Bacon: HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE

V. CIRCA hoc tempus etiam natus est regi filius secundogenitus Henricus, qui postea regnavit. Secuta est paulo post nuptiarum solennizatio inter Carlum et Annam Britanniae ducissam, cum qua Carolus ducatum Britanniae nomine dotis accepit, Maximiliani filia paulo ante domum remissa. Quod postquam ad aures Maximiliani pervaeniiset, qui illud nunquam crediderat antequam peractum esset, quique in seipso decipiendo principales semper partes obtinebat (etsi hoc quidem in negotio rex Gallus partus secundas eleganter sistineret) at cogitationibus suis sursum deorsum agitans et revolvens quale hoc esset, ut ipse uno icto, duplici autem ludibrio, tam nuptiis propriis quam nuptiis filiae suae deiiceretur (ex quarum utrisque magna sibi et sublimia auguratus est) patientiam omnem amisit, atque abiciens reverentiam illam atque decus quod magni reges (etiam cum sanguis eorum maxime effervescat) mutuo servare debent, regis Gallis personam et facta acerbissimis convitiis proscidit.

5. AROUND this time the king’s second-begotten son Henry was also born, who afterwards reigned. A little after followed the solemnization of the nuptials between Charles and Anne, Duchess of Brittany, with whom Charles received the duchy of Brittany in the name of a dowry, Maximilian’s daughter having a little before been sent back home. When this had come to Maximilian’s ears, who had never believed it until it was accomplished, and who in deceiving himself always held the principal parts (though indeed in this business the French king would gracefully sustain the secondary parts), he, tossing his thoughts up and down and revolving what manner of thing this was—that he by one stroke, and with a double mockery, should be cast down both from his own marriage and from his daughter’s marriage (from each of which he had augured great and lofty things for himself)—lost all patience; and casting off that reverence and decorum which great kings (even when their blood is most effervescent) ought mutually to observe, he tore into the person and deeds of the French king with the bitterest revilings.

Et quanto factis minus poterat, tanto verbis intemperantior quascunque poterat excogitare contumelias in regem Carolum effudit, aiens eum inter omnes sub sole homines esse maxime perfidum, illumque monstrum quoddam peperisse ex raptu <et> adulterio commistum. Quod iustissimo Dei iudicio (ut aiebat) decretum erat ut (nullitate huius matrimonii toti mundo conspicua) posteri personae tam indignae in Gallia non regnarent. et statim legatos tam ad regem Angliae quam ad regem Hispaniae expedivit, qui eos ad bellum et foedus offensivum ineundum contra Gallum excitarent, se cum magnis copiis in bellum adfuturum pollicitus.

And the less he was able in deeds, the more intemperate in words he poured out whatever insults he could devise against King Charles, saying that among all men under the sun he was most perfidious, and that he had begotten a certain monster commingled from rape and adultery. Which, by the most just judgment of God (so he said), had been decreed, that (the nullity of this marriage being conspicuous to the whole world) the posterity of so unworthy a person should not reign in France. And immediately he dispatched envoys both to the King of England and to the King of Spain, to excite them to enter upon war and an offensive league against the Frenchman, promising that he would be present in the war with great forces.

Hinc rex Angliae (etsi propria insistens via) parlamentum suum convocavit, regni scilicet anno septimo, et in primo sollenitatis die (ut solio suo sedens) ipse ad hunc modum in conventu ordinum locutus est:

Hence the king of England (although insisting on his own path) convoked his parliament, namely in the seventh year of his reign, and on the first day of the solemnity (as he sat upon his throne) he himself spoke in this manner in the assembly of the orders:

2. "Proceres mei et vos populi deputati, cum bellum Britannicum instituissem per locumtenentem meum gerendum, allocutus sum vos per cancellarium meum. Nunc vero cum decreverim bellum Franciae inferre in persona propria, rem vobis ipse exponam. Bellum illud ad foederati nostri ius defendendum spectabat, hoc vero ad ius proprium nostrum vindicandum et recuperandum.

2. "My Peers and you, the deputies of the people, when I had instituted the British war to be carried on through my lieutenant, I addressed you through my chancellor. Now, however, since I have decreed to wage war on France in my own person, I will set forth the matter to you myself. That war looked to the defending of our confederate’s right; this one, indeed, to vindicating and recovering our own right.

Illud casu fortuito terminatum est, hoc in victoriam desiturum speramus.

That was terminated by fortuitous chance, this we hope will end in victory.

3. "Rex Gallus orbem Christianum perturbat. Quae possidet sua non sunt, et tamen ulteriora appetit. Britanniam in ditionem suam redegit.

3. "The King of France perturbs the Christian world. What he possesses is not his own, and yet he seeks further. He has brought Britain into his dominion.

Rebelles Flandriae contra regem suum fovet. Italiae minatur. Quatenus ad nos ipsos, a dissimulatione exorsus ad neglectum processit, a neglectu ad contumeliam.

He fosters the rebels of Flanders against their king. He threatens Italy. As for ourselves, beginning from dissimulation he proceeded to neglect, from neglect to contumely.

Foederatos nostros invasit. Tributum nostrum solvere renuit. Ut verbo dicam, bellum quaerit.

He has invaded our federates. He refuses to pay our tribute. To say it in a word, he seeks war.

Non sic pater eius, sed pacem a nobis petiit. Quid etiam rex iste fortasse faciet, postquam consilium sanum aut tempus idem eum prospicere rebus suis docuerit, quemadmodum pater fecit.

Not so did his father, but he sought peace from us. Perhaps this king also will do so, after sound counsel, or time likewise, has taught him to look out for his own affairs, as his father did.

4. "Interim ambitionem eius in commodum nostrum convertamus. Neque nummulis paucis tributi aut recognitionis nomine contenti simus, sed (divino favore innisi) de iure nostro ad regnum ipsum Galliae armis experiamur, memores plane regem Franciae in Anglia quondam captivum, rurus regem Angliae in Gallia coronatum maiores nostros vidisse. Foederati nostri nullatenus sunt diminuti.

4. "Meanwhile let us convert his ambition to our own commodity. Nor let us be content with a few little coins under the name of tribute or recognition, but (relying on divine favor) let us try by arms our right to the kingdom of France itself, plainly mindful that our ancestors once saw the king of France captive in England, and again the king of England crowned in France. Our Foederati have in no way been diminished.

Burgundia hodie potentiore manu regitur quam unquam antehac, nec magis unquam irritata fuit. Britannia quidem nobis auxilio esse non possit, eis tamen nocumento futura est. Novae provinciae imperio additae oneri magis sunt quam robori.

Burgundy today is governed by a more powerful hand than ever before, nor has it ever been more irritated. Britain indeed cannot be a help to us, yet it will be to their detriment. The new provinces added to the empire are more a burden than a strength.

Qui res novas moliti sunt in regno ipsius non ignobiles, plebeii, aut titularii impostores extiterunt, sed gradus sublimioris. Rex Hispaniae (ne dubitetis) nobiscum coniunctus erit, incertus quo regis Galli ambitio progressura sit. Sanctus pater noster papa transmontanos in Italia non libenter videt.

Those who have engineered innovations in his kingdom have not been ignoble, plebeians, or titular impostors, but of a more exalted grade. The King of Spain (do not doubt) will be joined with us, being uncertain how far the Gallic king’s ambition is going to advance. Our holy father the pope does not gladly see Transmontanes in Italy.

Verum hic de foederatis sermo in considerationem recte venire debet, in computationem autem minime. Absit enim ut Angli ius suum in Galliam asserere non valeant, nisi aliunde adiuti.

But here the discourse concerning the allies ought rightly to come into consideration, yet by no means into the computation. For far be it that the English should be unable to assert their right to Gaul, unless aided from elsewhere.

5. "In praeliis Cressei, Pictavii, Agincurti, ipsi absque auxiliis stetimus. Gallia populo maxime abundat, militibus haud item. Stabiles peditum phalanges et cohortes nullas habent.

5. "In the battles of Crécy, Poitiers, Agincourt, we ourselves stood without auxiliaries. France abounds greatly in populace, not so in soldiers. Stable phalanxes and cohorts of infantry they have none.

Equitatu certe utuntur bono, verum copiae equitum in bello defensivo minoris sunt usus, ubi actiones belli ab invadentis electione pendent. Discordiae nostrae solae in caussa fuerunt quod regnum Galliae perdidimus, atque (Deo annuente) pax qua nunc domi fruimur idem restituet. Deus hucusque gladio meo affuit.

Certainly they make use of good cavalry; however, cavalry forces are of less use in a defensive war, where the actions of war depend on the invader’s choice. Our discords alone were the cause that we lost the kingdom of France, and (God assenting) the peace which we now enjoy at home will restore the same. God has hitherto been present to my sword.

Hoc tempore quo regnum tenui malos subditos extirpare et bonos probare mihi contigit. Populus iam meus et ego satis nos invicem novimus, quod confidentiam parit. Quod si sanguis aliquis pravus aut infensus in regno reliquus sit, honorificum bellum externum remedium fuerit optimum ad eum expurgandum aut rectificandum.

During the time that I have held the kingdom, it has fallen to me to extirpate evil subjects and to prove the good. My people and I now know one another sufficiently, which begets confidence. But if any perverse or hostile blood should remain in the realm, an honorable foreign war would be the best remedy to expurgate or rectify it.

In negotio hoc magno et arduo, consilio et auxilio vestro me iuvate. Si cui vestrum filium suum in equitem auratum cooptari contigerit, auxilium illi a tenentibus suis lege debetur. Haec vero quae agitur res ad honorem et calcaria regni spectat, cuius ego parens sum, atque ad illud non solum tuendum, verum etiam amplificandum regio munere obligatus.

In this great and arduous business, help me with your counsel and aid. If it should befall any of you that his son be coopted as a knight of the golden spur, aid is owed him by his tenants by law. This matter that is being transacted looks to the honor and the spurs of the kingdom, of which I am the parent, and to that I am obligated by a royal charge not only to defend it, but also to amplify it.

Quantum vero ad pecunias, illae hominibus tenuioris fortunae non imponantur, sed iis ad quos belli ipsius commoda aliquatenus pervenire possint. Gallia eremus non est. Ego vero, qui me regem frugi profiteor, spero me effecturum ut bellum post initia se ipsum alat.

As to monies, however, let them not be imposed on men of slenderer fortune, but on those to whom the advantages of the war itself can in some measure accrue. Gaul is not a desert. I, for my part, who profess myself a frugal king, hope to effect that the war, after its beginnings, may sustain itself.

Ite in consilium, in Dei nomine, neque temporis iacturam facite. Etenim huius negotii gratia solius hoc parlamentum convocavi."

Go into council, in the name of God, and do not make a waste of time. For indeed for the sake of this business alone I have convened this parliament."

6. In hunc modum rex locutus est. Veruntamen, etsi magnam alacritatem ad bellum inferendum non solum parlamento et aulae suae, verum etiam concilio suo sanctiori (exceptis duobus episcopis et paucis aliis) ostendisset, nihilominus in secreto suo ad bellum Gallicum animum non adiecit. Veritas autem rei sic se habuit.

6. In this manner the king spoke. Nevertheless, although he had displayed great alacrity for waging war not only to the parliament and his court, but even to his more sacred council (with two bishops and a few others excepted), nonetheless in private he did not incline his mind to the Gallic war. But the truth of the matter stood thus.

Mercaturam quandam instituebat rex belli famas cum pecuniis permutandi. Satis sciebat Galliam hoc tempore in omnibus suis partibus fuisse redintegratam, neque a multis retro annis tanta potentia floruisse. Vidit etiam, experentia edoctus atque exemplo copiarum in Britanniam paulo ante missarum, Gallos non ignorare qualis optima foret belligerandi cum Anglis ratio, nimirum ut praelii aleae rem non committerent, sed eos obsidione oppidorum et castris metandis in locis opportunis et munitis fatigarent.

The king was instituting a certain commerce of exchanging rumors of war for monies. He knew well that France at this time in all its parts had been reintegrated, nor in many years past had it flourished with such puissance. He saw also—taught by experience and by the example of the forces sent to Britain a little before—that the French were not unaware what would be the best method of waging war with the English, namely, not to commit the matter to the hazard of battle, but to wear them down by the siege of towns and by laying out camps in opportune and fortified places.

Iacobum Tertium Scotiae regem sibi fidissimum periisse meminerat. Iacobum autem Quartum, qui successerat, Gallis addictissimum, adversus se malevolum noverat. Coniunctionibus autem Ferdinandi Hispaniae et Maximiliani parum fidebat.

He remembered that James III, king of Scotland, most faithful to him, had perished. But James IV, who had succeeded, he knew to be most devoted to the French and malevolent toward himself. As for the alliances of Ferdinand of Spain and of Maximilian, he put little trust in them.

Alteri enim copiae aderant, voluntas deerat; alteri contra voluntas aderat, deerant copiae. Praeterea Ferdinandus tunc noviter respirare coeperat a bello Granadae, et cum Gallia hoc ipso tempore negotiabatur circa restitutionem provinciarum Russigniani et Perpigniani, paulo post oppignoratarum. Neque etiam penitus sine metu erat a motibus internis, quos cum semper praesens compescere solitus est, minime volebat ut se in partibus transmarinis bello implicatum deprehenderent.

For to the one side, indeed, forces were present, the will was lacking; to the other, conversely, the will was present, the forces were lacking. Moreover, Ferdinand had then newly begun to draw breath again from the war of Granada, and at this very time was negotiating with France concerning the restitution of the provinces of Roussillon and Perpignan, soon after pledged. Nor was he entirely without fear from internal commotions, which he was accustomed always to repress in person; he by no means wished that they should find him entangled in war in overseas parts.

Quare, cum belli difficultates et incommoda recte perpendisset, secum animo volvebat qua tandem ratione duo quae expetebat obtinere posset. Primum erat quo modo ex bello denunciato et inchoato utilitate suae inserviret; alterum quomodo se a bello, cum opportunum foret, salvo honore subduceret. Utilitatem et emolumentum duobus modis aucupabatur.

Wherefore, since he had rightly weighed the difficulties and inconveniences of war, he was turning over in his mind by what rationale at last he might be able to obtain the two things he desired. The first was how, from a war declared and initiated, he might subserve his own interest; the second, how he might withdraw himself from the war, when it should be opportune, with honor intact. He was angling for utility and emolument in two ways.

A subditis suis propter bellum, ab hostibus propter pacem, tanquam mercator prudens qui lucrum facit tam ex mercibus exportatis quam ex importatis. Quantum vero ad honoris considerationem, ne fama sua paulo ad metas haereret si a bello desisteret, recte secum cogitabat qod, sicut auxiliis Ferdinandi et Maximiliani fidere secure non posset ad belligerandum, ita alterius impotentiam, alterius vero duplicitatem et minus sincera consilia semper praesto habiturus esset ad pacem excusandam. Haec omnia prudentissime praevidit, nec minus artificiose executus est.

From his subjects on account of war, from his enemies on account of peace—like a prudent merchant who makes profit both from goods exported and from goods imported. But as regards the consideration of honor, lest his fame should stick a little at the turning-posts if he desisted from war, he rightly reflected that, just as he could not safely trust to the auxiliaries of Ferdinand and Maximilian for belligerating, so he would always have at hand the impotence of the one, and the duplicity and less sincere counsels of the other, for excusing peace. He most prudently foresaw all these things, and no less artfully executed them.

Unde omnia ex voto veluti in gremium suum placide delapsa sunt.

Whence all things, according to his wish, as if into his own lap, slipped down placidly.

7. Interea ordines parlamenti sine mora flammam conceperunt, inde ab antiquo belli Gallici cupidi, atque etiam praesente occasione excitati ut honorem regis et regni ex amissione Britanniae (ut putabant) imminutum repararent. Itaque magna cum alacritate consilium regi dederunt ut bellum cum Gallis susciperet. Quamvis autem parlamentum ex prima et secunda nobilitate, una cum civibus et burgensibus principalibus, consisteret, attamen iuste admodum et cum dignitate potius ad populum (cuius deputati erant) quam ad privatas suas fortunas respicientes, quin et regis omniti memores, in hoc consenserunt, ut contributio (quod benevolentiam appellabant) ob opulentioribus tantum exigeretur.

7. Meanwhile the orders of parliament without delay caught fire, long since desirous of a Gallic war, and also stirred by the present occasion to repair the honor of the king and of the realm diminished (as they supposed) by the loss of Brittany. And so with great alacrity they gave counsel to the king that he should undertake war with the French. Although, moreover, parliament consisted of the first and second nobility, together with the principal citizens and burgesses, nevertheless, very justly and with dignity looking rather to the people (whose deputies they were) than to their private fortunes, and indeed mindful of the king’s interests, they agreed to this: that the contribution (which they called a “benevolence”) should be exacted only from the more opulent.

Hoc contribuendi genus (dictum benevolentia) ab Edwardo Quarto excogitatum fuerat, ob quod invidiam magnam sustinuit. Postea vero a rege Richardo Tertio per suffragia ordinum damnatum fuit et abolitum, quo gratiam apud populum iniret, iamque a rege denuo introductum est, sed tamen accedente auctoritae comitiorum. Hoc enim tempore Edwardi Quarti defuit.

This kind of contribution (called “benevolence”) had been devised by Edward IV, on account of which he incurred great odium. Afterwards indeed by King Richard III, through the suffrages of the Orders, it was condemned and abolished, that he might gain favor with the people; and now it has been reintroduced by the king, yet with the authority of Parliament superadded. For this was lacking in the time of Edward IV.

Hac autem ratione summas pecuniarum ingentes corrogavit, ita ut civitas Londini (etiam illa aetate) novies mille libras et amplius contribuerint, praecipue a locupletioribus collatas. Traditur Mortonum cancellarium dilemma quoddam excogitasse quo benevolentiam istam in maius augeret, quod alii furcam eius, alii hamum nominabant. Etenim mandatis commissariorum ad benevolentiam exigendam assignatorum inseri voluit ut, si incidissent in homines frugi et parsimoniae deditos, illos moneret fieri non posse quin ille pecuniis abundarent quod magnos sumptus non facerent; si vero in quos qui liberalius viverent, itidem dicerent illis pecunias proculdubio suppetere ex impensis quas faciebant conspicuum esse.

By this method he collected vast sums of money, so that the city of London (even in that age) contributed 9,000 pounds and more, furnished chiefly by the more opulent. It is related that Chancellor Morton devised a certain dilemma by which he might augment that “benevolence,” which some called his fork, others his hook. For he wished to have inserted into the instructions of the commissioners assigned to exact the benevolence that, if they chanced upon men frugal and devoted to parsimony, they should remind them that it could not but be that they abounded in monies, since they did not make great expenditures; but if upon those who lived more liberally, likewise they should say that money was without doubt forthcoming, it being conspicuous from the expenses they made.

Ita utrosque captabat.

Thus he would ensnare both sides.

8. Haec comitia mere erant militaria, neque enim aliud tractabant quam declarationem belli contra Galliam et Scotiam cum aliquibus statutibus eo tendentibus. Veluti circa severam animadversionem in capitaneos qui aut stipendia militum mortuorum vel absentium in rationes suas referrent, aut etiam stipendia detinerent. Severe etiam sancitum est contra milites qui post delectum habitum sine licentia se subtraherent.

8. These comitia were purely military, for they handled nothing other than a declaration of war against France and Scotland, together with certain statutes tending to that end. For example, touching severe animadversion upon captains who either entered the stipends of dead or absent soldiers into their own accounts, or even withheld the stipends. It was also severely enacted against soldiers who, after a levy had been held, withdrew themselves without license.

Etiam protectiones quae prius lege communi in usu erant pro iis qui militabant statuto roboratae sunt. Atque alio statuto porta patefacta est omnibus qui terras suas vendere vel oppignorare vellent, ne aliquid inde pro earum alienationibus regi solveret, ut sumptui in militiam et usus belli sufficerent. Postremo edictum est ut omnes Scoti ex Anglia absederent.

Protections which earlier were in use under the common law for those who were serving in arms were fortified by statute. And by another statute the door was opened to all who might wish to sell or pledge their lands, so that nothing should be paid therefrom to the king on account of their alienations, in order that they might suffice for the expense of soldiery and the uses of war. Finally, it was decreed by edict that all Scots should withdraw from England.

Lata etiam est lex ut exemplar ponderum et mensuram quod in scacchario regis ut authenticum repositum est, in universum regnum dispergeretur, et pondera atque mensurae ubique ad eam normam examinarentur et reducerentur. Aliae etiam nonnullae minoris momenti similiter latae.

A law was also carried that the exemplar of weights and measure, which has been deposited in the king’s Exchequer as authentic, be dispersed through the whole kingdom, and that weights and measures everywhere be examined and reduced to that norm. Other likewise several of lesser moment were similarly carried.

9. Postquam parlamentum finitum esset (quod ad breve tempus duraverat), rex se accinxit ad apparatum in omnibus instruendum pro bello Gallico. Neque tamen interea res Maximiliani neglexit, pro motu Flandriae sedando et auctoritate Maximiliani inter subditos suos restituenda. Eo enim tempore dominus Ravenstonus, non tantum subditus rebellis sed servus proditor (eoque maliciosior et violentior) adiutus copiis Brugarum et Gandavi, oppidum atque castella ambo Slusiae ceperat, ut superius diximus.

9. After the parliament had been finished (which had lasted for a short time), the king girded himself to have preparations in all things set in order for the French war. Nor, however, did he meanwhile neglect Maximilian’s affairs, for quieting the commotion of Flanders and restoring Maximilian’s authority among his subjects. For at that time Lord Ravenston, not only a rebellious subject but a traitorous servant (and therefore the more malicious and violent), aided by the forces of Bruges and Ghent, had taken both the town and the forts of Sluys, as we said above.

Et postquam (opportunitate usus portus illius) naves quasdam et lembos coegisset, coepit piraticam quandam exercere praedando et spoliando, et in captivitatem abducendo, naves et rates omnium nationum quae per illas oras navigabant versus nundinas Antuerpiae vel aliquam partem Brabantiae, Zelandiae, et Frizlandiae, commeatu semper adiutus ex Picardia praeter eum quem percipiebat ex Slusia et regionibus circumiacentibus, et ex praeda propria. Galli eum perpetuo, sed in occulto, adiuvabant. Ipse quoque (ut omnes solent, qui partes subinde alternarunt) se securum minime putabat nisi in tertiae aliquius personae protectionem se reciperet.

And after he had (availing himself of the opportunity of that port) collected certain ships and lighters, he began to exercise a kind of piracy by preying and despoiling, and by carrying off into captivity, the ships and craft of all nations which were sailing along those coasts toward the fairs of Antwerp or to some part of Brabant, Zeeland, and Friesland, being continually aided with supply from Picardy, besides that which he received from Sluys and the surrounding regions, and from his own booty. The French aided him continually, but in secret. He himself also (as all are wont who from time to time have shifted parties) thought himself by no means secure unless he betook himself into the protection of some third party.

10. Fuit autem oppidum quoddam parvum duobus miliaribus distans a Brugis versus mare, dictum Damnum, quod propugnaculum fuit Brugarum, et ad eum aditum praebebat, et ad Slusiae quoque res utile esse poterat. Hoc oppidum rex Romanorum saepe tentarat (non quod oppidum ipsum tanti erat, sed ut Brugam suffocaret et maris commoditate privaret), atqui irrito semper conatu. At sub idem tempus dux Saxoniae in Flandriam advenerat pro arbitro se gerens ad res inter Maximilianum et subditos suos componendas, revera tamen Maximiliano impense favens.

10. There was, moreover, a certain small town two miles distant from Bruges toward the sea, called Damme, which was a bulwark of Bruges, and furnished access to it, and could also be useful for the affairs of Sluys. This town the King of the Romans had often attempted (not because the town itself was of such worth, but so that he might suffocate Bruges and deprive it of the convenience of the sea), yet always with a fruitless endeavor. But at about the same time the Duke of Saxony had come into Flanders, carrying himself as an arbiter to compose the matters between Maximilian and his subjects, yet in reality ardently favoring Maximilian.

Sub hoc neutralitatis et tractatus praetextu ad Brugas profectus est, a magistratibus Brugarum petens ut in urbem ei pacifice ingredi liceret cum comitatu tali armatorum qualis dignitati suae conveniret, quos eo plures secum adducere par est ob securitatem suam in loco ubi omnia armis strepebant, simul etiam eis intimans se multa habere magni prorsus momenti quae cum illis communicaret in commodum ipsorum. Quod postquam impetrasset, impedimenta sua et epistathmos ante se misit qui hospitium ei apparent, ita ut milites sui ordine instructi urbem intraverint, ipse autem sequeretur. Qui agmen ducebant de diversoriis et hospitiis percontabantur, acsi in animo haberent in ea urbe pernoctare.

Under this pretext of neutrality and of treaty he set out for Bruges, requesting from the magistrates of Bruges that he be allowed to enter the city peacefully with such a retinue of armed men as suited his dignity—whom it was fitting to bring with him in the greater number for his own security in a place where everything was clashing with arms—at the same time also intimating to them that he had many matters of altogether great moment to communicate with them for their advantage. After he had obtained this, he sent his baggage and quartermasters ahead of him to prepare lodging for him, so that his soldiers, drawn up in order, entered the city, while he would follow. Those who were leading the column were inquiring about inns and lodgings, as if they had it in mind to spend the night in that city.

Atque hoc modo perrexerunt ad portam urbis quae versus Damnum recta ducebat. Cives autem Brugarum mirabundi tantum eos spectabant, neque transitus arcebant. Praefecti etiam et inhabitantes ad Damnum nihil mali suspicabantur ab aliquibus qui a Brugis venerant, atque copias a longe aspicientes eas in auxilium suum a Gallis submissas credebantur, qui pericula aliqua nova illis intenta nossent.

And in this way they proceeded to the gate of the city which led straight toward Damnum. But the citizens of Bruges, marveling, merely looked at them and did not bar their passage. The prefects also and the inhabitants at Damnum suspected nothing evil from some who had come from Bruges, and, viewing the forces from afar, they were believed to have been dispatched by the Gauls for their assistance, who had learned that certain new perils were aimed at them.

Itaque nil hostile nisi sero nimis metuentes, eos in oppidum suum admiserunt. Qua certe fraude potius quam stratagemate oppidum Damnum captum est, et urbs Brugarum damno affecta, magna cum civium constristatione.

And so, fearing nothing hostile until far too late, they admitted them into their town. Whereby surely by fraud rather than by stratagem the town of Damme was captured, and the city of Bruges suffered loss, with great grief of the citizens.

11. Dux Saxoniae, capto Damno, statim ad Henricum regem misit, certiorem eum faciens Slusiae maxime et domino Ravenstono imputari debere quod rebelles Flandriae adhuc arderet, quodque si rex Slusiani ex parte maris obsidere vellet, se certe terra illam obsidere paratum esse, atque hoc modo medullam ipsam belli se extracturos.

11. The Duke of Saxony, with Damnum captured, at once sent to King Henry, informing him that it ought chiefly to be imputed to Sluis and to Lord Ravenston that the rebellion of Flanders was still ablaze; and that, if the king should wish to besiege Sluis on the side of the sea, he for his part was prepared to besiege it by land, and that in this way they would extract the very marrow of the war.

12. Rex auctoritatem Maximiliani apud subditos suos munire cupiens (ut froeno Galliae esset), atque etiam mercatorum suorum querelis commotus, eo quod mare navibus Ravenstoni multum infestaretur, Edwardum Poyningum equitem auratum, virum strenuum et qui antea bene res gesserat, confestim misit cum duodecim navibus, militibus, et tormentis bene instructis, ut mare liberarent et Slusiam ab ea parte obsiderent. Angli his copiis non tantum Ravenstonum veluti in ergastullum compulerunt, ita ut se nullam in partem commovere poterat, et similiter maritimam Slusiae partem obsidione cinxerunt, verum etiam unum ex castellis Slusiae adorti sunt atque insultum per dies viginti subinde renovarunt (sub refluxum maris semper a navibus exeuntes) ita ut in magnam caedem eorum qui castellum defendebant facerent, qui assidue ut eos repellerent pugnabant, licet ex parte etiam Angliorum quinquaginta viri cecidissent, inter quos fuit frater comitis Oxoniae.

12. The king, desiring to fortify Maximilian’s authority among his subjects (so that he might be a bridle to France), and also moved by the complaints of his merchants, because the sea was much infested by Ravenston’s ships, forthwith sent Sir Edward Poynings, a knight of the golden spur, an energetic man and one who had previously conducted affairs well, with twelve ships, soldiers, and artillery well equipped, to clear the sea and to besiege Slusia from that side. With these forces the English not only drove Ravenston as it were into an ergastulum, so that he could not move himself in any direction, and likewise encircled the maritime part of Slusia with a siege, but also attacked one of the castles of Slusia and repeatedly renewed the assault for twenty days (always disembarking from the ships at the ebb of the sea), so that they made a great slaughter of those who were defending the castle, who fought assiduously to repel them, although on the English side as well fifty men fell, among whom was the brother of the Earl of Oxford.

13. Sed obsidione Slusianos arctius quotidie premente et utroque castello (quae praecipua oppidi robora fuerunt) afflicto, altero per Saxoniae ducem, altero per Anglos, et ponte quodam scapharum quem Ravenstonus inter untrunque castellum extruxerat ut alterum alteri suppetias ferre possit noctu ab Anglis incenso, Ravenstonus amplius oppidum se tenere posse plane desperabat. Itaque tandem castella Anglis, oppidum autem duci Saxoniae per compositionem dedidit. Quo facto, dux Saxoniae et Poyningus cum Brugensibus ut se Maximiliano domino suo submitterent egerunt, quod paulo post Brugenses fecerunt, solventes magna ex parte belli impensas, unde Germanni et Angli dimissi sunt.

13. But as the siege pressed the Slusians more and more tightly day by day, and with both the forts (which were the chief strengths of the town) afflicted—one by the Duke of Saxony, the other by the English—and a certain bridge of skiffs which Ravenstonus had constructed between the two forts, so that the one might bring succor to the other, having been set on fire by night by the English, Ravenstonus plainly despaired that he could hold the town any longer. Therefore at length he surrendered the forts to the English, but the town to the Duke of Saxony, by composition. This done, the Duke of Saxony and Poynings negotiated with the men of Bruges that they should submit themselves to Maximilian their lord, which a little later the Bruges men did, paying for the most part the expenses of the war, whereupon the Germans and the English were dismissed.

Exemplum Brugarum reliqua oppida quae defecerant secuta sunt, ita ut Maximilianus a periculo iam liber esset, ab indigentia autem (prout ipse res suas administrabat) nunquam. Poyningus vero (postquam aliquod dies apud Slusiam moratus esset donec res in tuto esset) ad regem tunc Bononiam obsidentem reversus est.

The example of the people of Bruges was followed by the remaining towns that had defected, such that Maximilian was now free from peril, but from indigence—given the way he administered his own affairs—never. Poynings, however (after he had stayed for some days at Sluys until matters were secure), returned to the king, then besieging Boulogne.

14. Circa hoc tempus venerunt literae a Ferdinando et Isabella regibus Hispaniae, quae significarant debellatum iam esse cum Mauris apud Granadam. Quod facinus per se tam memorabile, Ferdinandus (cui in more erat nullam ex virtutibus suis male repraesentando obscurare) literis suis fuse admodum et magno verborum ornatu depinxerat, cum omnibus circumstantiis et religiosis ceremoniis et magnificentiis quae in receptione eius regni fuerant adhibitae. Inter alia commemorabat quod ab ingressu suo in urbem abstinebat, donec crucem super altissimam Granadae turrim erectam a longe vidisset, unde solum ipsum redditum fuisset Christianum.

14. About this time there came letters from Ferdinand and Isabella, the kings of Spain, which signified that the war with the Moors at Granada had already been brought to an end. This deed, so memorable in itself, Ferdinand (who had it in his custom to let none of his virtues be obscured by poor representation) had depicted in his letters very copiously and with great ornament of words, with all the circumstances and religious ceremonies and magnificences that had been employed in the reception of that kingdom. Among other things he recounted that he refrained from his entry into the city until he had seen from afar the cross erected upon Granada’s highest tower, whence the very soil had been rendered Christian.

Quodque etiam antequam ingressus esset homagium fecisset Deo e fastigio turris per patrem patratum proclamando se recogonoscere et confitere regnum illud se recuperasse auxilio omnipotentis Dei, et gloriosae viriginis, et beati apostoli Iacobi, et sancti patris Innocentii Octavi, egregiam sibi insuper operam praestantibus praelatis, nobilibus, et populis suis. Quodque e castris pedem non movisset donec exercitum exiguum martyrum ad numerum septingentorum et amplius Christianorum (qui in vinculis et crudelissima servitute Maurorum permultos annos vixerant) ante oculos suos transire videsset, pro retemptione sua gratias agentes et hymnum canentes. Atque ut tributum Deo solvisset per eleemosynas quas singulis largitus esset propter suam in urbem receptionem.

And that even before he had entered he had made homage to God from the summit of the tower, through an officiating father, proclaiming that he recognizes and confesses that he had recovered that kingdom by the help of Almighty God, and of the glorious Virgin, and of the blessed apostle James, and of the holy father Innocent VIII, the prelates, nobles, and his peoples moreover rendering outstanding service to him. And that he had not moved a foot from the camp until he had seen pass before his eyes a small host of martyrs to the number of seven hundred and more Christians (who had lived for very many years in chains and in the most cruel servitude of the Moors), giving thanks for their redemption and singing a hymn. And that he paid tribute to God through alms which he bestowed upon each on account of his reception into the city.

Haec in literis inserta erant, cum aliis multis caeremoniis, plenis sacrae cuiusdam ostentationis.

These things had been inserted in the letters, along with many other ceremonies, full of a certain sacred ostentation.

15. Rex (qui semper in omnibus actionibus religiosis, consortio et choro eorum qui illas celebrabant se libenter adiungere consueverat, et ex genii sui inclinatione regis Hispaniae addictus erat -- pro modulo amoris quo reges alter alterum prosequi possint -- partim ob virtutes eius, partim ad potentias Gallorum libramentum ) his literis receptis statim magnates et praelatos suos qui circa urbem et aulam manebat, una cum maiore et senatu Londinensi, magna sum solennitate aedem D. Pauli adire iussit, ut ibidem declarationem a cancellario, iam cardinale facto, audirent. Postquam convenissent, cardinalis in supremo gradu ascensus ad chorum stans nobiles omnes, praelatos, et magistratus civitatis, iuxta gradus in imo manentes, allocutus est, declarans eos illo consecrato loco ex regis mandato convenisse ut Deo cantarent canticum novum. Nam per plures iam annos Christianos aiebat nullas provincias novas aut territoria a Saracenis et Mahumatenis eripuisse, neque Christiani orbis terminos protulisse.

15. The king (who had always been accustomed in all religious actions to join himself gladly to the company and choir of those who celebrated them, and by the inclination of his genius was attached to the king of Spain -- according to the measure of the love with which kings may pursue one another -- partly on account of his virtues, partly as a counterweight to the powers of the French) upon receiving these letters immediately ordered his magnates and prelates who were staying about the city and the court, together with the mayor and the senate of London, with great solemnity to go to the church of St. Paul, so that there they might hear the declaration from the chancellor, now made a cardinal. After they had assembled, the cardinal, having ascended the highest step to the choir, standing, addressed all the nobles, the prelates, and the magistrates of the city, who remained below by the steps, declaring that they had come together in that consecrated place by the king’s mandate to sing to God a new song. For he said that for many years now Christians had not snatched any new provinces or territories from the Saracens and Mahometans, nor extended the borders of the Christian world.

Hoc vero iam factum esse virtute et auspiciis Ferdinandi et Isabellae regum Hispaniae, qui (in nominis sui decus immortale et gloriam) regnum magnum et opulentum Granadae, una cum urbe populosissima et potentissima eiusdem nominis, recuparassent a Saracenis, qui possessionem eius per septingentos annos et amplius usurpaverant. Itaque ob hoc coetu et Christiano orbe universo gratias maximas Deo agendas esse, ac celebrandum etiam nobile hoc et insigne facinus regis Hispanie, qui certe hoc nomine non tantum illustrem victoriam obtinuisse, sed etiam apostolico munere perfunctum esse, merito censeri posset, quod scilicet provincias novas Christianae fidei aggregasset. Tanto magis, quod victora haec absque multa sanguinis effusione parta est, unde bene sperare liceret lucrum demeti posse, non tantum territorii, sed innumerarum animarum in ecclesiae Christi augmentum, quandoquidem tam multos Deus pro su bonitate vivere volsuisset, ut demum converterentur.

This indeed has now been accomplished by the virtue and auspices of Ferdinand and Isabella, the kings of Spain, who (to the immortal honor and glory of their name) recovered from the Saracens the great and opulent kingdom of Granada, together with the most populous and most powerful city of the same name, they having usurped possession of it for seven hundred years and more. Therefore on account of this, both by the assembly and by the entire Christian orb, the greatest thanks are to be rendered to God, and this noble and distinguished feat of the king of Spain is also to be celebrated, who certainly in this respect could deservedly be judged not only to have obtained an illustrious victory, but also to have discharged an apostolic office, namely, that he had aggregated new provinces to the Christian faith. All the more, because this victory was achieved without much effusion of blood, whence one might well hope that gain could be reaped—not only of territory, but of innumerable souls—for the augmentation of the church of Christ, since God, in his goodness, had willed so many to live, so that at length they might be converted.

Tum vero cardinalis retulit res maxime memorabiles quae in victoria potiunda intervenerunt. At oratione eius finita coetus universus solenni processione hymnum Te Deum cecinerunt.

Then indeed the cardinal recounted the most memorable matters which intervened in the obtaining of the victory. But, his oration finished, the whole assembly, with a solemn procession, sang the hymn Te Deum.

16. Non multis diebus ab hoc solennitate, rex festum sanctorum Philippi et Iacobi apud palatium suum de Shine, nunc Richmondiam dictam, celebravit, ubi, ut sanguis aulicorum et iuventutis nonnihil incalesceret, spectacula edidit magnifica hastiludiorum et turneamentorum et huiusmodi pugnarum umbratilium per totum illum mensem. In quibus ludis contigit ut Iacobus Parkerus eques auratus et Hugo Vaughanus (unus ex regis ostiariis), inter se altercantes de insignibus quibusquam quae rex caeremoniarum dederat Vaughano gestanda, hastis decertare consenserunt. Et infortunio quodam galeae pravae quam Parkerus portabat, primo cursu in ore percussus est, ita ut lingua eius gutturi fere affigeretur, unde subito in ipso loco animam efflavit.

16. Not many days after this solemnity, the king celebrated the feast of Saints Philip and James at his palace of Shine, now called Richmond, where, that the blood of the courtiers and of the youth might be somewhat warmed, he put on magnificent spectacles of hastiludes and tournaments and suchlike mock combats throughout that whole month. In which games it befell that James Parker, a knight of the Golden Spur, and Hugh Vaughan (one of the king’s doorkeepers), disputing between themselves about certain insignia which the master of ceremonies had given to Vaughan to be borne, agreed to contend with lances. And by a certain mischance of the faulty helmet which Parker was wearing, at the first course he was struck in the mouth, so that his tongue was almost affixed to his throat, whereupon he suddenly breathed his last on the very spot.

Quod factum propter controversiam praecedentem et mortem secutam habitum est vulgo ut monomachia pro decisione iuris. Rex sub finem aestatis, postquam copias suas quibus Galliam est invasurus praeparasset (sed minime congregasset), misit Urswicum (iam factum eius eleemosynarium) et Ioannem Risleium equitum auratum ad Maximilianum. Qui significarent ei regem iam arma cepisse et ad traiiecendum in Galliam paratum esse, solumque expectare ut ab eo certior fieret quo loco et tempore copias suas cum copiis regis coniuncturus foret, prout promiserat per legatum suum Countebaltum.

This deed, on account of the preceding controversy and the ensuing death, was commonly held as a monomachy for the decision of law. Near the end of summer, after the king had prepared his forces with which he was to invade Gaul (but by no means had he assembled them), he sent Urswick (now made his almoner) and John Risley, a knight of the golden spur, to Maximilian. They were to signify to him that the king had already taken up arms and was ready to cross into Gaul, and only awaited to be made certain by him at what place and time he would join his forces with the king’s forces, as he had promised through his legate Countebalt.

17. Legati Angliae cum ad Maximilianum adventassent, facultates eius et pollicitationes longo intervallo inter se disiunctas repererunt, cum omnino ei deesent pecuniae, milites, arma quae tanta expeditioni sufficerent. Maximilianus enim, cum neutram alarum suarum integram haberet (quoniam patrimonium suum Austriae ad eum non dum devenerat, patre siquidem adhuc vivo, atque ex altera parte territoria sua matrimonalia partim ducissae viduae in dotem cesserant, partim recentibus rebellionibus exhausta erant), copiis ad bellum necessariis plane destitutus erat. Neque hoc non viderunt legati, sed prudente consilio satius esse duxerunt regi hoc per literas significare quam ab aula Maximiliani discedere antequam regis mentem circa hanc rem cognovissent, eo magis quod Maximilianus ipse nihil de magniloquiis suis detrehabat, sed eos responsis quae rem indies differebant detinebat, adeo ut mora iustam caussam habere viderentur.

17. When the envoys of England had come to Maximilian, they found his resources and his promises disjoined from one another by a long interval, since he altogether lacked moneys, soldiers, and arms sufficient for so great an expedition. For Maximilian, having neither of his “wings” intact (because his patrimony of Austria had not yet descended to him, his father being still alive, and on the other side his matrimonial territories had partly passed as a dowry to the widowed duchess, partly had been exhausted by recent rebellions), was plainly destitute of the forces necessary for war. Nor did the envoys fail to see this, but by prudent counsel judged it better to signify this to the king by letters than to depart from Maximilian’s court before they had learned the king’s mind concerning this matter, all the more because Maximilian himself took nothing off his magniloquent claims, but kept them with answers which put the business off from day to day, to such a degree that they seemed to have just cause for the delay.

Rex (qui hoc fore praesenserat et eventum negotii sui usque a principio praeceperat) ad legatos rescripsit discretionem eorum in reditu differendo laudans, simulque iubens ut quo in loco Maximiliani res esset sedulo occultarent donec ap ipso ulteriora mandata recepissent. Ipse interim ad expeditionem suam regalem in Galliam accingebatur, nuncium hunc de inopia et pusillis viribus Maximiliani ad tempus supprimens.

The King (who had fore-sensed this and had anticipated the outcome of his business from the very beginning) wrote back to the envoys, praising their discretion in deferring their return, and at the same time ordering that they diligently occult where Maximilian’s affairs stood until they should receive further mandates from himself. He meanwhile was girding himself for his royal expedition into Gaul, temporarily suppressing this message about Maximilian’s want and puny forces.

18. Iam exercitus magnus et potens Londini convenerat, in quo erant Thomas marchio Dorcestriae, Thomas comes Arundeliae, Thomas comes Derbiae, Georgius comes Salopiae, Edmundus comes Suffolciae, Edwardus comes Devoniae, Georgius comes Cantii, comes Essexiae, Thomas comes Ormondiae, cum magno numero baronum, equitum auratorum, et aliorum virorum eminentiorum. Inter caeteros autem memoratur Richardus Thomas merito celebratus ob cohortes pulcherrimas quas adduxit e Wallia. Universus excertus numerum viginti quinque millium peditum et mille sexcentorum equitum complevit.

18. Already a great and powerful army had assembled in London, in which were Thomas, Marquess of Dorset, Thomas, Earl of Arundel, Thomas, Earl of Derby, George, Earl of Salop (Shrewsbury), Edmund, Earl of Suffolk, Edward, Earl of Devon, George, Earl of Kent, the Earl of Essex, Thomas, Earl of Ormond, with a great number of barons, knights of the golden spurs, and other more eminent men. Among the rest, moreover, there is mention of Richard Thomas, deservedly celebrated on account of the very fine cohorts which he brought from Wales. The whole army made up the number of 25,000 foot and 1,600 horse.

Quibus copiis rex (constanter se gerens in delectu ducum suorum) praefecit Iasparum ducem Bedfordiae et Ioannem comitem Oxoniae, sub persona sua propria. Nono Septembris, octavo regni sui anno, a Grenovico movit versus mare, mirantibus omnibus quod tempestatem illam anni elegisset (cum iam hyems adesset) ad bellum inchoandum. Quidam utem hoc in signum trahebant bellum minime diuturnum futurum.

Over these forces the king (conducting himself steadfastly in the selection of his captains) set Jasper, Duke of Bedford, and John, Earl of Oxford, under his own proper person. On the ninth of September, in the eighth year of his reign, he moved from Greenwich toward the sea, all marveling that he had chosen that season of the year (since winter was already at hand) to begin a war. Some, however, took this as a sign that the war would be by no means long-lasting.

Attamen rex contrarium credi voluit, inquiens se cum bellum eius generis instituisset quod non opus unius aestatis futurum esset, sed absque termino praefixo, regni Galliae subiugationem pro periodo haberet, non curare quo anni tempore inciperet, praesertim cum Caletum a tergo haberet ubi, si ratio belli postularet, hyemare possit. Sexto Octobris apud Sandovicum naves conscendit, eodem die Caletum appulit, qui locus designatus erat ubi copiae universae convenirent. Verum in itinere versus mare (in quo ob causam quam nunc memorabimus haerebat diutius) literas a domino Cordeso accepit.

Nevertheless the king wished the contrary to be believed, saying that, since he had instituted a war of that kind which would not be the work of a single summer, but, without a pre-fixed terminus, would have the subjugation of the kingdom of France for its period, he did not care at what time of year he began—especially since he had Calais at his back, where, if the rationale of war should require it, he could winter. On 6 October at Sandwich he boarded the ships, and on the same day he made landfall at Calais, which place had been designated as the rendezvous where the universal forces might convene. But on the march toward the sea (in which, for a cause that we shall now mention, he was lingering longer) he received letters from Lord Cordes.

Qui, quo violentior fuisset in negotio belli contra Anglos, eo in tractanda pace sincerior habebatur, qui etiam alias homo verax et pectoris aperti existimabatur. His literis pacis conditiones a parte regis Galli proponebantur, quae regis Henrici gustui non prorsus erant ingratae. Verum negotium istud pacis a principio mirabili artificio occultatum est.

He—by how much the more violent he had been in the business of war against the English, by so much the more sincere he was held in handling peace—who also otherwise was esteemed a veracious man and of an open heart. By these letters the conditions of peace were proposed on the part of the King of the French, which were not entirely displeasing to King Henry’s taste. But this business of peace from the beginning was concealed by marvelous artifice.

Quamprimum rex Caletum venisset, pacis aurae lenes flare coeperunt. Primum enim legati Angli ad Maximilianum missi e Flandria redierunt, regemque certiorem fecerunt eum a Maximiliano auxilia neutiquam sperare posse, quod ad bellum prorsus imparatus erat. Voluntatem sane ei adesse, pecunias deesse.

As soon as the king had come to Calais, the gentle breezes of peace began to blow. For first the English legates sent to Maximilian returned from Flanders, and informed the king that he could by no means hope for auxiliaries from Maximilian, because he was utterly unprepared for war. The will indeed was present to him, but the monies were lacking.

Haec autem quae ferebant legati non facta sunt exercitui et undique sparsa. Quamvis autem Angli eo nuncio allatio animos nihil demiserunt, necnon moris sit apud milites ex malis nunciis magis fieri alacres et erectos et magnificientius loqui. Nihilominus loco praeparativae erat ad pacem.

These things, however, which the envoys were bringing were not disclosed to the army nor scattered on all sides. Although the English, upon the delivery of that news, did not lower their spirits at all—and moreover it is the custom among soldiers, from bad tidings, to become more alacritous and uplifted and to speak more magnificently—nevertheless, it was in the place of a preparative toward peace.

Hunc nuncium e Flandria except nuncius ex Hispania (ita enim rex rem disposuerat) Ferdinandum et Isabellam Hispaniae reges pacem cum rege Carolo fecisse, Carolumque iis provincias Russigniani et Perpigniani restituisse, prius a Ioanne rege Aragoniae patre Ferdinandi Hispaniae pro tercentum mille coronatis oppignoratas, quae summa per hanc pacem gratis ei remissa esset. Hoc etiam ad pacem Henrici cum Gallo promovendam eleganter viam stravit, tum quia foederatus tam potens (qualis fuerit Ferdinandus) se subtraxerat, tum quia pacis emptae praeclarum exemplum exhibueret, ita ut rex pacis non futurus esset mercator solus. Inter has auras pacis rex se non difficilem praebuit ad pacem tractandam, consensitque ut episcopus Exoniae et dominus Daubeneius praefectus Caleti colloquerentur cum domino Cordesio super tractatum pacis.

This message from Flanders was followed by a message from Spain (for the king had arranged the matter thus): that Ferdinand and Isabella, the kings of Spain, had made peace with King Charles, and that Charles had restored to them the provinces of Roussillon and Perpignan, previously pledged by King John of Aragon, Ferdinand’s father, for three hundred thousand crowns, which sum by this peace had been remitted to him gratis. This also elegantly paved the way for promoting Henry’s peace with the Frenchman, both because so powerful an ally (such as Ferdinand had been) had withdrawn himself, and because it exhibited a distinguished example of a purchased peace, so that the king would not be the sole merchant of peace. Amid these breezes of peace the king showed himself not difficult for treating of peace, and he consented that the bishop of Exeter and Lord Daubeney, prefect of Calais, should confer with Lord Cordes about the negotiation of peace.

Ipse tamen cum exercitu suo decimo quinto Octobris a Caleto movebat et post quatuor dies Bononiam obsidere coepit.

He himself, however, with his army, on the 15th of October moved from Calais, and after four days began to besiege Boulogne.

19. Durante obsidione Bononiae (quae ad mensem fere producta est), nil memorabile intervenit. Sollummodo Ioannes Savagius eques auratus, vir fortis, dum muros urbis inspiciendi gratia circumequitaret interfectus est. Oppidum et bene munitum erat et militibus abundabat.

19. During the siege of Boulogne (which was prolonged to nearly a month), nothing memorable occurred. Only John Savage, a knight of the golden spur, a brave man, while he was riding around for the sake of inspecting the city’s walls, was slain. The town was both well-fortified and abounded with soldiers.

Attamen satis in arcto res eius erant, et omnia ad insultum aggressoribus erant parata. Qui si factus fuisset, opinio erat multo sanguine constiturum, sed tamen in fine oppidum captum fore. Interea pax per legatos utriusque regis firmata est, ad terminum vitarum amborum regum.

However, his affairs were quite in narrow straits, and everything was prepared for an assault by the aggressors. Which, if it had been carried out, the opinion was that it would cost much blood, yet nevertheless in the end the town would be captured. Meanwhile peace was ratified through the legates of each king, for the term of both kings’ lives.

In qua videre minime erat articulum alicuius momenti. Nec mirum, cum mercatura quaedam potius esset quam tractatus. Omnia enim in statu relinquebantur in quo tunc fuerunt, nisi quod regi Henrico persolvi deberent a rege Gallo septingenta quadraginta quinque millia ducatorum prae manibus, pro impensis in ea expeditione factis et viginti quinque millia coronatorum annuatim pro impensis circa res Britannicas erogatis.

In which there was scarcely to be seen any article of moment. Nor is it a wonder, since it was rather a piece of commerce than a treaty. For everything was left in the state in which they then were, except that to King Henry there ought to be paid by the French king 745,000 ducats in hand, for the expenses incurred in that expedition, and 25,000 crowns annually for the expenses disbursed concerning British affairs.

Pro qua summa posteriore, licet Maximilianum ante ei obligatum haberet, tamen debitoris mutationem, non minus quam si debitum ipsum esset persolutum, aestimabat. Etiam huius summae annua solutio nullo termino praefixo definita est, id quod Angli in eam partem accipiebant ac si pro tributo penderetur, sed specio tamen obtentu. Adque verissimum est pensionem illam et regi Henrico et filio eius Henrico Octavo diutius persolutam esse, quam ex ulla impensarum supputatione continuari possit.

For which latter sum, although he had Maximilian previously obligated to him for it, nevertheless he esteemed the change of debtor as no less than if the debt itself had been paid. The annual payment of this sum also was defined with no prefixed term, which the English took in such a sense as if it were paid as tribute, though under a specious pretext. And it is most true that that pension was paid both to King Henry and to his son Henry VIII longer than it can be continued by any computation of expenses.

Insuper, praecipui regis consiliarii magnis pensionibus annuis a rege Gallo donati erant praeter munera larga in praesenti. Quod utrum rex ideo permisisset ut propriae munificentiae parceret, an ut invidiam negotii apud populum ingrati communicaret, diversam interpretationem subiit. Pro certo enim rex huius pacis auctor videri detrectavit.

Moreover, the chief counselors of the king had been endowed by the French king with great annual pensions, besides lavish gifts in the present. As to whether the king allowed this in order to spare his own munificence, or to communicate the odium of the business to an ungrateful populace, it admitted diverse interpretation. For assuredly the king declined to appear the author of this peace.

Itaque paulo ante multos e ducibus suis et viris militaribus primariis secreto subornarat ut in scriptis ad pacem eum hortarentur, idque obnixe contenderent per viam supplicationis. Veritas autem rei ita se habet pacem hanc utrique regi pergratam fuisse, Carolo quidem quod ei possessionem Britanniae confirmaret, expeditionem Neapolitanam ab omni impedimento liberaret, Henrico quod arcas suas pecuniis implevit, quodque hoc ipso tempore praevidit procellam quandam motuum intestinorum ingruentem, quae non ita multo post erupit. At contra, nobilitatem et viros in exercitu primarios (utcunque nonnulli ex illis ad eius nutum se accommodassent) male admodum habebat, quorum plurimi fortunas suas aut vendiderant aut oppignorarant, in bello spes collocantes.

Therefore a little before he had secretly suborned many of his own leaders and principal military men to exhort him to peace in writings, and to contend for it strenuously by the way of supplication. But the truth of the matter stands thus: this peace was very welcome to each king—indeed to Charles because it confirmed to him the possession of Brittany and freed the Neapolitan expedition from every impediment; to Henry because it filled his coffers with monies, and because at this very time he foresaw a certain storm of internal commotions impending, which not long after burst forth. But on the contrary, it vexed exceedingly the nobility and the chief men in the army (although some of them had accommodated themselves to his nod), most of whom had either sold or pledged their fortunes, placing their hope in war.

Neque veriti sunt dicere regi nihil pensi esse nobilitati et populo suo plumas detrahere, modo seipsum bene plumatum redderet. Alii autem ridebant ea verba quae rex apud comitia protulerat, nempe se minime dubitare quin bellum post principia se ipsum compensare posset, eum promisso suo stetisse dicentes.

Nor did they hesitate to say to the king that he had no regard for plucking the feathers of his nobility and his own people, provided he rendered himself well-plumed. Others, however, laughed at the words which the king had brought forward before the Estates, namely that he did not in the least doubt that the war, after the beginnings, could compensate itself, saying that he had stood by his promise.

20. Cum movisset Bononia Caletum rediit, ubi per aliquod tempus mansit. Unde etiam literas scripsit (quo genere comitatis interdum utebatur) ad maiorem et senatum Londinensem, gloriando fere de pecuniis quas propter pacem receperat, satis gnarus arcas regis plenas Londinensibus rem suavissum auditu esse. Magis tamen laetati fuissent illi, si contributio ipsorum (benevolentia dicta) mutuatio sola fuisset.

20. When he had broken camp from Boulogne he returned to Calais, where he stayed for some time. Whence also he wrote letters (a kind of courtesy which he sometimes used) to the mayor and senate of London, almost boasting of the monies which he had received on account of the peace, quite aware that the king’s coffers being full was a thing most pleasant to hear to the Londoners. Yet they would have rejoiced more, if their contribution (called a benevolence) had been a loan only.

Verum decimo septimo Decembris sequentis Westmonasterium rediit, ubi festum nativitatis domini celebravit.

But on the seventeenth of the following December he returned to Westminster, where he celebrated the feast of the Nativity of the Lord.

21. Haud multo post regis in Angliam reditum, misit ad Alphonsum filium promogenitum Ferdinandi regis Neapolitani ducem Calabriae insigne ordinis periscelidis, honorem quidem a duce ipso petitum, qui eum in oculos Italorum eveheret. Siquidem arma Caroli expectans plurimi aestimabat amicitiam Angliae, utpote qua fraenos ambitioni Caroli iniicere possit. Illud insigne ab Alphonso maxima cum celebritate et pompa receptum est, ut solet fieri in iis quae existimationis gratia procurantur.

21. Not long after the king’s return into England, he sent to Alfonso, the Duke of Calabria, firstborn son of Ferdinand, king of Naples, the insignia of the Order of the Garter—an honor indeed sought by the duke himself, one which would raise him into the eyes of the Italians. For, awaiting the arms of Charles, he valued most highly the friendship of England, as that by which he might throw reins upon the ambition of Charles. That insignia was received by Alfonso with the greatest celebrity and pomp, as is wont to be done in those things which are procured for the sake of reputation.

Missum autem fuerat per Urwicum, in quem rex hanc legationem contulit ut ei post multas legationes unde nihil lucri percipi poterat, propter liberalitatem ducis Alphonsi praemii loco esset.

However, it had been sent by Warwick, to whom the king entrusted this legation, so that, after many embassies from which no profit could be obtained, it might, by reason of Duke Alphonso’s liberality, serve him in lieu of a reward.