Cumque Filius tuus Dominus noster Ihesus Christus aditurus agonem suum precatus sit pro nobis: Pater, sanctifica eos in veritate, Sermo tuus est veritas. Ad huius nostri Sacerdotis praecationem nostra vota adiungimus, et petimus una cum ipso, ut tua doctrina semper luceat in genere humano, et nos gubernet.
Also rule the pursuits of doctrine, and govern and preserve these polities and their discipline, which are the hospices of your Church and of studies, Since for this reason you have founded the human race, that you might be acknowledged and invoked by men, wherefore also by illustrious testimonies you have made yourself manifest, do not allow these companies to be effaced, in which your doctrine resounds. And since your Son our Lord Jesus Christ, about to enter upon his agony, prayed for us: Father, sanctify them in truth, your Word is truth. To the supplication of this our Priest we join our vows, and we ask together with him, that your doctrine may always shine in the human race, and may govern us.
Habet posteritas multa monumenta et doctrinae et pietatis ipsius. Edidit scripta [Greek] didaskalika, in quibus doctrinam complexus est salutarem, et necessariam hominibus, erudientem bonas mentes de poenitentia, de fide, et veris fructibus fidei, de usu Sacramentorum, de discrimine Legis et Evangelii, de discrimine Evangelii et Philosophiae, de dignitate politici ordinis, denique de praecipuis Articulis doctrinae, quam in Ecclesia extare necesse est.
Posterity has many monuments both of his doctrine and of his piety. He published writings, [Greek] didaskalika, in which he embraced doctrine that is salutary, and necessary for human beings, educating good minds about penitence, about faith, and the true fruits of faith, about the use of the Sacraments, about the distinction between Law and Gospel, about the distinction between the Gospel and Philosophy, about the dignity of the political order, and finally about the chief Articles of doctrine, which must stand forth in the Church.
Haec merita esse magna omnes piae mentes intelligunt, sed profecto utilitate et labore aequat haec opera, interpraetatio veteris et novi Testamenti, in qua tanta est perspicuitas, ut vice Commentarii esse possit ipsa germanica lectio, Quae tamen non est nuda, sed habet adiunctas eruditissimas annotationes, et singularum partium argumenta, quae et summam doctrinae coelestis monstrant, et de genere sermonis erudiunt Lectorem, ut ex ipsis fontibus bonae mentes firma testimonia doctrinae sumere possint. Volebat enim Lutherus non detinere in suis scriptis, sed ad fontes deducere omnium mentes. Ipsam vocem Dei audire nos voluit, hac voluit in multis accendi veram fidem et invocationem, ut Deus vere celebraretur, et multi fierent haeredes vitae aeternae.
These merits to be great all pious minds understand, but indeed in usefulness and labor this work equals them, the interpretation of the Old and New Testament, in which there is such perspicuity that the German reading itself can be in the place of a Commentary. Which nevertheless is not bare, but has joined to it most learned annotations, and the arguments of the several parts, which both show the sum of celestial doctrine, and instruct the Reader concerning the genus of discourse, so that from the very fountains good minds can take firm testimonies of doctrine. For Luther wished not to detain in his own writings, but to lead the minds of all to the sources. He wished us to hear the very voice of God; by this he wished in many to be kindled true faith and invocation, that God might truly be celebrated, and that many might become heirs of eternal life.
Hanc voluntatem et hos tantos labores et grata mente praedicare decet, et exempli causa meminisse, ut nos quoque pro suo quisque modo ornare Ecclesiam studeat. Nam ad hos duos fines praecipue tota vita, et omnia vitae studia et consilia referenda sunt, Primum, ut Dei gloriam illustremus: Deinde, ut Ecclesiae prosimus. De quorum altero dicit Paulus, Omnia ad gloriam Dei facite.
It is fitting both to proclaim this will and these so great labors with a grateful mind, and to remember them for the sake of example, so that we also, each according to his own manner, may strive to adorn the Church. For to these two ends especially the whole life, and all the studies of life and counsels, are to be referred, First, that we may make the glory of God illustrious: Then, that we may be profitable to the Church. Concerning one of which Paul says, Do all things to the glory of God.
As to the other, Psalm 122: “Pray for the things that are for the peace of Jerusalem.” And a most sweet promise is added in the same verse: that those who love the Church will be happy and blessed. Let these celestial mandates and these promises invite all to learn rightly the doctrine of the Church, to love the ministers of the Evangel and the salutary Doctors, and to contribute zeal and effort to the propagation of the true doctrine and to the safeguarding of the concord of the true Church.
S e q u u n t u r A c t a Reverendi Patris D. Martini Lutheri, coram Caesare Carolo V. Principibus, Electoribus. & Imperii oridinibus, in Comitiis Principum Vuormatiae. Anno Salutis Nostrae MDXXI post Dominicam Misericordia Domini, feria tertia, Doctor Martinus Lutherus Vuormatiam ingressus est, vocatus a Carolo Imperatore, eius nomine V. Rege Hispaniarum, Archiduce Austriae &c. qui primo Imperii sui anno, primum conventum Principum in ea urbe regia celebravit.
T h e r e f o l l o w t h e A c t s of the Reverend Father Dr. Martin Luther, before the Caesar
Charles 5, the Princes, the Electors, and the orders of the Empire, in the Diet
of the Princes at Worms. In the Year of Our Salvation 1521, after the Sunday Misericordia
Domini, on Tuesday, Doctor Martin Luther entered Worms,
summoned by Emperor Charles, by that name 5, King of the Spains, Archduke
of Austria, etc., who in the first year of his Empire held the first assembly of the Princes in that royal
city.
But when, three years before, certain Paradoxes for disputation
had been proposed at Wittenberg in Saxony by Dr. Martin, against the Tyranny of the Roman Bishop, (which, however, meanwhile by the Pontificians were variously torn to pieces, condemned & burned
they were, yet by no one either by the Scriptures or by reasons convicted) the matter began to
look toward tumult, the common folk defending the cause of the Gospel against the Clerics. And on that account it seemed good, the Roman Legates instigating, that Luther himself should be summoned
by the Imperial Fetial, and with letters of safe-conduct for this given by the Caesar & the princes.
He is summoned, he comes, and he turns aside into the Court of the Knights of Rhodes, or, as they
call them, of the Teutonic Order, where he was received in hospitality, and by many Counts,
Barons, gilt Knights, Nobles, Priests & Profanes was greeted and sought out far into the
night.
Caeterum multis & adversariae partis & aliis, adventus eius prorsus praeter opinionem acciderat, nam etsi per nuncium Imperialem, & datis literis publicae fidei, accersitus erat, Tamen quia parcis diebus, antequam veniret, publice & palam affixis literis eius libri damnati erant, nemo existimabat eum, hoc praeiudicio condemnatum, adventurum esse. Et cum in vicino oppido Oppenheim, ubi primum haec rescivit Lutherus, ab amicis eius deliberatio haberetur, ac plaerique consulerent, ne se ipse exponeret periculo, cum videret haec principia contra datam fidem fieri, Auditis omnibus, ipse magno animo respondit, Mihi vero, quia vocatus sum, decretum & certum est ingredi in urbem, in nomine Domini Ihesu Christi, etiamsi scirem tot Diabolos mihi oppositos, quot sunt tegulae in omnibus totius orbis tectis, &c.
But to many, both of the adversary party & others, his arrival happened quite beyond expectation, for although by an Imperial nuncio, & with letters of public faith (safe-conduct) having been given, he had been summoned, Yet because a few days before he came, publicly & openly, by posted letters his books had been condemned, no one supposed that he, condemned by this prejudgment, would be about to come. And when in the neighboring town Oppenheim, where Luther first learned these things, a deliberation was held by his friends, and very many counseled that he should not expose himself to danger, since he saw these beginnings being done against the given faith, All having been heard, he himself with great spirit answered, For me indeed, since I am called, it is decreed & certain to enter into the city, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, even if I knew as many Devils set against me as there are tiles on the roofs of the whole world, &c.
Altero die post adventum eius, feria quarta, Vir nobilis, Magister equitum Imperii, Ulricus de Pappenheim, a Caesare missus, ante prandii tempus venit, indicans Doctori Martino Caroli Imperatoris mandatum, ut hora pomeridiana quarta, apud Caesaream Maiestatem, Principes, Electores, Duces, & reliquos Imperii Ordines sese sistat, auditurus ad quid accersitus sit, Quod Doctor Martinus, ut debuit, accepit.
On the second day after his arrival, Wednesday, a noble man, the Master of the Horse of the Empire, Ulrich of Pappenheim, sent by Caesar, came before the time of lunch, indicating to Doctor Martin the mandate of Emperor Charles, that at the fourth hour of the afternoon, before the Caesarean Majesty, the Princes, Electors, Dukes, & the remaining Orders of the Empire, he should present himself, to hear for what he has been summoned, Which Doctor Martin, as he ought, accepted.
Ac statim post horam quartam auditam eius diei, venit D. Ulricus de Pappenheim, & Casparus Sturm Faecialis per Germanias Caesareus, (quo Caduceatore e Vuiteberga erat excitus, ac Vuormatiam usque deductus D. Martinus) qui ipsum evocatum comitabantur per hortum Curiae Rhodiensium, in diversorium Palatim Comitis. Et ne quid a turba pateretur, quae in iusto ad Caesaream domum itinere magna fuit, per gradus quosdam abditos in Auditorium deductus est, Non tamen latuit multos, qui ab ingressu vix vi prohibebantur, plaerique pergulas conscenderunt, studio videndi Lutherum.
And immediately after the fourth hour of that day had been sounded, there came Lord Ulrich of
Pappenheim, and Caspar Sturm, Imperial Herald through the Germanies (by which
caduceator Doctor Martin had been summoned from Wittenberg and escorted as far as Worms), who were accompanying him, the one called in, through the garden of the Court of the Rhodians, into
the lodging of the Count Palatine. And lest he suffer anything from the crowd, which on the straight way to
the Caesar’s house was great, he was led by certain hidden steps into the Auditorium, Nevertheless it did not escape many, who from entrance were scarcely by force
kept back; many climbed the galleries, in zeal to see Luther.
Ibi Caesareae Maiestatis Orator Ioannes Eck, Officialis generalis Episcopi Treverensis, alta & intelligibili voce, primum latine, deinde germanicae, iussu Imperatoris dixit & proposuit eandem sententiam, in hunc, aut ei in effectu similem, qui sequitur modum. Martine Luthere, Sacra & invicta Caesarea maiestas, de consilio omnium sacri Romani Imperii Ordinum, ad solium Maiestatis suae huc vocari te iussit, ut his duabus de causis te interrogarem: Primum, fatearis ne libros hos praesentes (fasce librorum suorum latine & germanice scriptorum ostenso) qui tuo nomine praetitulati circumferuntur, tuos esse, illosque pro tuis agnoscas nec ne? & Deinde, an illos & eorundem contenta retractare & revocare, vel inhaerere eisdem potius & inseverare velis?
There the Orator of the Imperial Majesty, Johann Eck, General Official of the Bishop of Trier, with a loud & intelligible voice, first in Latin, then in German, by order of the Emperor said & proposed the same sentence, in this manner which follows, or one similar to it in effect. “Martin Luther, the sacred & unconquered Imperial Majesty, by the counsel of all the Orders of the Holy Roman Empire, has commanded that you be called hither to the throne of His Majesty, that I might question you on these two causes: First, whether you confess that these present books (the bundle of your books written in Latin & in German being displayed), which are circulated bearing your name in the title, are yours, and whether you acknowledge them as yours or not? & Then, whether you wish to retract & revoke them and their contents, or rather to adhere to the same & to persevere in them?”
Hic, priusquam Lutherus responderet, D. Hieronymus Schurff, qui Doctori Martino aditus adstabat, exclamavit, Intitulentur libri. Hic Officialis Treverensis, ex libris D. Martini Lutheri, eos qui Basiliae simul sunt excusi, nominatim recitavit, inter quos etiam numerabantur Commentarii in Psalterium, Libellus de bonis operibus, Commentarius in Dominicam orationem, & praeter hos alii libelli Christiani, non contentiosi.
Here, before Luther answered, D. Hieronymus Schurff, who stood by Doctor Martin, cried out, Let the books be entitled. Here the Official of Trier, from the books of D. Martin Luther—those which at Basel likewise are printed together—recited them by name, among which were also counted the Commentaries on the Psalter, a little book on good works, a Commentary on the Lord’s Prayer, & besides these other Christian little books, not contentious.
Post haec & ad haec D. Martinus ista reddidit latine & germanice: A Caesarea Maiestate duo mihi proponuntur: Primum, An libros omnes nomen meum habentes pro meis agnoscere velim? Secundum, An defendere, an vero quidquam reclamare velim ex ii, quae hactenus per me scripta & aedita sunt? Ad quae respondebo breviter ut potero, & recte.
After these things & to these things Dr. Martin returned these statements in Latin & German: From the Caesarean Majesty two things are proposed to me: First, whether I am willing to acknowledge as mine all the books bearing my name? Second, whether I wish to defend, or indeed to retract anything from those things which thus far have been written & published by me? To which I will answer briefly as I shall be able, & rightly.
Primum, Libros iam nominatos non possum non amplecti pro meis, & eorum quidem nihil unquam negabo. Caeterum, quod sequitur, ut exponam, an defendere pariter omnia, vel revocare velim, Quia de fide est quaestio & animarum salute, & quia divinum verbum concernit, quo nihil maius est, tam in caelo quam in terra, quod nos merito revereri convenit omnes, temerarium ac iuxta periculosum fuerit, me quidquam incogitatum proferre, cum & minus quam pro re, & maius quam pro vero, non praemeditatus, asserere possim, quorum utrumque me in sententiam adducet, quam Christus tulit, cum ait, Qui me negaverit coram hominibus, negabo & ego eum coram Patre meo qui in caelis est. Peto igitur hac de causa, & quidem suppliciter, a Caesarea Maiestate spacium deliberandi, ut citra divini verbi iniuriam, & animae meae periculum interrogationi satisfaciam.
First, the books already named I cannot but embrace as mine, and of them indeed I will never deny anything. Furthermore, as to what follows, that I may set forth whether I am willing to defend all alike, or to revoke: because it is a question of faith and of the salvation of souls, and because it concerns the divine word, than which nothing is greater, both in heaven and on earth, which it is fitting for us all rightly to revere, it would be rash and likewise perilous for me to bring forth anything unconsidered, since, unpremeditated, I might assert both less than the matter requires and more than is true, either of which would bring me under the judgment which Christ delivered, when he said, Whoever denies me before men, I also will deny him before my Father who is in the heavens. I therefore ask for this cause, and indeed supplicantly, from the Imperial Majesty a period for deliberation, that, without injury to the divine word, and danger to my soul, I may satisfy the question.
Ex eo Principum coepit deliberatio, quam ita reddidit Officialis Treverensis: Etsi iam tu, Martine Luthere, ex mandato Caesareo satis intelligere potueris, ad quid accersitus sis, & ea de causa iam indignus, cum longior cogitandi mora detur, Tamen ex ingenita clementia, Caesarea Maiestas diem unum indulget meditationi tuae, ut cras in horam eandem coram compareas, ea conditione, ne scriptam sententiam tuam proponas, sed verbis exequaris.
From that point the deliberation of the Princes began, which the Trier Official rendered thus: Although now you, Martin Luther, from the Imperial mandate could have sufficiently understood, to what you have been summoned, and for that reason already unworthy that a longer delay for thinking be granted, Nevertheless, out of innate clemency, the Imperial Majesty indulges one day for your meditation, that tomorrow at the same hour you appear in person, on this condition, that you not put forward your written opinion, but set it forth in words.
Post haec D. Martinus per Faecialem redditus est hospicio suo. In qua re non fuit praetereundum, quod inter eundum ad audiendum Caesaris mandatum, & cum iam esset in ipso principum consessu Lutherus, ab aliis, alia voce, commonebatur, ut esset forti animo, ut viriliter ageret, ne timeret eos, qui corpus tantum possent occidere, animam non possent, sed potius metueret sibi ab eo, qui posset & corpus & animam mittere in gehennam. Item: Cum steteritis ante Reges, nolite cogitare quid loquamini, dabitur enim vobis in illa hora, &c.
After these things Dr. Martin was returned to his lodging by the Herald. In which matter it ought not to be passed over, that while on the way to hear Caesar’s mandate, & when Luther was already in the very assembly of the princes, he was by others, with various voices, reminded that he should be of a stout spirit, that he should act manfully, that he should not fear those who could kill the body only, could not the soul, but rather should fear for himself from him who could send both body & soul into Gehenna. Likewise: When you shall have stood before Kings, do not think what you shall say, for it will be given to you in that hour, &c.
Sequenti feria quinta, post quartam pomeridianam, venit Faecialis, & assumptum D. Martinum in Curiam Caesaris perduxit, ubi propter Principum occupationes ad sextam usque mansit, expectans in magna hominum frequentia, seipsam conterente prae turba, Cumque consessus factus esset, & Doctor Martinus astaret, prorupit Officialis in haec verba.
On the following Thursday, after the fourth hour in the afternoon, the Herald came, & having taken up Doctor Martin, led him into the Court of Caesar, where, on account of the occupations of the Princes, he remained until the sixth, waiting amid a great multitude of people, itself being crushed by the press; & when the session had been held, & Doctor Martin was standing by, the Official broke out into these words.
Hesterno vesperi Caesarea Maiestas hanc horam tibi dixit Martine Luthere, Quandoquidem Libros, quos heri recensuimus, tuos esse palam recepisti. Coeterum ad quaestionem, An quidquam eorum irritum haberi velles, aut omnia probares quae confiteris? deliberationem petiisti, quae nunc finem habet, Etiamsi iure impetrare non debueras longius cogitandi spacium, qui tanto tempore scivisti, ad quid vocareris.
Last evening the Imperial Majesty appointed this hour for you, Martin Luther, Since you openly acknowledged that the books which yesterday we reviewed are yours. Moreover, to the question, whether you would wish any of them to be held null, or approve all which you confess? you requested deliberation, which now has its end, even though by right you ought not to have obtained a longer space for thinking, you who for so long a time have known to what you were summoned.
And it was agreed that the business of faith was so certain to all, that each, whenever summoned, could render a sure & constant account of it, not to mention you, so great & so well-exercised a professor of Theology. Come, at length answer the Caesarean demand, whose benignity you have felt in obtaining a space for thinking. Do you wish to defend all your books acknowledged as yours?
Respondit Doctor Martinus, & ipse latine & germanice, quanquam suppliciter, non clamose, ac modeste, non tamen sine Christiana animositate et constantia, & ita, ut cupierint Adversarii orationem & animum abiectiorem. Sed multo cupidissime expectarunt Revocationem, cuius spem, expetito deliberandi spatio, nonnulli conceperant.
Doctor Martin replied, & he himself in Latin & German, although humbly, not noisily, and modestly, yet not without Christian spiritedness and constancy, & in such a way that the Adversaries would have wished for a more abject speech & spirit. But far more eagerly they awaited the Revocation, the hope of which, after a sought space for deliberation, some had conceived.
Serenissime D. Imperator, Illustrissimi Principes Clementissimi Domini, ad praefixum mihi hesterno vesperi terminum obediens compareo, per misericordiam Dei obsecrans, serenissima Maiestas vestra, Dominationesque vestrae illustrissimae, dignentur causam hanc (ut spero) iustitiae & veritatis clementer audire. Atque si per imperitiam meam vel dignos titulos cuiquam non dedero, vel quocunque modo in mores gestusque aulicos peccavero, benigniter ignoscere, ut homini non in Aulis, sed in angulis Monachorum versato, qui nihil aliud de me testari possum, quam ea simplicitate animi hactenus me docuisse & scripsisse, ut tantum gloriam Dei, & sinceram fidelium Christi institutionem spectarem.
Most Serene Lord Emperor, Most Illustrious Princes, Most Clement Lords, at the term appointed to me yesterday evening I appear in obedience, beseeching by the mercy of God that Your Most Serene Majesty, and your most illustrious Lordships, would deign to hear this cause (as I hope) of justice & truth with clemency. And if through my inexperience either I have not given to anyone fitting titles, or in whatever way I have sinned against courtly manners and gestures, kindly to forgive, as a man not versed in Courts, but in the corners of Monks, who can testify nothing else about myself, than that in that simplicity of mind I have hitherto taught & written, so that I regarded only the glory of God, & the sincere instruction of the faithful of Christ.
Serenissime Imperator, Illustrissimi Principes, Clementissimi Domini, Ad duos illos Articulos heri per Serenissimam Maiestatem vestram mihi propositos, scilicet: An libellos recensitos, & nomine meo evulgatos agnoscerem meos? & in his defendendis perseverare aut revocare velim? Dedi paratum & planum meum responsum, super Articulo priore, in quo adhuc persisto, persistamque in aeternum, Esse videlicet eos libros meos, meoque nomine a me evulgatos, nisi forte interim acciderit, ut aemulorum vel astutia, vel sapientia importuna quidquam in illis mutatum, aut depravate excerptum sit.
Most Serene Emperor, Most Illustrious Princes, Most Clement Lords, As to those two Articles yesterday by your Most Serene Majesty proposed to me, namely: Whether I acknowledge as mine the little books revised, and published under my name? and whether I wish to persevere in defending these or to recall them? I have given my prepared and plain answer upon the former Article, in which I still persist, and I shall persist for eternity, namely, that those books are mine, and were published by me under my own name, unless perhaps in the meantime it has happened, that by the astuteness of rivals, or by importunate wisdom, anything has been changed in them, or has been corruptly excerpted.
Ad alterum vero responsurus, rogo, Serenissima Maeistas vestra, & Dominationes vestrae dignentur animum advertere. Libros meos non esse omnes eiusdem generis: Sunt enim aliqui, in quibus pietatem fidei & morum adeo simpliciter & Evangelice tractavi, ut ipsimet Adversarii cogantur eos confiteri utiles, innoxios, & plane dignos lectione Christiana. Sed & Bulla, quanquam saeva & crudelis, aliquot meos libros innoxios facit, licet & hos damnet, iudicio prorsus monstrifico.
To answer the second, however, I beg, Your Most Serene Majesty, & your Lordships to deign to turn your mind. My books are not all of the same kind: for there are some in which the piety of faith & morals I have treated so simply & Evangelically, that the Adversaries themselves are compelled to confess them useful, innocuous, & plainly worthy of Christian reading. But even the Bull, although savage & cruel, declares several of my books innocuous, although it condemns these also, by a judgment altogether monstrous.
Alterum genus est, quod in Papatum & doctrinam Papistarum invehitur, tanmquam in eos, qui suis & doctrinis & exemplis pessimis, orbem Christianum utroque malo, & spiritus & corporis vastaverunt, Nam neque negare id, neque dissimulare quisquam potest, cum experientia omnium & universorum quaerimonia testes sint, per leges Papae & doctrinas hominum conscientias fedelium miserrime esse illaqueatas, vexatas & excarnificatas, tum res & substantias, praesertim in hac inclyta Germaniae natione, incredibili Tyrannide devoratas, deverarique adhuc sine fine indignisque modis: cum tamen suismet legibus ipsi caveant, (ut dist. 9. & 25.q.1. & 2.) Ut Papae leges & doctrinae Evangelio aut Patrum sententiis contrariae, pro erroneis & reprobis habeantur.
The other kind is that which inveighs against the Papacy & the doctrine of the Papists, as if against those who by their doctrines & by their most evil examples have laid waste the Christian world with both evils, of spirit & of body. For neither can anyone deny that nor dissemble it, since the experience of all & the universal complaint are witnesses, that through the laws of the Pope & the doctrines of men the consciences of the faithful have been most miserably ensnared, vexed, & flayed alive, and that goods & properties, especially in this renowned nation of Germany, have been devoured by incredible Tyranny, and are still being devoured without end and by unworthy modes: although by their own very laws they themselves provide (as in dist. 9. & 25.q.1. & 2.) that papal laws & doctrines contrary to the Gospel or to the opinions of the Fathers be held as erroneous & reprobate.
Si igitur & hos revocavero, nihil aliud praestitero, quam ut Tyrannidi robur adiecero, & tantae impietati iam non fenestras, sed valvas aperuero, grassaturae latius & liberius quam hactenus unquam ausa fuerit, & fiet huius meae revocationis testimonio, licentiosissimum impunitissimumque nequitiae illorum regnum, misero vulgo longe intolerabilissimum, & tamen roboratum & stabilitum, praesertim si iactatum fuerit, id a me factum authoritate serenissime Maiestatis vestrae, totiusque Romani Imperii. Quantum ego Deus bone, tum fuero operculum nequitiae & Tyrannidis.
If therefore & I shall have recalled these too, I shall have accomplished nothing else than that I have added strength to tyranny, & that to so great impiety I have now opened not windows but doors, for it to range more widely & more freely than it has ever hitherto dared, & by the testimony of this my revocation there will become the most licentious and most unpunished kingdom of their wickedness, far the most intolerable to the wretched common folk, & yet strengthened & established, especially if it shall be bruited about that it was done by me by the authority of your Most Serene Majesty, and of the whole Roman Empire. How great, good God, then shall I have been a lid for wickedness & tyranny.
Tertium genus eorum est, quos in aliquos privatos & singulares (ut vocant) personas scripsi, in eos scilicet, qui Tyrannidem Romanam tueri, & pietatem a me doctam labefactare moliti sunt. In hos confiteor me fuisse acerbiorem, quam pro religione aut professione deceat, neque enim me Sanctum aliquem facio, neque de vita mea, sed de doctrina Christi disputo.
The third kind of them is those whom I wrote against as certain private & singular (as they call it) persons, namely against those who have tried to defend the Roman Tyranny, & to undermine the piety taught by me. Against these I confess that I have been more bitter than befits religion or my profession; for I do not make myself some Saint, nor do I dispute about my life, but about the doctrine of Christ.
Tamen quia Homo sum & non Deus, alio patrocinio meis libellis adesse non possum, quam ipse Dominus meus Ihesus Christus affuit suae doctrinae, qui cum coram Hanna de sua doctrina fuisset interrogatus, & alapam a ministro accepisset, dixit: Si male locutus sum, testimonium perhibe de malo. Si Dominus ipse, qui sciebat sese errare non posse, non detrectavit testimonium adversus suam doctrinam audire, etiam a vilissimo servo, quanto magis ego sex, non nisi errare potens, debeo expetere & expectare, si quis testimonium reddere velit adversus meam doctrinam.
Yet because I am a Man and not God, I cannot be present to my little books with any other patronage than that with which my own Lord Jesus Christ was present to his doctrine, who, when he had been questioned before Annas about his doctrine, and had received a slap from a minister, said: If I have spoken ill, bear witness concerning the ill. If the Lord himself, who knew that he could not err, did not refuse to hear testimony against his doctrine, even from a most vile servant, how much more should I, able only to err, seek and expect, if anyone should wish to render testimony against my doctrine.
Itaque rogo per misericordiam Dei, Sereniss. Maiestas vestra, Illustrissimeque Domnationes vestrae, aut quicunque tandem, vel summus vel infimus possit, reddat testimonium, convincat errores, superet scripturis Propheticis & Apostolicis, paratissimus enim ero, si edoctus fuero, quemcunque errorem (r)evocare, eroque primus, qui libellos meos in ignem proiiciam.
Therefore I beg by the mercy of God, Your Most Serene Majesty, and your Most Illustrious Lordships, or whoever at last, whether the highest or the lowest can, let him render testimony, convict the errors, overcome me by the Prophetic & Apostolic Scriptures; for I shall be most ready, if I shall have been instructed, to revoke whatever error, and I shall be the first to cast my booklets into the fire.
Ex his arbitror liquidum fieri, me satis curasse & ponderasse discrimina & pericula, seu studia & dissensiones, meae doctrinae occasione in orbe excitata, de quibus heri graviter & fortiter admonitus fui. Mihi plane omnium iucundissima facies ista in rebus est, videre ob verbum Dei studia & dissensiones fieri, Is enim est verbi cursus, casus & eventus, Nam dicit, Non veni pacem mittere sed gladium, Veni enim separare hominem adversus patrem &c.
From these things I judge it to become clear that I have sufficiently cared for & weighed the distinctions & perils, or the partisanships & dissensions, stirred up in the world on the occasion of my doctrine, about which yesterday I was gravely & stoutly admonished. To me plainly, of all things, that face in affairs is most pleasant: to see, on account of the word of God, partisanships & dissensions arise; for such is the course of the word, its case & event. For he says, I did not come to send peace but a sword, for I came to separate a man against his father, &c.
Proinde cogitandum nobis est, quod Deus noster sit mirabilis & terribilis in consiliis suis, ne forte id, quod tantis studiis tentatur, si a damnato verbo Dei exordiamur, vergat postea potius in intolerablie malorum diluvium, & quod cavendum sit, ne Adolescentis huius optimi Principis Caroli (in quo post Deum multa spes est) infaelx & inauspicatum fiat Imperium.
Therefore it must be considered by us, that our God is marvelous & terrible in his counsels, lest perhaps that which is attempted with such great exertions, if we commence from a condemned Word of God, incline afterward rather into an intolerable deluge of evils, & that it be guarded against, lest the Empire of this Youth, the best Prince Charles (in whom after God there is much hope) become unlucky & inauspicious.
Possem locupletius Exemplis scripturae, de Pharaone, Rege Babylonis, & Regibus Israel rem declarare, qui tum sese maxime perdiderunt, cum sapientissimis consiliis sua Regna pacificare & stabilire studuerunt. Ipse est enim qui compraehendit astutos in astutia sua, & subvertit montes antequam cognoscant. Itaque timere, Dei opus est.
I could more richly declare the matter by examples of Scripture, about Pharaoh, the King of Babylon, & the Kings of Israel, who then most of all ruined themselves, when with the most wise counsels they strove to pacify & stabilize their kingdoms. For he himself is the one who entraps the astute in their astuteness, & subverts mountains before they know. Therefore, to fear is the work of God.
Non haec dico, quod opus sit mea vel doctrina vel admonitione tantis verticibus, sed quod obsequium meae Germaniae debitum subtrahere non debuerim. Et his me Sereniss. Maiestati vestrae, Dominationibusque vestris commendo, humiliter rogans, ne patiantur studiis Adversariorum me sibi sine causa reddi invisum. DIXI
I do not say these things, because there is need of my doctrine or admonition for such heights, but because I ought not to withdraw the due obedience of my Germany. And with these I commend myself to your Most Serene Majesty, and to your Lordships, humbly begging that they not allow, by the endeavors of the Adversaries, that I be made hateful to them without cause. I HAVE SPOKEN
His dictis, Orator Imperii increpabundo similis, dixit, eum non ad rem respondisse, nec deberi in quaestionem vocari, quae olim in Conciliis essent damnata, & definita, Ideo ab eo peti simplex & non cornutum responsum, An velit revocare vel non?
With these things said, the Orator of the Empire, in a rebuking tone, said that he had not answered to the point, and that things which once in Councils had been condemned and defined ought not to be called into question; therefore a simple and not horned response was sought from him: whether he is willing to revoke (recant) or not?
Hic L U T H E R U S, Quando ergo Sereniss. Maiestas vestra, Dominationesque vestrae simplex responsum petunt, dabo illud, neque cornutum neque dentatum in hunc modum: Nisi convictus fuero testimoniis scripturarum, aut ratione evidente, (nam neque Papae neque Conciliis solis credo, cum constet ea errasse saepius, &sibiipsis contradixisse) victus sum scripturis a me adductis, captaque est conscientia in verbis Dei, revocare neque possum neque volo quidquam, cum contra conscientiam agere, neque tutum sit neque integrum.
Here L U T H E R, Therefore, since your Most Serene Majesty and your Lordships ask for a simple answer, I will give it—neither horned nor toothed—in this way: Unless I shall be convinced by the testimonies of the Scriptures or by evident reason (for I believe neither the Pope nor the Councils alone, since it is established that they have erred often and have contradicted themselves), I have been vanquished by the Scriptures adduced by me, and my conscience has been taken captive in the words of God; I can neither revoke nor do I wish to revoke anything, since to act against conscience is neither safe nor integral.
Immodestius tu Martine respondisiti, quam tuam personam deceat, & adeo non ad propositum, Libros varie partiris, verum ita, ut ad interrogationem nihil faciant omnia. Quod si eos recantasses, in quibus errorum tuorum magna pars est, haud dubie Caesarea Maiestas, & ingenita clementia, reliquorum, qui boni sunt, persecutionem non toleraret. Atqui tu, quae universale Constantiense Concilium damnavit, ex universa Germanica natione congregatum, resuscitas, & per scripturam vinci vis, in quo vehementer deliras.
More immodestly, Martin, you have responded than befits your person, & moreover not to the proposition: you variously partition the books, but so that, as to the interrogation, all of them accomplish nothing. But if you had recanted those in which the greater part of your errors is, without doubt the Caesarean Majesty, & innate clemency, would not tolerate persecution of the rest, which are good. But you resuscitate those things which the universal Council of Constance, convened from the entire German nation, condemned, & you wish to be conquered by scripture, in which you rave vehemently.
For what does it avail to celebrate a new Disputation about matters condemned for so many ages by the Church & Council? Unless perchance an account must be rendered to any man about anything whatsoever. But if once it prevails, that whoever contradicts the Councils & the Church’s sense must be convicted by the Scriptures, we shall have nothing in Christianity certain or determined.
Ibi rogavit Doctor Martinus, ne se contra conscientiam a sanctis scripturis captam & impeditam, sine contradicentium manifestariis argumentis, ad revocandum cogi pateretur Caesarea Maiestas. Responsum quod petitur non cornutum, sed simplex & rectum. Neque se aliud habere, quam quod ante quoque dedisset: Nisi sufficientibus argumentis, conscientiam ab illis, quos ipsi vocant, erroribus captam, explicarent Adversarii, nec se posse ex retibus abire, quibus esset involutus.
There Doctor Martin asked that the Imperial Majesty would not allow him to be compelled to recant against a conscience captured & impeded by the Holy Scriptures, without manifest arguments of the contradictors. The answer that is sought is not horned, but simple & straight. Nor does he have anything else than what he had also given before: unless the Adversaries, with sufficient arguments, should explain the conscience captured by those things which they themselves call errors, he could not depart from the nets in which he was entangled.
that not forthwith true are whatever Councils have decreed, nay rather that Councils have erred, and have often defined things contrary to themselves; therefore the argument of the contradictors does not prevail. That he is able to show that Councils have erred, that he cannot revoke what has been diligently and openly expressed in Scripture.
Feria sexta post Misericordiam Domini, cum convenissent Principes, Electores, Duces, & reliqui Ordines, qui consultationibus adesse solent, Scriptum haec habens in Senatum misit Caesar: M A I O R E S nostri, & ipsi Christiani Principes, fuerunt nihilo minus Ecclesiae Romanae audientes, quam nunc Doctor Martinus Lutherus impugnat, Et quia ne latum quidem unguem ab erroribus discedere in animum induxit, non possumus nos cum decore a Maiorum Exemplo desciscere, in antiqua fide tuenda, & Romanae sedi auxilium ferendo: Ipsum autem Martinum Lutherum & adhaerentes, excomunicatione prosequaemur, & si quae aliae patent ad extinguendum viae. Datam tamen & ascriptam fidem violare nolumus, Imo daturi operam, ut salvus eo redeat, unde est accitus.
On the Friday after Misericordia Domini, when the Princes, Electors, Dukes, & the remaining Orders, who are accustomed to be present at consultations, had convened, the Caesar sent into the Senate a writing containing these things: O U R A N C E S T O R S, & they themselves Christian Princes, were nothing less obedient to the Roman Church, which Doctor Martin Luther now assails. And because he has not brought himself to depart from errors by not even the breadth of a fingernail, we cannot with decorum secede from the Example of the Ancestors, in defending the ancient faith, & in bringing aid to the Roman See: But Martin Luther himself & his adherents we will prosecute with excommunication, & with whatever other ways lie open for extinguishing. Nevertheless we do not wish to violate the pledged & subscribed faith; nay rather we will give our effort that he may return safe to that place whence he was summoned.
Interea temporis visus est et visitatus a multis Principibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Equitibus, Nobilibus, Sacrificis, religiosis ac prophanis, ne quid dicam de vulgi numero, Hi curiam nunquam non obsederunt, nec videndo satiari potuerunt. Etiam schedulae binae fuerunt affixae, una contra Doctorem Lutherum, Altera, ut videbatur, pro Doctore. Tametsi a multis adeoque intelligentibus, dolose ab Inimicis putatur factum idipsum, ut occasio esset rescindendi dati salvi conductus, quod non impigre quaerebant Romani Legati.
Interea temporis he was seen and visited by many Princes, Counts, Barons, Knights, Nobles, Sacrificers, religious and profane, lest I say anything about the number of the vulgar multitude. These never failed to besiege the court, nor could they be sated by seeing. Also two little schedules were affixed, one against Doctor Luther, the other, as it seemed, for the Doctor. Although by many, and indeed by intelligent people, that very thing is thought to have been done deceitfully by Enemies, so that there might be an occasion for rescinding the given safe-conduct, which the Roman Legates were not sluggish to seek.
Feria secunda post Iubilate, ante coenam, Archiepiscopus Treverensis renunciavit Doctori Martino, ut feria quarta sequaenti coram ipso hora sexta ante prandium compareret, loco iterum designando. Die S. Gregorii, sub coena, rediit ad Lutherum is, qui erat a Sacris Archiepiscopi Treverensis, iussu Principis sui, petens, ut postridie hora nuper designata in diversorium Domini sui adesset.
On Monday after Jubilate, before supper, the Archbishop of Trier announced to Doctor Martin that on the following Wednesday he should appear before him at the sixth hour before breakfast, the place to be designated again. On the day of St. Gregory, during supper, there returned to Luther the one who was of the Sacred [household] of the Archbishop of Trier, by order of his Prince, requesting that on the next day at the hour recently designated he should be present at his Lord’s lodging.
Feria quarta post Georgii natalem, dicto parens Doctor Martinus, diversorium Archiepiscopi Treverensis ingreditur, adductus per Sacerdotem eius, & Caduceatorem Caesarem, prosequentibus eum, qui huc venientem e Saxonibus & Thuringis comitati sunt, & aliquot aliis praeterea amicissimis, ubi coram Archiepiscopo Treverensi, Marchione Ioachimo Brandenburgensi, Duce Georgo Saxoniae, Augustensi & Brandenbugensi Episcopis, Magistro Teutonicorum Comite Georgio, Iohanne Boc# Argentine, Vuerdheymero, & Pentingero Doctoribus. Doctor Voeus, a sacris Marchionis Badensis, dicere coepit, & protestatus est, Non in hoc ipsum vocatum esse, ut tanquam in controversia vel disputatione cum ipso conferrent, sed solum ex Christiana charitate & clementia quadam, Principes a Caesarea Maiestate impetrasse, ut liceret eis clementer & fraterne exhortari eum.
On the Wednesday after the birthday of George, obeying the summons, Doctor Martin entered the lodging of the Archbishop of Trier, led in by his Priest and the Imperial Herald, with those accompanying him who had escorted him hither from among the Saxons and Thuringians, and, moreover, several others most friendly; where, in the presence of the Archbishop of Trier, Margrave Joachim of Brandenburg, Duke George of Saxony, the Bishops of Augsburg and Brandenburg, the Master of the Teutons, Count George, Johannes Boc# of Strasbourg, Vuerdheymer, and Pentinger, doctors. Doctor Voeus, chaplain to the Margrave of Baden, began to speak and declared that he had not been called for this very purpose, namely that they should confer with him as in a controversy or disputation, but only that, out of Christian charity and a certain clemency, the Princes had obtained from the Imperial Majesty that it should be permitted to them gently and fraternally to exhort him.
Deinde ait, Concilia, tametsi diversa statuerint, non tamen statuisse contraria, Quod si vel maxime errassent, ob id tamen non corruere eorum authoritatem, saltem adeo, ut quilibet suo sensu contra ea niti vellet. Inferens de Centurione, et Zacheo multa, etiam de constitutionibus humanis, Caeremoniis statutis, ea omnia affirmans sancita, ad reprimenda vicia, pro qualitate & vicissitudine temporum, nec vicia, pro qualitate & vicissitudine temporum, nec posse Ecclesiam carere constitutionibus humanis. Ex fructibus cognosci arborem.
Then he said, The Councils, although they have decreed diverse things, have nevertheless not decreed contrary things; but even if they had erred most greatly, for that reason their authority does not collapse, at least not so far that anyone would wish, by his own sense, to strive against them. Bringing in many points about the Centurion and Zacchaeus, and also about human constitutions, established Ceremonies, affirming all those things to be sanctioned for the repressing of vices, according to the quality & vicissitude of times, and that vices likewise are [to be dealt with] according to the quality & vicissitude of times, nor can the Church be without human constitutions. By the fruits the tree is known.
Deinde, quod ingentes motus, et tumultus incredibiles excitaturi sint libri eius. Quod libello de libertate Christiana vulgus abutatur ad exuendum iugum, ad stabiliendam inobedientiam: Longe nunc secus habere, quam cum credentium cor unum & anima fuisset una, Legibus ergo opus esse.
Then, that his books are going to stir up vast disturbances and incredible tumults. That the common crowd abuses the little book On Christian Liberty to cast off the yoke, to establish disobedience: that now the case stands far otherwise than when the heart of believers was one & the soul one, and therefore there is need of laws.
Praeterea expendendum, quod cum bona multa scripsisset, & procul dubio bono spiritu, ut De Triplici Iusticia, & alia, Diabolum hoc iam per insidias occultas agere, ut omnia eius opera in perpetuum damnentur. Nam ex his quae ultimo scripserit, vere iudicaretur, quemadmodum arbor non ex flore, sed ex fructibus cognoscatur.
Moreover, it is to be weighed, that although he had written many good things, and beyond doubt in a good spirit, as in On the Triple Justice, and others, the Devil is now, through hidden insidious snares, bringing this about: that all his works be condemned in perpetuity. For from those things which he wrote last, it would truly be judged, just as a tree is known not from the flower, but from the fruits.
Ibi addidit de Daemonio meridiano, & negocio per ambulante in tenebris, & sagitta volante.Tota oratio fuit exhortatoria, locis rethoricis, honestatis, utilitatis Legum, & e regione periculorum conscientiae, & salutis publicae & privatae, plena. Tum in principio, tum medio, tum calce identidem inculcans, hanc admonitionem propensissima voluntate, & clementia quadam singulari a Principibus fieri. Claudens, in Epilogo minas addit, dicens futurum, ut si in proposito perseveraret, Caesar procedat, eum ex Imperio eiecturus, commonefaciens, ut haec & reliqua cogitaret & expenderet.
There he added about the noonday Demon, & the business perambulating in the darkness, & the flying arrow. The whole oration was exhortatory, full of rhetorical loci, of the honesty and utility of the Laws, & conversely of the dangers to conscience, & of public & private safety. Then both at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end, repeatedly inculcating, that this admonition is made by the Princes with a most propense will, & with a certain singular clemency. Closing, in the Epilogue he adds threats, saying it will come to pass, that if he persevered in his purpose, Caesar should proceed, about to cast him out from the Empire, reminding him to consider & weigh these things & the rest.
Respondit Doctor Martinus, Clementissimi et Illustrissimi Principes & Domini, De voluntate ista clementissima & benignissima, ex qua hace admonitio proficiscitur, ago gratias quam humilime possum. Agnosco enim me homuncionem longe viliorem esse, quam ut a tantis Principibus sim commonendus.
Doctor Martin replied, Most Clement and Most Illustrious Princes & Lords, Concerning that most clement & most benign will, from which this admonition proceeds, I render thanks as humbly as I can. For I acknowledge that I, a little man, am far more base than that I should be admonished by such great Princes.
Deinde libere pronunciat, Se non omnia Concilia repraehendisse, sed tantum Constantiense, ob hoc potissimum, quod verbum Dei damnavit, Quod patet in Articulo hoc Iohannis Hus ibi damnato, Ecclesia Christi est universitas praedestinatorum. Hunc Articulum damnasse Concilium Constantiense, certum est, & sic consequenter hunc Articulum fidei nostrae: Credo Ecclesiam sanctam, Catholicam. Aiebat igitur, se non recusare & vitam & sanguinem impendere, modo eo non detrudatur, ut cogatur apertum Dei verbum revocare.
Then he pronounces freely that he has not reprehended all Councils, but only the Council of Constance, for this chiefly, that it condemned the word of God; which is evident in this Article of John Hus condemned there, “The Church of Christ is the universality of the predestined.” That the Council of Constance condemned this Article is certain, & so consequently this Article of our faith: “I believe the holy, Catholic Church.” He said, therefore, that he did not refuse to expend both life & blood, provided he be not thrust down to this, that he be compelled to revoke the open word of God.
Neque se hic posse cavere Scandalum fidei, Scandalum enim duplex esse, charitatis & fidei. Charitatis, quod in moribus & vita consistit, Fidei vero seu doctrinae, quod in verbo Dei consistit, & hoc vitare se iam non posse, In sua enim potestate non esse, ut Christus non sit petra Scandali. Si oves Christi puro Evangelii pabulo pascerentur, fides Christi vere praedicaretur, essentque boni ac pii Magistratus Ecclesiastici, qui fideliter officium suum facerent, non opus esse Ecclesiam onerare humanis traditionibus &c. Se scire, Obediendum esse Magistratibus & potestatibus etiam male & inique viventibus.
Nor could he here guard against a scandal of faith; for scandal is twofold, of charity and of faith. Of charity, which consists in morals and life; but of faith, or of doctrine, which consists in the Word of God—and this he can now no longer avoid; for it is not in his power that Christ not be a rock of scandal. If the sheep of Christ were fed with the pure fodder of the Gospel, the faith of Christ would truly be preached, and there would be good and pious Ecclesiastical Magistrates, who would faithfully discharge their office; there would be no need to burden the Church with human traditions, etc. He knew that one must obey magistrates and authorities even when living badly and unjustly.
Respondit Doctor Martinus suppliciter, & modeste, se neque pati neque passurum, ut diceretur defugisse iudicium Caesaris, Procerum et Ordinum Imperii. Tantum enim abesse, ut eorum examen reformidet, ut vel minimis quoque accuratissime sua expendi permitteret, modo id fieret autoritate verbi divini & sacrae scripturae. Verbum autem Dei tam apertum pro se esse, ut cedere nequeat, nisi verbo Dei meliora edoctus.
Responded Doctor Martin humbly & modestly, that he neither suffers nor will suffer it to be said that he has fled the judgment of the Caesar, the Princes and the Estates of the Empire. So far, in fact, is he from dreading their examination, that he would permit even the very least things of his to be weighed most accurately, provided that be done by the authority of the divine word & of sacred scripture. But the word of God is so open on his behalf, that he cannot yield, unless taught better by the word of God.
For St. Augustine writes that he learned to have this honor for those books alone which are called Canonical, so that he believes them true; but to the other Doctors, however much they excel either in sanctity or in doctrine, to believe them only thus, if they should write true things: In addition that St. Paul wrote to the Thessalonians, Prove all things, hold what is good. And to the Galatians: Even if an Angel should come from heaven, & preach something else, let him be anathema, and so he is not to be believed: Therefore he also humbly prays that they do not press his conscience, bound with the bonds of Scripture & the divine Word, to deny so clear a word of God, and that they would hold him as commended, & especially would bring it about with Caesar’s majesty that he not be forced to do anything against conscience in this cause, Otherwise he would most obsequiously do anything whatsoever.
Respondit Doctor Martinus, Etiam, Domine clementissime vel rationibus clarissimis, & evidentibus. Ita soluto hoc Conventu, Principibus reliquis in Curiam proficiscentibus, Treverensis Archiepiscopus Doctorem Martinum accivit in suum Triclinium, adhibito Officiali suo Iohanne Ecxio & Cochleo: Doctori Martino Luthero astabat D. Hieronymus Schurff, & Nicolaus Ambsdorsius. Ibi tum coepit Officialis argumentari ut Sophista & Canonnista, Papae causam defendens.
Doctor Martin replied, Yes, most clement Lord, even by the most clear & evident reasons. Thus, with this Assembly dissolved, the remaining Princes setting out to the Court, the Archbishop of Trier summoned Doctor Martin into his triclinium, his Official John Eck & Cochlaeus being brought in; by Doctor Martin Luther stood Dr. Hieronymus Schurff, & Nicolaus Ambsdorsius. Thereupon the Official began to argue like a Sophist & Canonist, defending the Pope’s cause.
That heresies have almost always arisen from the sacred Scriptures, as the Arian from this of the Gospel: “Joseph did not know his wife until she bore her firstborn son.” Then he proceeded to the point of striving to tear up this proposition, that the catholic Church is the universality of the Saints; he even dared to make wheat out of darnel, and to make Members out of the excrements of bodies. These and similar ridiculous and futile things, brought forward into the midst by him, Doctor Martin and D. Jerome Schurff censured—soberly, however—as making nothing to the matter itself. Now and then interrupting as well, Johannes Cochlaeus tried to persuade Doctor Luther to desist from his undertaking, and henceforth to abstain entirely from writing and teaching.
Sub vesperam eiusdem diei, Treverensis Archiepiscopus nunciavit Doctori Martino, interprete Ambsdorffio, fidem publicam a Caesare in biduum pertractam, ut interim cum eo agere posset. In hoc igitur, postridie, Doctorem Peutingerum & Doctorem Badensem ad eum venturos, imo & seipsum cum eo acturum.
Toward evening of the same day, the Archbishop of Trier announced to Doctor
Martin, Ambsdorff serving as interpreter, that the public faith (safe-conduct) by the Caesar had been extended for two days,
so that in the meantime he might deal with him. For this purpose, therefore, on the following day, Doctor
Peutinger & the Doctor of Baden would come to him, indeed & he himself would also deal with him.
Respondit: Se omnia & facturum & passurum, si modo scripturae sanctae niterentur authoritate: Alioqui enim nihil minus commissurum. Nam Deum per Prophetam dixisse, Nolite confidere in principibus, in filiis hominum, in quibus non est salus. Item: Maledictus qui confidit in homine.
He replied: that he would both do and suffer all things, if only they were supported by the authority of the Holy Scriptures: otherwise indeed he would commit nothing of the sort. For that God through the Prophet has said, "Do not trust in princes, in the sons of men, in whom there is no salvation." Likewise: "Cursed is he who trusts in man."
Post prandium reversi, idem quod ante Meridiem, frustra conati sunt. Oraverunt, ut saltem Concilii futuri iudicio sua submitteret. Hoc permisit Lutherus, sed hac conditione, ut decerptos ex libris suis Articulos ipsi exhiberent Concilio subiiciendos, ita tamen, ut sententiam de illis ferrent ex scripturis, & testimoniis eiusdem contrarium probarent.
After lunch, having returned, they tried in vain the same as before midday. They entreated that he at least submit his cause to the judgment of the future Council. Luther permitted this, but on this condition: that Articles excerpted from his books they themselves present to be submitted to the Council, yet in such a manner that they render a judgment on them from the Scriptures, and by testimonies of the same prove the contrary.
Illi itaque a Doctore Martino digressi, Archiepiscopo Treverensi dicunt, Martinum pollicitum esse, se sua permissurum Concilio, in Articulis nonnullis, interimque taciturum de iisdem. Quod Doctor Martinus ne quidem cogitarat, ut qui neque monitis nec comminationibus ullis induci unquam potuerit, ut vel negare vel hominum iudicio submittere vellet Libellos suos, quos claris & apertis Scripturis testimoniis muniisset, nisi convinceretur ex sacris literis & evidentibus rationibus se errasse.
They therefore, having departed from Doctor Martin, tell the Archbishop of Trier that Martin had promised to permit his things to the Council, in certain Articles, and in the meantime to keep silent about the same. Which Doctor Martin had not even contemplated, since he could never be induced by any admonitions nor by any threats either to deny or to submit to the judgment of men his little books, which he had fortified with the clear and open testimonies of the Scriptures, unless he should be convinced from the sacred letters and evident reasons that he had erred.
Accidit ergo singulari Dei munere, ut Trevernsis Archiepiscopus Doctorem Martinum evocaret, eum coram auditurus, Ubi cum diversum intellexisset, quam Peutingerus et Badensis dixissent, affirmavit, non magno redempturum, nisi audivisset eum: Alioqui enim se statim Caesarem aditurum fuisse, dicturumque quae retulissent Doctores.
Thus it befell, by the singular gift of God, that the Archbishop of Trier should summon Doctor Martin, being about to hear him in person; where, when he had understood something different than Peutinger and the Badenian had said, he affirmed that he would not at a great price have let it go without hearing him: otherwise indeed he would straightway have gone to the Caesar, and would have said what the Doctors had reported.
Egit vero Treverensis Archiepiscopus clementissime cum Doctore Martino, primo, remotis omnibus Arbitris, cum de Caesaris & Imperii, tum de Concilii iudicio. In quo colloquio Doctor Martinus nihil caelavit Treverensem, affirmans, parum tutum fore, tantam rem illis permittere, qui sub fide publica evocatum, novis mandatis agressi, damnassent suam sententiam, & Bullam Papae approbassent.
The Archbishop of Trier dealt most clemently with Doctor Martin; first, with all Arbiters removed, on both the judgment of the Caesar and of the Empire, and that of the Council. In which colloquy Doctor Martin concealed nothing from the Archbishop of Trier, affirming that it would be little safe to permit so great a matter to those who, he having been summoned under public faith, proceeding with new mandates, had condemned his opinion, & had approved the Pope’s Bull.
Deinde admisso etiam Amico, petivit Treverensis Archiepiscopus a Doctore Martino remedia, quibus huic causae occurri possit, Respondit Lutherus, Meliora non esse remedia, quam de quibus Gamalio Act. 5. dixisset, teste S. Luca, Si ex hominibus consilium aut opus hoc est, dissolvetur, Si vero ex Deo est, dissolvere non poteritis. Hoc posse Caesarem & Imperii ordines scribere ad Pontificem Romanum, se certo scire, si hoc suum propositum ex Deo non sit, intra triennium imo biennium sponte sua periturum.
Then, a Friend also having been admitted, the Archbishop of Trier asked Doctor Martin for remedies by which this cause might be met. Luther replied, that there are no better remedies than those about which Gamaliel in Acts 5 had spoken, with St. Luke as witness: If this plan or work is from men, it will be dissolved; but if it is from God, you will not be able to dissolve it. That the Emperor & the orders of the Empire can write this to the Roman Pontiff: that he knows for certain, if this his purpose is not from God, within three years, nay within two years, it will of its own accord perish.
Neque ita multo post, Officialis Treverensis, praesenti Cancellario quondam Macimiliani, a Secretis Caesaris, Doctori Martino in diversorio suo, mandato Caesaris dixit, Quia tam multipliciter a Caesarea Maiestate, Electoribus, Principibus, et Ordinibus Imperii frustra commonefactus, ad cor & unitatem noluerit redire, reliquum esse, ut Caesar (ut Advocatus fidei Catholicae) procedat. Ergo mandatum Caesaris esse, ut intra viginti unum dies hinc ad securitatem redeat, sub conductu publico, & libere ipsi servando, neque vel praedicando vel scribendo, in itinere populum commoveat.
Not much later, the Trier official, with the former Chancellor of Maximilian, the Emperor’s Secretary, present, said to Doctor Martin in his lodging, by the mandate of the Caesar, that because, having been so many times in vain admonished by the Imperial Majesty, the Electors, the Princes, and the Orders of the Empire, he was unwilling to return to his senses & unity, it remained that the Caesar (as Advocate of the Catholic faith) should proceed. Therefore it is the mandate of the Caesar, that within twenty-one days he return hence to safety, under public safe-conduct, & that it be freely kept for him, and that he neither by preaching nor by writing, on the journey, stir up the people.
To the Majesty, the Princes, & the other Orders of the Empire
he would give thanks, as great as he could, for such a benign & clement audience,
and for the free safe-conduct both observed and to be observed. Nor indeed had he
desired anything from them, except a reformation through Holy Scripture, so greatly
demanded by himself. Otherwise, for the Caesarean Majesty & the Empire he would suffer all things, life &
death, fame & infamy, and would reserve nothing at all to himself, except the single
free Word of the Lord, to confess & to testify it: Finally, to the Caesarean Majesty, & to the whole Empire he most humbly both commending himself and
submitting himself.
Postridie igitur, hoc est, feria sexta post Iubilate, die Aprilis vicesima sexta, salutatis Patronis & amicis, qui eum frequentissime convenerant, sumpto ientaculo hinc abiit, ad horam ante Meridiem decimam, comitatus & ab iis, qui huc venientem prosecuti sunt, Quem Caspar Sturm Caduceator post aliquot horas secutus, Oppenheim invenit, Prosecuturus vocali mandato Caesaris Caroli.
The next day, therefore, that is, on the Friday after Jubilate, on April 26, having greeted his Patrons & friends, who had most frequently come together to him, having taken breakfast he departed hence, at 10 a.m., accompanied & by those who had escorted him as he came hither, whom Caspar Sturm the Herald, after several hours followed, found at Oppenheim, intending to prosecute the verbal mandate of Caesar Charles.
Haec Sequentia D. Philippus Melanthon hora nona ante prandium, cum convenissemus ad auscultationem Epistolae Pauli ad Romanos, publice recitavit, commemorans, se hoc ex consilio aliorum Dominorum facere, eam ob causam, ut nos admoniti de rei veritate, (quia scirent multas fabellas hinc inde de morte Lutheri vagaturas esse) figmenta illa sparsa non amplecteremur.
The following Dr. Philipp Melanchthon at the ninth hour before the meal, when we had assembled for the auscultation (hearing) of the Epistle of Paul to the Romans, publicly recited, remarking that he did this by the counsel of other lords, for this cause, that we, admonished about the truth of the matter (because they knew many little fables here and there about the death of Luther would be wandering about), should not embrace those scattered figments.
Optimi Adolescentes, Scitis nos suscepisse enarrare Grammaticam Explicationem Epistolae ad Romanos, in qua continetur vera doctrina de Filio Dei, quam Deus singulari beneficio hoc tempore nobis per Reverendum Patrem & Praeceptorem nostrum amantissimum, Doctorem Martinum Lutherum patefecit.
Most excellent Adolescents, you know that we have undertaken to expound the Grammatical Explication of the Epistle to the Romans, in which the true doctrine concerning the Son of God is contained, which God, by a singular beneficence at this time, has disclosed to us through the Reverend Father & our most loving Preceptor, Doctor Martin Luther.
Verum hodierno die, tam tristia huc sunt scripta, quae ita auxerunt dolorem meum, ut nesciam an possim posthac in hisce scholasticalibus pergere: Haec autem consilio aliorum Dominorum ideo volo vobis commemorare, ut sciatis, quomodo res vere se habeat, ne vel ipsi falsa de hoc casu spargatis, neve aliis fabellis hinc inde (ut solet fieri) sparsis fidem habeatis.
But indeed on this very day, so sad are the things written hither, which have thus augmented my grief, that I do not know whether I can hereafter proceed in these scholastical matters: These things, however, by the counsel of other Lords I therefore wish to commemorate to you, that you may know how the matter truly stands, lest you yourselves spread falsehoods about this case, and lest you put faith in other little fables here and there (as is wont to happen) scattered.
Die Mercurii, qui fuit decimus septimus Februarii, Dominus Doctor, paulo ante coenam, coepit laborare morbo usitato, nempe, oppressione humorum, in orificio ventriculi (quo memini hic(?) quoque eum aliquoties laborare) hic Morbus post coenam recurrit, quo cum conflictaretur, petivit secessum in cubiculum proximum: Atque, ibi duas prope horas decubuit, donec dolores creserent, Et cum Doctor Ionas in eodem cubiculo una dormiret, Dominus D. Martinus eum vocavit & excitavit, Iussitque ut surgeret, & curaret, ut Paedagogus Liberorum Ambrosius ca.]lefaceret conclave, in quod cum ingressus esset. mox (sic) eo venit illustris Comes Albertus de Mansfeld. una cum coniuge, & multi alii, quorum nomina hisce literis, propter festinationem, non sunt expressa.
On Wednesday, which was the seventeenth of February, the Doctor, a little before
supper, began to suffer from his customary illness, namely, an oppression of the
humors at the orifice of the stomach (with which I remember that he too suffered here a few times); this illness
recurred after supper, and while he was struggling with it, he requested to withdraw into the next chamber:
and there he lay for nearly two hours, until the pains increased. And since Doctor Jonas was sleeping in the same chamber as well, the Lord Doctor Martin
called and roused him, and ordered him to get up and to see to it that Ambrosius, the Pedagogue of the children,
should warm the room, into which, when he had entered, soon (sic) there came the illustrious Count Albert of Mansfeld,
together with his spouse, and many others, whose names in these letters, on account of haste, are not set forth.
Mein Himlischer Vater / ewiger Barmhertziger Gott / Du hast mir deinen lieben Sohn / unsern HERREN Ihesum Christum offenbaret / den hab ich gelert / den hab ich bekandt / den liebe ich / und den ehre ich fYr meinen lieben Heylandt / und Erlsser / Welchen die Gottlosen verfolgen / schenden und schelten. / Nim meine Seele zu dir. / Inn dem redet er inn die drey mal.
My Heavenly Father / eternal Merciful God / You have revealed to me your dear Son / our LORD Jesus Christ / him I have taught / him I have confessed / him I love / and him I honor for my dear Savior and Redeemer / whom the godless persecute / defile and revile. / Take my soul to You. / In this he spoke it three times.
Ach!, Obiit Auriga & currus Israel, qui rexit Ecclesiam in hac ultima senecta mundi: Neque enim humana sagacitate depraehensa est doctrina de Remissione peccatorum, & de fiducia Filli Dei, Se a Deo per hunc virum patefacta, Quem etiam a Deo excitatum vidimus fuisse.
Alas!, the charioteer & chariot of Israel has died, who steered the Church in this last old age of the world: For the doctrine of the Remission of sins, & of the confidence of the Son of God, was not apprehended by human sagacity, but was revealed by God through this man, whom we have also seen to have been raised up by God.