Falcandus: HUGO FALCANDUS LIBER DE REGNO SICILIE

Rem in presenti me scripturum propono que sui ipsius atrocitate satis habundeque sufficeret vel omnino fidem excludere vel suspectam reddere veritatem, nisi quod in Sicilia nichil miraculi est ea monstra scelerum perpetrari, que potius tragedorum sint deflenda boatibus quam historice veritatis ordine contexenda. Non enim alibi rotam fortuna torquet celerius aut maiori mortalium ludit discrimine. Itaque loci ipsius inhumanitas eorum que dicturus sum fidem faciet, eritque opere pretium tam atroces quam repentinas rerum alterationes memorie tradere posterorum, ut qui fortune funibus alligati suam ex rerum affluentia gloriam metiuntur, aliorum casu moniti, beatos se desinant predicare, ne totiens miseros rursus se clamitent quotiens aut a dignitatis gradu deciderint aut opimi acervi quomodolibet fuerint imminuti.

I propose to write at present a matter which, by the atrocity of itself, would quite abundantly suffice either to exclude credence altogether or to render the truth suspect, except that in Sicily it is no miracle that such monstrosities of crimes are perpetrated—things which ought rather to be bewailed with the bellowings of tragedians than to be woven in the order of historical truth. For nowhere else does Fortune twist her wheel more swiftly, or play with a greater peril of mortals. Therefore the very inhumanity of the place will make credible the things I am about to say, and it will be worth the work to hand down to the memory of posterity both the atrocious and the sudden alterations of affairs, so that those who, bound by the cords of Fortune, measure their glory from the affluence of things, warned by the fall of others, may cease to proclaim themselves blessed, lest they as often cry themselves wretched again as often as they either have fallen from a grade of dignity or their opulent heap has in any way been diminished.

Ad id quoque nichilominus operam sum daturus ut pauci, quorum inter tot ac tanta pessimorum flagitia memorabilis fides enituit, meritis nunquam possint laudibus defraudari perpetuisque in evum successibus virtutis gloria propagetur. Que sicut preclaris ab initio factis virens, ut ita dixerim, enitescit, sic in p[osteru]m taciturnitate consenescens elabitur. Ita fit ut gloria quam ingenti quisque labore, summa industria multisque periculis sibi ipse peperit, in brevi favillatim decidens evanescat.

To this also, nonetheless, I will give my effort, that the few whose memorable faith shone forth amid so many and so great flagitious crimes of the worst men may never be defrauded of praises due to their merits, and that the glory of virtue be propagated by perpetual successes into the ages. Which, just as, flourishing with most illustrious deeds from the beginning, so to speak, it shines forth, so in time to come, growing old through taciturnity, it slips away. Thus it comes about that the glory which each person has himself won by huge labor, utmost industry, and many perils, in a short time, crumbling into ashes, vanishes.

Interest ergo multorum si qua fortiter acta sunt, ea posterorum cognitioni transmictere. Hinc enim accidit non solum viros fortes meritum laboris fructum percipere, verum totius quoque posteritatis commodo provideri, presertim cum ad virtutem plerumque liberi patrum provocentur exemplo patrieque probitatis, velut quedam in filios transfusa scintilla, licet in quibusdam sopita sit et quasi premortua, facile tamen hereditarie virtutis memoria convalescat. Si qui vero suopte ingenio ac natura perpetuandi nominis amorem conceperint ipsa tamen patrum recordatio eorum foveat desiderium ac proposito robur adiiciat ad maturandum id quod speraverint, eos utique faciens promptiores.

It is therefore of concern to many, if any things have been bravely done, to transmit them to the cognition of posterity. Hence it comes about that not only do brave men receive the fruit of the merit of their labor, but provision is also made for the advantage of the whole posterity, especially since children are for the most part provoked to virtue by the example of their fathers and of native probity, as though a certain spark transfused into sons—though in some it lies asleep and as it were pre-mortem—yet by the memory of hereditary virtue easily grows strong. But if any, by their very own ingenium and nature, have conceived a love of perpetuating their name, nevertheless the very recordation of their fathers fosters their desire and adds robustness to their purpose for maturing that which they have hoped for, making them, assuredly, more prompt.

Hinc nimirum antiquitus Romani patrum domi conservabant ymagines ut antecessorum eis acta semper occurrerent puderetque degenerem sequi lasciviam ac turpi languere desidia et amplectende virtutis quasi quamdam necessitatem haberent pre oculis. Nec igitur inerti situ patiar eorum obliterari memoriam que non sine multorum periclitatione nuper in regno gesta Sicilie, partim ipse vidi, partim eorum [qui in]terfuerant veraci relatione cognovi. non tamen id ago ut omnia bellorum discrimina militumque congressus aut quid in singulis urbibus oppidisque gestum fuerit sigillatim expediam; satis fecisse videbor proposito, si qui laude digni fuerint, eos non taceam, si maiora rerum momenta breviter ac succinte transcurram, in hiis maxime que circa curiam gesta sunt occupandus.

Hence, to be sure, the Romans of old kept at home the images of their fathers, so that the deeds of their fore-ancestors would always occur to them, and it would shame them to follow degenerate wantonness and to languish in base sloth, and they would have before their eyes, as it were, a certain necessity of embracing virtue. Nor, therefore, will I suffer by inert neglect the memory to be obliterated of those things which, not without the peril of many, were recently done in the realm of Sicily, some of which I myself saw, some I came to know by the truthful report of those [who had] taken part. I do not, however, aim to set forth in detail all the hazards of wars and the encounters of soldiers, or what was done in individual cities and towns; I shall seem to have done enough for my purpose if I do not keep silent about those who were worthy of praise, if I run swiftly and succinctly through the greater moments of affairs, being occupied chiefly with those things which were done around the court.

Primum igitur satis constat quod cum Rogerius comes Sicilie, frater Roberti Guiscardi ducis Apulie, rebus excessisset humanis, Rogerius eius filius totam primum Siciliam ac partem Calabrie iure successionis optinuit; postmodum vero consanguinei sui Wilelmi ducis Apulie morte cognita, transiens in Apuliam postquam, universis civitatibus ac principibus qui ei resistendum putaverant expugnatis, ad suum cuncta redegit imperium, tandem ducatum suscepit Apulie minusque ratus ydoneum tantam ac tam late diffusam potentiam in dignitate nominis coartari, regem se maluit appellari quam ducem, exindeque Siciliam regnum esse constituit. Placet ante, nec a proposito quidem dissidet, de moribus eius pauca summatim perstringere, cum satis incivile sit tanti viri mentione habita, virtutem eius silentio preterire.

First, therefore, it is well established that when Roger, count of Sicily, brother of Robert Guiscard, duke of Apulia, had departed from human affairs, Roger his son obtained in the first place the whole of Sicily and part of Calabria by right of succession; but afterwards, when the death of his kinsman William, duke of Apulia, became known, passing into Apulia—after all the cities and princes who had thought that resistance must be made to him had been stormed—he brought all things back under his dominion, and at length he assumed the duchy of Apulia; and thinking it less suitable that so great and so widely diffused a power be constricted within the dignity of the name, he preferred to be called king rather than duke, and from then he constituted Sicily to be a kingdom. It pleases beforehand—and this does not indeed depart from the plan—to touch briefly upon his character, since it is quite uncivil, when mention has been made of so great a man, to pass over his virtue in silence.

Inter alias ergo nature dotes, quibus ingentis spiritus virum ipsa ditaverat, promtissimus erat ingenio nec nunquam adeo sibi diffidens ut de qualibet re consultus vel modicam responsioni moram innecteret; quotiens tamen ad maiorum rerum examinationem ventum erat, contracta curia non pudebat eum singulorum prius opiniones audire ut ex eis potiorem eligeret. Si quid autem ei super eodem negotio subtilius aut examinatius occurrebat, suam ultimus proferebat sententiam, ratione statim subiuncta cur hoc ei potissimum videretur. Cumque vigilantissimus viri animus altiora semper appetens, nullum inertie segnive otio locum relinqueret, nichil tamen inconsulte aut ex precipiti agere instituerat, ingentisque animi motus discretio temperabat adhibita, ut in consultissimi regis operibus nulla prorsus levitas appareret, nec erat facile cognitu utrumne consultius loqueretur an ageret.

Among the other endowments of nature, with which she herself had enriched the man of mighty spirit, he was most prompt in intellect, and never so diffident of himself that, when consulted about any matter whatever, he would weave in even a slight delay to his response; as often, however, as it came to the examination of greater affairs, with the curia convened he was not ashamed first to hear the opinions of individuals, so that from them he might choose the preferable. But if anything more subtle or more exactly examined occurred to him concerning the same business, he, last of all, would put forth his own judgment, the reasoning straightway subjoined as to why this seemed to him above all the most fitting. And although the most vigilant spirit of the man, always aiming at higher things, left no place to idleness of inertia or to sloth, nevertheless he had determined to do nothing without counsel or out of precipitance, and discretion, being applied, tempered the impulses of his vast mind, so that in the works of a most judicious king no levity at all appeared, nor was it easy to know whether he spoke more advisedly or acted more advisedly.

Ingens illi studium erat et presentia caute disponere et ex presentibus futura sollicite premetiri; idque curabat ut non magis viribus quam prudentia et hostes contereret et regnum suum productis finibus ampliaret. Tripolim namque Barbarie, Affricam, Faxum, Capsiam aliasque plurimas barbarorum civitates multis sibi laboribus ac periculis subiugavit. Aliorum quoque regum ac gentium consuetudines diligentissime fecit inquiri, ut quod in eis pulcherrimum aut utile videbatur sibi transumeret.

He had an immense zeal both to arrange present matters cautiously and, from present things, to pre-measure the future solicitously; and he took care that not so much by forces as by prudence he would crush his enemies and, with the borders pushed outward, would amplify his kingdom. For he subjugated to himself Tripoli of Barbary, Africa, Faxum, Capsa, and many other cities of the barbarians by many labors and perils. He also caused the customs of other kings and nations to be investigated most diligently, so that whatever in them seemed most beautiful or useful he might transfer to himself.

Quoscumque viros aut consiliis utiles aut bello claros compererat, cumulatis eos ad virtutem beneficiis invitabat. Transalpinos maxime, cum ab Normannis originem duceret sciretque Francorum gentem belli gloria ceteris omnibus anteferri, plurimum diligendos elegerat et propensius honorandos. Postremo sic iustitie rigorem ut novo regno pernecessarium studuit exercere, sic pacis ac belli vicissitudines alternare, ut nichil quod virtutem deceret omittens, neminem regum aut principum temporibus suis parem habuerit.

Whichever men he had found either useful in counsels or renowned in war, he invited them to virtue by benefits heaped up. The Transalpines especially—since he drew his origin from the Normans and knew that the nation of the Franks is preferred before all others in the glory of war—he had chosen as those to be most cherished and more readily honored. Finally, he strove so to exercise the rigor of justice as most necessary for a new kingdom, and so to alternate the vicissitudes of peace and war, that, omitting nothing that befitted virtue, he had no equal among the kings or princes of his times.

Porro quod quidam pleraque eius opera tyrannidi dant eumque vocant inhumanum eo quod multis penas graviores et legibus incognitas irrogaverit, ego sic existimo virum utique prudentem et in omnibus circumspectum in novitate regni ex industria sic egisse, ut neque flagitiosi quilibet de scelerum sibi possent impunitate blandiri, neque benemeritos nimia severitas absterreret, quibus ita mitem se prebuit, ne tamen ex nimia mansuetudine locus superesset contemptui. Ac si forte in quosdam durius animadvertisse visus est, quadam ad id necessitate compulsum intelligo. Nec enim aliter rebellis populi ferocitas conteri aut proditorum poterat audacia coerceri.

Moreover, whereas certain people attribute most of his deeds to tyranny and call him inhuman, on the ground that he inflicted upon many penalties graver and unknown to the laws, I thus judge: that the man, assuredly prudent and in all things circumspect, in the novelty of the kingdom acted thus deliberately, so that neither could any flagitious persons flatter themselves with impunity for their crimes, nor would excessive severity scare away the well-deserving; to whom he showed himself so mild, yet not so that from excessive mansuetude there should remain room for contempt. And if perchance he seemed to have animadverted more harshly upon some, I understand him to have been driven to that by a certain necessity. For otherwise the ferocity of a rebellious people could not be crushed, nor could the audacity of traitors be restrained.

Is, ubi post multos labores ac pericula pacem regno quoad viveret peperit inconcussam, ingentes etiam thesauros ad regni tuitionem posteritati consulens preparavit ac Panormi reposuit. Exinde iam otio quietique deditus, faustaque se prole felicem existimans, filiis suis Rogerio duci Apulie Amphulsoque Capue principi, in quibus verissima paterne virtutis reddebatur effigies, regni sollicitudinem participandam crediderat. Qui postea, non sine dolore patris incredibili totiusque regni luctu maximo, fati debitum agnovere, superstite Willelmo Tarenti principe, quem vix pater eodem dignum principatu censuerat.

He, when after many labors and dangers he had brought forth for the kingdom an unshaken peace for as long as he should live, also, consulting for posterity, prepared vast treasures for the tutelage of the realm and deposited them at Palermo. Thereafter, now given over to leisure and repose, and deeming himself happy in auspicious offspring, he had believed the solicitude of the kingdom should be shared with his sons, Roger, duke of Apulia, and Alphonsus, prince of Capua, in whom the truest effigy of their father’s virtue was rendered. These afterward, not without the father’s incredible grief and with the greatest mourning of the whole kingdom, paid the debt to fate, William, prince of Taranto, surviving, whom the father scarcely judged worthy of the same principate.

Huic igitur, quando iam alius nullus supererat, regium diadema pater imposuit regnique fecit participem. Nec multo post ipse tum immensis attritus laboribus, tum ultra quam bona corporis exigeret valetudo rebus assuetus veneriis, immatura senectute consumptus, cessit in fata. Cui succedens Willelmus eius filius, quem adhuc vivens regem fecerat, palatium ac thesauros optinuit regnique curam suscepit.

To this man, therefore, since now no other survived, the father set the royal diadem and made him a participant in the kingdom. And not long after, he himself—worn down both by immense labors and, beyond what good bodily health would require, being accustomed to venereal affairs—consumed by untimely old age, yielded to fate. Succeeding him, William his son, whom he had made king while still living, obtained the palace and the treasures and undertook the care of the kingdom.

Eo tempore regnum Sicilie strenuis et preclaris viris habundans, cum terra marique plurimum posset, vicinis circumquaque gentibus terrorem incusserat summaque pace ac tranquillitate maxima fruebatur.

At that time the kingdom of Sicily, abounding in strenuous and preeminent men, since it was very powerful on land and sea, had struck terror into the neighboring peoples on every side, and enjoyed the highest peace and the greatest tranquility.

Verum, brevi temporis interiecto spatio, sic tranquillitas omnis elapsa repente disparuit, ut facile quidem ex hoc intelligas regnorum fortunam ac statum virtuti parere regnantium, tantumque regni cuiuslibet gloriam ampliari posse non dubites, quantum in principe virtutis esse cognoveris. Willelmus enim rex, cum patrie solum potestatis, non etiam virtutis heres existerit, in tantam est primum efferatus amentiam ut optimi patris acta contempneret, suaque industria curie statum in melius reformatum, pessum iri permitteret, unde et quos familiares pater habuerat, eos partim condempnavit exilio, partim carcerum deputavit angustiis. Maionem quoque barensem, humili ortum genere, qui cum primum in curia notarius extitisset, gradatim ad cancellariatus pervenerat dignitatem, magnum admiratum instituit.

But, a brief space of time having intervened, all tranquillity slipped away and thus suddenly vanished, that you may easily from this understand that the fortune and state of kingdoms obey the virtue of those reigning, and you may not doubt that the glory of any kingdom can be amplified by as much as you have recognized there to be of virtue in the prince. For King William, since he proved heir to his father’s power only, not also to his virtue, was at the first so carried off into savage madness that he despised the deeds of his most excellent father, and by his own management allowed the condition of the court—reformed for the better—to go to ruin; whence also those whom his father had had as familiars he partly condemned to exile, partly consigned to the confinements of prisons. Maion as well, a man of Bari, born from humble stock, who, when first he had been a notary in the court, had by degrees arrived at the dignity of the chancellorship, he appointed Great Admiral.

Monstrum utique quo nulla pestis immanior, nulla ad regni perniciem ac subversionem poterat efficacior inveniri. Nam ingenium illi promptum erat ad omnia; facundia non dispar ingenio; simulandi ac dissimulandi que vellet summa facilitas; preceps in libidinem animus, nobilium maxime matronarum ac virginum concubitus expetebat, et quas honestius viventes audierat, earum vehementius pudicitiam attemptabat; dominandi quoque semel accensus desiderio, multa volvebat in animo, multis mentem fatigabat consiliis et continuis scelerum stimulis agebatur, sed estuantis animi tempestatem vultus serenitate celabat.

A monster indeed, than which no pest was more immense, none could be found more efficacious for the kingdom’s ruin and subversion. For his innate talent was prompt for everything; eloquence not unequal to his wit; a highest facility of simulating and dissimulating whatever he wished; a spirit headlong into lust, he sought the concubinage, above all, of noble matrons and virgins, and the more he had heard certain women lived more honorably, the more vehemently he attempted their pudicity; and, once inflamed with the desire of dominating, he revolved many things in his mind, wearied his thought with many counsels, and was driven by continual goads of crimes; but he concealed the tempest of a seething spirit beneath a serenity of countenance.

Huic igitur maxima collata dignitate totiusque regni cura et administratione commissa, in brevi sic actum est ut rex plenam verbis eius fidem adhibens, nichil alii cuipiam credere, nichil prorsus ab alio vellet audire. Ceteros omnes excludens, cum rege singulis diebus solus habebat colloquium, solus regni tractabat negotia, regisque animum quocumque libuerat inclinabat, tum falsa pro veris ingerens, tum adulationibus illius temeritatem demulcens. Subit inde spes animum effectui mancipandi quod preconceperat, visaque temporis adesse oportunitas ut maturet consilium et, quem regnandi libido precipitem agit, moram omnem dampnosam existimat.

To this man, therefore, with the greatest dignity conferred and the care and administration of the whole kingdom committed, in a short time it thus was brought to pass that the king, applying full faith to his words, would believe nothing to any other person, would wish to hear absolutely nothing from anyone else. Excluding all the rest, he alone had colloquy with the king every single day, alone transacted the affairs of the realm, and inclined the king’s mind whithersoever it pleased him, now thrusting in false things for true, now soothing his temerity with flatteries. Then there enters hope into his mind of mancipating to effect what he had preconceived, and the opportunity of the time seemed to be at hand that he should mature his counsel; and, as the libido of reigning drives him precipitate, he deems every delay pernicious.

Nulla interim animo pax datur, nulla tranquillitas; omnia circuit, omnia premetitur, omnia diligenter explorat, quo consilio, quibus artibus regnum optineat. Multaque diu precogitans, intelligit viros nobilissimos, quibus adhuc regnum florebat Sicilie, suum impedire propositum; pre ceteris autem ei metum incutiunt Robertus comes Lorotelli regis consobrinus, Symon comes Policastrensis, Ebrardus comes Squillacensis, quorum illi virtus haud dubia erat, sciebatque fidem eorum nulla fraude, nullis unquam premiis corrumpendam; nec, si superessent incolumes, sperabat rem posse procedere. Visum ergo primum aliquid ad eorum machinari pernitiem, in eoque sceleris sui primitias prelibare, placuit etiam, et ad id totis viribus nitebatur, ut Hugonem archiepiscopum, qui tunc Panormitane preerat ecclesie, socium ac participem eius haberet consilii, cuius fretus auxilio, ad id quod speraverat maturius perveniret.

Meanwhile no peace is given to his mind, no tranquility; he compasses all, he pre-measures all, he diligently explores all, by what counsel, by what arts he might secure the kingdom. And long pre-cogitating many things, he understands that the most noble men, by whom the kingdom of Sicily had hitherto flourished, impede his purpose; above the rest, however, Robert, count of Lorotello, the king’s cousin, Simon, count of Policastro, and Ebrard, count of Squillace, instill fear in him, whose valor for him was not in doubt, and he knew that their faith would be corrupted by no fraud, by no rewards ever; nor, if they should survive unscathed, did he hope the matter could advance. It seemed good therefore first to machinate something for their perdition, and therein to pre-taste the first-fruits of his crime; it also pleased him, and to that he strove with all his strength, to have Hugh the archbishop, who then presided over the church of Palermo, as associate and participant in his counsel, relying on whose aid he might arrive more speedily at that which he had hoped.

Sciebat enim illum prudentem, providum summeque virum esse industrie et ad quaslibet machinationes aptissimum; ceterum, elati quidem erat animi, glorie cupidus, libidinique deserviens. Huius primum admiratus pedetemptim pertemptat animum, dehinc confidentius mentem aperit, propositi partem exponit, regnandi tamen dissimulat voluntatem, nec difficile persuadet ut amoto rege inutili, ipsi tutele munus subeant, regnum pueris conservantes incolume dum pubertatis annos impleverint. In hoc ambo consentiunt ut regem deponant; cetera Maio reticet, ne facti socium atrocitate deterreat, sperans, si tutor possit fieri puerorum, nullius se de cetero ad optinendum regnum indigere consilio.

For he knew that that man was prudent, provident, and a man of the highest industry, and most apt for any machinations; however, he was indeed of an exalted spirit, desirous of glory, and subservient to lust. At first, having admired this man, he cautiously tests his spirit step by step; then more confidently he opens his mind, sets forth part of his design, yet dissimulates his will to reign, and not with difficulty persuades that, with the useless king removed, they themselves should undertake the office of tutelage, preserving the kingdom intact for the boys until they have completed the years of puberty. In this both agree, that they should depose the king; Maio keeps the rest back, lest he deter his partner in the deed by the atrocity, hoping that, if he could become the boys’ tutor, he would thereafter need no one’s counsel to obtain the kingdom.

Dictum est preterea quod hii, iuxta consuetudinem Siculorum, fraterne fedus societatis contraxerint seseque invicem iureiurando astrinxerint ut alter alterum modis omnibus promoveret, et tam in prosperis quam in adversis unius essent animi, unius voluntatis atque consilii; quisquis alterum lederet, amborum incurreret offensam. Hac inita societate, prefatus archiepiscopus, instinctu et consilio Maionis, in familiaritatem regis admictitur, ut quicquid admiratus regi suggereret, socii testimonio confirmaret.

It was said, moreover, that these men, according to the custom of the Sicilians, contracted a fraternal league of society and bound themselves mutually by an oath, that the one should promote the other by all means, and that both in prosperous and in adverse circumstances they should be of one mind, of one will and counsel; whoever should injure the one would incur the offense of both. This partnership having been entered, the aforesaid archbishop, at the instigation and counsel of Maio, is admitted into the king’s familiarity, so that whatever the ammiratus suggested to the king, he might confirm by the testimony of his associate.

I. De transitu regis Salernum.

1. On the passage of the king to Salerno.

Dum hec inter eos Panormi versantur consilia, rex Farum transire disposuit, ac primo Messanam, dehinc, paucis post diebus, Salernum proficiscitur. Cumque ex diversis Apulie et Terre Laboris partibus ad videndum regem proceres multi concurrerent, Robertus comes Lorotelli, eadem ratione persuasus, Salernum iter instituit. Cuius adventu precognito, sic erga comitem Maionis astutia regis animum immutavit, ut neque loquendi cum rege copiam impetraret, eoque non viso, tristis iratusque discederet.

While these counsels were turning between them at Palermo, the king resolved to cross the Faro, and first he set out to Messina, then, a few days later, to Salerno. And when from diverse parts of Apulia and the Land of Labor many proceres rushed together to see the king, Robert, count of Loritello, persuaded by the same reasoning, instituted his journey to Salerno. His advent having been foreknown, so did Maio’s astuteness change the king’s mind toward the count that he did not obtain the opportunity of speaking with the king, and, without having seen him, he departed sad and angry.

Ibi rex aliquanti temporis intervallo consumpto, paucisque nec dignis memoria gestis negotiis, Panormum rediens deinceps ac si humanos horreret aspectus, inaccessibilem se prebuit, nisi quod admirato singulis diebus, archiepiscopo plerumque sui copiam faciebat, audiens ab eis regni sui negotia non qualia erant, sed qualia ipsi proposito suo conformabant. Sub id temporis Ascotinus cancellarius et comes Symon cum magno exercitu in Apulia erant ut Alemannorum imperatori, cuius adventus fama predixerat, obviarent, simul et nequid ibi turbinis accederet providentes; omnia enim iam timoris ac suspicionis plena erant, nec satis liquebat qui regis quive admirati essent: ita in incerto ambiguoque res erat. Nam admiratus per totum regnum propositi sui multos iam habebat participes et fautores eiusque nomen haud aliter quam regis ipsius ab omnibus timebatur.

There the king, with an interval of some time consumed, and with few affairs transacted and not worthy of memory, returning to Palermo thereafter, as if he shuddered at human faces, made himself inaccessible, except that to the admiral on individual days, and for the most part to the archbishop, he gave the availability of himself, hearing from them the affairs of his kingdom not as they were, but as they conformed them to his own purpose. About that time Ascotinus the chancellor and Count Simon were in Apulia with a great army, to go to meet the emperor of the Alemanni, whose coming rumor had foretold, and at the same time providing that no turmoil should be added there; for all things were now full of fear and suspicion, nor was it sufficiently clear who belonged to the king and who to the admiral: thus the situation was in uncertainty and ambiguity. For the admiral throughout the whole kingdom already had many participants and favorers of his plan, and his name was feared by all in no other way than that of the king himself.

II. De comite Lorotelli.

2. On the Count of Lorotello.

Eoque ipso spe subnixa, regnandi cupiditas acriores viro stimulos ingerebat. Scribit itaque cancellario uti Robertum comitem Lorotelli tanquam ad audiendum regis imperium Capuam evocet idque modis omnibus agat ut eumdem captum, sub fida custodia Panormum transmittat. Ut enim rex idem vellet multis persuasionibus effecerat, asserens quod ipse comes ad regni subreptionem plurimum aspiraret, ipsumque regnum sibi iure diceret pertinere eo quod Rogerius rex, avunculus eius, in quodam testamento suo precepisse diceretur, ut si quidem Willelmus eius filius inutilis aut parum ydoneus videretur, Robertum comitem, cuius virtus haud dubia erat, regno preficerent.

And relying on that very hope, the lust of reigning was applying keener spurs to the man. Accordingly, he writes to the chancellor to summon Robert, count of Lorotello, to Capua as though to hear the king’s command, and to contrive by every means that the same man, once seized, be sent under trusty custody to Palermo. For by many persuasions he had brought it about that the king should will the same, asserting that the count himself was greatly aspiring to the usurpation of the kingdom, and was saying that the kingdom pertained to himself by right, because Roger the king, his uncle, was said in a certain testament to have ordered that, if indeed William his son should seem useless or scarcely fit, they should set over the kingdom Count Robert, whose virtue was in no doubt.

Comes ergo acceptis litteris cancellarii cognitoque per amicos quid fraudis intenderet, animadvertit eiusmodi sibi expedire consilium, ut neque regis imperio contumaciter obloqui videretur et propositos sibi laqueos evitaret. Itaque, cum quingentis fere militibus optime armis instructis Capuam veniens, extra urbem in plano figit tentoria. Cancellarius, ubi hunc venisse comperit, illico denunciat ei ut omissis militibus suis ipse cum paucis in urbem veniat, velle se cum eo secrete loqui et regis aperire mandatum.

Therefore the Count, having received the Chancellor’s letters and, through friends, learned what fraud he was intending, observed that a counsel of such a kind would be expedient for him, namely, that he should neither seem contumaciously to gainsay the king’s command and that he should avoid the snares set for him. Accordingly, coming to Capua with about five hundred soldiers excellently equipped with arms, he pitches his tents on the plain outside the city. The Chancellor, when he learned that he had come, forthwith gives notice to him that, leaving his soldiers behind, he himself should come into the city with a few, saying that he wishes to speak with him secretly and to disclose the king’s mandate.

Ad id comes urbem se non ingressurum asserit; siquidem cancellarius exeat, paratum audire quidquid ex parte regia sibi preceperit. At ille contra spem suam comitem dolos intelligens presensisse, egressus est ad eum, dicens voluntatem regis hanc esse, ut universos milites suos, prout feudum suum exigebat, Boamundo comiti assignaret. Quod quidem molestissime comes tulit, responditque indignum et contra consuetudinem esse ut milites sui ducem alium sortirentur, ac si ipse proditor aut bello videretur inutilis.

To that the count asserts that he will not enter the city; if indeed the chancellor come out, he is prepared to hear whatever on the royal side he has been enjoined for him. But he, perceiving that contrary to his hope the count had forefelt the stratagems, went out to him, saying that the will of the king was this: that he should assign all his soldiers, as his fief required, to Count Boamund. Which the count bore most vexingly, and replied that it was unworthy and against custom that his soldiers should draw another leader, as if he himself were a traitor or seemed unfit for war.

Cumque instaret cancellarius, persuadens ut regie satisfaceret voluntati, adiecit comes aut non sani capitis aut proditoris istud esse mandatum: ideoque se nullatenus id facturum. Sic inani spe delusus cancellarius, Capuam rediit, comes in Aprutium iter convertit. Nec multo post in exercitu inter milites cancellarii et comitis Symonis orta seditio, eousque processit ut in dominos quoque militum iniuria redundaret multaque hinc inde verba mineque discurrerent.

And when the chancellor pressed, persuading that he should satisfy the royal will, the count added that this mandate was either of an unsound head or of a traitor: and therefore that he would by no means do it. Thus the chancellor, deluded by empty hope, returned to Capua, the count turned his route into Aprutium. And not long after, in the army, a sedition arose between the soldiers of the chancellor and of Count Symon; it proceeded so far that the injury redounded even upon the lords of the soldiers, and many words and threats ran hither and thither.

Quod utrum industria cancellarii factum sit, casuve contigerit parum constat. Verisimile tamen est Maionis intercessisse mandatum, ipsumque cancellarium in optimo comite non videntem quid crimini daret, in excitanda lite id habuisse consilii, ut inde maledicendi causam eliceret. Nam et super hoc litteris curie destinatis rem non tam vere quam hostiliter expressit et maiori comitem quam res exigeret criminatione pulsavit, dicens eum in exercitu crebras suscitare discordias; milites suos ad seditionem hortari; comitem etiam Robertum eius indicio propositas insidias effugisse; nuncios inter eos crebro discurrere, nescio quid eum fovere propositi, satis periculose deinceps ei creditum iri exercitum.

Whether this was done by the chancellor’s industry, or befell by chance, is little certain. Yet it is verisimilar that a mandate of Maio intervened, and that the chancellor himself, not seeing in the most excellent count what he might give to crimen, had this as his counsel in stirring up a lawsuit, that from it he might elicit a cause for malediction. For also on this point, in letters destined to the curia, he expressed the matter not so truly as hostilely, and drove at the count with a greater crimination than the case required, saying that he in the army arouses frequent discords; that he exhorts his own soldiers to sedition; that even Count Robert by his disclosure escaped the insidiae that had been laid; that nuncios run frequently between them, that he fosters I know not what design, and that thereafter the army would be entrusted to him quite perilously.

Hec et huiusmodi plurima regi magnus admiratus suggerens, a cancellario sibi transmissa subiunxit fidem plenissimam eisdem litteris adhibendam. Nam se quoque dudum audisse quod Robertus comes cum plerisque aliis contra regem conspiraverat, comitemque Symonem eius ipsius factionis esse participem, quod claris nunc apparebat indiciis. Inde maturandum censet ut emergentis mali periculum evitetur; sero carnem putridam resecari, cum vicinas partes corruperit.

Proposing to the king these things and very many of this sort, greatly marveling, he added that the fullest faith should be given to those same letters transmitted to him by the chancellor. For he too had long since heard that Count Robert had conspired against the king with very many others, and that Count Simon was a participant in that very faction, which now appeared by clear indicia. Therefore he judges that there must be hastening, so that the danger of the emerging evil may be avoided; it is late to cut away putrid flesh when it has corrupted the neighboring parts.

Ideo facilius regi persuasum, quod propinquos omnes consanguineosque habebat suspectos. Comes igitur literis regiis citatur ad curiam, aliusque in eius locum comestabulus subrogatur. Sed eidem venienti neque suam purgare licuit innocentiam, nec obiectis ordine iudiciario respondere.

Therefore the king was more easily persuaded, because he held all his close kinsmen and consanguines under suspicion. The count, then, is summoned by royal letters to the court, and another is subrogated in his place as constable. But when he came, it was permitted neither to purge his innocence nor to respond to the objections in judicial order.

Statim enim, non sine multa Maionis invidia, captus et in carcerem est retrusus.

For immediately, not without much envy of Maio, he was captured and thrust back into prison.

III. De credulitate mortis regis

3. On the credulity concerning the king's death

His eo modo gestis, ita rex deinde suam omnibus absentavit presentiam ut per multum temporis spatium, excepto Maione admirato et Hugone archiepiscopo, nulli penitus appareret. Que res argumento fuit ut a plerisque mortuus putaretur. Erant qui venenum ei ab admirato dicerent propinatum, nec erat difficile creditu, cum id eum machinari dudum audissent.

With these things having been done in that manner, the king then so absented his presence from everyone that, for a great span of time, except for Maio the Admiral and Hugh the Archbishop, he appeared to no one at all. Which circumstance was an argument whereby he was by many supposed to be dead. There were those who said that poison had been administered to him by the Admiral, nor was it difficult to believe, since they had long since heard that he was contriving this.

Multi quoque, cum ex diversis Apulie partibus venissent ad curiam, videndique regem prout consueverant eis copia negaretur, certissimos de morte eius rumores per totam Apuliam detulerunt, nichil hesitandum super hoc quod fama predixerat asserentes. Tunc Apulorum inconstantissima gens, libertatem adipisci frustra desiderans, quam nec adeptam quidem retinere sufficeret, ut que nec bello multum valeat nec in pace possit esse tranquilla, capescit arma, societates contrahit, castellis muniendis operam dat. Alii, quia iam diuturne pacis pertesum erat, sola raptantur inconstantia; alios prede spes trahit ad bellum; plerique ea ratione concitantur ad arma, quod regis mortem censeant vindicandam.

Many also, when they had come from diverse parts of Apulia to the curia, and the opportunity of seeing the king as they were accustomed was denied them, carried through all Apulia most certain rumors of his death, asserting that there was nothing to hesitate about in that which fame had foretold. Then the most inconstant people of the Apulians, desiring freedom to be obtained in vain, which, even if obtained, they would not be sufficient to retain, as being such as neither avails much in war nor can be tranquil in peace, takes up arms, contracts societies (alliances), and gives effort to fortifying castles. Some, because they were already wearied of long-enduring peace, are swept away by inconstancy alone; others the hope of prey draws to war; very many are stirred to arms for this reason, that they judge the king’s death must be avenged.

Multi tamen admirati causam armis tuendam suscipiunt. Sic ubique re turbata tumultuque exorto, dubiis eventibus hinc inde sepe confligitur. Comes Lorotelli plerasque maritimas occupat civitates.

Many, however, take up the admiral’s cause to be defended by arms. Thus everywhere, the affair being disturbed and a tumult having arisen, it is often fought here and there with doubtful outcomes. The Count of Loritello occupies most of the maritime cities.

Imperator etiam Grecorum a comite rogatus auxilium, speque ductus recuperandi Apuliam, nobilissimos ac prepotentes viros cum maxima pecunia mittit Brundusium. In Terra vero Laboris non minori turbine cuncta cerneres agitari, aliosque ab rege deficere, alios stare cum rege. Robertus Surrentinus a Capuanis suscipitur et hereditario sibi iure pertinentem occupat Capue principatum.

Even the Emperor of the Greeks, asked for aid by the count and led by the hope of recovering Apulia, sends to Brundisium most noble and prepotent men with a very great sum of money. In the Terra of Labour, in truth, you might have seen all things agitated by no lesser whirlwind, and some defecting from the king, others standing with the king. Robert of Sorrento is received by the Capuans and seizes the principate of Capua, as pertaining to him by hereditary right.

IIII. De Maione.

4. On Maio.

Hec ubi Panormi cognita sunt, inopinata res admirati paulisper animum conturbavit, non tamen usque adeo ut vultum quoque sufficeret immutare. Nam in maximis quoque periculis ex industria dignitatem oris integram conservabat, ne si quotiens timendum erat, vultus id fateretur indicio; hostibus quidem spem ingerens, suis nichilominus metum incuteret. Quod ergo ratus est optimum in tanta perturbatione consilium, eos qui nondum rebellaverant litteris regiis suisque crebrius exhortatur uti virtutis sue memores cum proditoribus audacter dimicent habitamque de se hactenus opinionem ratam faciant; meminerint virtuti premia laudesque proponi, e contra penas et perpetue notam infamie proditoribus irrogari.

When these things were learned at Palermo, the unexpected event, after marveling for a little, disturbed his mind, yet not so far as to suffice to change even his countenance. For even in the greatest dangers he deliberately preserved the dignity of his face intact, lest, whenever there was cause to fear, his face should confess it by its indication; for by that he would be injecting hope into the enemies and nonetheless striking fear into his own. Therefore, what counsel he judged best in so great a perturbation was this: he more frequently exhorts by royal letters and by his own those who had not yet rebelled, that, mindful of their virtue, they should fight boldly with the traitors and make good the opinion held of them hitherto; let them remember that rewards and praises are set forth for virtue, and on the contrary that penalties and the perpetual mark of infamy are inflicted upon traitors.

Ipse interim Panormi quoscumque potest sibi conciliat, propositum suum eis de morte regis aperit, censetque hoc maturius peragendum, timens ne si forte rex id eum sceleris machinari perpenderit, crimine sibi maiestatis obiecto, capitali supplicio deputetur. Erat tunc Panormi Gaufredus comes Montis Caveosi, vir utique summe liberalitatis, armis eximius admodumque consulti pectoris, sed mobilis erat ingenii, fidei vacillantis, novitates rerum semper exoptans. Huius opem admiratus plurimum sibi tore putans necessariam, ita commodissime sibi eum allici posse perspicit, si prius odium ei regis incutiat.

He meanwhile at Palermo conciliated to himself whomsoever he could, opened to them his plan concerning the king’s death, and judged that this ought to be carried through more speedily, fearing lest, if by chance the king should perceive that he was machinating that crime, with the charge of lèse-majesté cast against him he might be assigned to capital punishment. There was then at Palermo Geoffrey, count of Monte Caveoso, a man assuredly of the highest liberality, outstanding in arms and of very well-advised judgment; but he was of mobile disposition, with vacillating loyalty, always desiring novelties in affairs. Greatly admiring this man’s help, thinking it would be most necessary for himself, he perceives that he can most conveniently entice him to himself, if first he should instill in him hatred of the king.

Habebat autem ipse comes oppida quedam in Sicilia, Notum, Sclafanum, Calatanissetum, sed Notum ceteris specialius diligebat. Nam idem castellum tum virorum frequentia, tum natura loci munitissimum erat et defensioni locum prebebat aptissimum. Primum ergo regi Maio persuadet ut hanc sibi munitionem accipiat, dicens non sine periculo eam a comite possideri.

Moreover, the count himself had certain towns in Sicily—Notum, Sclafanum, Calatanissetum—but he cherished Notum more specially than the others. For that same castle, both by the multitude of men and by the nature of the place, was most fortified and offered a most apt position for defense. Therefore first he persuades King Maio to take this fortification for himself, saying that for it to be possessed by the count is not without danger.

Dehinc, ubi comitem ex amissione oppidi satis comperit indignatum, secreto eum ad se precipit accersiri. Iurat ultra quam credi facile sit hac de re se dolere, regique cum hoc preciperet plurimum restitisse, sed tantam hominis esse temeritatem, tantam insaniam ut neque cuiuspiam consilium iam admittat, nec ab eo quod semel dixerit qualibet possit persuasione deflecti. Quodque indignius est, Salomonem etiam parum scisse commemorans, ipse cum sit mortalium stolidissimus, sibi soli prudentiam, sibi virtutem ascribat.

Thereafter, when he found out well enough that the count was indignant at the loss of the stronghold, he has him hastily summoned to himself in secret. He swears that he is pained about this matter beyond what it is easy to believe, and that he opposed the king very much when he was enjoining this; but that the man’s temerity is so great, his insanity so great, that now he admits the counsel of no one, nor can he be deflected by any persuasion from what he has once said. And, what is more outrageous, alleging that even Solomon knew little, he—though he is the most stolid of mortals—ascribes prudence to himself alone, virtue to himself.

Preterea, tyrannum hunc verius quam regem nescio quid sceleris in animo gerere facile ex verbis eius posse conici, si diutius regnaverit, brevi futurum ut virorum nobilium paucos superesse contingat qui non aut suppliciis deputentur aut carceri. "Nec immerito", inquit, "deteriora nobis contingerent, nam siquidem viri et non feminis molliores essemus, si ratione utentes et non brutorum similes animantium, huius tante pestis exitio dudum querelas eiusmodi sopissemus. Sed forte ad interitum fata nos trahunt et imminentis mali necessitas cecitatem nobis inducit.

Moreover, that this man is more truly a tyrant than a king, one can easily infer from his words that he is bearing I-know-not-what crime in his mind; if he shall have reigned longer, it will shortly come to pass that few of noble men will remain who are not either assigned to punishments or to prison. "Nor without desert," he says, "would worse things befall us; for if indeed we were men and not softer than women, if using reason and not like to brute animals, we should long ago have lulled to sleep complaints of this sort by the destruction of so great a pest. But perhaps the Fates drag us to destruction, and the necessity of the impending evil brings blindness upon us."

Certe fatum hoc temeritas nostra est, que iam ad extrema nos periculorum adduxit". Tunc comes quid hec sibi vellet oratio satis intelligens, subiungit in hac omnes opinione versari quod absque ipsius admirati consilio nichil omnino rex gereret, ideoque huius rei culpam penes eum esse qui regis insanias et tyrannidem publicare deberet, nec alienam in se criminationem transfundere, sed ad omnium vindictam singulos exhortari, facile ei omnes obsequi, si voluntatem eius cognoverint sese quoque ad primum eius imperium sanguinem regis hausturum. Ad hec admiratus comitis laudare prudentiam virtutemque ad celum tollere ipsumque cepit amplecti, referens ei quod archiepiscopus aliique quamplures in id consenserint, ut, interfecto rege, ipsum admiratum ei substituant. Inde magis temptandi gratia quam ex animo, subiungit, indignum se esse qui tanto regno preesse debeat; sanius sibi videri consilium ut regis filius patri succedat.

“Surely this doom is our temerity, which has already led us to the extremities of perils”. Then the count, quite understanding what this speech was aiming at, adds that all are of this opinion: that without the counsel of the Admiratus himself the king would do nothing at all; and therefore the blame of this matter rests with him, who ought to publish the king’s insanities and tyranny, and not transfer onto himself an accusation belonging to another, but exhort individuals to the vengeance of all—everyone would readily comply with him, if they knew his will; he himself also, at his first command, would draw the king’s blood. To these things the Admiratus began to praise the count’s prudence and to lift his virtue to heaven, and he even began to embrace him, reporting to him that the archbishop and many others had agreed to this: that, with the king slain, they would substitute the Admiratus himself in his place. Then, more for the sake of testing than from the heart, he adds that he is unworthy to preside over so great a kingdom; that the counsel seems to him more sound for the king’s son to succeed the father.

Sed et quo id animo dixisset comitem Gaufredum non latuit, responditque hoc se nunquam passurum. Nam de semine tyranni nichil nunquam nisi tyrannicum procreari, impioque patre genitos, paterne quoque futuros impietatis heredes. Hoc unum se laudare, hoc velle ut admirato regia dignitas conferatur, subinferente illo sic futururm siquidem ipsi placuerit, comes ei suum ad hoc spondet auxilium et ut mutantem adhuc animum certiorem efficiat, illi se iureiurando astringit.

But also with what spirit he had said this did not escape Count Geoffrey, and he replied that he would never allow this. For from the seed of a tyrant nothing ever is begotten except tyrannical things, and those begotten of an impious father will likewise be heirs of paternal impiety. This one thing he praises, this he wills: that royal dignity be conferred upon the admiral, he subjoining that thus it would be, if indeed it should please him. The count pledges to him his aid for this, and, so that he may make more certain his still-changing mind, he binds himself to him by an oath.

Exhinde iam admiratus perpetrando sceleri locum ac tempus querebat ydoneum, existimans comitem Gaufredum sibi per omnia fore subsidio.

Thereafter the Admiral already was seeking a suitable place and time for the perpetration of the crime, thinking that Count Geoffrey would be to him a help in all things.

V. De voluntate et mente comitis.

5. On the will and mind of the count.

Comiti vero longe alia mens erat aliudque volvebat in animo; iam enim plurimos Barensium qui tunc Panormi morabantur ipse sibi iurare fecerat, erantque cum eo Symon Sangrensis et Rogerius filius Richardi pluresque nobiles et factiosi milites per quelibet eum pericula secuturi, quibus indignum, turpe miserumque videbatur ut cuius pater oleum Bari vendere consueverat; sic enim dicebatur; eum regnare permicterent. Sed neque displicebat eis regem interfici ob tyrannidem quam in viros nobiles exercebat. Erat autem hoc eorum consilium ut quum mature regem admiratus occidisset, ipsi statim in eum tanquam interfecti regis ultores irruerent, ne sua diutius proditione gauderet regisque filium maiorem natu patri sustituerent heredem.

But the count had a far different mind and was revolving something else in his soul; for already he had made very many of the men of Bari, who were then dwelling at Palermo, swear an oath to himself, and with him were Symon Sangrensis and Roger, the son of Richard, and several noble and factious soldiers, ready to follow him through whatever perils; to whom it seemed unworthy, disgraceful, and wretched that the man whose father used to sell oil at Bari—so indeed it was said—they should permit to reign. Nor did it displease them that the king be killed on account of the tyranny which he exercised upon noble men. Now this was their plan: that when the ammiratus should timely have slain the king, they themselves would immediately rush upon him as avengers of the slain king, lest he should rejoice any longer in his treachery, and they would substitute the king’s firstborn son as heir to his father.

Ita comes adversus dolos Maionis fraudulenter agere instituerat, plurimum interim ipsi blandiri, rogare ne rem tantam negligendo differret, paratos semper habere secum milites, prestolari de die in diem ut admiratus quod proposuerat adimpleret. Ubi segnius eum videt rem gerere tepidumque languere propositum, fidem suam illi suspectam esse sibique parum credi certis colligit argumentis. Post habito igitur de morte regis consilio, Maioni parat insidias et vel in presentia regis, si quidem aliter non possit, eum sibi destinat occidendum.

Thus the count had set himself to act fraudulently against the deceits of Maion, meanwhile to flatter him very much, to beg that he not postpone so great a matter by neglecting it, to have soldiers always ready with him, to await from day to day that the admiral would fulfill what he had proposed. When he sees him conducting the matter more sluggishly and his plan tepid and languishing, he gathers from sure arguments that his own loyalty is suspected by him and that little trust is placed in himself. Therefore, after counsel had been held concerning the king’s death, he prepares ambushes for Maion, and even in the presence of the king, if indeed it cannot be otherwise, he marks him out to be killed by his own hand.

Quod quadam die non secus ac providerat accidisset, nisi quod iam in palatium percussoribus introductis, subito nunciatum est in curia, de partibus Apulie galeas advenisse. Ea re tunc ab incepto milites absterrente, Maio fortune beneficio liberatus evasit; comes autem, videns id quod actum erat celari non posse; nam et multi milites cum armis viderant introductos; pro tempore consilium capit et cum admirato secretum habens colloquium, narrat ei ex ordine quid sibi acciderit et qualiter sit spe frustratus. Nam "hodie", inquit, "ad curiam optime venimus preparati, ultimumque vite tyrannus diem clausisset, nisi quod galea calipolitana, quam applicuisse audivimus, impedimento nobis fuit". Admiratus autem frustra eum timuisse respondit, nam Calipolim totam ei iurasse et unius secum esse propositi.

That on a certain day it would have come to pass just as he had foreseen, except that, when already the assassins had been brought into the palace, it was suddenly announced in the curia that galleys had arrived from the parts of Apulia. This matter then deterring the soldiers from the undertaking, Maio, by the benefit of Fortune, got away freed and escaped; but the count, seeing that what had been done could not be concealed—for many soldiers too had seen men brought in with arms—takes counsel for the moment and, holding a secret colloquy with the admiral, relates to him in order what had happened to himself and how he was frustrated of his hope. For “today,” he says, “we came to the court in the best preparation, and the tyrant would have closed the last day of his life, if not that the Calipolitan galley, which we heard had put in, was a hindrance to us.” But the admiral replied that he had feared in vain, for all Calipolis had sworn to him and was of one and the same purpose with him.

Eadem die suggestum est ei a pluribus amicorum quod comes Gaufridus cum armis curiam eum interfecturus intraverit. Quibus ille hec omnia scire se dixit; suo totum id actum consilio; regi timendum fuisse, non sibi.

On the same day it was suggested to him by several of his friends that Count Geoffrey, with arms, had entered the court intending to slay him. To whom he said that he knew all these things; that the whole had been done by his own counsel; that it was the king who ought to fear, not he.

VI. De manifestatione Maionis.

6. On the manifestation of Maio.

Interea iam incipiente turbari Sicilia, Bartholomeus de Garsiliato cum quibusdam aliis Buteriam occupat, locum utique munitissimum et adversus quoslibet obsidentium impetus prerupti montis beneficio facile resistentem. Ad quem plures alii confluentes, ceperunt ex agris finitimis predam agere, loca vicina populari, cum plerisque potentibus viris societatem contrahere. Ea res Maionem ad ultimum fere desperationis compulit, adeo quidem ut inceptum facinus necessario crederet differendum, nec aliter invalescentis mali posse dispendium evitari, nisi regi ipsi, tum adhuc ad debellandos hostes vires suppetunt, rem totam aperiat, alioquin totam Siciliam in brevi defecturam ad hostes.

Meanwhile, with Sicily already beginning to be disturbed, Bartholomew of Garsiliato, together with certain others, occupies Buteria, a place of course most fortified and, by the benefit of a precipitous mountain, easily resisting the assaults of whatever besiegers. To which, many others confluent, they began to drive off prey from the neighboring fields, to depopulate the nearby places, to contract society with many powerful men. This thing drove Maio almost to the last point of desperation, indeed so much so that he believed the undertaken crime must necessarily be deferred, nor could the damage of the growing evil otherwise be avoided, unless he should lay open the whole matter to the king himself, while as yet forces suffice to subdue the enemies; otherwise the whole of Sicily would shortly defect to the enemies.

Quod ubi regi cognitum est, primum negligendo rem distulit, dicens non tanti viros esse momenti qui perseverare audeant ultro, ab occupata munitione nuperrime discessuros. Id enim regi consuetudinis erat, ut difficile palatio vellet exire, sed ubi necessitas eum compellebat egredi, quanta prius torpuerat ignavia, tanto deinceps impetu, non tam audacter quam indiscrete ac temere raptabatur, quantislibet se periculis obiecturus. Nec quid sibi, quid adverse parti virium esset attendebat, par an impar hostes adoriretur parum sollicitus.

When this became known to the king, he at first deferred the matter by neglect, saying that the men were not of such moment as to dare of their own accord to persevere, and that they would very soon depart from the occupied fortification. For it was the king’s custom that he was reluctant to go out from the palace; but when necessity compelled him to go forth, by as much as he had previously been benumbed by sloth, by so much thereafter with impetus he was swept along, not so much boldly as indiscreetly and rashly, ready to expose himself to dangers of any magnitude. Nor did he attend to what strength he had, or what strength the adverse party had, being little solicitous whether he attacked the enemy on equal terms or unequal.

Mox ubi comperit eos qui erant Buterie ab incepto nolle desistere, sed acrius urgere propositum, comitem Ebrardum ad eos legatum mittit ut sciscitetur ab eis quo consilio, qua mente castellum suum occupaverint; quid se deinceps acturos existiment. At illi non aliter id se dicturos respondent, quam si comes eis iureiurando se obliget, ut quicquid ei dixerint, ipse regi seriatim exponat. Prestito deinde quod petierant a comite sacramento, dicunt se contra regem nichil agere aut egisse, sed eo duci consilio ut Maionis admirati et Hugonis archiepiscopi proditionem detegant, impediantque propositum quos adversus regem certissime noverant conspirasse, ipsumque Maionem ad regnum totis viribus anelare.

Soon, when he learned that those who were at Buteria were unwilling to desist from their begun enterprise, but were pressing their purpose more keenly, he sends Count Ebrard as a legate to them, to inquire of them with what counsel, with what mind they had occupied the castle; what they think they will do thereafter. But they reply that they will say this in no other way than if the count binds himself to them by oath, that whatever they will have said to him, he himself will set forth to the king seriatim. Then, the sacrament having been furnished by the count as they had asked, they say that they do nothing nor have done anything against the king, but are led by this counsel: that they may detect the treason of Maio the admiral and Hugh the archbishop, and impede the plan of those whom they most certainly knew to have conspired against the king, and that Maio himself pants after the kingship with all his forces.

Ultro se Panormum ad regios pedes venturos, si de proditoribus supplicium sumptum audierint. Cum igitur hec omnia comes Ebrardus, ut erat incorrupte vir fidei, non tam efficaciter quam audacter ad regis pertulisset notitiam, rex primum novitate rei attonitus mirari cepit; dehinc inhumanum ratus ut crederet eum sibi mortem moliri quem tanta sublimaverat dignitate, quicquid ei comes dixerat retulit admirato, subiungens numquam se de illo tale quippiam crediturum. Admiratus exinde comitem Ebrardum suspectum habens, atrox in eum odium exercebat, sed id prudenti dissimulabat consilio donec ultioni tempus congruum inveniret.

Of their own accord they would come to Palermo to the royal feet, if they should hear that punishment had been taken upon the traitors. When therefore Count Ebrard, as he was a man of incorrupt faith, had conveyed all these things to the king’s knowledge, not so efficaciously as boldly, the king at first, thunderstruck by the novelty of the matter, began to marvel; then, deeming it inhuman to believe that he was plotting death against him whom he had exalted to such great dignity, he related to the Admiral whatever the count had said, adding that he would never believe any such thing of him. The Admiral thereafter, holding Count Ebrard suspect, exercised fierce hatred against him, but dissimulated this with prudent counsel until he might find a suitable time for vengeance.

Interim comes Gaufridus Buteriam transfugit, per aliquot castella sua militum relicto presidio. Tunc vero Panonni tumultus ingens exoritur, ubique civitatis timor et indignatio, tota plebs adversus Maionem fremit ac murmurat; comitem Symonem iniuste captum omnes unanimi de voto deposcunt. Admiratus autem, videns murmur invalescere, nec iam facile posse compesci, nisi plebis satisfiat desiderio, persuadet regi ut comes Symon extrahatur de carcere.

Meanwhile Count Geoffrey defected to Buteria, leaving garrisons of soldiers in several of his castles. Then indeed at Palermo a huge tumult arises, everywhere in the city fear and indignation; the whole plebs roars and murmurs against Maio; by unanimous vote all demand Count Simon, unjustly seized. The Admiral, however, seeing the murmur grow strong, and that it could now not easily be repressed unless the desire of the plebs be satisfied, persuades the king that Count Simon be drawn out of prison.

Quo ad iussionem regis educto, ita subito status civitatis immutatus est, ut cum eo pax et tranquillitas urbi reddita videretur. Rex itaque, ut in tanto necessitatis articulo nullum videt superesse locum ignavie, nec dilationis causam ydoneam, vix tandem instinctu Maionis educit exercitum, Buteriam obsidet, ubi nisi comitem Symonem secum duxisset, non parum fuerat temporis consumpturus. Cum igitur aliquandiu castellum totis viribus oppugnasset, oppidani vero nichilominus audacter ei resisterent et ad deditionem eos cogi fere iam impossibile videretur, demum hortatu et consilio comitis Symonis res est in transactionem deducta, comitique Gaufredo et sociis eius ab admirato, archiepiscopo ac plerisque comitibus in animam regis iuratum, quod eos rex incolumes, libere ac secure et absque impedimento extra regnum suum ire permitteret.

When he was brought out at the king’s command, the state of the city was so suddenly altered that with him peace and tranquility seemed to be restored to the city. Therefore the king, since in so great a juncture of necessity he sees no room left for sloth, nor a suitable cause for delay, scarcely at last, at the instigation of Maio, leads out the army, besieges Buteria, where, had he not led Count Simon with him, he would have consumed no small amount of time. When therefore for some time he had assailed the castle with all his forces, but the townsmen nonetheless boldly resisted him, and it now seemed almost impossible to force them to surrender, finally by the exhortation and counsel of Count Simon the matter was brought to a settlement, and to Count Geoffrey and his associates there was sworn by the admiral, the archbishop, and most of the counts, upon the king’s soul, that the king would permit them unharmed, freely and securely, and without hindrance, to go outside his kingdom.

Sic oppido recepto totaque iam quiescente Sicilia, paucis post diebus Messanam proficiscitur, in Apuliam transiturus.

Thus, with the town recovered and all Sicily now quiet, a few days later he sets out for Messana, about to cross into Apulia.

VII. De transitu regis in Apuliam et pugna cum Grecis.

7. On the crossing of the king into Apulia and the battle with the Greeks.

Eodem tempore cancellarium ad curiam venientem comes Symon, instigante Maione, multis pulsavit criminibus. Qui cum singulis audacter se diceret responsurum, suis ei allegationibus uti non licuit, nam captum subito dampnatumque carcer excepit, ubi etiam, post aliquot annos, diem vite clausit extremum. Rex itaque, Farum transiturus, comiti Gaufredo, qui parata iam navi ceterisque ad transfretandum necessariis Messane morabatur, transitum interdici precepit et ipsum usque ad reditum suum diligenter observari.

At the same time, Count Simon, with Maio instigating, assailed the chancellor, as he was coming to the curia, with many charges. Although he said he would boldly respond to each one, it was not permitted him to employ his own allegations on his behalf; for, seized suddenly and condemned, the prison received him, where also, after several years, he closed the last day of his life. The king, therefore, being about to cross the Faro, ordered that passage be interdicted to Count Geoffrey, who was lingering at Messina with a ship already prepared and the other things necessary for crossing, and that he himself be carefully kept under watch until his own return.

Multiplicato dehinc exercitu, Brundusium venit, ubi cum Grecis conflicturus, ad pugnam iubet milites expediri. Greci vero, ubi comitis Roberti, cuius prestolabantur adventum, vident se defraudatos auxilio, quod unicum restabat consilium, fortunam eligunt experiri. Anceps in principio pugna fuit, inde Greci non valentes amplius hostiles impetus sustinere, fusi cesique sunt, magna pars eorum cum ducibus suis Panormum transvecti.

Thereafter, with the army multiplied, he came to Brundisium, where, being about to clash with the Greeks, he orders the soldiers to be expedited for battle. The Greeks, however, when they see themselves defrauded of the aid of Count Robert, whose advent they were awaiting, choose to experience fortune, which was the sole counsel remaining. The fight was doubtful at the beginning; then the Greeks, no longer able to sustain the hostile assaults, were routed and cut down, and a great part of them, with their leaders, were transported to Panormus.

VIII. De excidio civitatis Barensis.

8. On the destruction of the city of Bari.

Ea rex potitus victoria, Barum traducit exercitum, ibique populum eiusdem urbis inermem obvium habet, ut sibi parcatur orantem. At ille, castelli sui quod a Barensibus dirutum erat ruinas aspiciens, "iusto", inquit, "vobiscum agam iudicio, et quia domui mee parcere noluistis, certe nec ego vestris sum domibus parciturus; vos autem omnes libere cum rebus vestris abire permictam". Dantur ergo eis duorum dierum inducie, ut interim exeuntes omnia sua secum asportent. Quod ubi factum est, muris primum equatis solo, totius insecutum est excidium civitatis.

That victory obtained by the king, he leads the army over to Bari, and there he has the people of that same city, unarmed, meeting him, praying that he spare them. But he, gazing upon the ruins of his own castle which had been torn down by the Barensians, says, "By a just judgment I will deal with you; and because you were unwilling to spare my house, assuredly neither shall I be about to spare your houses; but you all I will permit to depart freely with your goods." Therefore a truce of two days is granted to them, so that in the meantime, as they go out, they may carry off all their belongings with them. When this had been done, with the walls first leveled to the ground, the destruction of the whole city followed.

Ita prepotens Apulie civitas, fama celebris, opibus pollens, nobilissimis superba civibus, edificiorum structura mirabilis, iacet nunc in acervos lapidum transformata. Huius rei fama comitem Robertum aliosque qui rebelles extiterant valde perterruit, presertim cum viderent de totius Apulie civitatibus ad regem omnes confluere. Nec iam facile tantis erat viribus resistendum, omnemque spem venie crudelitas regis excluserat.

Thus the prepotent city of Apulia, celebrated in fame, strong in resources, proud in most noble citizens, marvelous in the structure of its edifices, now lies transformed into heaps of stones. The report of this affair greatly terrified Count Robert and the others who had stood forth as rebels, especially when they saw from the cities of all Apulia all converging upon the king. Nor now was it easy to resist such forces, and the king’s cruelty had shut out every hope of pardon.

Relictis ergo castellis, oppidis urbibusque quas possederant, multi regni terminos exierunt, plerique cum comite Roberto in terram Aprutii transfugerunt. Robertus Surrentinus Capue princeps, cum nichil sibi fuga tutius comperisset, per terram comitis Richardi de Aquila secure transiens, in transitu fluminis ab eodem capi iussus regique traditus est. Quem admiratus Panormi non multo post in vincula coniectum, oculis fecit privari.

Therefore, leaving behind the castles, towns, and cities which they had possessed, many went beyond the borders of the kingdom, and the majority deserted with Count Robert into the land of Aprutium. Robert of Sorrento, Prince of Capua, since he had found nothing safer for himself than flight, passing securely through the territory of Count Richard of Aquila, was, at the crossing of a river, ordered by that same man to be seized and was handed over to the king. The Admiral at Palermo, not long after, caused him—once cast into chains—to be deprived of his eyes.

Eo facto, comes Richardus cum regem antea plurimum offendisset, gratiam eius promeruit, sed nec infamie notam penitus evitavit. Nam a multis crimini datum accepi, quod idem dominum suum, summe nobilitatis ac mansuetudinis virum, cui sacramentum quoque fidelitatis prestiterat, turpiter prodidisset. Rex autem, Grecis devictis fugatoque comite Roberto, reliquos hostes suos persequens, cum omnes ante faciem eius disparerent, totius Apulie ac Terre Laboris tumultum compescuit; ac demum prospere gestis omnibus, Farum transiens, Panormum rediit.

This having been done, Count Richard—although he had previously greatly offended the king—won his favor, yet he did not entirely avoid the brand of infamy. For I have received that many imputed it to him as a crime, that he had shamefully betrayed that same lord of his, a man of the highest nobility and mildness, to whom he had also performed the oath of fealty. The king, however, the Greeks having been defeated and Count Robert put to flight, pursuing his remaining enemies, when all disappeared before his face, suppressed the tumult of all Apulia and the Land of Labor (Terra Laboris); and at last, with all things conducted prosperously, crossing the Strait, he returned to Palermo.

VIIII. De reditu regis in Siciliam.

9. On the return of the king into Sicily.

Interea comes Gaufredus, cui Fari transitus interdictus fuerat, suadente Maione, privatus oculis carceri datur. Comes Symon, qui Policastri remanserat, ob idem accersitur ad curiam, ut quam primum venerit capiatur. Sed in ipso procinctu itineris felici morte preventus est.

Meanwhile Count Geoffrey, to whom the passage of Faro had been interdicted, at Maio’s urging is deprived of his eyes and consigned to prison. Count Simon, who had remained at Policastro, is summoned to the court for the same reason, in order that, as soon as he shall have come, he be seized. But on the very eve of the journey he was forestalled by a fortunate death.

Preterea comes Wilelmus Alesinus, Boamundus Tarsensis, cum pluribus aliis, Panormi iam in vinculis tenebantur, inter quos erat et Robertus Bovensis, comitis Ebrardi, ut ferebatur, avunculus, vir quidem armis strenuus, sed parum habens fidei, quem Francorum rex, ob proditionem quam ibidem perpetraverat, ad tempus iusserat exulare. Filii quoque ducis Rogerii, Tancredus et Willelmus, nobilissima matre geniti, ad quam dux ipse consuetudinem habuerat, inter septa palatii servabantur inclusi. Nec dum tamen Maionis quiescit animus aut nefandum cessat propositum cum tot preclaris ac nobilibus viris carceres plenos aspiciat; quorum aliis oculos fecerat effodi, alios cedi fustibus, quosdam in teterrimis locis cum serpentibus habitare.

Moreover Count William Alesinus, Boamund Tarsensis, with many others, were already being held in chains at Palermo, among whom there was also Robert of Boves, the uncle, as it was said, of Count Ebrard, a man indeed strenuous in arms, but having little good faith, whom the king of the Franks, on account of the treachery which he had perpetrated there, had ordered for a time to go into exile. The sons also of Duke Roger, Tancred and William, born of a most noble mother, with whom the duke himself had had familiarity, were kept shut up within the enclosures of the palace. Nor yet, however, does the spirit of Maio rest, nor does his unspeakable plan cease, as he beholds prisons full of so many preeminent and noble men; of whom he had caused the eyes of some to be gouged out, others to be beaten with cudgels, and certain to live in most foul places with serpents.

Uxores quoque ac filias eorum e domibus suis abstractas, diversis clauserat in locis, aliasque sue deservire libidini, alias inopia cogente venalem passim formam compulerat exhibere. Hiis omnibus proditoris rabies expleri non potest, nichil actum putat quia comitem Ebrardum superesse videt incolumem. Sed neque satis scit quid tanto viro criminis possit intendere, cuius fides omnibus evidenter apparet.

He had also dragged their wives and daughters from their own houses, and had shut them up in diverse places; and he had compelled some to serve his lust, others, indigence compelling them, to exhibit their beauty for sale everywhere. With all these things the frenzy of the traitor cannot be satisfied; he thinks nothing has been accomplished because he sees Count Ebrard remaining unharmed. But neither does he sufficiently know what charge of crime he can aim at so great a man, whose faith is evidently apparent to all.

Iam tunc ergo omnia comitis facta dictaque subtiliter explorat, ut detrahendi causam inveniat. Cum ergo quadam die comes cum paucis venatum exisset, admiratus ilico regem adit nunciatque comitem Ebrardum absque licentia curie cum multitudine militum recessisse; rebellandi hoc esse satis evidens argumentum, eum, siquidem abire libere possit, multos eiusdem propositi socios habiturum, suadetque missis absque dilatione nunciis comitem ex itinere revocari. Comes autem regis mandatum audiens, omissa venatione, redit Panormum, subitoque vocatus ad curiam, ibidem retentus est et in vincula coniectus; cui primum effossis oculis, non multo post admiratus linguam quoque fecit abscidi.

Already then, accordingly, he most subtly explores all the count’s deeds and words, that he may find a cause for detraction. Therefore, when on a certain day the count had gone out with a few to hunt, the admiral immediately goes to the king in wonder and announces that Count Ebrard, without the license of the court, had withdrawn with a multitude of soldiers; that this was a sufficiently evident argument for rebelling, and that, if indeed he were able to depart freely, he would have many associates of the same purpose; and he advises that, messengers sent without delay, the count be recalled from the road. But the count, hearing the king’s mandate, the hunt laid aside, returns to Palermo, and, suddenly called to the court, was there detained and cast into chains; and first his eyes were gouged out, and not much later the admiral also had his tongue cut off.

Iamque viris fortibus, quoscumque sibi timendos admiratus putaverat, aut captis aut in exilium compulsis, totius regni tumultus quieverat. Videns autem Maio superesse iam neminem qui sue possit vel audeat contradicere voluntati, ad perpetrandum quod necessitate cogente distulerat facinus rursus accingitur. Sed ita facillime sperat id posse fieri, si populi prius amorem sibi conciliet, si propinquis et affinibus suis maximas regni conferat dignitates, quorum adversus nobilitatis superbiam sese tueatur auxilio.

And now, with the brave men, whomever he had deemed to be to-be-feared by himself, either captured or compelled into exile, the tumult of the whole kingdom had quieted. But seeing that there now survived no one who could or would dare to contradict his will, Maio girds himself again to perpetrate the crime which, necessity compelling, he had deferred. Yet he hopes that it can be done most easily thus: if first he conciliates to himself the love of the people, if he confers the greatest dignities of the realm upon his kinsmen and affines, by whose aid he may protect himself against the pride of the nobility.

Symonem ergo senescalcum, maritum sororis sue, toti Apulie ac Terre Laboris magistrum capitaneum preficiens, Stephanum quoque fratrem suum stolii constituit admiratum. Ipse interim indigentibus multa largiri, omnibus prebere se facilem, legatos undecumque venientes plurimum honorare in animum induxerat; strenuos bello milites longobardos ac transmontanos indifferenter plurimis sibi largitionibus alliciens, clericos quoque magnis sepe promovebat honoribus, prout cuiusque dignitas exigebat. Ita modis omnibus sollicitus erat ut nichil omitteret, quod ad alliciendum plebis animos utile videretur.

Therefore, appointing Simon the seneschal, the husband of his sister, as master-captain of all Apulia and the Land of Labour, he also appointed his brother Stephen admiral of the fleet. Meanwhile he had resolved to lavish many gifts upon the indigent, to present himself easy of access to all, to honor most highly legates coming from whencesoever; drawing to himself, by very many largesses, soldiers strenuous in war, Lombards and Transmontanes without distinction; he also often advanced clerics to great honors, as the dignity of each required. Thus he was solicitous in all ways that he should omit nothing which might seem useful for alluring the minds of the plebs.

Dum hec in regis pernitiem premoliens, admiratus callide suum occultaret propositum, r[egnum aliquandiu visum est qu]ievisse, nisi quod comes Robertus terram Aprutii vicinasque partes Apulie crebris adeo fatigabat incursibus, ut in Apulia necessario teneretur exercitus, ubi variis est sepe pugnatum eventibus. Richardus de Mandra, comitis Roberti comestabulus, interim cum episcopo Tetino captus est et Panormum deductus.

While, premeditating these things for the king’s perdition, the admiral was cunningly concealing his design, [the kingdom for some time seemed to have] grown quiet, except that Count Robert was so wearying the land of Abruzzo and the neighboring parts of Apulia with frequent incursions that an army was necessarily held in Apulia, where it was often fought with various outcomes. Richard of Mandra, Count Robert’s constable, meanwhile was captured with the bishop of Teate and led to Palermo.

X. De amissione Affrice.

10. On the loss of Africa.

Per idem tempus cum imperatore Grecorum fedus initum est paxque firmata, Greci Constantinopolim dimissi, qui post Brundusinum bellum in vinculis tenebantur; iam itaque omnem rei difficultatem Maio superaverat; iam ad id pervenerat potestatis, ut non tam admirati quam regis videretur preditus dignitate; iam regis ipsius aperte predicabat insanias; iam stultitiam eius publice deridebat, et si quid tyrannicum aut inhumanum rex, eo suadente, preceperat, veluti innocenti cuippiam oculos erui, linguam abscidi, vel aliquid talium perpetrari, ipse sua postmodum auctoritate prohibebat id fieri, dicens non omnia que tyrannus inconsulte aut delirando iusserit, statim effectui mancipanda, alioquin innocentium vitam periclitari sepissime. Nam ad hoc nitebatur ut in regem plebis exasperaret animos et omnium ei conflaret invidiam. Eam plerique causam fuis[se existimant ut idem Affricam a Saracenis] capi permicteret.

At the same time a treaty was entered into with the emperor of the Greeks and peace was made, the Greeks who after the Brundusine war had been held in chains being sent off to Constantinople; thus already Maio had overcome every difficulty of the matter; already he had come to such a pitch of power that he seemed endowed not so much with the dignity of an admiral as of a king; already he openly proclaimed the insanities of the king; already he publicly derided his stupidity; and if the king, with him advising, had ordered anything tyrannical or inhuman—such as that the eyes of some innocent person be gouged out, the tongue be cut off, or something of the sort be perpetrated—he afterward by his own authority forbade it to be done, saying that not all the things which a tyrant has commanded inconsiderately or in delirium are to be immediately consigned to execution, otherwise the life of innocents is very often endangered. For to this he strove, that he might exasperate the minds of the common people against the king and inflame against him the envy of all. Many think this to have [been the reason that the same man permitted Africa by the Saracens] to be seized.

Cum enim in partes Hispanie misso stolio, Masmudorum rex potentissimus Affricam obsedisset, idque nunciatum esset in Sicilia, placuit ad auxilium Affrice stolium revocari, cui tunc preerat gaitus Petrus eunucus. Isque, sicut et omnes eunuchi palatii, nomine tantum habituque christianus erat, animo saracenus. Erant autem galee circiter .CLX.

For when, with the fleet sent into parts of Spain, the most powerful king of the Masmudans had besieged Africa, and this had been announced in Sicily, it pleased them that the fleet be recalled for the aid of Africa, which at that time was commanded by the gaitus Peter the eunuch. And he, just as all the eunuchs of the palace, was a Christian in name only and in dress, a Saracen in spirit. There were, moreover, about 160 galleys.

que cum ex Hispania redeuntes e stationibus Masmudorum possent iam conspici, ceperunt milites qui Affrice erant, resumptis animis, clamorem tollere, insultare hostibus et venientes galeas ostendere. Contra vero, Masmudorum rex inopinato galearum adventu perterritus, intra castra cogebat exercitum, qui tamen pre sui magnitudine regi vix poterat. At ubi iam terre stolium propinquabat, ingens in urbe cum letitia militum clamor exoritur et siquidem, ut arbitrabantur, stolium ex uno latere, ipsi, apertis portis, ex alio in hostes irruerent, ea die victus fususque barbarorum cessisset exercitus.

and when those returning from Spain could already be espied from the stations of the Masmuda, the soldiers who were in Africa, their spirits recovered, began to raise a clamor, to exult over the enemies, and to point out the approaching galleys. Conversely, the king of the Masmuda, terrified by the unexpected advent of the galleys, was driving his army within the camp, which, however, on account of its own magnitude, could hardly be controlled by the king. But when now the fleet was drawing near to land, a huge shout arose in the city with the joy of the soldiers; and indeed, if, as they thought, the fleet from one side and they, with the gates opened, from the other, should rush upon the enemies, on that day the army of the barbarians would have yielded, vanquished and routed.

Sed secus actum est. Nam gaitus Petrus magister stolii, totum id previdens, cum iam plerique vela deducerent, ultro, mirantibus cunctis, in fugam conversus, carbasa ventis exposuit. Cetere quoque galee fugientem ducem prout queque poterat sequebantur; barbari vero, quos proditoris dolus non latuit, sexaginta galeas armantes, quas ad terram metu stolii prius eduxerant, persecuti sunt ilico fugientes.

But it was done otherwise. For Gaitus Peter, master of the fleet, foreseeing all that, when now the majority were already lowering the sails, of his own accord—while all marveled—turned to flight and exposed the canvas to the winds. The other galleys also were following the fleeing leader, each as it was able; but the barbarians, whom the treachery of the traitor did not escape, manning sixty galleys, which they had previously drawn up to land from fear of the fleet, immediately pursued the fugitives.

Septem galee capte sunt a Masmudis; relique turpiter misereque re gesta in Siciliam pervenerunt. Ea res et barbarorum animos plurimum extulit et obsessis desperationem incussit. Nam et pauci quidem sed invicti bello milites erant et cibi premebantur inopia.

Seven galleys were captured by the Masmuda; the rest, the affair having been conducted shamefully and miserably, made their way to Sicily. This matter both greatly exalted the spirits of the barbarians and struck despair into the besieged. For the soldiers were indeed few, but unconquered in war, and they were pressed by want of food.

Quicquid tamen in tanta rerum angustia virtus poterat, effecerunt. Nec enim solum tante multitudinis creberrimos impetus viriliter sustinebant, sed et singulis fere diebus egressi, barbarorum perturbabant exercitum, nonnulli post multam stragem hostium revertentes. Rex itaque Masmudorum, consumptis omnibus que ad optinendam urbem sibi crediderat expedire, iam obsessorum militum audaciam considerabat attonitus eorumque virtutem et constantiam mirabatur, et nullis urbem iam sperabat posse viribus expugnari, ultroque nisi famis intolerantiam perfugarum inditio cognovisset, ab obsidione amoturus erat exercitum.

Whatever, however, valor could achieve in so great a strait of affairs, they accomplished. For they were not only manfully sustaining the very frequent assaults of so great a multitude, but also, almost every day going out in sallies, they were perturbing the army of the barbarians, some returning after much slaughter of the enemy. The king of the Masmuda, therefore, when all the things had been consumed which he had believed would expedite the obtaining of the city, now was considering, astonished, the audacity of the besieged soldiers and was admiring their virtue and constancy, and he no longer expected that the city could be stormed by any forces; moreover, unless he had learned of the intolerability of famine by the disclosure of deserters, he was about to remove the army from the siege.

Sed ubi contra consuetudinem humanam nec equis iam parci, nec a canibus aliisque immundis animalibus abstineri cognovit, cepit milites ad deditionem hortari, dicens frustra suam eos indigentiam occultare; que patiebantur sibi non esse incognita; e Sicilia nichil venturum auxilii, nam se litteras eunuchorum palatii nuperrime recepisse, quibus rei veritatem plene didicerat; denique, nichil spei reliquum esse ut evasuros se putent, sed eorum virtuti velle se parcere, et siquidem regis Sicilie tyrannidem metuentes secum morari maluerint, largissima eis quotquot fuerint stipendia se daturum. Sin autem in Siciliam redire prelegerint, datis que sufficiant navibus, liberum eis transitum permittendum. At illi, super hoc habentes consilium, paucorum dierum inducias petiere, ut missis in Siciliam legatis, postularent auxilium, quo non impetrato, tum demum conditioni starent proposite; nec idipsum eis negatum est.

But when he learned that, contrary to human custom, horses were now no longer being spared, nor was there abstaining from dogs and other unclean animals, he began to exhort the soldiers to surrender, saying that they were hiding their indigence in vain; that the things they were suffering were not unknown to him; that from Sicily no aid would come, for he had most recently received letters from the eunuchs of the palace, by which he had fully learned the truth of the affair; finally, that nothing of hope remained for them to think they would escape, but that he wished to spare their valor, and that, if indeed, fearing the tyranny of the king of Sicily, they should prefer to stay with him, he would give to them, however many they might be, most generous stipends. But if, on the other hand, they should prefer to return to Sicily, with ships furnished that would suffice, free transit should be permitted to them. But they, taking counsel about this, asked for a truce of a few days, so that, envoys having been sent to Sicily, they might request aid, and, if this were not obtained, then at length they would stand to the proposed condition; nor was this very thing denied to them.

Sed cum eorum nuncii Panormum venientes, urbis sue periculum et famem exponerent, omnia iam se passos quecumque summa necessitas indixisset, peterentque frumentum saltem eo transmitti, nichil tamen multis persuasionibus effecerunt. Nam admiratus falso regi suggesserat frumentum Affrice, quod per totum annum sufficeret, se iubente, fuisse repositu[m; foris autem publice predicabat in ea regem esse sententia,] ut diceret si caperetur Affrica, nichil se dampni passurum, eamque civitatem plus oneri sibi esse quam honori; cum in stipendiis militum aliisque ad urbis tuitionem necessariis maximos quidem sumptus faceret, unde nichil unquam emolumenti speraret. Hoc autem ab admirato, sicut dictum est, eo fiebat animo ut insani capitis esse regem ostenderet, qui nobilissime civitatis amissione regnum suum mutilari iacturam non duceret, cum eidem posset facillime subveniri; nec animadverteret rei turpitudinem aut quod inde Sicilie periculum immineret.

But when their envoys, coming to Panormus, set forth the peril of their city and the famine, that they had already suffered everything whatever utmost necessity had imposed, and asked that at least grain be sent across thither, nevertheless they accomplished nothing by many persuasions. For the admiral had falsely suggested to the king that the grain of Africa, which would suffice for an entire year, had, by his order, been stored[; but outside he was publicly proclaiming that the king was of this opinion,] namely, he would say that if Africa were captured, he would suffer nothing of damage, and that that city was more a burden to him than an honor; since in the stipends of the soldiers and in other things necessary for the defense of the city he did indeed make very great expenditures, whence he never hoped for any emolument. Moreover this was being done by the admiral, as has been said, with the intent to show the king to be of an insane head, who would not reckon that by the loss of a most noble city his realm would be mutilated, although aid could most easily be brought to the same; nor would he observe the disgrace of the matter, or that from it a danger to Sicily was impending.

Igitur ubi Affrice cognitum est legatos elusos esse, cum iam nichil sperarent auxilii, sed neque fames ultra poterat sustineri, prehabite transactioni stari placuit; ac tunc demum Masmudis urbe tradita, acceptisque navibus, que ad transfretandum sufficerent, in Siciliam transierunt.

Therefore, when in Africa it was learned that the legates had been mocked, since now they hoped for no aid, and neither could the famine be borne any longer, it was resolved to abide by the previously arranged transaction; and then at last, the city having been handed over to the Masmuda, and ships being received which were sufficient for crossing, they passed over into Sicily.

XI. De Maione.

11. On Maione.

At vero Maionis propositum amplius regi non poterat aut diutius occultari, nec erat dubium quin regnandi libidine traheretur. Nemo tamen tam impie machinationis index erat; nemo tam apertam proditionem audebat regi detegere; sciebant enim omnes id eum minime crediturum, memores quid inde co[miti Ebrardo aliisque quam plurimis contigisset. Preelegerant] ergo silere quam subire periculum attonitique rei exitum expectabant.

But indeed Maion’s purpose could no longer be borne by the king nor longer concealed, nor was there any doubt that he was being dragged by the libido of reigning. Nevertheless, no one was an index of so impious a machination; no one dared to reveal to the king so open a betrayal; for all knew he would by no means believe it, mindful what therefrom had befallen co[unt Ebrard and to very many others. They had preferred] therefore to be silent rather than to undergo danger, and, thunderstruck, they were awaiting the outcome of the affair.

Iamque totam fere Siciliam varii super hoc dissonique rumores impleverant, passimque vulgatum erat, admiratum diademata quedam aliaque regis insignia, que sibi preparaverat, multis familiaribus suis ostendisse, nec deerant qui reginam hec ei de palatio dicerent transmisisse. Nam et eius consensu totum hoc fieri eamque Maioni putabant inhonesti contractu federis obligatam. Plerisque falso videbatur id dici; alii quoque nichilominus asserebant notarium Matheum, Maionis familiarem, Alexandro pape, qui tunc Romane presidebat Ecclesie, multam pecuniam detulisse idque consilio et ope Iohannis neapolitani, qui unus erat cardinalium, impetrasse, ut amoto rege Sicilie, admiratus in eius locum succederet, ad exemplum cuiusdam regis Francorum, cui deposito, eo quod inutilis videretur, Romanus pontifex Pipinum, Karoli patrem, substituit.

And now almost all Sicily had been filled with various and dissonant rumors on this matter, and it was everywhere publicized that the Admiral had shown to many of his familiars certain diadems and other royal insignia, which he had prepared for himself; nor were there lacking those who said that the queen had sent these to him from the palace. For they thought that all this was being done with her consent, and that she was bound to Maio by the contract of a dishonorable pact. To very many it seemed that this was said falsely; others nonetheless asserted that the notary Matthew, a familiar of Maio, had carried much money to Pope Alexander, who at that time presided over the Roman Church, and that by the counsel and aid of John of Naples, who was one of the cardinals, he had obtained that, the king of Sicily having been removed, the Admiral should succeed in his place, after the example of a certain king of the Franks who, having been deposed because he seemed useless, the Roman pontiff substituted Pippin, the father of Charles.

Hec et huiusmodi plurima totus iam triviatim populus loquebatur. Quidam in ipso palatio regem gladio feriendum, multi claudendum in monasterio predicebant. Erant et qui in aliquam insularum crederent deportandum.

These and very many things of this sort the whole populace now was talking of at the street-corners. Some were foretelling that in the palace itself the king was to be smitten with the sword, many that he was to be shut up in a monastery. There were also those who believed he should be deported to one of the islands.

Hec eadem in Apulia iam divulgata erant omniumque mentes adversus Maionem indignitas rei commoverat. Melfenses igitur, qui primis semper consueverant rumoribus excitari, decernunt in primis, ut nulli deinceps Maionis mandato pareant, nec in urbe sua quemlibet eorum recipiant, quos Apulie capitaneos idem prefecerat. Comites etiam aliique viri nobiles, quibus precipue Maionis erat suspecta potentia, consilio super hoc habito, sibi invicem iuravere, quod Maionis mortem totis viribus totoque posse perquirerent, neque parerent deinceps curie, aut ab ea societate discederent, nisi prius illum aut interfectum esse cognoscerent aut extra regnum fugisse; idemque iusiurandum proposuerant per totum regnum vel a spontaneis accipere, vel ab invitis nichilominus extorquere.

These same things had already been divulged in Apulia, and the indignity of the matter had stirred the minds of all against Maion. Therefore the Melfitans, who had always been accustomed to be excited by the first rumors, decide first of all that henceforth none should obey the mandate of Maion, nor in their city should they receive anyone of those whom the same man had appointed captains of Apulia. The counts also and other noble men, to whom the power of Maion was especially suspect, a council having been held on this matter, swore to one another that they would seek Maion’s death with all their forces and all their power, and that they would neither henceforth obey the curia, nor depart from that alliance, unless first they should know that he had been slain or had fled beyond the kingdom; and they had proposed to take the same oath throughout the whole kingdom either from the willing, or nonetheless to extort it from the unwilling.

Iamque multe civitates oppidaque quam plurima eorum se societati coniunxerant. Circuibant ergo totam Apuliam ac Terram Laboris cum ingenti militum multitudine, ut universos sibi iurare compellerent. Erant autem in ea societate: comes Ionathas, comes Richardus de Aquila, comes Rogerius Acerranus aliique comites ac potentes viri, cum quibus erat et comes Gillebertus consanguineus regine, cui rex nuper ex Hispania vocato Gravine dederat comitatum.

And already many cities and very many towns had joined themselves to their society. They went around, therefore, all Apulia and the Land of Labour with a huge multitude of soldiers, so that they might compel all to swear to them. Now in that society were: Count Ionathas, Count Richard of Aquila, Count Roger of Acerra, and other counts and powerful men, with whom there was also Count Gilbert, kinsman of the queen, to whom, having been recently called from Spain, the king had given the county of Gravina.

Marius quoque Burrellus, vir eloquentissimus, Salerni habita oratione ad populum, satis efficaciter peroravit maximeque parti civium persuasit ut comites reciperent, in eumque modum quo et ipsi iuraverint, sacramentum eis prestarent.

Marius Burrellus also, a most eloquent man, having delivered an oration to the people at Salerno, perorated quite effectively and persuaded the greater part of the citizens to receive the counts, and, in the same manner in which they themselves had sworn, to render the oath to them.

XII. De comite Andrea.

12. On Count Andrew.

Per idem tempus Andreas de Rupe Canina, qui tunc in Campanie partibus exulabat, videns tanto scismate regnum distrahi, congregatis militibus, Aquinum cepit, oppidoque Sancti Germani, quod Cassino monti subiacet, occupato, dehinc Aliphias usque pertransiit. Sed paulo post ab eisdem civibus qui eum sponte receperant circumventus, cum paucis militum suorum vix evasit, tutiusque potuerat urbes hostium expugnare, quam expugnatas deserere. Interim, dum in hunc modum Apulia turbaretur, adhuc Sicilia quiescebat, nec ullis agitabatur tumultibus; licet enim utraque gens infida, mobilis pronaque sit ad quodlibet facinus perpetrandum, Siculi tamen cautius dissimulando celant propositum et quos oderunt blandis adulationibus demulcent, ut improvisi ledant atrocius.

At the same time Andrew of Rupe Canina, who was then in exile in the parts of Campania, seeing the kingdom being distracted by so great a schism, having gathered soldiers, seized Aquinum; and, the town of Saint Germanus—which lies beneath Mount Cassino—having been occupied, thereafter he passed through as far as Aliphias. But a little later, surrounded by those same citizens who had of their own accord received him, he barely escaped with a few of his soldiers; and it had been safer to storm the enemies’ cities than to abandon them once stormed. Meanwhile, while Apulia was being troubled in this way, Sicily was still at rest, nor was it agitated by any tumults; for although each nation is faithless, mobile, and prone to perpetrate any crime, yet the Sicilians more cautiously, by dissembling, conceal their purpose and soothe those whom they hate with bland adulations, so that, taking them unawares, they may wound more atrociously.

Sed nec in Sicilia quemquam admiratus reliquerat, cui ad audendum animus superesset. Nam comes Silvester, hominum timidissimus, quamquam Apulorum consilium approbaret, quibus etiam sese modis omnibus spoponderat futur[um auxilio, suam tamen nullis audebat] indiciis [detegere voluntatem. Comes etiam] Rogerius Creonensis, cuius filiam Maio virginitate privaverat, iniuriam suam patienter dissimulans, vindictam Apulis reservabat.

But neither in Sicily had he left anyone admired, for whom there remained spirit to dare. For Count Silvester, the timidest of men, although he approved the counsel of the Apulians, to whom also he had pledged himself by every mode that he would be [of help, yet his own he did not dare] by any indicia [to uncover his will. [Count also]] Roger of Creon, whose daughter Maio had deprived of virginity, patiently dissimulating his injury, was reserving vengeance to the Apulians.

Admiratus, ubi contra spem suam animadvertit comitum vires in immensum excrescere, primum Amalfiam, Surrentum, Neapolim, maritimas civitates, que nondum defecerant, dehinc ex altero mari Tarentum, Ydrontum, Brundusium, Barolum literas ex parte regis transmisit, admonens ut nullis moverentur rumoribus, neque falsis comitum suggestionibus crederent, aut se proditorum turbe miscerent. Sed eo res devenerat, ut regis litteras nemo susciperet: dicebatur enim per manus proditoris eas fieri, neque regis in eisdem, sed Maionis exprimi voluntatem. Stephanum quoque fratrem suum, qui militibus in Apulia preerat; ut comitis Roberti crebros impetus sustineret, sepius admonens hortabatur, ut amplioribus stipendiis militum sibi mentes alliceret eosque tam muneribus quam promissis ad resistendum comitibus invitaret.

The Admiral, when contrary to his expectation he observed the forces of the counts swelling to the immense, first to Amalfi, Sorrento, Naples—the maritime cities which had not yet defected—then, from the other sea, to Tarentum, Hydruntum (Otranto), Brundusium (Brindisi), Barolum, he transmitted letters on the king’s part, admonishing that they should be moved by no rumors, nor believe the counts’ false suggestions, nor mingle themselves with the throng of traitors. But the situation had come to this, that no one would receive the king’s letters: for it was said that they were being made through the hand of a traitor, and that not the king’s will but Maio’s was expressed in the same. Stephen also, his brother, who was in command of the soldiers in Apulia; he, often admonishing him that he should withstand the frequent assaults of Count Robert, urged him to allure the minds of the soldiers to himself by more ample stipends, and to invite them to resist the counts as much by gifts as by promises.

Nam Symonem senescalcum in quoddam munitissimum oppidum se receptare comitum timor compulerat. Placuit etiam Mazariensem episcopum Melfiam mitti legatum, ut civium animos mitiga[ret et eorum indignationem compesceret. At il]le, non solum ab incepto Melfenses revocare non studuit, verum etiam amplius eorum mentes exasperans, plura de proditione Maionis et atrociora quam audissent, eis narravit.

For the fear of the counts had compelled Simon the Seneschal to withdraw himself into a certain most-fortified town. It also pleased that the Bishop of Mazara be sent to Melfi as legate, that he might mitiga[te and restrain their indignation. But h]e, not only did not strive to recall the Melfitans from their undertaking, but even, further exasperating their minds, related to them more things about the treason of Maio, and more atrocious, than they had heard.

Sed et Calabria, iam ingruentibus Apulie procellis, quati ceperat, cuius antea fides difficillime consueverat vacillare. Ea res admirato plurimum terroris attulit, visumque est mature talem eo mitti oportere legatum, cuius facile persuasionibus fides habeatur a Calabris.

But even Calabria, now with the tempests of Apulia impending, had begun to be shaken—whose fidelity before had been most hardly wont to vacillate. That matter brought the admiral very great terror, and it seemed that it was necessary to send thither promptly a legate of such a kind that his persuasions would easily find credence with the Calabrians.

XIII. De Matheo Bonello et qualiter occidit Maionem.

13. On Matthew Bonellus and how he killed Maio.

Huic autem legationi neminem magis quam Matheum Bonellum putabat posse sufficere. Nam et genere nobilissimus integreque apud omnes opinionis erat, et eum plerique nobiles viri Calabrie propinquitatis linea contigebant. Sed et eum admiratus non aliter quam filium diligebat.

To this legation, he thought that no one could suffice more than Matthew Bonello. For he was most noble in lineage and of unimpaired repute with all, and many noble men of Calabria were connected to him by a line of propinquity. And he admired him and cherished him no otherwise than as a son.

Videns enim eumdem, adhuc etate iuvenem, ut qui prima lanugine genas vestiret, summe nobilem, forma pulcherrimum, corporis prestantem viribus ultra quam id etatis exigeret, optimam terram in Sicilia possidentem, filiam suam adhuc parvulam illi desponderat. Idem vero militibus multa largiens omnibusque se prebens affabilem, et in equestribus ludis, que vocant hastiludia, nemini posthabendus, militum [sibi grati]am magnumque nomen pepererat. Ceterum inconstans erat animo, facilis a proposito resilire, quod persuasum esset, audax promittere, ubi ad rem ventum erat, tepidior.

Seeing indeed this same man—still of youthful age, as one whose first down clothed his cheeks—supremely noble, most beautiful in form, outstanding in strength of body beyond what that age would demand, possessing excellent land in Sicily, he had betrothed to him his own daughter, still a little girl. The same man, moreover, lavishing many gifts upon the soldiers and showing himself affable to all, and in equestrian games, which they call jousts, second to none, had procured the soldiers’ [for himself] favor and a great name. However, he was inconstant in spirit, facile to recoil from a purpose, bold to promise, but when it came to the matter, more tepid.

Is autem cuiusdam filie regis Rogerii spurie, que Hugonis comitis Mollisinii uxor fuerat, forma captus, desponsate sibi puellule, eo quod ignobilis esset, ceperat nuptias abhorrere. Sed et hoc molestissime ferebat, quod admiratus, re cognita, palatium eiusdem comitisse diligentius custodiri preceperat, utriusque votum impediens. Cum igitur, legatione suscepta, Farum transisset et quibusdam potentibus viris Calabrie, qui ad loquendum ei convenerant, adventus sui causam exponeret, Maionis innocentiam modis omnibus asseverans, Rogerius de Marturano, qui tunc in Calabria magni nominis erat, omnium qui aderant vice respondit, satis superque se mirari quo consilio ad id temeritatis devolvi potuerit, ut nefandissimi proditoris mandatum exequens, contra omnium opinionem eum ostendere velit innoxium, adeoque causam admirati tuendam susceperit, ut eiusdem conspirationis non immerito particeps estimetur.

He, however, captivated by the form of a certain illegitimate daughter of King Roger, who had been the wife of Hugh, count of Molise, began to abhor the nuptials of the little girl betrothed to him, because she was of low birth. But he also took most grievously that the admiral, the matter being known, had ordered the palace of that same countess to be more diligently guarded, impeding the desire of both. Therefore, when, the embassy having been undertaken, he had crossed the Faro and was explaining the cause of his arrival to certain powerful men of Calabria, who had come together to speak with him, averring by all means the innocence of Maio, Roger of Marturano, who then in Calabria was of great renown, responded in the stead of all who were present, that he marveled more than enough by what counsel he could have descended to such temerity, that, executing the mandate of a most nefarious traitor, he should wish to show him innocent against everyone’s opinion, and that he had undertaken to defend the cause of the admiral to such a degree, that he is not without desert esteemed a participant in the same conspiracy.

"Nam alios", inquit, "Maionis deliramenta sectari eiusque negotiis ac sceleribus immisceri equiore tulerim animo, nec tanta dignum admiratione crediderim. Quosdam enim tenue patrimonium et rei familiaris angustia cogit honestatem negligere, dum suam quolibet pacto tolerabilem faciant egestatem. Alios obscuritas generis altum aliquid sperare non sinit, eoque miserie traducit ut potentioribus adulando deserviant, summam beatitudinem estimantes si possint vel nobilium pedibus inherere eoque pacto quibuslibet se non vereantur obiectare periculis, nec ullius reatum sceleris pertimescant.

"For others," he says, to follow Maio’s ravings and to mingle themselves in his affairs and crimes I would bear with a more even spirit, nor would I deem it worthy of such great admiration. For some a slender patrimony and the straitness of family resources compel to neglect probity, while they make their indigence tolerable by any pact whatsoever. Others the obscurity of their lineage does not allow to hope for anything lofty, and it leads them into such misery that, by adulating, they servilely serve the more powerful, reckoning it the sum of beatitude if they can even cling to the feet of nobles, and by that pact they do not fear to expose themselves to any perils whatsoever, nor do they dread the charge of any crime.

Differunt item ab hiis, sed non dispari laborant insania, qui cum ignobiles sint nullaque genus virtute redimant, sublimia tamen sperare presumunt, potentium virorum patrocinia multis ementes periculis ut abiecti generis possint ignominiam diffiteri. Plerique nobiles criminosis actionibus bonam famam demeriti, fas et nefas equa lance trutinant, nichil se deinceps sperantes acturos, quo possint semel inflictam notam infamie propulsare. Nonnulli quoque de proditorum semine procreati, patrum eligunt sequi vestigia.

They likewise differ from these, yet labor under no dissimilar insanity: though they are ignoble and redeem their lineage by no virtue, nevertheless they presume to hope for sublime things, purchasing the patronages of powerful men at the price of many perils, so that they may disavow the ignominy of abject birth. Very many nobles, having forfeited good repute by criminal actions, weigh right and wrong in an even scale, expecting thereafter to do nothing by which they might be able to drive off the mark of infamy once inflicted. Some also, begotten from the seed of traitors, choose to follow their fathers’ footsteps.

Eiusmodi quidem homines haud indigne ferendum est Maionis parere mandatis eiusque limina frequentare. Te vero summe nobilitatis et integerrime fame iu[venem, amplissimis ditem patrimoniis, nulla permittit ratio lucris turpibus inhiare, pre] oculis habe qui te parentes genuerint, et omnem tibi delinquendi viam obstructam intelliges aspernandique sceleris necessitatem indictam. Certe, si neminem videres proditoris huius obviare sceleribus, tu saltem nobilitatis, quam idem atrocissime persequitur, vindex esse debueras.

Such men indeed it is not to be taken amiss that they obey Maion’s mandates and frequent his thresholds. But you, of the highest nobility and of most unblemished fame, yo[uth, enriched with most ample patrimonies, no reason permits you to gape after base lucre, befo]re your eyes hold those who begot you, and you will understand that every way of delinquency has been blocked for you and that a necessity of spurning crime has been enjoined. Assuredly, if you were to see no one to obviate the crimes of this traitor, you at least ought to have been the vindicator of the nobility, which that same man most atrociously persecutes.

Nunc autem, cum omnes adversus eum unanimiter moveantur, tu solus eumdem predicas innocentem? Cuius dum asseris innocentiam suspectum te facis, verendumque tibi ne fame dispendium ac lesionem incurras. Quis enim eo putandus nocentior; qui bonorum omnium sanguinem sitit, qui nemini nocet nisi quem innocentem cognoverit, qui demum ei fraudulenter querit regnum subripere, per quem in hanc eminentiam potestatis evasit?

Now, however, when all are moved unanimously against him, do you alone proclaim this same man innocent? While you assert his innocence you make yourself suspect, and you should fear lest you incur a loss and injury to your reputation. For who is to be thought more guilty than he who thirsts for the blood of all good men, who harms no one except him whom he has recognized as innocent, who finally seeks fraudulently to filch the kingdom from the very man through whom he has attained to this eminence of power?

tu consilium hoc innocentiam vocas, tu propositum hoc approbas, tu regem occidi consenties, aut honore privari, cum ei sacramento sis fidelitatis astrictus, aut, eo deposito, notarium hunc regem fieri, dudum olei venditorem? at, eo regnante, secundus eris a rege, summis fulgebis honoribus, optio tibi dabitur quem velis comitatum eligere. Sic tibi iam, nisi fallor, de futura prosperitate blandiris.

you call this counsel innocence, you approve this purpose, you will consent that the king be killed, or be deprived of honor, though you are bound to him by the sacrament of fidelity, or, he being deposed, that this notary be made king, once a seller of oil? but, with him reigning, you will be second after the king, you will shine with the highest honors, the choice will be given to you to choose whatever county you wish. Thus you already, unless I am mistaken, flatter yourself about future prosperity.

O perditissimi virum ingenii! Puta [iam regem depositum. Quid ergo?

O most depraved men of genius! Suppose [now the king deposed. What then?

Maionem regnaturum exist]imas? Eadem cer[te die qua reg]num occupaverit cum omnibus hiis qui eius familiaritati adheserint, et si ferrum nusquam compareat, saltem lapidibus obruetur. Adde quod unus es in Sicilia cui virtutis aliquid imputetur; te solum omnes respiciunt; quicquid egeris, obscurum esse non potest.

Do you think Maion is going to reign? On the very same day on which he seizes the kingdom, together with all those who have adhered to his familiarity, even if iron is nowhere to appear, at least he will be overwhelmed with stones. Add that you are the one man in Sicily to whom some measure of virtue is imputed; upon you alone all fix their gaze; whatever you do cannot be obscure.

Elige virtutem malis an scelera publicari? Pudeat te quidem omnium expectationem deludere; pudeat inter prime iuventutis auspicia malarum artium rudimenta suscipere. Aspernare socerum, cuius affinitatis contagio tua sit nobilitas polluenda.

Choose virtue over evils, or the publicizing of crimes? Let it shame you indeed to delude everyone’s expectation; be ashamed, at the first auspices of your prime youth, to undertake the rudiments of evil arts. Spurn your father-in-law, by the contagion of whose affinity your nobility is to be polluted.

Respue, si sapis, uxorem liberos tibi parituram degeneres prolemque generis biformitate patri dissimilem. Adquiesce tandem amicorum consiliis et ad eorum omnium vindictam accingere; teque pariter et id nobilitatis quod superest in libertatem vendica, nec patere truculentissimam hanc beluam in nostram perniciem diutius debacchari. Experiatur certe virtuti, licet innumeris eam persecutionibus oppressam attriverit, ad vindictam tamen scelerum audaciam et ultores gladios non deesse.

Reject, if you are wise, a wife who will bear you degenerate children and a progeny dissimilar to the father through a biformity of lineage. Acquiesce at last in the counsels of your friends and gird yourself for the vengeance of them all; and vindicate alike yourself and whatever of nobility remains into liberty, nor suffer this most truculent beast to rave in Bacchic frenzy any longer to our ruin. Let him at least experience that Virtue—although he has worn her down, having oppressed her with innumerable persecutions—yet does not lack audacity for the avenging of crimes and avenging swords.

Regis quidem ipsius incolumitas regnique salus ac libertas in manibus tuis est. Nam, ceteris omnibus [huius] tam preclari facinoris impotentia condempnatis, tante laudis cumulum fortune tibi benignitas reservavit. Nec ad id cuiuslibet procrastinationis dilatio necessaria est, aut temporis oportunitas expectanda.

Indeed, the safety of the king himself and the welfare and liberty of the kingdom are in your hands. For, with all others condemned by the impotence [of this] so illustrious a deed, the benignity of Fortune has reserved for you the heap of so great praise. Nor for this is any delay of procrastination necessary, nor is the opportunity of time to be awaited.

Adeo enim suis te fraudibus ac dolis circumventum existimat, ut neminem alium putet iam familiarius admictendum. Sive igitur eidem armatus sive inermis, solus an militum multitudine stipatus occurras, nichil ex hoc ei timoris, nichil suspicionis innascitur. Unde et eum secure potes ubicumque libuerit obtruncare.

For he so thinks you to have been circumvented by his own frauds and deceits that he deems no one else now to be admitted to more familiar access. Whether therefore you meet him armed or unarmed, alone or hemmed in by a multitude of soldiers, from this there arises to him no fear, no suspicion. Whence also you can safely cut him down wherever you please.

Quo semel occiso, nichil tibi verendum est ne quempiam ad vindictam sui superstitem derelinquat. Age ergo, iuvenis; enitere ut gradum hunc felicitatis attingas, quo te virtus vocat sequaris intrepidus, nec poscenti fortune tuum deneges obsequium. Quod si te facturum non dubia nobis pactione spoponderis, preter eam quam inde consequeris immortalem gloriam, non deerit etiam mutua grataque meriti compensatio.

Once he has been slain, you need fear nothing, lest he leave anyone surviving to avenge him. Come then, young man; strive to attain this grade of felicity to which Virtue calls you—follow intrepid, and do not deny your obedience to demanding Fortune. And if you pledge to us by a sure pact that you will do this, besides that immortal glory which you will from it acquire, there will not be lacking also a mutual and gratifying compensation for your merit.

Nam id modis omnibus perquiremus et impetrabimus, ut comitissa Catacensis matrimonii tibi federe coniungatur, et omni dubietatis sublato scrupulo, huius te pactionis reddemus certissimum, seu iurisiurandi religione [ma]lueris esse contentus, seu quolibet alio satisdationis genere tibi prospiciendum esse putaveris. Quantum autem eadem comitissa nobilitate tibi premineat, quam potentium virorum nuptias recusaverit, non attinet dicere, cum nichil horum tibi putem incognitum".

for we will by all means seek out and obtain that the Countess of Catacensis be joined to you by the bond of marriage; and, with every scruple of doubt removed, we will render you most certain of this pact, whether you have preferred to be content with the religion of an oath, or have thought that provision ought to be made for you by any other kind of surety. How far that same countess is preeminent in nobility, how many marriages of powerful men she has refused, it is not pertinent to say, since I suppose none of these things to be unknown to you".

Hec eo dicente, ceperat iam animus iuvenilis, ut facile movebatur amore laudis, accendi, ipsiusque Maionis detestari scelera, iamque eius affinitatem plurimum abhorrebat, quadam tamen adhuc velut hesitatione suspensus. Mox autem, dum paulisper secum deliberans, hinc desponsate sibi virginis genus obscurum, patris eius infamiam et quod ei periculum imminebat, inde pactas sibi comitisse nuptias animo metiretur, puduit eam super hoc hesitasse, cepitque in eodem proposito plenius roborari. Nec diutius moratus, Rogerio de Marturano aliisque qui aderant nobilibus viris respondit: ea se que persuadent confidenter ausurum, plenaque peracturum fiducia, si pactioni starent proposite.

As he was saying these things, the youthful spirit, since it was easily moved by the love of praise, had already begun to be enkindled, and to detest the crimes of Maion himself; and now he very greatly abhorred affinity with him, yet was still, as it were, held in a certain hesitation. Soon, however, while deliberating with himself for a little, on the one hand he was weighing in mind the obscure stock of the maiden betrothed to him, her father’s infamy and the peril that was impending over him, on the other hand the nuptials of the countess pledged to him; he was ashamed to have hesitated over this, and began to be more fully strengthened in the same purpose. And delaying no longer, he replied to Roger of Marturano and to the other noble men who were present: that he would confidently dare the things that persuade, and would carry them through with full confidence, if they would stand by the proposed paction.

Sic ubi visum est utrique parti nichil eorum penitus que promiserant immutare, ipsaque etiam postmodum comitissa nec non et eius propinquis predispositum fedus matrimonii ratum habentibus, utrinque prestito sacramento, pactum preha[bitum roboratur, mortique Ma]ionis termi[nus certus prefigitur. Additque etiam Matheus Bonellus,] si temporis interim occurrat oportunitas, nequaquam id sibi esse animi ut prefixam diem expectet, nec per se staturum quin illud quam mature possit perficiat. Nec minus alibi quoque fortunam, tantis admirati fatigatam successibus, iam ab eius obsequio descivisse perciperes.

Sic when it seemed to each party to alter in no respect those things which they had promised, and the countess herself also afterwards, as well as her kinsmen, holding the pre‑disposed covenant of marriage as ratified, with an oath having been given on both sides, the pact preha[ving been held is strengthened, and for Ma]io’s death a [definite terminus is pre]fixed. And Matthew Bonellus,] too adds that, if in the meantime an opportunity of time should occur, by no means is it his intention to await the day that was prefixed, nor will it be owing to himself but that he bring it to completion as early as he can. Nor would you perceive less that elsewhere also Fortune, wearied by such admirable successes, had now defected from his obedience.

Cum enim instaret iam dies quem idem interficiendo regi providerat, placuit ei cum archiepiscopo secretum habere colloquium. Cum de rege maturius amovendo, de sedandis populi motibus regnique statu mox futuro deliberantes invicem disceptarent, suborta est inde controversia de thesauris ipsiusque regis filiis, cuius deberent custodie deputari. Dicebat enim admiratus puerorum tutelam ac thesauros totumque palatium sibi debere committi, quoniam oporteret regni negotiis insudare, maximeque thesauros necessarios esse ad tumultus rebellantium comprimendos et arcendos exterorum incursus hostium, nec sine magnis sumptibus emersuras dissensiones et intestina bella posse compesci.

Since the day was now pressing which he had appointed for killing the king, it pleased him to hold a secret colloquy with the archbishop. As, deliberating together about removing the king more speedily, about calming the movements of the people and the condition of the realm soon to come, they discussed the matter between themselves, a controversy then arose about the treasures and the king’s sons themselves, to whose custody they ought to be assigned. For the Admiral said that the guardianship of the boys and the treasures and the whole palace ought to be committed to himself, since it was necessary to toil over the affairs of the kingdom, and that the treasures were most necessary for repressing the tumults of rebels and for warding off the incursions of foreign enemies, nor could dissensions and intestine wars be restrained without great expenses.

Archiepiscopus autem aiebat id se numquam passurum, nam ex ea puerorum tutela plurimum posse suspicionis innasci maxime[que roborari precedentem plebis opinionem: tunc omnes fore certissimos nichil illum aliud quam reg]num appetere, [tunc adversu]s eum modis omnibus asperandos. Suspectum enim tutorem pueris dari, nec iura permictere, et si datus sit, removendum censere. Sanius autem esse consilium ut archiepiscopis, episcopis aliisque venerabilibus et religiosis personis, de quibus nulla posset haberi suspicio, puerorum ac thesaurorum custodia crederetur.

The archbishop, however, said that he would never allow that, for from that guardianship of the boys very much suspicion could arise and especially[ and that the preceding opinion of the plebs would be strengthened: then all would be most certain that he desired nothing other than the kin]gdom, [then agains]t him to be assailed by every method. For a suspect guardian to be given to the boys, nor do the laws permit it, and if he were given, they judge he must be removed. However, the sounder counsel is that to archbishops, bishops, and other venerable and religious persons, about whom no suspicion could be had, the custody of the boys and of the treasures be entrusted.

Nam et redditus totius regni sumptibus faciendis suppetere, et si necessitas exigeret, ab ipsis eum thesaurorum custodibus quantum sufficeret accepturum. Sic igitur alternis disceptationibus ea controversia diutius protracta, cum archiepiscopus a predicta non posset avelli sententia, eademque Maioni penitus displiceret, quippe quem suis noverat machinationibus obviare, tandem iratus subintulit, non ita se de archiepiscopo meruisse ut suo debuerit adversari proposito. Sed nunc compensationem sibi mutuam reliberi, quod eum sola gratia socium et consilii participem ascivisset, cum eius non indigeret auxilio, et eo quidem ignaro, aut etiam reluctante, facile posset quod proposuerat adimplere.

For both the revenues of the whole kingdom would suffice for making expenditures, and, if necessity should require, he would receive from the very guardians of the treasuries as much as would suffice. Thus therefore, with that controversy prolonged for a long time by alternate disputations, since the archbishop could not be torn away from the aforesaid opinion, and the same was utterly displeasing to Maion—inasmuch as he knew it to run counter to his own machinations—at length, angered, he subjoined that he had not so deserved of the archbishop that he ought to oppose his purpose. But now he released himself from any mutual compensation, for that he had, by favor alone, taken him on as an associate and participant in counsel, whereas he did not need his aid; and indeed with him unaware, or even resisting, he could easily fulfill what he had proposed.

Verum hanc ad presens nichil obfuisse discordiam, nec enim esse iam dubium quid in tali socio spei sibi debeat reservare. Preterea iam [se penite]re propositi, animumque suum ab incepto penitus avertisse, nec unquam deinceps tale quidpiam admissurum. Tunc archiepiscopus, licet hec eum ex animo dixisse non crederet, "oportunum quidem", ait, "et satis approbandum consilium; nam et me quoque facti deterret atrocitas, nec absque salutis et fame nostre periculo posset hoc fieri". In hunc modum, contracte dudum societatis federe dissoluto, Maio discessit, totis iam se nisibus preparans ultioni.

But that this discord had, for the present, harmed nothing; for it was now no longer doubtful what hope he ought to reserve to himself in such an associate. Moreover, he now repented of the plan, and had utterly averted his mind from the undertaking, and would never henceforth admit anything of the sort. Then the archbishop, although he did not believe that he had said these things from the heart, said, "An opportune and quite to-be-approved counsel indeed; for the atrocity of the deed deters me also, nor could this be done without danger to our safety and our reputation." In this manner, the covenant of the society, concluded some time ago, having been dissolved, Maio departed, now preparing himself with all his exertions for vengeance.

Ac primo quidem erga socium ita regis animum spe lucri, ut erat cupidissimus, irritavit, ut septingentas ab eo auri uncias extorqueret. At ille, quamquam eiusmodi iactura satis efficaciter ad doloris eum impatientiam permovisset, pudore tamen et indignitate rei vehementius exestuans, totum ad eius rei vindictam ingenium transportavit. Cumque prius tanto pacis ac dilectionis federe tenerentur astricti ut se fratres invicem appellarent, nunc hostes atrocissimi sed occulti in exitium suum plenis operabantur affectibus, non iam fortunas alter alterius petituri, sed vite dispendio peneque capitis imminentes.

And at first indeed he so incited the king’s mind toward his associate by the hope of lucre—since he was most covetous—that seven hundred ounces of gold were extorted from him. But he, although a loss of such a sort had quite effectively moved him to an impatience of grief, yet, boiling the more vehemently with shame and the indignity of the matter, transported his whole disposition to the vengeance of that affair. And whereas before they were held bound by so great a covenant of peace and affection that they called one another brothers, now, most atrocious yet concealed enemies, they were working with full passions toward each other’s destruction, no longer aiming at each other’s fortunes, but threatening the loss of life and well-nigh of the head.

Admiratus enim pestifera veneni potione meditabatur illum extinguere, ad idque locum ac tempus prestolabatur ydoneum. At ille detestabile Maionis facinus tam per se, quam per familiares suos multis detegens, ad vindictam eos tanti sceleris hortabatur, et prehabitam de se suspicionem removens, adversus illum plebis animos irritabat, multos etiam milites ac nobiles viros plurimis sibi persuasionibus alliciens. Sub ea tempestate Nicholaus logothetus, qui tunc in Calabrie partibus iussu curie morabatur, Maioni scripsit epistolam, ubi quicquid a Matheo Bonello gestum fuerat pactaque inter eum et comitissam Catacensem habita, prout relatu didicerat amicorum, breviter enarravit.

For the Admiral, with a pestiferous potion of poison, was plotting to extinguish him, and for that he was waiting for a place and time idoneous. But he, disclosing to many the detestable crime of Maio both in his own person and through his familiars, was exhorting them to the vendetta of so great a wickedness, and, removing the suspicion previously held about himself, was irritating the minds of the plebs against him, enticing also many soldiers and noble men to himself by very many persuasions. At that season Nicholas the Logothete, who then was tarrying in the parts of Calabria by order of the court, wrote an epistle to Maio, wherein he briefly narrated whatever had been done by Matthew Bonellus and the pacts held between him and the Countess of Catanzaro, as he had learned by the report of friends.

Ea res primo dubiam viri mentem longa deliberatione suspenderat, necdum fide dignum censebat eum suis refragari consiliis, quem summa promotum diligentia, tamquam filium educarat. At ubi multis id asserentibus pleniorem fidem adhibuit, iam de vindicta secum deliberans, ad id operam dabat, ne factum hoc impunitas sequeretur. Matheus autem Bonellus ita re gesta, reversus in Siciliam iam Thermas pervenerat, quod oppidum ab urbe Panormo .XX. milibus distat.

This matter at first had kept the man’s mind, doubtful, in long deliberation, nor did he yet deem it worthy of belief that he was opposing his counsels—the very one whom he had advanced with utmost diligence and had brought up as a son. But when, with many asserting it, he gave fuller credence, now deliberating with himself about vengeance, he applied himself so that impunity would not follow this deed. Matthew Bonellus, however, the affair thus carried out, having returned to Sicily had already reached Thermae, a town which is distant from the city of Palermo by 20 miles.

Ibi quemdam militem suum obvium habens, quem in Calabriam profecturus Panormi reliquerat, mentem ac propositum Maionis eiusdem persensit indicio quodque iam sibi venturo carcerem prepararet, et quamquam admirati litteris cre[brius citaretur, nec] longam temporis angustia deliberationem admitteret, prudenti tamen consilio statuit non prius Thermas ascendere, quam missis nunciis animum illius prelibaverit. Litteris ergo Maioni directis narrat opera sua sedatos esse Calabrie tumultus; Calabros omnes de inimicis amicissimos ei factos et ad peragendum quicquid iniunxerit expeditos, nichilque iam aliud quam eius imperia prestolari; additque suam ipsius fidem hac in re maxime satis habundeque spectatam, qui tanto studio tantaque sollicitudine negotia gesserit admirati, licet semper eius nichilominus voluntati diligentissime fuerit obsecutus sue per omnia iussioni deserviens, ea spe quidem ac fiducia, ut quem suis videret insudare negotiis, eum ampliori benivolentia crederet amplectendum, pactasque sili filie nuptias non differret; verum hoc in contrarium cessisse. Nam pro gratia potius ingratitudinem compensationis vice sibi redibitam, iamque se longa promissionis expectatione suspensum, diutius cruciari, suoque fraudari desiderio.

There, encountering a certain soldier of his, whom, when about to set out for Calabria, he had left at Palermo, he perceived from his indication the mind and purpose of that same Maio, and that even now a prison was being prepared for him on his arrival; and although by the admiral’s letters he was more [frequently summoned, nor] did the narrowness of time admit a long deliberation, yet by prudent counsel he resolved not to ascend to Thermas before, messengers having been sent, he should first sample that man’s disposition. Therefore, with letters directed to Maio, he relates that by his exertions the tumults of Calabria have been quelled; that all the Calabrians, from enemies, have been made most friendly to him and are ready to carry out whatever he may enjoin, and that now they await nothing else but his commands; and he adds that his own fidelity in this matter has been most, sufficiently, and abundantly tested, in that he has conducted the admiral’s affairs with so great zeal and so great solicitude, although nevertheless he has always most diligently complied with his will, serving his command in all things, indeed with this hope and confidence, that the one whom he saw sweating over his affairs he would think should be embraced with ampler benevolence, and that he would not defer the contracted nuptials of his son with his daughter; but this has turned out to the contrary. For instead of favor, rather ingratitude has returned to him by way of compensation, and now, suspended by the long expectation of the promise, he is tormented too long and is defrauded of his desire.

Nunc id se rogare, id plenitudine votorum exposcere, ac per si quid de eo bene meruerat obtestari, ut qui timorem eius in gaudium commutasset, qui timendum ac triste belli principium ad letos exitus perduxisset, eum redeuntem promissi coniugii letitia muneraret.

Now he asks this, he demands this in the plenitude of his vows, and he adjures him, if he had in any way deserved well of him, that he who had transformed his fear into joy, who had led the to‑be‑feared and grim beginning of the war to happy outcomes, would, as he returned, reward him with the joy of the promised marriage.

Has igitur litteras admiratus inspiciens, familiaribus suis eas ostendit, illis precipue qui adversus Matheum Bonellum eius indignationem commoverant, dicens palam esse nunc eorum falsitatem que sibi dicta fuerant; iniquum esse tanti criminis eum argui, qui filie sue nuptias tanta prece tantisque votis expeteret, nec se deinceps crediturum, si quis de eo mali quidpiam sibi suggesserit. Dehinc illi sub omni celeritate rescribit, uti securus veniat et conceptam deponat sollicitudinem, suo, quam primum venerit, satisfacturum iri desiderio, eumque nuptias, quas tam affectuose postulaverat, adepturum. At ille visis eiusmodi litteris, tanquam ea nuptiarum promissione lenitus, leta fronte Panormum ingreditur, ibique ab admirato benigne et cum honore susceptus, gratias ei agit, rogatque ut promissionem suam celeri prosequatur effectu.

Therefore the Admiral, examining these letters in amazement, shows them to his intimates—especially to those who had stirred up his indignation against Matthew Bonellus—saying that now the falsity of the things that had been said to him was plain; that it was unjust for a man to be charged with so great a crime who sought the nuptials of his daughter with such entreaty and with such vows, nor would he henceforth believe it if anyone should suggest to him any evil about him. Thereafter he writes back to him with all speed, that he should come secure and lay aside the anxiety he had conceived, that his desire would be satisfied as soon as he should come, and that he would obtain the nuptials which he had so affectionately requested. But he, on seeing letters of such a kind, as if soothed by that promise of the nuptials, with a glad countenance enters Palermo; and there, being kindly and with honor received by the Admiral, he gives him thanks, and asks that he follow up his promise with swift effect.

Hinc archiepiscopum febribus laborantem secretius adit, eique quod gestum fuerat totum expediens, ab eodem plurimum admonetur ut omnibus modis acceleret et dilationis impedimentum omne submoveat, rem enim tantam non sine periculo iam differri. Interim ergo Matheus Bonellus perpetrando facinori tempus ydoneum sollicite perquirebat; sed et huic eius sollicitudini fortuna non defuit, que quasi penitentia ducta, quod virum ignobilem, tantis horrendum flagitiis, in summo fere rerum culmine collocasset, iam ei precipitium minabatur et volubilis circuli supereminentiam sensim detrudens, ad infima, circumductis anfractibus, rotam ceperat obliquare. Cum enim iam admiratus ipsi archiepiscopo per manum cuiusdam familiaris sui, quem donis ac promissis illexerat, venenum propinari fecisset, mirabatur eum tardius mori diuque languere, et curis ingentibus angebatur, timens ne forte posset pristine sanitati restitui.

Thence he secretly approaches the archbishop, laboring with fevers, and, setting forth to him in full what had been done, he is greatly admonished by the same to accelerate by every means and to remove every impediment of delay; for so great a matter could now not be deferred without peril. Meanwhile, therefore, Matheus Bonellus was anxiously seeking a suitable time for perpetrating the crime; and even to this his solicitude Fortune was not lacking, who, as if led by penitence that she had placed an ignoble man, dreadful for such enormous flagitia, almost at the summit of affairs, was now threatening him with a precipice, and, little by little thrusting down the supereminence of the voluble circle, had begun to incline the wheel, by its woundings and turnings, toward the lowest. For when now the admiral had caused poison to be administered to the archbishop himself by the hand of a certain familiar of his, whom he had enticed with gifts and promises, he marveled that he was dying too slowly and long languishing, and he was tormented with vast cares, fearing lest perchance he might be restored to pristine health.

Idque ex impotentia veneni previdens accidisse, preparat aliud multo vehementius ad nocendum et amplioris malitie. Quod secum deferens, die quadam, circa horam undecimam, archiepiscopum visitat, eique assidens, primo de statu eius interrogat; inde subiungit eum facile, si consilio amicorum crediderit, evasurum; rogatque ut facilem et expertissimam ad hoc genus egritudinis medicinam accipiat, quam ipse in presentia sua diligentissime fecerat preparari. Ad hec archiepiscopus tantum se iurat pati fastidium, tanta membrorum debilitate vexari, [ut neque] sine magno periculo corpus ita debile possit amplius inaniri, et ipse quamlibet medicinam solo visu abhorreat, sed et cum summa difficultate cibos accipiat.

And foreseeing that this had happened from the impotence of the poison, he prepares another much more vehement for harming and of ampler malice. Carrying this with him, on a certain day, around the eleventh hour, he visits the archbishop, and, sitting beside him, first inquires about his condition; then he adds that he will easily escape, if he shall trust the counsel of friends; and he asks that he accept an easy and most expert medicine for this kind of sickness, which he himself had caused to be prepared most diligently in his own presence. To this the archbishop swears that he suffers such nausea, that he is vexed by so great a weakness of the limbs, [that neither] without great danger can a body so feeble be further emptied, and that he himself abhors any medicine at the mere sight, but also receives food with the greatest difficulty.

At Maio, ne videretur importune instare, eoque ipso suspectus fieret, preparatam iubet potionem in diem aliam reservari: dehinc illi familiarius assidet, et blande super hoc eum redarguens, hortatur ne consilium amicorum tam negligenter audiat, neque sue semper obtemperet voluntati, cum sciat eam esse legem egritudinis ut animus nociva frequentius appetens, ea que prosunt nichilominus aspernetur; vim sibi, si sanari desiderat, aliquotiens faciendam; seque de illius ut propria salute iurat indifferenter esse sollicitum, nam siquidem eum mori contigerit, nescire se quid deinceps sit acturus, quo se vertat, quam expetat societatem, cuius fidei se committat. Nichil enim in alio quoque spei aut fiducie sibi repositum. At ille grates ei referens, impotentiam suam excusat, fidemque laudat amicitie.

But Maio, lest he seem to press importunately and by that very fact become suspect, orders the prepared potion to be reserved for another day; thereafter he sits by him more familiarly, and, gently reproving him on this point, urges him not to listen so negligently to the counsel of friends nor always to obey his own will, since he knows this to be the law of sickness: that the mind, more frequently desiring harmful things, nonetheless spurns those things which are beneficial; that, if he wishes to be healed, he must at times do violence to himself; and he swears that he is concerned for his welfare indifferently as for his own, for if it should befall him to die, he does not know what he will then do, where he will turn, what company he should seek, to whose loyalty he should commit himself. For he has nothing of hope or confidence laid up in any other either. But he, returning thanks to him, excuses his own impotence and praises the faith of friendship.

Ad singula prolixius respondendo, aliisque insuper de rebus verba multiplicans, mittit ilico qui Matheo Bonello dicat, ut siquidem vir est, nunc acceleret et ad peragendum quod promisit viriliter accingatur; milites suos occulte faciat armari; armatos competentibus disponat in locis; interim se Maionem variis sermonum ambagibus detenturum. Matheus ergo Bonellus, prout ei imperatum fuerat, in secretiore domus parte militibus convocatis, rem eis totam exponit, paucisque admonet ut audaci fortique sint animo; sine metu, sine periculo facillime posse rem fieri; sive enim nesciens hoc sibi periculum imminere securus exierit, non esse dubium quin omnis ei fugiendi aditus obstruatur; sive re cognita timens exire, aliud quicquid machinari voluerit, itidem eum in ipsis edibus nichilo segnius obtruncandum, nec ei deliberandi spatium indultum iri. Nec vero longis erant persuasionibus onerandi, quos ad id perpetrandum, et sacramentum astrinxerat, et Maionis dudum inflammaverat odium, et lucri spes vehementius accendebat.

Answering at greater length to each point, and moreover multiplying words about other matters, he straightway sends someone to say to Matthew Bonellus that, if indeed he is a man, now let him hasten and gird himself manfully to carry through what he promised; let him have his soldiers secretly armed; let him dispose the armed men in suitable places; meanwhile he himself will detain Maio with various circumlocutions of speech. Therefore Matthew Bonellus, as it had been enjoined on him, with the soldiers summoned into the more secret part of the house, lays the whole matter before them, and with a few words admonishes them to be of bold and stout spirit; that without fear, without danger, the thing can most easily be done; for whether he, unaware that this danger is imminent for him, shall go out secure, it is not in doubt that every avenue of flight will be blocked for him; or whether, the matter known, he fears to go out, and whatever else he shall wish to contrive, likewise he is to be cut down in the very house no whit more slowly, nor will time for deliberation be granted him. Nor indeed were those to be burdened with long persuasions, whom to perpetrate this both an oath had bound, and hatred of Maio had long inflamed, and the hope of lucre was kindling more vehemently.

Inter hec occasui solis iam succedente crepusculo, totam urbem subitis incertisque rumoribus videres attonitam civesque hinc inde turmatim dispersos incedere, et quidnam esset timoris quod urbem repente sic attonuerat, ab invicem sciscitari; alios autem obstipo quidem capite, sed arrectis auribus per plateas urbis conventicula facientes, varias super hoc dissonasque proferre sententias. Plurimorum tamen circa id versabatur opinio ut Maionis instinctu, regem ad archiepiscopum ea nocte venturum in ipsaque via crederent occidendum. At Matheus Bonellus, ubi videt militum sibi promptam audaciam non deesse, Maionem ab archiepiscopo satis commode detineri, noctem interim nichilominus oportune suas mundo tenebras iniecisse, primum in via Cooperta, ab eisdem archiepiscopi domibus ad palatium regis protensa, qua Maioni fuga sperari poterat, plerosque militum per congrua loca disponit; dehinc eam qua transiturus erat occulte premunit insidiis, ac sic ubi forte per venulas, ut vulgo dicitur, in vias alias lateraliter effluebat, easdem militibus suis provide distribuit observandas; turbe quoque que Maionem sequebatur quosdam suorum preceperat immisceri.

Meanwhile, with twilight now succeeding the setting of the sun, you would see the whole city astounded by sudden and uncertain rumors, and the citizens, scattered in bands here and there, moving about and asking one another what sort of fear it was that had so suddenly thunderstruck the city; others, however, with head indeed bowed but ears pricked, forming conventicles through the streets of the city, to put forth various and dissonant opinions about this. Yet the opinion of very many turned on this point: that, at Maion’s instigation, they believed the king would come to the archbishop that night and be slain on the very road. But Matheus Bonellus, when he sees that the prompt audacity of the soldiers is not lacking to him, that Maion is being quite conveniently detained by the archbishop, and that night meanwhile has nonetheless opportunely cast its shadows upon the world, first, on the Via Cooperta, stretched from those same houses of the archbishop to the king’s palace, by which an escape could be hoped for Maion, stations many of the soldiers in suitable places; then he secretly fortifies with ambushes the way by which he was going to pass, and thus, where perhaps through little lanes, as it is commonly said, it flowed off laterally into other side-streets, he prudently assigned those to his soldiers to be watched; and he had also ordered some of his men to be mixed into the throng that was following Maion.

Ipse cum paucis ad portam Sancte Agathes exeuntem prevenire disposuerat admiratum, eumque locum putabat oportunum insidiis, eo quod ibi via plurimum coartata, deinceps sese dispergebat in trivium et precedentis culpam angustie dilatatione prodiga redimebat. Itaque ubi iam admirato visum est re parum bene gesta discedere, iubet archiepiscopus fores diligentissime quam primum exierit obserari. Cum igitur episcopo Messanensi, qui eius lateri adherebat, colloquens, prope locum insidiarum in vie iam angustias incidisset, subito Matheus notarius eius familiaris et Adenolfus camerarius, vix sequentis turbe multitudinem transeuntes, ad eum perveniunt, eiusque auri immurmurant Matheum Bonellum cum plerisque militibus armatis visum esse in insidiis, ipsumque ab eodem, sicut audierant, debere interfici.

He himself had arranged, with a few, to forestall the Admiral as he went out to the gate of Saint Agatha, and he thought that place opportune for ambushes, because there the road, very much coarctated, thereafter spread itself into a trivium and redeemed the fault of the preceding narrowness by prodigal dilatation. And so, when now it seemed to the Admiral to depart, the affair having been managed rather poorly, the archbishop orders the doors to be most diligently barred as soon as he has gone out. Therefore, while conversing with the bishop of Messina, who was adhering to his side, when he had now fallen into the straits of the road near the place of the ambush, suddenly Matthew, his familiar notary, and Adenolf, the chamberlain, scarcely passing through the multitude of the following crowd, reach him, and into his ear they murmur that Matthew Bonellus had been seen in ambush with many armed soldiers, and that he himself, by the same man, as they had heard, ought to be killed.

Tunc Maio, stans ac subiti mali rumore turbatus, Matheum Bonellum ad se precipit accersiri. At ille sentiens se vocari, suaque Maionem iam non latere consilia, prosilit ex insidiis, strictoque gladio, terribilis ei repente supervenit, "et ecce", inquit, "adsum, o proditor, pessundate nobilitatis ultor vel serus, ut nefandissimis sceleribus tuis modum imponam, unoque semel ictu in te tam admirati quam regis adulterum nomen abradam". At Maioni, cum nec orandi veniam indulgeretur spatium, nec in extremo tamen vite discrimine fatigatum defecit ingenium. Nam in alteram partem defluens, et sublati ensis ictum evasit, et ferientis violentiam in irritum transportavit.

Then Maio, standing and disturbed by the rumor of sudden ill, precipitately orders that Matthew Bonellus be summoned to him. But he, perceiving himself to be called, and that his counsels were now no longer hidden from Maio, leaps forth from ambush, and with sword drawn, terrible, suddenly comes upon him, "and behold," he says, "I am here, O traitor, an avenger—though late—of blasted nobility, that I may impose a limit upon your most nefarious crimes, and with one single stroke I will abrade from you the adulterine name, both of Admiral and of King." But to Maio, since no space for asking leave to speak was granted, yet not even in the extreme crisis of life did his wit, though wearied, fail. For slipping to the other side, he both escaped the blow of the lifted sword, and transferred the striker’s violence into ineffectuality.

At eiusdem fortius redeuntis impetum evitare non potuit, acceptoque letali vulnere, ad terram corruit moribundus. Hii vero qui sequebantur eum, subito disparentes, qua quisque potuit aufugerunt. Matheus notarius vix inter noctis tenebras, graviter vulneratus, evasit.

But he could not avoid the onset of the same man returning more forcefully, and, a lethal wound having been received, he collapsed to the earth moribund. Those, however, who were following him, suddenly scattering, fled wherever each could. Matthew the notary, scarcely amid the darkness of night, grievously wounded, escaped.

Matheus ergo Bonellus ciusque comites, ita re gesta, timentes Panormi diutius immorari, cum incertum haberent quo id factum animo rex erat accepturus, ipsa nocte Cacabum, quoddam eius oppidum, devenerunt. Tota vero civitas que prius ambiguis erat suspensa rumoribus, proditoris morte cognita, sic exilarata est ut tunc primum in Maionem plebis odium appareret. Nam alii cadaver in media via proiectum, pedibus conculcabant; alii barbe pilos protervius evellentes, eius faciem conspuebant.

Therefore Matheus Bonellus and his companions, the affair thus carried out, fearing to linger longer at Palermo, since they had it uncertain how the king would receive that deed in mind, that very night arrived at Cacabus, a certain town of his. But the whole city, which previously had been suspended by ambiguous rumors, when the death of the traitor was learned, was so exhilarated that then for the first time the plebs’ odium against Maio appeared. For some trampled with their feet the cadaver thrown forth in the middle of the road; others, more insolently plucking out the hairs of his beard, were spitting upon his face.

Nec vero deerant qui Maionem putarent adhuc vivere, tantique virum ingenii nunquam adeo consilii fuisse inopem, ut sic interfici potuisset; eum autem qui iacebat exanimis, aliquem fuisse ex militibus suis afferrent. Eadem nocte rex, insolitum e palatio vulgi tumultum audiens, mirabatur quid in urbe turbinis accidisset, vidensque Odonem magistrum stabuli, qui ob id ipsum nunciandum ad palatium accedebat, rem ab eo totam edidicit, indignatusque est plurimum tam audacter id, iniussu suo, quempiam presumpsisse. Nam, etsi contra regiam maiestatem admiratum [aliquid m]achinari const[aret], ad [se tamen] primo referri debuisse, sibique reservari vindictam.

Nor indeed were there lacking those who thought Maio still to be alive, and that a man of such great ingenium had never been so destitute of counsel that he could have been slain thus; and they alleged that the one who lay lifeless was someone from among his own soldiers. That same night the king, hearing from the palace an unusual tumult of the crowd, wondered what kind of whirlwind had happened in the city, and seeing Odo the master of the stable, who was approaching the palace to announce that very matter, learned the whole affair from him, and was exceedingly indignant that someone had so audaciously presumed that, without his order. For, although it was evident that he had machinated something against the royal majesty, nevertheless it ought first to have been referred to himself, and that vengeance be reserved to himself.

At regina mortem Maionis multo molestius nec adeo patienter audivit, et in Matheum Bonellum eiusque socios maiori quidem impetu indignationis exarsit. Interim ergo, ex mandato regio, delecti sunt qui civitatem tota nocte pervigiles circuirent, ne forte ex ea occasione inter cives seditionis aut discordie quidpiam oriretur. Plerique etiam domus admirati custodie deputati; propinquorum enim et affinium eius domos, quia facile plebi inhiberi non poterat, permissum erat licite depredari.

But the queen heard of the death of Maio much more grievously and not so patiently, and she blazed up against Matthew Bonellus and his associates with a yet greater onset of indignation. Meanwhile, therefore, by royal mandate, men were selected to patrol the city, keeping vigil through the whole night, lest perchance on that occasion something of sedition or discord arise among the citizens. Very many also were deputed to the custody of the amiratus’s house(s); for it was permitted that the houses of his kinsmen and connections by marriage, since the plebs could not easily be restrained, be lawfully depredated.

XIIII. De captione regis.

14. On the capture of the king.

Sequenti die rex Henricum Aristippum, archidiaconum Cataniensem, mansuetissimi virum ingenii et tam latinis quam grecis litteris eruditum, familiarem sibi delegit ut vicem et officium interim gereret admirati, preessetque notariis, et cum co secretius de regni negotiis pertractaret. Cum igitur hic et comes Silvester admirati dolos ac propositum regi plenius indicarent, et erga Matheum Bonellum temptarent eius animum mitigare, nullis tamen assertionibus illius indignatio poterat emolliri, nisi quod in thesauris Maionis regia quedam [inventa diademata] scelerum [eius fi]dem [fecer]e, tandemque rex se deceptum non dubiis comperit argumentis. Eadem ergo die capti sunt Stephanus Maionis filius eiusdemque frater Stephanus, uterque admiratus, cum notario Matheo, qui plurimum illi familiaris extiterat.

On the following day the king chose Henry Aristippus, archdeacon of Catania, a man of most gentle character and learned in letters both Latin and Greek, as one intimate to himself, to discharge in the meantime the place and office of the admiral, to preside over the notaries, and to confer with him more secretly about the affairs of the realm. Accordingly, when he and Count Silvester more fully indicated to the king the deceits and design of the admiral, and tried to soften his mind toward Matthew Bonellus, yet by no assertions could his indignation be mollified, except that in Maio’s treasuries certain royal [diadems discovered] [made] [proof] of his crimes, and at length the king learned by no doubtful arguments that he had been deceived. On the same day, therefore, Stephen, the son of Maio, and his brother Stephen—each an admiral—were taken, together with the notary Matthew, who had been very intimate with him.

Thesauris autem eius quotquot inveniri potuerunt ad curiam sine dilatione translatis cum Andreas eunuchus ac plerique alii tortoribus traditi cogerentur indicare quidquid de rebus Maionis scirent vel alicubi secretius occultatum, vel apud amicos depositum, multaque eorum indicio fuissent inventa, tandem Stephanus eius filius, multis terroribus et minis adactus, iurabat se nichil atnplius scire quod curiam super hoc edoceret, nisi quod olim patrem, ut sibi videbatur, dicentem audierat episcopum Tropeensem ab eo depositi nomine quasi trecentas auri uncias accepisse. episcopus ergo, vocatus ad curiam iussusque reddere predictas uncias auri, quas apud eum Maio deposuerat, respondit plura se quam peterent redditurum, domumque reversus, septingenta milia tarenorum carceris hostiariis, qui cum eo missi fuerant, assignavit. His ita gestis, missi Cacabum legati, qui Matheum Bonellum accersirent regemque nuntiarent admirati mortem, post comperta eius scelera, letis auribus accepisse, prestitoque etiam sacramento, metum omnem ac periculi suspicionem excluderent.

However, his treasures, as many as could be found, having been transferred to the court without delay, while Andrew the eunuch and very many others, handed over to the torturers, were compelled to indicate whatever they knew concerning the affairs of Maio—whether hidden somewhere more secretly, or deposited with friends—and many things had been found through their disclosure, at length Stephen his son, driven by many terrors and threats, swore that he knew nothing further which he could instruct the court about in this matter, except that once he had heard, as it seemed to him, his father saying that the bishop of Tropea had received from him, under the name of a deposit, as it were three hundred ounces of gold. Therefore the bishop, summoned to the court and ordered to return the aforesaid ounces of gold which Maio had deposited with him, replied that he would return more than they were asking; and, having returned home, he assigned seven hundred thousand tareni to the warders of the prison who had been sent with him. With these things thus done, envoys were sent to Cacabum to summon Matthew Bonellus and to announce that the king, after the discovery of his crimes, had received with glad ears the death of the amiratus, and, an oath also having been given, to exclude every fear and suspicion of danger.

At ille quamquam huiusmodi iuriiurando parum crederet, sciens tamen regem in se nichil ausurum, tum ob favorem plebis, tum quia comites omnes qui ob id ipsum rebellaverant totamque Calabriam sperabat sibi futuram auxilio, cum universis militibus suis Panormum securus accessit. In ingressu vero civitatis plurima tam virorum ei quam mulierum turba obviam exierunt, cum ingenti eum gaudio usque ad portam palatii prosequentes. Ibi benigne susceptus est a rege, et in eius gratiam integre restitutus; dehinc a maioribus curie sub eadem est frequentia plebis ad domurm suam perductus.

But he, although he put little trust in such an oath, knowing nevertheless that the king would dare nothing against him, both on account of the favor of the plebs, and because he hoped that all the counts who for that very reason had rebelled and all Calabria would be for him as a help, with all his soldiers approached Palermo confidently. At the entry of the city a very great crowd of both men and women went out to meet him, escorting him with immense joy up to the gate of the palace. There he was kindly received by the king, and fully restored into his grace; then by the greater men of the court, amid that same throng of the populace, he was conducted to his own house.

Eo igitur tam famoso facinore Matheus Bonellus non solum in Sicilia, verum trans Farum quoque per totam Calabriam Apuliamque ac Terram Laboris adeo sibi plebis nobiliumque mentes allexerat, ut eius universi virtutem et audaciarm laudantes extollerent, nec in remotissimis quoque regni partibus eius ad quemquam inefficaciter iussio perveniret. Comites quoque ipsi ac civitates Apulie cum omnibus qui eis confederati erant, rebellandi iam causa sublata, eius deinceps voluntatem et consilium expectabant. In Sicilia vero, Panormique maxime, totus iam aperte populus conclamabat: quisquis Matheo Bonello nocere temptasset, hostem eum publicum iudicari, seseque, etiam adversus regem, siquidem ob admirati mortem in eum severius animadvertere presumpsisset, arma sumpturos.

Therefore, by that so infamous a crime, Matthew Bonellus had so won over to himself the minds of the commons and the nobles not only in Sicily, but across the Faro as well, throughout all Calabria and Apulia and the Terra Laboris, that all of them, praising his virtue and audacity, exalted him, and not even in the most remote parts of the kingdom would his order reach anyone ineffectually. The counts themselves also and the cities of Apulia, with all who were confederated with them, the cause of rebelling now removed, henceforth were awaiting his will and counsel. In Sicily indeed, and most of all in Palermo, the whole populace now openly cried out that whoever had attempted to harm Matthew Bonellus should be judged a public enemy, and that they themselves, even against the king—if he should presume, on account of the admiral’s death, to take more severe action against him—would take up arms.

Nam ei debere omnes obsequi qui, publico regni sublato periculo, libertatem omnibus reddidisset. At eunuchi palatii, quibus flagitiosus animus ac scelerum conscientia potentiam illius suspectam fecerat, eo quod et ipsi machinationum admirati conscii fuissent et participes, ad id operam dabant, ut adversus illum regis indignationem et odium concitarent. Itaque regine ipsius freti consilio, sollicitudinis sue regi causas aperiunt asseruntque non negligendum eius capiti, nisi mature precautum fuerit, periculum impendere.

For all ought to obey him who, with the public peril of the kingdom removed, had restored liberty to all. But the eunuchs of the palace, whose flagitious mind and consciousness of crimes had made his power suspect—inasmuch as they themselves had been aware of and partners in the admiral’s machinations—were applying their efforts to stir up the king’s indignation and hatred against him. And so, relying on the counsel of the queen herself, they lay open to the king the causes of their anxiety and assert that a danger, not to be neglected unless timely precaution be taken, impends over his head.

Nam Matheum Bonellum, ob id quod ei nuper acciderat, in tantam elatum superbiam ut neminem sibi iam in regno viribus vel potentia parem existimet. Cumque quadam ductum temeritate totum ad se videat populum confluentem, virosque etiam nobiles suis per omnia parere consiliis et iussionibus obsequi, nichil eorum quecumque animus imperaverit putet illicitum, nec [a plebe] solum, verum et ab ipsis curie magnatibus propensiorem sibi velit reverentiam exhiberi. Interim eum sibi omnes astringere sacramentis et ignotis pactionum federibus obligare.

For Matthew Bonellus, on account of that which had lately happened to him, has been lifted into so great arrogance that he considers no one in the kingdom now a peer to himself in strength or in power. And since, led by a certain temerity, he sees the whole people flowing together to him, and even noble men obeying his counsels in all things and complying with his commands, he deems nothing of whatever his spirit has commanded illicit, and he wishes a more favorable reverence to be shown to himself not [a plebe] only, but even by the very magnates of the curia. Meanwhile he is binding all to himself by oaths and obligating them with unknown bonds of pactions and leagues.

His accedere quod universi transfarini proceres, quibus hoc ipsum desperationem incusserat, quod eatenus regem offenderant ut eum sibi crederent implacabilem, litteris suis iuvenilem animum crebrius hortabantur, ut siquidem plenam consequi gloriam affectabat, si nulli deinceps subiacere periculo, eniteretur quatinus integram et regno libertatem et sibi securitatem adquireret, quam adipisci rege vivente non poterat, neque fallaci curie promissione seductus estimaret eum tam facile sibi placatum cui manum dexteram amputasset. Sic enim regem opinari, sic dicere: interfecto Maione, manu se dextera mutilatum. His ergo persuasio num stimulis avidum glorie iuvenem plurimum incitatum promptumque audere et experiri omnia, et nisi citius eiusmodi consiliis provide fuerit obviatum, quocumque fervor animi et iuventutis impetus eum traxerit, facile secuturum nulloque cohercendum metu periurii; satis quippe vecordem esse et improvidum quisquis existimet fidem eum cuipiam servaturum, qui tam iurisiurandi, quam affinitatis iure posthabito, socerum suum quem vice patris habuerat, cuius etiam opera patrimonii sui restitutionem impetraverat, tantis ingratus beneficiis prodiderit et interfecerit innocentem; falsum enim quicquid ipse complicesque sui adversus admiratum confinxerant, nec illum inventa in thesauris eius diademata sibi preparasse, sed regi, ut eadem in kalendis ianuarii strenarum nomine, iuxta consuetudinem, ei transmicteret; verum nunquam ob id solum a Matheo Bonello tot contracta federa, tot societates initas ut Maionem interficeret.

To these there was added that all the Transfarine magnates—upon whom this very fact had inflicted desperation, that they had offended the king to such a degree that they believed him implacable toward them—by their letters more and more often exhorted the youthful spirit, that, if indeed he strove to attain full glory, if he wished henceforth to lie under no peril, he should endeavor to acquire both for the kingdom unimpaired liberty and for himself security, which he could not obtain while the king was alive; nor, seduced by the fallacious promise of the court, should he suppose him so easily appeased toward one whose right hand he had cut off. For thus, they said, the king opined, thus he spoke: with Maio slain, he counted himself mutilated in his right hand. Therefore by these goads of persuasions the youth, avid of glory, was greatly incited and ready to dare and to try all things; and unless counsels of this sort were more speedily and prudently countered, wherever the fervor of his mind and the impulse of youth should drag him, he would easily follow, and would be restrained by no fear of perjury; for sufficiently witless and improvident is anyone who thinks that he would keep faith with anyone who—setting behind both the law of oath-swearing and the bond of affinity—had betrayed his own father-in-law, whom he had held in the place of a father, by whose efforts too he had obtained the restitution of his patrimony, ungrateful for such great benefits, and had slain an innocent man; for whatever he and his accomplices had fabricated against the admiral was false, nor had he prepared for himself the diadems found in his treasure, but for the king, that the same might be sent to him on January 1 under the name of New Year’s gifts, according to custom; in truth, never for that sole reason had so many leagues been contracted, so many associations entered into by Matthew Bonellus—namely, that he might kill Maio.

Aliud eum maius ambire altiusque fovere propositum, ad quod eiusmodi principio viam sibi comode censuerat preparandam. Hec et huiusmodi plurima sepissime regis auribus inculcantes, id effecerant, ut neque iam Matheum Bonellum inter familiares admicteret, neque Maionem ob aliam causam ab eo crederet interfectum, nisi ut comunicatum cum quibusdam proditoribus de morte sua consilium liberius posset ad effectum perducere. Sed huius rei vindictam vix iam, ut erat ad puniendum facilis, moras sustinens, in tempus congruum necessario deferebat, dum populi tumultu composito, novitatis fervor et impetus quievisset.

He was aiming at another, greater, and nurturing a higher purpose, for the attainment of which he had judged that by such a beginning the way ought conveniently to be prepared for himself. These things and very many of this sort, most often inculcating into the king’s ears, had brought it about that he neither now admitted Matthew Bonello among his familiars, nor believed that Maio had been slain by him for any other cause, except that, the counsel communicated with certain traitors concerning his own death, he might more freely be able to bring it to effect. But the vengeance for this matter—scarcely now, as he was ready to punish, enduring delays—he of necessity deferred to a fitting time, until, the tumult of the people being composed, the fervor and onset of the novelty had subsided.

Interim tamen, .LX. milia tarenorum, tam ab eo quam ab illis qui pro ipso fideiusserant, repeti iubet, quos idem olim, ut patrimonium suum reciperet, curie spoponderat se daturum. Eorum autem solutionem admiratus, genero parcens, ignorante rege, distulerat. Itaque Matheus Bonellus ex improviso repentina debiti veteris exactione pulsatus, simulque videns solito rarius ad curiam se vocari, neque iam ut solebat admicti, mirabatur quod hoc novitatis portenderet.

Meanwhile, however, .60. thousand tareni, both from him and from those who had stood surety for him, he orders to be demanded back— which sum the same man had once promised to the curia he would give, so that he might recover his patrimony. But the admiral, sparing his son-in-law, had postponed their payment, the king being unaware. And so Matheus Bonellus, taken unawares by the sudden exaction of the old debt, and at the same time seeing that he was called to the curia more rarely than was usual, and no longer admitted as he had been accustomed, wondered what novelty this might portend.

Sed et hoc eius animo non parum metus ac suspitionis iniecerat, quod Adenolfum camerarium plurimum posse videbat in curia, qui summum amicitie locum apud Maionem optinuerat, et tam hunc quam alios hostes suos audacius atque apertius in se odium exercere, eo quod eum archiepiscopi viderent ope et consilio destitutum, qui diuturna fatigatus egritudine, nuperrime mortem obierat. Hec autem omnia non sine consensu regis existimabat fieri, nec unquam viros eiusmodi adversum se quicquam ausuros nisi regis animum erga se crederent immutatum. Nam eo furoris et audacie ventum erat, ut Philippus Mansellus, nepos Adenolfi, cum militibus armatis viam Marmoream noctu perambulans, a plerisque visus fuerit domum Mathei Bonelli tardius pertransire.

But this too had injected no small fear and suspicion into his mind, that he saw Adenolf, the chamberlain, to have very great power in the court, who had obtained the highest place of friendship with Maio; and that both he and his other enemies were exercising hatred against him more boldly and more openly, for the reason that they saw him bereft of the help and counsel of the archbishop, who, worn out by a long sickness, had most recently met death. He thought, moreover, that all these things were being done not without the king’s consent, nor would men of such a sort ever dare anything against him unless they believed the king’s mind toward him had been altered. For it had come to such a point of fury and audacity that Philippus Mansellus, the nephew of Adenolf, while patrolling the Marble Way by night with armed soldiers, was seen by many to pass more slowly by the house of Matheus Bonellus.

Quod ubi Matheo cognitum est, sequenti nocte militibus suis armatis, primum circa domum suam per congrua loca disponens insidias, reliquos militum precepit per viam Coopertam, usque ad portam Galcule replicato frequenter itinere transeuntes, ante domum Adenolfi morari diutius, sperans ita posse Philippum et eius milites, siquidem ea nocte, sicut in precedenti, exierint, vel ab istis per viarum transitus inveniri, vel ab illis qui in insidiis erant intercipi; simulque ut ostenderet eorum se non ignorare consilia, neque sibi militum deesse copias aut virtutem, ut eos posset ad unum omnes delere, nisi regis timor eiusmodi facultatis licentiam refrenaret. Sic mediam fere noctem ducentes insompnem, demum, infecto negotio, redierunt. Matheus autem Bonellus cum hiis atque aliis pluribus rerum indiciis voluntatem ac propositum regis agnosceret, aliter interim sibi providendum existimans, nondum deliberandi libertate sublata, Matheo de Sancta Lucia consobrino suo et quibusdam aliis nobilibus viris Sicilie, qui litteris eius citati, Panormum convenerant, omnia pandit ex ordine que sibi acciderant quodque hostes [sui] cum eunuchis societatem inierant, ut in se regem exasperent eosque facile quod voluerint effecisse.

When this became known to Matthew, on the following night, with his soldiers armed, first setting ambushes around his house in suitable places, he ordered the rest of the soldiers, as they passed back and forth along the Covered Way up to the Gate of Galcula with the route frequently retraced, to linger longer before Adenolf’s house, hoping thus that Philip and his soldiers—if that night, as on the previous one, they should go out—might either be discovered by these through the crossings of the roads, or intercepted by those who were in ambush; and at the same time to show that he was not ignorant of their counsels, nor that there failed him either forces of soldiers or valor, so that he could destroy them all to a man, were not fear of the king restraining the license of such a capability. Thus spending almost the middle of the night sleepless, at length, with the business unfinished, they returned. But Matthew Bonellus, as by these and by many other indications he recognized the will and design of the king, thinking that meanwhile he must provide for himself otherwise, the liberty of deliberating not yet taken away, disclosed in order to Matthew of Santa Lucia, his cousin, and to certain other noble men of Sicily—who, summoned by his letters, had gathered at Palermo—everything that had happened to him, and that his enemies [of his] had entered into a partnership with the eunuchs to exasperate the king against him, and that they had easily brought about what they wished.

Iam enim se ab ipso rege ad veteris debiti solutionem urgeri, a quo conservate salutis premium expectabat. Dehinc rogat eos, obsecrans per fidem amicitie federisque nuper inter eos habiti sanctionem, uti hac in necessitate sibi non desint, qui pro salute totius regni periculum istud subierit, nec se communi quisquam oneri fraudulenter connetur subtrahere, admonetque id mature capiendum esse consilii, ut hostium dolos regisque deliramenta precaveant; siquidem unius fuerint animi et nimia firmiter voluntate permanserint, ut omnem fortunam comunicato velint periculo sustinere, nunquam sibi plebis animos, nunquam militum gratiam defuturam. Ita, quicquid aggressi fuerint, facile peracturos.

For already he was being pressed by the king himself to the solution of an old debt, from whom he expected the premium for the safety he had preserved. Then he asks them, beseeching by the faith of friendship and by the sanction of the league lately held among them, that in this necessity they not be lacking to him, he who had undergone that danger for the safety of the whole kingdom, and that no one fraudulently try to withdraw himself from the common burden; and he admonishes that counsel must be taken promptly, so that they may guard against the deceits of the enemies and the king’s deliria; since, if they shall have been of one mind and shall have remained with an exceedingly firm will, so as to be willing to sustain every fortune with the peril shared, never will the hearts of the common people, never the favor of the soldiers be lacking to them. Thus, whatever they shall have undertaken, they will easily carry through.

Quod si dissimulando subterfugere quisque maluerit, neminem eorum qui in mortem Maionis consenserint evasurum. At illi, rumorum novitate permoti, cum mirarentur et gravissime ferrent inde sibi periculum et ingratitudinem emersisse, unde se benemeritos estimabant, maxime tamen indignabantur Adenolfum camerarium eo precipitatum audacie ut in Matheum Bonellum mani[fes]tas auderet inimicitias exercere. Neque vero putabant rem deinceps habendam neglectui, aut eiusmodi regis tyrampnidem et insaniam oportere diutius sustineri, erantque qui iam tunc in ipsum Adenolfum, ubicumque eum inveniri contingeret, impetum faciendum, neque tante presumptionis vindictam ulterius protelandam censerent, nam quicquid ab eis inchoatum foret, plebem avide secuturam.

But if anyone should prefer to escape by dissimulating, none of those who consented to the death of Maio shall evade. But they, moved by the novelty of the rumors, as they marveled and took it most grievously that from that quarter danger and ingratitude had arisen for them, whence they judged themselves well-deserving, yet most of all were indignant that Adenolf the chamberlain had been precipitated to such audacity as to dare to exercise manifest enmities against Matthew Bonellus. Nor, indeed, did they think the matter henceforth ought to be held in neglect, or that a tyranny and insanity of the king of this sort ought to be endured longer; and there were those who even then judged that an attack should be made upon Adenolf himself, wherever it might happen that he be found, and that the vengeance of so great presumption ought not to be further protracted; for whatever should be initiated by them, the plebs would eagerly follow.

Alii vero rem inceptam moderatius et cum cautela dicebant felicius proventuram, neque nunc Adenolfi morte periculum minui, sed augeri si flagitiorum caput, quod ante precidi debuerat, relinqueretur incolume; ad id dandum operam ut malorum origine sublata, cetera facile subsequantur; fontis enim copia preconsumpta, sine difficultate deinceps rivorum inopiam exsiccari. Hoc igitur apud eos preponderante consilio, placuit eiusdem rei sibi socios adhibere Symonem comitem, Rogerii regis filium, ex consuetudinaria matre progenitum, Tancredumque filium Rogerii ducis, ingenio magis et industria quam corporis virtuce prestantem, cuius supra meminimus. Sciebant enim eos, quicquid adversus regem decretum foret, facile consensuros.

Others, however, said that the undertaking, managed more moderately and with caution, would come to a happier outcome, and that now the danger would not be diminished by Adenolf’s death, but increased, if the head of the flagitious acts, which ought earlier to have been cut off, were left unscathed; that effort should be given to this, that once the origin of the evils is removed, the rest would easily follow; for, the abundance of the fountain pre-consumed, thereafter the want of the rivulets is dried up without difficulty. Therefore, with this counsel preponderating among them, it pleased them to adjoin to themselves as associates in the same matter Simon the count, son of King Roger, born of a concubinary mother, and Tancred, son of Duke Roger, excelling more in genius and industry than in the virtue of the body, whom we mentioned above. For they knew that they would readily consent to whatever should be decreed against the king.

nam idem Symoni principatum Tarenti contra patris testamentum abstulerat, dicens patrem in multis errasse, spuriorum amore deceptum. Ducatum enim Apulie, Tarentique et Capue principatum legitimis tantum filiis debere concedi. Ad comitatus autem aliasque regni dignitates non indignum esse liberos etiam naturales admicti.

for the same man had taken away from Simon the principate of Tarentum against his father’s testament, saying that the father had erred in many things, deceived by love of spurious offspring. For the duchy of Apulia, and the principate of Tarentum and of Capua, ought to be granted only to legitimate sons. But as to countships and other dignities of the kingdom, it was not unfitting that even natural children be admitted.

Tancredum vero, sicut predictum est, intra palatii muros tenebat inclusum, cuius etiam frater Willelmus ibidem, non sine magna regis invidia, nuper obierat, adolescens utique pulcherrimus, qui, cum fere .XXII. etatis annum ageret, neminem militum viribus sibi parem reppererat. Hos itaque sibi Matheus Bonellus iureiurando seque illis invicem obligat, multosque preterea milites et potentes viros, in quibus et nobilem adolescentulum Rogerium comitem Avellini, regis consanguineum, non dissimili pacto sibi confederat.

Tancred, indeed, as has been previously said, he kept shut up within the walls of the palace, whose brother William also, in the same place, not without great envy on the king’s part, had recently died—a most handsome youth, who, when he was in nearly his 22nd year, had found no soldier equal to himself in strength. These, therefore, Matthew Bonellus bound to himself by a sworn oath, and bound himself to them in turn; and many soldiers besides and powerful men, among whom also the noble youth Roger, Count of Avellino, the king’s kinsman, he likewise bound to himself by a similar pact.

Erat autem eorum hoc propositum, ut in primis regem caperent; captum in qualibet includerent insularum, vel in alio quolibet loco, iuxta quod omnium communi decerneretur assensu; dehinc eius maiorem filium Rogerium, ducem Apulie, novennem fere puerum, regem crearent, id existimantes populo gratum fore, seque videri nichil animo malignandi gerere si tyranno ob facinora sua sublato, filium eius ipsi substituant. Ad hoc autem facillimus putabantur aditus preparari si Malgerium castellanum palatii quibuslibet possent promissionum pactionibus irretire, ut idem ab eo iusiurandum quod inter se fecerant extorquerent. Nam aliter incoacta parum procedere videbantur, cum ille trecentos fere iuvenes secum haberet, assidue ipsius palatii custodie deputatos, qui sic erant per portarum angustias distributi, ut quantumvis numerum militum ab ingressu facile submoverent, et si furtim aliquos ingredi contigisset, certum erat ibidem eos sine spe salutis intercipi, redituris exitu non patente.

Moreover, this was their proposition: that first of all they should seize the king; once seized, they would confine him in any one of the islands, or in any other place whatsoever, according as should be decreed by the common assent of all; thereafter they would create as king his elder son Roger, duke of Apulia, a boy of nearly 9 years, thinking this would be pleasing to the people, and that they themselves would seem to carry nothing of a malign intention if, the tyrant removed on account of his crimes, they should substitute his son in his place. And to this, the most facile access was thought to be prepared if they could ensnare Malgerius, the castellan of the palace, by whatever covenants of promises, so as to extort from him the same oath which they had made among themselves. For otherwise, without coercion, their attempts seemed to make little headway, since he had with him about 300 youths, continually deputed to the guard of the palace, who were so distributed through the narrowings of the gates that they easily kept from ingress however great a number of soldiers; and if it should befall that any slipped in by stealth, it was certain that they would there be intercepted without hope of safety, since no exit would stand open for those trying to return.

Verum id eorum desideriis obviabat quod, idem Malgerius multe austeritatis homo erat, nec facilis ulla persuasione quopiam inclinari aut huiusmodi se negotiis immiscere. Timebant ergo rem secretissimam illius fidei sub hac ambiguitate commictere, indeque ad aliud necessario divertere consilium, sperantes idem se per gavarretum palatii tutius effecturos. castellanus enim ut discursandi crebrius necessitatem et laborem subterfugeret, oneris sui difficultatem in eum traiecerat, et totam [ei custo]diendi palatii curam crediderat: ad huius quoque spectabat officium, eos qui per diversos carceres tenebantur inclusi frequenter inspicere, eorumque statum mitius asperiusve, prout ei visum fuerit, commutare et pro velle suo custodes singulis deputare carceribus.

But this ran counter to their desires, because this same Malgerius was a man of much austerity, and not easy by any persuasion to be inclined toward anyone or to meddle himself in negotiations of this sort. They feared, therefore, to commit a most secret matter to his trust under this ambiguity, and thence of necessity to turn aside to another plan, hoping they would effect the same thing more safely through the gavarretus of the palace. For the castellan, in order to evade the more frequent necessity and labor of running about, had transferred onto him the difficulty of his burden, and had entrusted to him the whole care of [ei custo]dying the palace: to his office also it pertained to inspect frequently those who were held confined in various prisons, and to change their condition more mildly or more harshly, as it should seem to him, and according to his will to depute guards to the individual prisons.

Confidebant autem cupiditatem illius spem lucri non difficile secuturam, quodque non multum votis eorum viri facilitas repugnaret, presertim cum iam plerique amicorum eius in eadem confederatione sacramento tenerentur astricti, quorum indicio res ei secure poterat aperiri. Primum itaque sensim eius animo pertemptato, dehinc eiusdem certius agnita voluntate, quod speraverant voto plenius assecuti, spontaneum ab illo iusiurandum accipiunt, imperata se sine fraude prout ipsi disposuerant impleturum. Modus autem dispositionis hic erat, ut ad prefixam diem incarceratis omnibus, quos etiam ab hac societate placuerat non excludi, vinculis relaxatis, aperiret carceres, armaque singulis provideret, ut et ipsi, dato signo, quisque de loco suo promptius exilirent.

They were confiding, moreover, that his cupidity would not with difficulty follow the hope of lucre, and that the man’s facility would not much resist their desires, especially since by now very many of his friends were held bound by oath in the same confederation, by whose disclosure the matter could safely be opened to him. Therefore first, his mind having been gently assayed, then, his will being more surely recognized, what they had hoped for, they achieved more fully to their wish: they receive from him a spontaneous oath, that he would fulfill the commands without fraud, just as they had arranged. Now the mode of the arrangement was this: that on the prefixed day, for all the incarcerated—whom it had also pleased not to be excluded from this society—once their bonds were relaxed, he would open the prisons and provide arms to each, so that they too, the signal having been given, each from his place might spring forth the more promptly.

In ipso enim palatio, circa campanarium eamque partem que turris Greca vocabatur, carceres eran[t dispositi]. His ita dispositis, Matheus Bonellus Mistretum profectus est, ut eo frumentum armaque convehi faceret ceteraque oppida sua rebus necessariis premuniret; recessurus tamen socios suos diligenter premonuit, ut usque ad reditum suum prudenter et circumspecte se haberent, neque secretum illis creditum temere publicarent. Si quid interim preter opinionem cura dignum emergeret, suis eum litteris evocarent; nam si res exposceret, cum ingentibus militum copiis sperato citius adfuturum. At illi non eam quam promiserant super adhibentes diligentiam, secura rei principia periculoso satis exitu concluserunt.

For in the palace itself, around the belfry and that part which was called the Greek Tower, the prisons were [arranged]. With these things thus set in order, Matheus Bonellus set out to Mistretta, so that there he might cause grain and arms to be conveyed and might pre-furnish his other towns with necessary supplies; yet, being about to depart, he diligently premonished his associates that, until his return, they should bear themselves prudently and circumspectly, and should not rashly publish the secret entrusted to them. If meanwhile anything worthy of care should emerge beyond expectation, they were to summon him by their letters; for, if the matter required, he would be present with huge forces of soldiers more quickly than hoped. But they, not applying that diligence which they had promised in addition, closed the secure beginnings of the affair with a sufficiently perilous outcome.

Quidam enim eorum, cum amicissimum sibi militem eiusdem conspirationis optaret esse participem, quicquid actum fuerat ei seriatim exposuit, iusiurandumque de non propalando consilio negligenter omisit, sive fidem illius ex sua metiens, sive rei periculum, ut minus discretus, parum intelligens. Sed et tempus ad hoc prefixum reique auctores illum edocens, diligenter omnia perscrutantem, demum expertus est verum esse quod dici solet: "superhabundantem non nocere cautelam". Miles autem prefatus grates illi referens, quod rem sibi perutilem indicasset, tanquam ad deliberationem in crastinum postulatis induciis, ad alterius amici sui notitiam audita protulit, tam horrendurm inquiens scelus non oportere dissimulando celari; quod si perpetrari contigerit, perpetuam Sicilie sit allaturum infamiam, nec immerito Siculos omnes proditores deinceps appellandos. Verum id se precauturum ne accidat, curiamque quantum mature poterit et actores sceleris et conspirationis socios edocturum.

A certain one of them, since he desired that a soldier very friendly to him should be a participant in the same conspiracy, set forth to him in series whatever had been done, and negligently omitted the oath about not divulging the counsel—either measuring his good faith by his own, or, as a man less discreet, understanding little the peril of the affair. But even instructing him as to the time prefixed for this and the authors of the matter, and he, scrutinizing everything diligently, at last experienced that what is wont to be said is true: "overabundant caution does no harm." The aforesaid soldier, however, returning thanks to him because he had indicated a matter very useful to him, as if for deliberation on the morrow, a respite having been requested, brought what he had heard to the notice of another friend of his, saying that so horrendous a crime ought not to be concealed by dissembling; that, if it should come to be perpetrated, it would bring perpetual infamy upon Sicily, and not without desert should all Sicilians thereafter be called traitors. But that he would take precautions that this not happen, and that he would inform the court, as speedily as he could, about both the actors of the crime and the associates of the conspiracy.

Ille vero, cum et ipse de coniuratorum esset numero, proditores eos appellans, simulabat super hiis se plurimum indignari, laudansque viri propositum, qui noluisset corum consentire sceleribus, quam primum avelli potuit ab eo, Symonem comitem aliosque confederationis principes adiit, referens quid per sociorum negligentiam accidisset, hortatusque est eos, ut ea nocte sibi consulerent, nam ad aures regis in crastino quidquid egerant perferendum. At illi, rem audientes plenam periculi, cum Matheum Bonellum non pateretur angustia temporis accersiri, statuerunt per se susceptum implere negotium. Premonitus ergo gavarretus, ut quia statutum tempus expectari non poterat, sequenti die, prout ipsi decreverant, incarceratos educeret, spopondit omnia provide se facturum totamque rei difficultatem facile submovendam; eos tantum oportere circiter horam tertiam preparatos affore, ut cum e palatio rex in ampliorem locum exiret, ubi cum archidiacono Cathaniensi singulis diebus solebat de statu regni disserere, sine tumultu, sine clamore, posset ibidem intercipi.

He, however, since he too was of the number of the conspirators, calling them traitors, was feigning to be greatly indignant over these things, and praising the man’s purpose, who had not wished to consent to their crimes; and as soon as he could be torn away from him, he approached Simon the Count and the other princes of the confederation, reporting what had occurred through the negligence of the associates, and he urged them to take counsel for themselves that night, for on the morrow whatever they had done was to be carried to the king’s ears. But they, hearing a matter full of peril, since the straitness of time did not permit Matthew Bonellus to be summoned, resolved to carry through the undertaking by themselves. Therefore Gavarretus, being forewarned that, because the fixed time could not be awaited, on the following day, as they had decreed, he should lead out the imprisoned, promised that he would do everything providently and that the whole difficulty of the affair would be easily removed; only that they ought to be present prepared about the third hour, so that when the king went out from the palace into a more ample place, where with the Archdeacon of Catania he was accustomed each day to discourse concerning the state of the realm, without tumult, without clamor, he might be intercepted there.

Hec igitur tam certe promissionis fiducia labentes eorum animos in spem erexit, quibus inopinata res formidinis et diffidentie non parum attulerat, tum propter absentiam Mathei Bonelli ceterorumque qui cum eo recesserant, tum quoniam id quod cum summa cautela futurum providerant, quasi turbatim raptimque fieri superingruens compellebat necessitas. Sequenti vero die gavarretus, nichilo segnius aut imprudentius quam disposuerat, promissionem suam celeri prosecutus effectu, viros nobiles, quos iam armis premunierat, e carceribus eduxit, sociis eorum prius in palatium introductis. Illi vero Symonem comitem sequentes, qui cum in palatio nutritus fuisset, amfractus viarum cognoverat, ad eum locum ubi rex Henrico Aristippo colloquebatur venerunt.

Therefore this so sure confidence of the promise raised their slipping spirits into hope, for whom the unexpected affair had brought no small measure of fear and diffidence, both on account of the absence of Matthew Bonellus and the others who had withdrawn with him, and because that which they had provided would take place with highest caution, an overbearing necessity was compelling to be done, as if in confusion and in haste. On the following day, however, Gavarretus, by no means more sluggish or imprudent than he had arranged, following up his promise with swift effect, led out from the prisons the noble men, whom he had already pre-armed, their associates having first been introduced into the palace. But they, following Count Simon, who, since he had been nurtured in the palace, had come to know the windings of the ways, came to that place where the king was conversing with Henry Aristippus.

Qui cum primo fratrem suum, fratrisque filium Tancredum ad se veni[entes aspiceret, indignatus] est eis aditum patuisse mirabaturque quid eorum sibi vellet adventus. At, ubi videt cum armis reliquos insequentes, rem ut erat mente concipiens, fuge se territus preparabat; sed universis repente concurrentibus, comprehensus est ab eis cum in angulos et occulta palatii se recipere conaretur. Blandius tamen tyrannidis sue causas ab eo sciscitantes verbisque minus asperis eius arguentes insaniam, spem effugiende mortis ei reliquerant.

Who, when at first he saw his brother and his brother’s son Tancred coming to him, grew indignant that access had been allowed to them and marveled what their arrival might intend for him. But when he sees the rest following with arms, conceiving the matter in his mind as it was, terrified, he prepared himself for flight; yet, as all suddenly ran together, he was seized by them while he was trying to withdraw into the corners and hidden places of the palace. Nevertheless, more blandly inquiring from him the causes of his tyranny and, with less harsh words, arraigning his insanity, they had left to him a hope of escaping death.

Mox autem, cum videret Willelmum comitem Alesinum, virum atrocissimum, Robertumque Bovensem, note nichilominus crudelitatis hominem, strictis ensibus venientes, rogabat eos a quibus captus fuerat, ne eum ab illis interfici paterentur, cum ultro se regno cuperet abdicare. Arbitrabatur enim tam crudeles hostium manus se nullatenus evasumm: eaque non fallax fuisset opinio, nisi quod Richardus de Mandra quorumdam in eum irruentium impetus propulsavit vetuitque regem occidi. Huic igitur omnium communi providentia custodibus assignatis, deinceps ad interiora palatii progressi, foribus proturbatis, ceperunt singula loca disquirere, rapere, predari quod cuique potissimum videbatur; alii gemmas anulosque, quia [parvo loco concludi] potera[nt], alii purpuras vestesque regias avidius appetebant; quidam aurea argenteaque vasa tarenis implentes porrigebant amicis, domum interim deferenda; nonnulli quoque, per fenestras palatii in plebem que foris stabat, tarenos habundantissime dispergebant; nec deerant qui puellarum pulcritudinem crederent lucris omnibus preferendam.

Soon, however, when he saw William, Count Alesinus, a most atrocious man, and Robert of Bovino, a man no less of notorious cruelty, coming with drawn swords, he begged those by whom he had been captured not to allow him to be slain by them, since of his own accord he desired to abdicate the kingdom. For he supposed that he would by no means escape such cruel hands of the enemies; and that opinion would not have been fallacious, except that Richard de Mandra repulsed the onsets of certain men rushing upon him and forbade the king to be killed. To him therefore, guards having been assigned by the common providence of all, thereafter, having advanced to the inner parts of the palace, the doors thrust aside, they began to search each place, to seize, to plunder what seemed most preferable to each; some desired gems and rings, because they could [be enclosed in a small place], oth[ers] more avidly were seeking purples and royal garments; certain men, filling gold and silver vessels with tareni, were handing them to friends, to be meanwhile carried home; some also, through the windows of the palace, into the plebs who stood outside, were dispersing tareni most abundantly; nor were lacking those who believed the beauty of girls to be preferred to all profits.

Sic homines etate, moribus genereque diversi, variis nichilominus dissonisque rerum studiis agebantur. Eunuchorum vero quotquot inveniri potuerunt nullus evasit, plures autem eorum in initio rei ad amicorum domos confugerant, quorum plerosque repertos in via, milites occiderunt qui de castello maris exierant, aliique qui iam ceperant per civitatem discurrere. Multi quoque Sarracenorum, qui vel in apothecis suis mercibus vendendis preerant, vel in duanis fiscales redditus colligebant, vel extra domos suas improvidi vagabantur, ab eisdem sunt militibus interfecti.

Thus men, diverse in age, morals, and lineage, were nonetheless driven by varied and dissonant pursuits of affairs. As for the eunuchs, however, as many as could be found, not one escaped; moreover, many of them at the beginning of the affair had fled to their friends’ houses, most of whom, found on the road, were killed by the soldiers who had come out from the sea-castle, and by others who had already begun to run through the city. Many also of the Saracens—who either were in their shops presiding over the selling of their wares, or were collecting fiscal revenues in the customs-houses, or were wandering heedlessly outside their homes—were slain by these same soldiers.

Postea vero Sarraceni, perturbatione cognita, viribus se quidem ad resistendum impares arbitrati, cum eos precedenti anno admiratus omnia arma sua curie reddere coegisset, relictis domibus quas plerique eorum in civitate media possidebant, in eam partem que trans Papiretum est secesserunt, ubi Christianis in eos impetum facientibus, aliquam diu frustra conflictum est. Nam illi ad introitus et angustias viarum nostris tutius resistebant.

Afterwards, however, the Saracens, once the perturbation was known, judging themselves indeed unequal in forces for resisting—since in the preceding year the Admiral had compelled them to return all their arms to the curia—abandoning the houses which most of them possessed in the middle of the city, withdrew into that part which is across the Papiretus, where, as the Christians made an assault upon them, for some time the conflict was to no effect. For at the entrances and the narrow straits of the streets they more safely withstood our men.

XV. De Rogerio filio regis.

15. On Roger, the king's son.

His ita gestis, comites eorumque complices Rogerium ducem maiorem regis filium educentes de palatio, per totam urbem equitare fecerunt, ostendentes eum omnibus, plebique dicentes, ne quemque alium deinceps regem aut dominum appellarent, hunc eorum esse dominum, hunc avi sui Rogerii regis auspicio regnaturum, hunc totius populi communi consilio coronandum, nichilque aliud expectari quam Mathei Bonelli presentiam, quem ea ipsa die vel in crastino non dubium erat venturum. Gualterius quoque Cephaludensis archidiaconus, preceptor pueri, convocata virorum multitudine, regis tyrannidem publice predicabat et iusiurandum exigebat ab omnibus quod Symonis principis, sic enim eum vocabat, parerent imperio; multique monitis eius persuasi iurabant, alii vero minus fideliter dicebant eum agere; nam si sacramentum ea tempestate cuipiam esset prestandum, duci potius oportere iurari, quem regem futurum esse sperabant. Sic illis ad libitum cuncta disponentibus, nemo iam erat qui vel auderet vel vellet eis resistere.

With these things thus done, the counts and their accomplices, leading out from the palace Roger the duke, the elder son of the king, caused him to ride through the whole city, showing him to all, and saying to the plebs that henceforth they should call no one else king or lord, that this man was their lord, that under the auspice of his grandsire King Roger he would reign, that by the common counsel of the whole people he was to be crowned, and that nothing else was awaited but the presence of Matthew Bonellus, whom it was not in doubt would come on that very day or on the morrow. Gualterius also, the archdeacon of Cefalù, the boy’s preceptor, having summoned a multitude of men, publicly was proclaiming the king’s tyranny and was exacting an oath from all that they would obey the authority of Prince Simon—for thus he called him; and many, persuaded by his admonitions, were swearing, but others with less fidelity were saying that he acted amiss; for if an oath at that time were to be rendered to anyone, it ought rather to be sworn to the duke, whom they hoped would be king. Thus, as they were disposing all things at their pleasure, there was now no one who either dared or wished to resist them.

nam et ipsi episcopi vel eorum facta publice laudabant, vel dissimulantes silentio confirmabant.

for even the bishops themselves either publicly lauded their acts, or, by dissimulating, confirmed them by silence.

XVI. De liberatione regis.

16. On the liberation of the king.

Plebs autem cum id Mathei Bonelli consilio gestum audisset, eius prestolabatur adventum. Cum ergo iam in diem tertium sustinentes, eum neque venisse cognoscerent, neque venturum quibuslibet indiciis persentirent, ceperunt invicem murmurare, dicentes indignum esse satisque miserabile regem a paucis predonibus turpiter captum in carcere detineri, neque populum id pati debere diutius, cum thesauros etiam ad regni defensionem multis laboribus optimique regis industria conquisitos asportari videant et penitus exhauriri. Quod ubi a paucorum, ut accidit, confabulatione profectum in vulgi multitudinem emanavit, repente quasi divino commoverentur oraculo, aut ardentissimi ducis impetum sequerentur, omnes ad arma concurrunt, palatium obsident regemque sibi reddi depostulant, interminantes, si diutius eum tenuerint, se quidem scalas aliasque ad expugnandum palatium machinas illaturos ac de ipsis non secus [ac de proditoribus sumptu]ros supplicium.

However the plebs, when it had heard that this had been done by the counsel of Matthew Bonellus, were awaiting his arrival. Therefore, when now into the third day, as they held out, they perceived that he had neither come, nor by any indications whatsoever did they sense that he would come, they began to murmur among themselves, saying that it was unworthy and quite pitiable that the king, shamefully seized by a few brigands, was being kept in prison, nor ought the people to endure this longer, since they see even the treasuries, gathered with many labors and by the industry of an excellent king for the defense of the realm, being carried off and utterly drained. When that, having arisen from the confabulation of a few, as happens, flowed out into the multitude of the crowd, suddenly as if they were stirred by a divine oracle, or were following the onrush of a most ardent leader, all run together to arms, besiege the palace and demand that the king be given back to them, threatening that, if they should hold him any longer, they indeed would bring ladders and other engines to storm the palace, and to exact punishment of them no differently [than of traitors].

At illi tam subita mutatione rerum attoniti, primo tamen instantes acerrime per muros distributi depellunt, neque propius accedere patiuntur, missis eos desuper molibus proturbantes. Verum et pauci admodum erant, ambitusque castelli diffusior ad defensionem sui multo maiorem virorum copiam exposcebat. Hoc igitur previdentes, temptabant populi furentis iram et impetum mitigare, rogantes eos ut interim ab armis discederent et Matheum Bonellum ceterosque proceres, quorum id consilio gestum fuerat, expectarent.

But they, thunderstruck by so sudden a change of affairs, at first, however, distributed along the walls, drive off those pressing most fiercely, nor do they allow them to approach nearer, driving them back by sending heavy masses upon them from above. But they were very few indeed, and the more extensive circuit of the castle demanded for its defense a much greater supply of men. Therefore, foreseeing this, they tried to mitigate the wrath and impetus of the raging people, begging them in the meantime to withdraw from arms and to await Matthew Bonellus and the other magnates, by whose counsel that had been done.

Sed eorum semel excitata rabies facile sedari non poterat, eoque magis instabant, acrius comminantes, nisi regem eis ostenderent. Illi vero, tametsi viderent ad defension em palatii se nequaquam posse sufficere, rem tamen ex industria protrahere conabantur, sperantes Matheum Bonellum interim adfuturum. Hoc autem ut opinati fuerant minime procedente, tandem ad ultimum desperationis adducti, populo spondent eorum se voluntati satisfacturos, regemque adeunt et cum eo paciscuntur ut salvos eos et incolumes abire permittat; dehinc ad Ioharie fenestras eum perducunt.

But their rage, once aroused, could not easily be calmed, and for that reason they pressed the more, threatening more sharply unless they should show them the king. They, however, although they saw that for the defense of the palace they could by no means suffice, nevertheless tried deliberately to prolong the affair, hoping that Matthew Bonellus would meanwhile be present. But as this turned out in no way as they had supposed, at length brought to the ultimate point of desperation, they pledge to the people that they will satisfy their will; and they approach the king and make a pact with him that he allow them to depart safe and unharmed; then they lead him to the windows of Ioharie.

Tunc vero, viso rege, totius multitudinis clamor et tumultus ingens exoritur; portas ocius postulant aperiri censentque non oportere proditores evadere. Rex autem, manu silentium indicens, iubet eos quiescere, satis inquiens ad promerendum fidelitatis titulum sufficere quod eorum sit opera liberatus; deinceps arma deponant eosque libere sinant egredi, quibus ipse quo maluerint eundi concesserit libertatem; alioquin eos posse gratiam suam, quam integre promeruerant, iterum demereri. Sic igitur, tumultu plebis utcumque sedato, reseratis foribus exeuntes, Cacabum transfugerunt.

Then indeed, on seeing the king, a shout and enormous tumult of the whole multitude arises; they demand that the gates be opened with all speed and judge that traitors ought not to escape. But the king, indicating silence with his hand, orders them to be quiet, saying that it suffices to merit the title of fidelity that he has been freed by their efforts; thereafter let them lay down their arms and allow them to go out freely, to whom he himself has granted the liberty of going wherever they prefer; otherwise they can again forfeit his grace, which they had fully merited. Thus then, the tumult of the plebs being somehow calmed, the doors unbarred, going out, they deserted to Cacabus.

Hec autem licet subita repentinaque rerum varietas rnagnam tamen malorum seriem intra brevissimi temporis angustias coartavit, totique regno non parum attulit detrimenti. Non solum enim plurime nobilitatis amissione debilitatum est, et exhausta thesaurorum parte non minima pauperatum, sed et aliam irreparabilem quidem in multa tempora iacturam sustinuit, interfecto Rogerio duce, cuius supra meminimus, qui tam avi quam patrui moribus ultra quam id etatis exigeret iam evidentissime ceperat insigniri, et alterius quidem prudentiam, alterius vero benignitatem cum utriusque nomine preferebat. expediret quidem Sicilie perpetuo regem carcere detineri, vel certe capitalem subisse sententiam, ne tam felicis indolis auspicio privaretur.

This, however, although a sudden and very sudden variety of affairs, nevertheless compressed a great series of evils within the straits of a very brief time, and brought no small detriment to the whole kingdom. For not only was it weakened by the loss of very many of the nobility, and impoverished by the exhausting of no small part of the treasuries, but it also sustained another loss, indeed irreparable for many times to come, with Duke Roger slain, of whom we made mention above, who had already most evidently begun to be distinguished by the manners both of his grandfather and his paternal uncle, beyond what that age would have required, and he was putting forward the prudence of the one and the benignity of the other together with the name of both. it would indeed have been expedient that the king of Sicily be held in perpetual prison, or at least undergo a capital sentence, lest it be deprived of the auspice of so happy a natural disposition.

XVII. De Willelmo filio regis.

17. On William, the king’s son.

Verum hec insula, ne tyrannis quandoque careat, eam sibi circa regum filios consuetudinem vindicavit, ut morti meliores primum obiciat, eos sibi reges constituens per quos in ea perpetue possit tyrampnidis privilegium conservari. Sic olim Rogerium ducem Apulie, unice benignitatis ac dulcedinis virum, prematura morte sustulit ut Willelmo regnandi non deesset occasio, qui quantum eius frater prudentiam et mansuetudinem avide fuerat amplexatus, tantum crudelitati studuit et ineptie deservire. Sic et nunc, Rogerio duce sublato, Willelmum distulit ut regnaret; quos eorum secuturos vestigia, quorum nomina sortiti fuerant, nemo qui utrumque noverit, ignorabit.

But this island, lest at some time it lack tyrants, has claimed for itself this custom concerning kings’ sons: to expose the better first to death, appointing for itself as kings those by whom in it the privilege of tyranny might be able to be preserved perpetually. Thus once it removed Roger, duke of Apulia, a man of unique benignity and sweetness, by a premature death, so that an occasion of reigning might not be lacking to William, who, in proportion as his brother had eagerly embraced prudence and mansuetude, so much did he strive after cruelty and served ineptitude. Thus also now, with Duke Roger removed, it has held William in reserve for reigning; that they would follow the footsteps of those whose names they had drawn, no one who has known them both will be ignorant.

XVIII. De mestitia regis.

18. On the sadness of the king.

Hic autem puer, dum eos qui palatium obsidebant per fenestram minus caute prospiceret, sagitta percussus est, nec eius rei satis certum auctorem fama produxit. Communis tamen omnium opinio tanti sceleris culpam in Darium hostiarium refundebat. Alii vero, qui secreta palatii fatebantur se plenius agnoscere, negabant eius efficacie fuisse vulnus acceptum ut mortem inferre sufficeret, ipsique regi putabant eius atrocitatem criminis imputandam.

This boy, however, while less cautiously peering through the window at those who were besieging the palace, was struck by an arrow, nor did report bring forward a sufficiently certain author of the deed. The common opinion of all nevertheless was casting the blame for so great a crime upon Darius the ostiary (doorkeeper). But others, who avowed that they recognized more fully the secrets of the palace, denied that the wound received had been of such efficacy as to suffice to bring death, and they thought the atrocity of the crime ought to be imputed to the king himself.

Cum enim, ut aiebant, liberato patri puer applaudens accurreret, pater indignatus quod illum quasi sibi prelatum hostes sui regem appellaverant, repulit eum a se et calce percussum, quanto potuit impetu proturbavit. Unde vix ille digressus, ad reginam que passus fuerat pertulit, nec multum postea supervixit. Rex itaque tam acceptis incommodis, quam rei pudore vehementissime perturbatus, abiecta veste regia, sueque dignitatis immemor, humi sedebat flens inconsolabiliter, et in stuporem ex dolore conversus, eatenus malis que sibi acciderant memoriam hebetemque merore mentem infixerat, ut neque sui curam gereret, neque quid sibi capiendum esset consilii, cum eius hostes undique secus imminerent, ad animum revocaret.

For when, as they said, the boy, applauding, ran up to his father who had been liberated, the father, indignant that his enemies had called him king as if set above himself, pushed him away from him and, striking him with a kick, drove him off with all the force he could. Whence, scarcely having withdrawn, he reported to the queen what he had suffered, and he did not long survive thereafter. The king therefore, most vehemently disturbed both by the incommodities thus received and by the shame of the matter, with his regal vesture cast aside and forgetful of his own dignity, sat on the ground weeping inconsolably; and, turned into stupor by pain, he had so fixed within himself the memory of the evils that had happened to him and a mind dulled by sorrow, that he neither took care for himself nor recalled to mind what counsel ought to be taken by him, when his enemies were imminent on every side hard by.

Apertis etiam et inobservatis palacii foribus, omnes ad se venientes benigne ac familiariter admictebat, suum illis dolorem et luctus causam insinuans, ut a multis etiam qui prius eum oderant lacrimas extorqueret.

With the palace doors even opened and unobserved, he admitted all who came to him kindly and familiarly, insinuating to them his grief and the cause of his mourning, so that he even extorted tears from many who previously had hated him.

XVIIII. Allocutio regis ad populum.

19. Address of the king to the people.

Tandem vero, monitus et rogatus ab episcopis aliisque qui ad consolandum eum venerant, des[cendit in aulam que pa]latio coniuncta erat, [iussit]que populum convocari, eo quod amplitudo loci capiende multitudini vulgi sufficeret. Ac primum fidem illorum commendans gratesque referens quod eum de proditorum manibus abstraxissent, dehinc exhortatus est ut in ea qua ceperant fidelitate permanerent, si quid adversus eum deinceps hostes suos moliri contingeret, non satis certum inquiens quo se contulissent, aut quos haberent in Sicilia fautores quorum freti consilio tantum facinus perpetrassent. Adiecit etiam id sibi, meritis suis exigentibus, ob multa mala que fecerat accidisse, et hoc se quidem cognoscere, hoc fateri; deincepsque sic acturum ut inflictum sibi divinitus correctionis flagellum nequaquam obstinato videatur animo percepisse.

At length indeed, warned and entreated by the bishops and by others who had come to console him, he des[cended into the hall which was] conjoined to the palace, and [he ordered] the people to be convoked, on the ground that the amplitude of the place would suffice for receiving the multitude of the common crowd. And first, commending their faith and returning thanks because they had drawn him away from the hands of the traitors, then he exhorted them to remain in that fidelity with which they had begun, if thereafter it should befall that his enemies contrive anything against him, saying that it was not sufficiently certain where they had betaken themselves, or whom they had in Sicily as favorers, relying on whose counsel they had perpetrated so great a crime. He added also that this had happened to him, his merits demanding it, on account of the many evils that he had done, and that this he indeed recognized, this he confessed; and that henceforth he would so act that the scourge of correction divinely inflicted upon him might by no means seem to have been received with an obstinate spirit.

Si quid a subiectis sibi populis quod iuste dari debeat postuletur, non difficile concessurum, consuetudines etiam suis introductas temporibus, que vel iustam populi libertatem minuere, vel eos iniquis gravare videantur oneribus, placere sibi penitus antiquari. De cetero enim malle se diligi quam timeri. Hec et his similia que rex non sine lacrimis demissius loquebatur, electus Siracusanus, vir licteratissimus et eloquens, ad populum referebat.

If anything should be requested from the peoples subject to him which ought justly to be given, he would not with difficulty grant it; and as for the usages even introduced in his own times, which seem either to lessen the just liberty of the people or to burden them with inequitable loads, it pleases him that they be utterly antiquated. For the rest, he prefers to be loved rather than feared. These things and the like, which the king spoke more humbly not without tears, the Syracusan Elect, a most lettered and eloquent man, reported to the people.

[Ut autem illorum sibi plenius conciliaret gratiam, portarum eis] immunita[tem concessit, ut] omnes cives panormitani victualia sua, vel empta vel ex agris et vineis suis collecta, libere possent inferre, nichilque ab ipsis eo nomine quis exigeret. Quod plebi gratissimum fuit, rem se nunc adeptos esse, quam diu desideratam numquam potuerant impetrare.

[And that he might more fully conciliate their favor to himself, he] granted them immuni[ty at the gates, so that] all the citizens of Palermo could freely bring in their victuals, whether bought or gathered from their own fields and vineyards, and that no one should exact anything from them under that name. Which was most pleasing to the common people; they said that they had now obtained a thing which, long desired, they had never been able to procure.

XX. Restitutio Mathei Bonelli in gratiam regis.

20. Restoration of Matthew Bonellus into the king's favor.

Interea Panormi nunciatum est Symonem quem principem appellabant, Tancredum ducis filium, Willelmum Alesinum, Alexandrum Conversanensem, Rogerium Sclavum filium comitis Symonis spurium aliosque quotquot in captione regis consenserant, cum Matheo Bonello Cacabi esse plurimamque militum multitudinem illis adiunctam. Placuit igitur ad ipsum Matheum mitti legatos, ut sciscitentur ab eo quid erga regem gerat animi, quid hec sibi velit militum adunatio, quidve se facturum proponat, dicantque non oportuisse illum proditorum consiliis immisceri, vel eos, post audita que perpetraverant scelera, recepisse. Hac autem legatione fungentibus ille respondit: numquam eorum se quos proditores appellent sceleribus consensisse, nec eorum scisse aut approbasse consilium, sed tyrampnicum et crudele fuisse tot viros nobiles ad se confulgientes non recipere, capitalibus periculis exponendos.

Meanwhile at Palermo it was announced that Symon, whom they called the prince, Tancred the duke’s son, William Alesinus, Alexander of Conversano, Roger the Slav, the spurious (illegitimate) son of Count Simon, and others, all who had consented in the seizure of the king, were with Matthew Bonellus of Cacabus, and that a very great multitude of soldiers had been joined to them. It pleased them, therefore, to send legates to Matthew himself, to inquire of him what disposition he bears toward the king, what this adunation of soldiers means for him, and what he proposes to do; and to say that it had not been fitting for him to intermix himself in the counsels of traitors, nor, after the hearing of the crimes which they had perpetrated, to have received them. But to those discharging this embassy he replied that he had never consented to the crimes of those whom they call traitors, nor known or approved their plan, but that it would have been tyrannical and cruel not to receive so many noble men flocking to him, to be exposed to capital dangers.

Enimvero regem, si sua diligenter facta discutiat, magis debuisse mirari quod regni proceres velud in servitutem se redigi tam diu sustinuerint, quam quod adversus eum, multis iniuriis provocati, vix tandem impatientia doloris exarserint. Ut enim cetera que perpessi fuerant omittantur, miserrimum esse vel apud servilis conditionis homines filias suas innuptas domi toto vite tempore permanere. Nec enim inter eos, absque permissione curie, matrimonia posse contrahi adeoque difficile permissionem hanc hactenus impetratam, ut alias quidem tunc demum liceret nuptui dari, cum iam omnem spem sobolis senectus ingruens sustulisset, alias vero perpetua virginitate dampnatas sine spe coniugii decessisse.

Indeed, if the king should diligently examine his own deeds, he ought rather to have marveled that the magnates of the realm endured so long being, as it were, reduced into servitude, than that, provoked by many injuries against him, they only at length blazed forth through the impatience of grief. For, to omit the other things which they had suffered, it is most wretched that even among men of servile condition their daughters remain unmarried at home for the whole time of life. For among them, without the permission of the curia, matrimony cannot be contracted; and so difficult has this permission hitherto been obtained, that some indeed were then only permitted to be given in marriage when encroaching old age had already taken away all hope of offspring, while others, condemned to perpetual virginity, departed without hope of conjugal union.

Nunc autem totius regni viros nobiles, seque cum illis, hoc regem postulare, hoc requirere, ut hiis aliisque pernitiosis legibus antiquatis, eas restituat consuetudines, quas avus eius Rogerius comes a Roberto Guischardo prius introductas observaverit et observari preceperit. Alioquin si contra antecessorum statuta niti voluerit, hoc eos minime diutius perpessuros. Hec ad regem legatis deferentibus, respondit: malle se regno privari, vel morti, si necesse sit, audacter occurrere, quam ab eo metu vel minis indignum se pactum eliciant.

Now, however, that the noble men of the whole kingdom, and himself with them, request this of the king, demand this: that, these and other pernicious laws having been abrogated, he restore those customs which his grandfather Count Roger, previously introduced by Robert Guiscard, had observed and had ordered to be observed. Otherwise, if he should wish to strive against the statutes of his predecessors, they will by no means endure this any longer. When the envoys bore these things to the king, he replied: that he would prefer to be deprived of the kingdom, or to meet death boldly, if it be necessary, rather than that by fear or threats they should extract from him a pact unworthy of himself.

Quod si depositis armis dimissisque proditoribus ad se pacifice venientes aliquid postularint, facilius eos quod petierint adepturos. Quod ubi Cacabi relatum est, displicuit universis qui aderant, et Mathei culpantes ignaviam, persuaserunt ei ut ad obsidendam urbem accederet. Quorum ille consiliis adquiescens, Panormum profectus est, tribusque fere milibus procul ab urbe cum militibus suis consedit.

But if, with arms laid down and the traitors dismissed, those coming to him peacefully should request anything, they would more easily obtain what they had sought. When this was reported at Cacabi, it displeased all who were present, and, blaming the cowardice of Matheus, they persuaded him to proceed to besiege the city. He, acquiescing in their counsels, set out for Panormus, and with his soldiers encamped about three miles from the city.

Rex autem interim Messanam mittit nuncios ad stratigotum populumque civitatis, ut quotcumque galeas possent viris armisque diligenter instructas, sine dilatione sibi transmicterent. At vero Panormi militum adventu precognito, videre erat desolate miserateque faciem civitatis; cives trepidos, paventes, attonitos omnemque fame strepitum arrectis auribus haurientes, et auditis animum conformantes rumoribus; alii Matheo Bonello, quum primum veniret, sese dedere cogitabant; alii, quia socios eius offenderant, timebant se suaque predam fore militibus; nemo civium spem in armis po[suerat; nemo de civitatis] defe[nsione sollicitus er]at. Hiis accedebat [quod annone] deficientis inopia future famis intolerantiam minabatur, nec enim iam frumentum eo poterat de locis finitimis comportari, cum ex omni parte viarum transitus milites custodirent. Igitur in urbe perturbata erant confusaque omnia, et siquidem Matheus Bonellus, inoffenso pergens itinere, propius accessisset, poterat utique, nemine prohibente, civitatem ingressus occupasse palatium, ipsumque regem in vincula coniecisse.

Meanwhile the king sends envoys to Messina to the stratigotus and the people of the city, that as many galleys as they could, carefully equipped with men and arms, they should transmit to him without delay. But indeed at Palermo, the arrival of the soldiers being foreknown, one could see the desolate and pitiable face of the city: citizens trembling, fearful, thunderstruck, and with ears pricked drinking in every clamor of rumor, and, on what they heard, shaping their spirit; some were thinking, as soon as Matthew Bonellus should first come, to surrender themselves; others, because they had offended his associates, were afraid that they and their possessions would be booty for the soldiers; no citizen had placed hope in arms po[suerat; nemo de civitatis] defe[nsione sollicitus er]at. To these there was added [that the grain-supply] being deficient, scarcity was threatening the intolerability of future famine, for now grain could no longer be brought there from neighboring places, since soldiers were guarding the passage on every side of the roads. Therefore in the city everything was disturbed and confused, and indeed if Matthew Bonellus, proceeding on an unoffended road, had come nearer, he could certainly, with no one hindering, having entered the city, have occupied the palace, and have cast the king himself into chains.

Sed alio fretus consilio, Cacabum rursus iter instituit. Inter hec autem subitus Messanensium galearum adventus, civium metu sublato, regi quoque spem restituit, sed et multi milites ex interioribus Sicilie partibus ad auxilium regis confluxerant, quantum illi roboris accrescebat, tantum adverse parti diffidentie ac formidinis accedebat. Statuit ergo, resumpto spiritu, cum fortuna respirante progredi, et humilitate legationis abiecta, regiam in verbis pretendere dignitatem, cum nichil illi facilius esset quam ab humilitate ad superbiam transvolare.

But relying on another counsel, he set out again on the road to Cacabus. Meanwhile, however, the sudden arrival of the Messanans’ galleys, with the citizens’ fear removed, restored hope to the king as well; and many soldiers from the inner parts of Sicily had flocked together to the king’s aid—by as much as strength accrued to him, by so much did distrust and dread accrue to the adverse party. He therefore determined, spirit resumed, to advance with fortune breathing again, and, the humility of a legation cast aside, to put forward royal dignity in his words, since nothing was easier for him than to fly from humility to arrogance.

Rursus itaque ad Matheum Bonellum legatum misit Robertum de Sancto Iohanne Panormitanum canonicum, preclari nominis et exami[nate fidei virum, quem nulla coniuratorum unquam societas], nulla [persecutio]nis procella, cum totum sepe regnum concuteret, ab eo cui semper inheserat proposito fidelitatis avulsit. Nunquam eum blanda fortuna sic extulit, ut innate benignitati superbie quicquam aut tyrannidis admisceret; nunquam sic adversa deiecit, ut fidem suam vellet potentium virorum gratia vel cuiuslibet dignitatis pretio nundinari. Hinc eum archiepiscopus latenti semper odio prosecutus, parum perfecit, cum multas adversus eum consiliorum machinas erexisset.

Therefore again he sent as envoy to Matthew Bonellus Robert of Saint John, a Palermitan canon, a man of illustrious name and of tested faith, whom no fellowship of conspirators ever, no storm of persecution, when it often shook the whole kingdom, tore away from the purpose of loyalty to which he had always adhered. Never did smiling fortune so exalt him that he would admix anything of pride or tyranny to his inborn benignity; never did adverse fortune so cast him down that he would wish to peddle his faith for the favor of powerful men or for the price of any dignity whatsoever. Hence the archbishop, always pursuing him with a latent hatred, accomplished little, though he had set up many machinations of counsels against him.

Hinc admiratus ei, cum aperte non posset, occulte parans insidias, obfuit quidem, sed nec omnino quod optabat effecit. Cum enim rex, a nemine rogatus vel monitus, in id incidisset voluntatis ut predicto Roberto cancellariatum dare decerneret, idque Maio cognovisset ipsius regis indicio, laudavit eius super hoc voluntatem, dicens: hoc equitati congruere et regnantis esse maiestate dignum propositum, ut qui fideliter ei diuque servierint, tandem regie liberalitatis in beneficio non fraudentur; verum quia legatos Venetiam curi a mictendos esse providerit, et ad hoc ipsius Roberti fidem et industriam constet esse perutilem, expedire ut hanc prius legationem perficiat, quatinus et regi promotionis eius uberior causa suppetat, et ille, peracta legatione, diuturni fructum servitii post laborem gratius amplectatur. Quod ubi regi persuasum est, illico Maio scripsit Petro de Castro Novo, qui tunc in Apulia capitaneus erat, uti Roberto de Sancto Iohanne in Venetiam transituro navem fragilem et vetustate dissolutam nautasque maris inscios, inertes et improvidos assignaret, ut et putrida navis ad quoslibet undarum insultus fatiscens, non sufficeret sinum Adriaticum transmetiri, nec ille nautarum peritia posset incolumis conservari.

Hence the Admiral, since he could not do so openly, secretly laying ambushes, did indeed hinder him, but neither did he wholly accomplish what he desired. For when the king, asked or admonished by no one, had fallen into such a disposition of will as to decide to give the chancellorship to the aforesaid Robert, and Maio had learned this by the indication of the king himself, he praised his will herein, saying: that this accords with equity and is a plan worthy of the majesty of one reigning, that those who have served him faithfully and long should at length not be defrauded of the benefice of royal liberality; but since he had provided that legates of the court were to be sent to Venice, and that for this the fidelity and industry of Robert himself are known to be most useful, it is expedient that he first accomplish this legation, so that both for the king a more abundant ground of his promotion may be at hand, and he, the legation completed, may more gratefully embrace the fruit of long service after his labor. When this had been persuaded to the king, forthwith Maio wrote to Peter of Castro Novo, who then was captain in Apulia, to assign to Robert of Saint John, about to cross to Venice, a fragile ship, loosened by age, and sailors unskilled in the sea, sluggish and improvident, so that both the rotten ship, giving way at any assaults of the waves, should not suffice to cross the Adriatic gulf, and he could not be preserved unharmed by the sailors’ skill.

Qui, traiecto Faro, cum in Apuliam pervenisset, Tranensis archiepiscopus ei non solum hoc verbis exposuit, sed et ipsius ostendit literas admirati. At ille prudenti consilio, non veritus salutem suam auro redimere, propriis sumptibus navem nautasque conduxit, et licet multis fatigatus periculis, insidias tamen Maionis evasit. Hic igitur Cacabum profectus, post multas variasque disceptationes et controversias, eo fine conclusit negotium, ut rex omnibus hiis qui ad Matheum Bonellum confugerant galeis que sufficerent assignatis, extra regni fines eos faceret salvos et indempnes perduci; ipsum vero Matheum, omni questione remissa, tanquam fidelem suum benigne susciperet, suam ei gratiam plene restituens.

Who, the Faro having been crossed, when he had come into Apulia, the archbishop of Trani not only set this forth to him in words, but also showed him the letters of the admiral. But he, with prudent counsel, not fearing to redeem his safety with gold, at his own expense hired a ship and sailors, and although wearied by many perils, nevertheless he escaped Maio’s ambushes. Therefore, having set out to Cacabum, after many and various disputations and controversies, he brought the business to this end: that the king, with galleys assigned sufficient for all those who had fled to Matthew Bonellus, should have them conducted beyond the borders of the kingdom safe and unharmed; but Matthew himself, all question remitted, he should kindly receive as his faithful man, fully restoring to him his favor.

Quod postquam ex parte regia sacramentis prestitis roboratum est, Matheus cum ingenti plebis alacritate Panormum veniens, tranquillitatem urbi restituit. Alii fere omnes ad galeas perducti, regni terminos exierunt.

After this had been ratified on the royal side by oaths (sacraments) having been given, Matthew, coming to Panormus (Palermo) with the great alacrity of the common people, restored tranquillity to the city. The others, almost all, having been led to the galleys, went out beyond the borders of the kingdom.

XXI. De captione Mathei Bonelli et de Rogerio Sclavo.

21. On the capture of Matthew Bonellus and of Roger the Slav.

Pepercit autem rex consanguineo suo Rogerio comiti Avellini quod in aliis crimen atrocissimum iudicabat, in eo putans ob etatis lubricum errorem debere non facinus appellari, simulque prece motus et lacrimis Adelicie consobrine sue, eiusdem comitis avie, que cum alium heredem superstitem non haberet, nepotem suum tenerrime diligebat; Richardum quoque de Mandra, tanquam de se benemeritum, Panormi retinens, militibus suis comestabulum eum prefecit. Erant eo tempore familiares regis, per quos negotia curie disponebat, Richardus Siracusanus electus, Silvester comes Marsicensis et Henricus Aristippus, quem tamen rex habens suspectum, latens adhuc odium dissimulabat, credens eum coniurationis in se facte fuisse participem. Sed et idem, capto rege, quasdam palacii puellas in domo sua per aliquot dies tenuerat, quod maxime regis adversus eum indignationem commoverat.

However, the king spared his kinsman Roger, count of Avellino, that which in others he judged an atrocious crime, thinking that in his case, on account of the slippery inconstancy of age, the error ought not to be called a crime, and at the same time, moved by the prayer and tears of Adelicia, his cousin, the grandmother of that same count, who, since she had no other surviving heir, loved her grandson most tenderly; he also, retaining Richard of Mandra at Palermo as well-deserving of himself, appointed him constable over his soldiers. At that time the king’s familiars, through whom he arranged the business of the curia, were Richard of Syracuse, the elect, Sylvester, count of Marsi, and Henry Aristippus; but the king, holding the latter suspect, dissimulated his as-yet latent hatred, believing him to have been a participant in the conspiracy made against himself. But this same man also, when the king had been captured, had kept certain girls of the palace in his house for several days, which had especially aroused the king’s indignation against him.

Cum autem eis terrarum feudorumque distinctiones, ususque et instituta curie prorsus essent incognita, neque libri consuetudinum, quos defetarios appellant, potuissent post captum palatium inveniri, placuit regi, visumque est ne cessarium, ut Matheum notarium eductum de carcere in pristinum officium revocaret; qui cum in curia diutissime notarius extitisset, Maionisque semper adhesisset lateri, consuetudinum totius regni plenam sibi vindicabat peritiam, ut ad componendum novos defetarios, eadem prioribus continentes, putaretur sufficere. Dum hec ita Panormi geruntur, Rogerius Sclavus cum Tancredo, ducis filio, paucisque aliis, qui prius a Matheo Bonello discesserant, cum viderent eum ad iniqui pactiones federis inclinari, Buteriam, Placiam ceteraque Lombardorum oppida, que pater eius tenuerat, occupavit, et a Lombardis gratanter avideque susceptus, cum se promicterent per quantalibet eum pericula secuturos, multique etiam ad ipsum milites confluxissent, in Sarracenos prima iussit armorum auspicia prelibari; Lombardi vero nichil unquam libentius audituri, iussionis eius non tardi sunt executores effecti, et in loca finitima repentinos impetus iacientes, tam eos qui per diversa oppida Christianis erant permixti, quam eos qui separatim habitantes villas proprias possidebant, nullo sexus aut etatis habito discrimine, perimebant. Eius tunc gentis haud facile numerabilis cecidit multitudo, paucique qui, vel fuga furtim elapsi, vel Christianorum assumentes habitum, propitiam sensere fortunam, in australem Sicilie partem, ad tutiora Sarracenorum oppida confugerunt, et usque nunc adeo Lombardorum gentem exhorrent, ut non solum eam partem Sicilie deinceps habitare noluerint, verum etiam accessum eius omnino devitent.

Since to them the distinctions of lands and of fiefs, and the usages and institutes of the court were utterly unknown, and the books of customs, which they call defetaries, could not be found after the palace was seized, it pleased the king, and seemed not unnecessary, to bring Matthew the notary out of prison and recall him to his former office; who, since he had been a notary in the curia for a very long time and had always stuck to Maio’s side, claimed for himself full expertise of the customs of the whole kingdom, so that he was thought sufficient to compose new defetaries containing the same as the former. While these things were being transacted at Palermo, Roger the Slav, with Tancred, the duke’s son, and a few others who had previously departed from Matthew Bonellus, when they saw him incline to the terms of an unjust compact, seized Butera, Piazza, and the other towns of the Lombards which his father had held; and, welcomed by the Lombards gladly and eagerly, since they promised to follow him through whatever perils, and many soldiers likewise had flocked to him, he ordered that the first auspices of arms be tasted against the Saracens. The Lombards, indeed, who would never have heard anything more to their liking, were not slow executors of his command, and, launching sudden assaults into the neighboring places, they slaughtered both those who, through diverse towns, were mingled with Christians and those who, dwelling apart, possessed their own villages, with no distinction of sex or age observed. Of that people a multitude fell not easy to number, and the few who either slipped away by stealth in flight or, assuming the habit of Christians, felt favorable fortune, fled into the southern part of Sicily, to the safer towns of the Saracens; and even to this day they so abhor the nation of the Lombards that they have not only been unwilling thereafter to inhabit that part of Sicily, but also utterly avoid access to it.

Sed et adiacentem Siracusanorum et Cathaniensium regionem Rogerius Sclavus crebris incursibus perturbabat, et tantum virtus et audacia viri circumiectis populis terrorem attulerat, ut neque regii comestabuli possent eius impetum sustinere, cum assidue numero militum inferior eis congressus victoria potiretur. Ea res denuo curiam repentino terrore concussit, nec id arbitrabatur Silvester comes absque Mathei Bonelli consilio geri, eo magis timendum illum existimans, quod curie familiarius adhereret; nam apertos hostes posse facile devitari, familiares autem inimicitias difficilius quidem, nec sine periculo precaveri. suspicabatur autem illum, ut erat natura timidus, sibi primum insidias paraturum, eo quod ad auxilium regis veniens, videretur illius impedisse propositum, et nunc quoque nichilominus impedire.

But Roger the Slav was also disturbing the adjacent region of the Syracusans and the Catanians with frequent incursions, and so much had the virtue and audacity of the man brought terror to the surrounding peoples that not even the royal constables were able to sustain his onset, since continually, though inferior in the number of soldiers, when he engaged them he would carry off the victory. This matter anew shook the court with sudden terror, nor did Count Silvester judge that it was done without the counsel of Matthew Bonellus, the more deeming him to be feared because he clung more familiarly to the court; for open enemies can easily be avoided, but domestic enmities can indeed be warded off more difficultly, nor without danger. He suspected, moreover, that he, as he was timid by nature, would first prepare ambushes against himself, because by coming to the aid of the king he seemed to have impeded his design, and now likewise nonetheless to impede it.

Cum ergo rex precepisset stipendia militibus dari, contra Rogerium Sclavum eiusque socios educturus exercitum, persuasit ei comes ut Matheum Bonellum prius captum carceri manciparet; quem si secum duceret, se quidem hostibus suumque traditum iri exercitum, nec ad palacium de cetero rediturum incolumem. Neque vero servande iurisiurandi religioni locum esse, cum absque periurio non possit mortis periculum evitari, quod timore mortis admictitur facile veniam promereri. Placuit ergo regi quod ultro se facturum decreverat, hoc ab alio promoveri, comitisque laudavit consilium, idem sibi dudum placuisse testatus.

When therefore the king had commanded that stipends be given to the soldiers, being about to lead out an army against Roger the Slav and his associates, the count persuaded him to consign Matthew Bonellus, previously captured, to prison; saying that, if he should take him along with him, he himself indeed and his army would be delivered to the enemies, nor thereafter would he return safe to the palace. Nor indeed was there place for the religion of a sworn oath to be kept, since the peril of death cannot be avoided without perjury, which, committed through fear of death, can easily earn pardon. Therefore it pleased the king that what he had of his own accord decreed he would do should be promoted by another, and he praised the count’s counsel, attesting that the same had long since pleased himself.

Sciebat autem ipsum Matheum extra palatium capi non posse, neque tante quempiam temeritatis futurum, ut hoc plebi saltem persuadere niteretur. Nam illum et in ipso palatio non sine periculo captum iri, totiusque civitatis perturbationem factum hoc necessario secuturam. Verum eiusmodi popularis impetus hanc esse consuetudinem, ut ubi res peracta fuerit, in seipsum rursus deficiat, nec difficile compescatur; ideoque motum hunc populi contempnendum, neque rem propositam inde segnius peragendam.

He knew, moreover, that Matthew himself could not be seized outside the palace, nor would there be anyone of such temerity as to strive to persuade this at least to the plebs. For even in the very palace he would be taken not without peril, and a perturbation of the whole city would necessarily follow this deed. But a popular impetus of this sort has this customary character: that, once the matter has been performed, it falls back again upon itself and is not difficult to restrain; and therefore this movement of the people is to be contemned, nor is the proposed affair to be prosecuted more sluggishly on that account.

Itaque, constituto quidem ab eis die, Matheus Bonellus ad curiam vocatus est; nec defuit eius lateri qui rem ei totam ediceret comitisque dolos et consilium aperiret. Sed confidebat ab hac presumptione regem metu periurii deterrendum, nec estimabat eum, etsi iusiurandum contempneret, hoc ausurum, cum eo facto regnum amplius perturbatum iri cognosceret. Ita, neglectis amicorum consiliis, ad palatium securus ascendit; sed antequam ad regem accederet, a castellanis exceptus est et teterrimo carcere deputatus.

Therefore, with a day indeed appointed by them, Matthew Bonellus was summoned to the curia; nor was there lacking at his side someone to declare to him the whole matter and to lay open the count’s deceits and counsel. But he was confident that from this presumption the king would be deterred by fear of perjury, nor did he estimate that he, even if he should contemn the oath, would dare this, since he knew that by that deed the kingdom would be further perturbed. Thus, the counsels of friends neglected, he went up to the palace secure; but before he could approach the king, he was taken by the castellans and consigned to a most foul prison.

Moxque, non solum palatii, sed et omnibus Galcule portis diligentius obseratis, armati viri per murorum ambitus sunt dispositi, ut si necessitas ingrueret, primos plebis impetus propulsarent. Quod ubi malorum audax prenuncia per populum fama dispersit, illico plurima plebis multitudo cum ipsius Mathei militibus concurrentes, ad palacium recto tendebant itinere, ut eum inde vi eximerent comitemque Silvestrum tanquam proditorem meritis penis afficerent. Qui cum portas clausas undique repperissent, omnemque viderent aditurn prohiberi, cogitabant ignem portis immittere, magnam ibidem lignorum congeriem extruentes.

And soon, with not only the palace but also all the gates of Galcule more carefully barred, armed men were stationed along the ambit of the walls, so that, if necessity should press, they might repel the first assaults of the plebs. When rumor, the bold harbinger of evils, spread this through the people, at once a very great multitude of the plebs, converging with the soldiers of Matthew himself, were holding a straight course to the palace, to take him out from there by force and to inflict upon Count Silvester, as a traitor, the penalties he deserved. But when they found the gates closed on every side, and saw that all access was forbidden, they were planning to set fire to the gates, piling up there a great heap of wood.

Cumque nichil ita possent proficere, et huc illucque aliquamdiu sine certo proposito discurrissent, tandem ex desperatione cepit animorum fervor tepescere, timore regis precipitem audaciam cohercente, subitoque cum fortuna vultum avertente conversi, quod cognatum est Siculis, maluerunt tempori servire quam fidei, quantaque prius diligentia Mathei Bonelli gratiam appetebant, tanto nunc elaborabant studio ne viderentur illius amicitiam coluisse. Neque tamen defuit, tot amicis fortune disparentibus, qui virtutis nomen auderet amplecti, et [qua] se libertate periculi contemptor animus ad promerendam glorie diuturnitat[e]m eve[niat, experiri]. Nam Ivo, quidam ex militibus eius, cum videret Adenolfum camerarium a curia redeuntem, memor inimicitiarum quas in Matheum preexercuerat, simulque dolore stimulatus, audacter in eum irruit, et equi velocitate fretus, altius ensem sublatum cerebro fugientis immersit, ac deinde, nemine prohibente, per medium civitatis elapsus, cum iam ab urbe longius abscessisset, a militibus regis comprehensus est et Panormum reductus; iussitque curia manum ei dexteram amputari. Matheus autem Bonellus, effossis oculis nervisque super talum incisis, sublatus omnino solis aspectui, in horrendum detrusus est carcerem, tam suis quam loci perpetuo tenebris obvolutus.

And when they could thus make no progress, and had run here and there for some time without a fixed purpose, at last out of desperation the fervor of their spirits began to grow tepid, the fear of the king restraining precipitate audacity; and suddenly, with Fortune turning her face away, they changed, and—what is akin to the Sicilians—they preferred to serve the time rather than fidelity; and with as great diligence as before they sought the favor of Matthew Bonellus, with so great zeal now they labored that they might not seem to have cultivated his friendship. Nor, however, was there lacking—while so many friends differed in fortune—one who would dare to embrace the name of virtue and to test [by what] freedom the danger-despising mind advances to earn the long duration of glory [e]ve[niat, experiri]. For Ivo, a certain one of his soldiers, when he saw Adenolf the chamberlain returning from the court, mindful of the enmities which he had previously exercised against Matthew, and at the same time goaded by grief, boldly rushed upon him and, relying on the speed of his horse, plunged his sword, raised high, into the brain of the fleeing man; and then, with no one hindering, slipping through the middle of the city, when he had now withdrawn farther from the city, he was seized by the king’s soldiers and led back to Panormus, and the court ordered his right hand to be amputated. But Matthew Bonellus, his eyes gouged out and the tendons above the ankle cut, removed entirely from the sight of the sun, was thrust down into a horrid prison, wrapped in perpetual darkness both his own and that of the place.

Matheus quoque de Sancta Lucia, eiusdem consobrinus, Iohannesque Romanus, eius senescalcus, privati oculis, diversis sunt carceribus deputati.

Matheus also of Saint Lucia, cousin of the same, and John the Roman, his seneschal, deprived of their eyes, were assigned to different prisons.

XXII. De vindicta proditorum per diversas regni partes et de subversione Placie.

22. On the vengeance against the traitors through the diverse parts of the kingdom and on the subversion of Placia.

His ita peractis, velud universis iam difficultatibus superatis, rex educens exercitum, adversus Rogerium Sclavum rapto contendit itinere, primumque Placiam, nobilissimum Lombardorum oppidum, in plano situm, evertit penitus ac destruxit; ubi, cum inter Sarracenos et Christianos in exercitu fuisset orta seditio, plurima Sarracenorum multitudo cecidit, acriter in eos irruentibus Christianis, neque metu vel interminatione regis cessantibus, cum et ipse, missis ad auxilium Sarracenorum comestabulis, prohiberet eos occidi.

With these things thus completed, as if now with all difficulties overcome, the king, leading out the army, pressed on by a rapid march against Roger the Slav, and first he utterly overturned and destroyed Placia, the most noble town of the Lombards, situated on the plain; where, when a sedition had arisen between the Saracens and the Christians in the army, a very great multitude of Saracens fell, the Christians rushing upon them sharply, nor ceasing at the fear or the threatening of the king, although he himself, the constables having been sent to the aid of the Saracens, forbade them to be killed.

XIII. De castro Buterie qualiter destructa fuit.

13. On the castle of Buterie, how it was destroyed.

Inde Buteriam, quo se, post auditum eius adventum, hostes contulerant, obsidione vallavit. At Rogerius Sclavus, ubi se vidit obsessum, primum socios breviter cohortatus, dehinc oppidanos admonuit ut unius essent animi, neque diversa sentirent aut regis formidarent exercitum, nam si paucis diebus equanimiter sustinerent, maximam partem Sicilie totamque Calabriam eorum secuturam exemplum; patris etiam in eos quam plurima beneficia recensebat, simulque regis exponebat atrocitatem et tyranniderri in subiectos. At illi constanter et audacissime spoponderunt, se nunquam eius defuturos imperio neque difficultatem aliquam aut periculum, quominus ei pareant, causaturos.

Thence he girded Buteria, whither the enemies had betaken themselves after hearing of his approach, with a siege. But Roger the Slav, when he saw himself besieged, first briefly exhorted his comrades, then admonished the townsmen to be of one mind, neither to think differently nor to dread the king’s army; for if they should endure with even spirit for a few days, the greatest part of Sicily and all Calabria would follow their example; he also recounted the very many benefactions of his father toward them, and at the same time set forth the king’s atrocity and tyranny toward his subjects. But they, steadfastly and most boldly, pledged that they would never fail his command, nor would they allege any difficulty or danger to keep them from obeying him.

In exercitu vero tedio iam ceperant aIfici plerique militum, quia videbant regem in obsidione diutius moraturum, neque spes erat oppidum captum iri nisi fames ingruens, quod vix in multum tempus accidere poterat, ad deditionem cogeret oppidanos. Nam et loci natura munitissimum erat, nec ad sui defensionem virtute vel audacia sub Rogerio Sclavo aut sub Tancredo prudentia consiliove poterat indigere. Ita, crebri conatus obsidentium hostibus nichil oberant, illique, licet audacter magnaque vi sepe descenderent, nichil aut parum ledebant exercitum.

In the army, indeed, a tedium had already begun to affect many of the soldiers, because they saw that the king would linger longer in the siege, nor was there hope that the town would be captured unless an oncoming famine—which could scarcely occur for a long time—should compel the townsmen to deditio. For both by the nature of the place it was most fortified, and for its own defense it could not be in need of valor or audacity under Roger the Slav, nor of prudence or counsel under Tancred. Thus the frequent attempts of the besiegers availed nothing against the enemy, and they, although boldly and with great force they often sallied down, did nothing, or little, to injure the army.

Rex enim, cum sciret Tancredum, fratris sui filium, astrol[ogic]is rationibus dies tam obsessis quam obsidentibus utiles previdere, ipse quoque cum astrologis suis eosdem dies diligentius attendebat, indicans familiaribus suis diem quo descensuros eos previderat, ut adversus repentinas eorum eruptiones exercitum premunirent. Sic, aliquandiu re pro tracta, difficultatem hanc solvit inter proceres et plebem in oppido nata discordia. Nam Rogerii Tancredique voluntas et consilium erat totius oppidi frumentum adunatum tam militibus quam oppidanis per equas portiones distribui.

For the king, since he knew that Tancred, his brother’s son, by astrological reckonings foresaw days favorable both to the besieged and to the besiegers, he too with his own astrologers observed those same days more diligently, indicating to his familiars the day on which he had foreseen they would come down in a sally, so that they might forearm the army against their sudden eruptions (sorties). Thus, after the matter had been protracted for some time, this difficulty was solved by the discord that arose between the nobles and the plebs within the town. For Roger’s and Tancred’s will and counsel were that the grain of the whole town, gathered together, be distributed to both the soldiers and the townsmen in equal portions.

Plebs vero negabat victualia sua publicatum iri volebantque singulis oppidanis singulos milites assignari, ut eis in domibus suis necessaria providerent. Quod militibus suspectum quidem et fidei vacillalltis indicium videbatur cepit ergo plebs a militibus plurimum dissidere, adeo quidem ut se regi dedere militesque regios in oppidum latenter introducere molirentur. Sed ubi Rogerius Sclavus et qui cum eo erant hoc illorum percepere consilium, rebus omnibus iam diffidentes, statuerunt ipsi quoque pacisci cum rege, ut, oppido recepto, salvos atque incolumes eos abire permicteret.

The common people, however, refused that their victuals be made public property, and wanted individual soldiers to be assigned to individual townsmen, so that they might provide the necessities for them in their own houses. This seemed to the soldiers indeed suspect and an indication of vacillating faith; therefore the commons began to be greatly at odds with the soldiers, to such a degree that they attempted to surrender themselves to the king and to introduce the king’s soldiers into the town secretly. But when Roger the Slav and those who were with him perceived this plan of theirs, now distrusting all things, they resolved likewise themselves to make terms with the king, to the effect that, once the town was received, he would permit them to depart safe and unharmed.

Quod eis facile rex concessit, cum neque se tam mature speraret [oppido potiturum] et, necessitate cogente, proponeret in Italiam sine dilatione transire. Robertus enim comes Lorotelli, dum Siciliam fortuna crebris tumultibus fatigaret, maximam regni partem invadens, usque Orgeolum pervenerat, quod in Apulie Calabrieque confinio situm est. Omnesque comites, qui primum ob admirati scelera rebelles extiterant, postmodurn de regis gratia desperantes, illi se coniunxerant, preter Gillebertum Gravine comitem, qui regis gratiam consanguinee sue regine precibus impetraverat, et relicta societate comitum, exercitui preerat in Apulia, Roberti comitis impetum quantum poterat moraturus.

Which the king readily granted them, since he neither hoped that he would gain possession of the town so soon, and, necessity compelling, he intended to pass over into Italy without delay. For Robert, count of Lorotelli, while fortune was wearing Sicily out with frequent tumults, invading the greatest part of the kingdom, had come as far as Orgeolum, which is situated on the confine of Apulia and Calabria. And all the counts, who at first had become rebels on account of the Admiral’s crimes, afterwards, despairing of the king’s favor, had joined themselves to him, except Gilbert, count of Gravina, who had obtained the king’s favor by the prayers of the queen, his kinswoman, and, having left the fellowship of the counts, was commanding the army in Apulia, to delay, as much as he could, the attack of Count Robert.

In Calabria quoque comitissa Catacensis ad eum defecerat, Tabernamque, castrum fortissimum, tam militibus quam aliis rebus necessariis premunierat, ut si regem Farum transire contigeret, eo se cum matre sua posset secure recipere.

In Calabria likewise the Countess of Catanzaro had defected to him, and she had fortified Taberna, a most strong castle, with soldiers as well as with other necessary things, so that, if it should happen that the king crossed the Faro, she could securely withdraw there with her mother.

XXIIII. De habitatione Butherie.

24. On the habitation of Butherie.

Rex itaque, iuxta quod pactum fuerat, dimissis hostibus receptaque ac destructa Buteria, deinceps eam habitari prohibuit, ac non multo post, aucto exercitu, in Apuliam transiturus, Tabernam obsidere disposuit. Prius tamen, ne quid in Calabrie partibus improvisi repperiret obstaculi, Rogerium Marturanensem, qui non parve tunc [auctori]tatis apud Calabros habebatur, in Siciliam evocatum, cum proditionis eum argueret, in carcerem retrudi iussit oculisque privari, neque convictum neque sollempniter iure confessum, prout ordo iudiciarius exposcebat. Cum ergo Tabernam exercitum transduxisset, iniquam positionem loci et conscensum arduum conspicatus, cum omnes fere de captione oppidi desperantes censerent in Apuliam ad maiora negocia properandum, interimque Tabernam omitti debere usque ad reditum, nec ibi multum tempus inefficaciter consumendum, constanter asseruit non prius inde se quam oppidum captum fuerit abscessurum; ipsaque die tam milites quam pedites armari precepit et ad oppidum oppugnandum, impetu facto, conscendere.

Therefore the king, according to what had been pact-ed, with the enemies dismissed and Buteria retaken and destroyed, thereafter forbade it to be inhabited; and not long after, with the army augmented, being about to pass over into Apulia, he resolved to besiege Taberna. First, however, lest he should find anything of unforeseen obstacle in the parts of Calabria, Roger the Marturanese, who was then held of no small [authori]ty among the Calabrians, having been summoned into Sicily, while he charged him with treason, he ordered to be thrust into prison and to be deprived of his eyes, though neither convicted nor solemnly by law confessed, as the judicial order demanded. When therefore he had led the army across to Taberna, having observed the unfavorable situation of the place and the steep ascent, while almost all, despairing of the capture of the town, were of the opinion that one ought to hasten into Apulia to greater business, and that meanwhile Taberna should be omitted until the return, nor should much time be consumed there ineffectually, he steadfastly asserted that he would not depart thence before the town had been taken; and on that very day he ordered both the knights and the foot-soldiers to be armed and, an onset having been made, to mount up to attack the town.

oppidani vero, desuper missis molaribus, et dolia que peracutis arrnata claviculis ad murum suspenderant per precipitium dimictentes, obrepentium multitudinem proterentes facile proturbabant: Quorum plurimis interfectis, reliqui frustra multumque fatigati, plerique affecti vulneribus ad exercitum redierunt. Paucis autem interiectis diebus, iubente rege, denuo viros armari temptarique fortunam omnes ad bucinarum sonitum unanimiter irruentes, primo tumulum quemdam magnis occupavere conatibus, arduum quidem sed modica superius distentum planicie, qui ex uno latere muris oppidi contiguis adherebat; dehinc illatis scalis, primo muros impetu non sine rei periculo transcenderunt. Neque satis video quin tam facilis in oppidum irruptio fieri potuit, nisi quod oppidani loci fortitudini temere confidentes, muros negligentius observabant; nec enim ibi proditione vel oppidanorum discordia quicquam accidit, et militum eis virtus ac copia suppetebat ducesque bellicarum rerum expertissimi, quibus et ad audendum animus et ad providendum discretio non deesset.

the townsmen, however, sending millstones from above, and hurling down over the precipice the casks which they had armed with very sharp little nails and had suspended from the wall, trampling the multitude of those creeping up, were easily driving them back: After very many of them were slain, the rest, exhausted to no purpose and much wearied, many afflicted with wounds, returned to the army. But after a few days had intervened, by the king’s order, men were armed anew and fortune was to be tried; all, rushing in unison at the sound of the trumpets, first seized, by great efforts, a certain mound, steep indeed but stretched above with a small plateau, which on one side adhered contiguous to the walls of the town; then, the ladders having been brought up, at the first onset they scaled the walls, not without peril to the enterprise. Nor do I quite see how so easy an irruption into the town could have been made, except that the townsmen, rashly trusting in the strength of the place, were keeping the walls with too much negligence; for nothing there happened by treason or by discord of the townsmen, and both the valor and abundance of soldiers were at their disposal, and leaders most experienced in warlike matters, to whom neither courage for daring nor discretion for foreseeing was lacking.

Hoc utique constat quod misere turpiterque captum oppidum, milites depredati, comitissam et matrem eius, ipsiusque rei principes Alferium et Thomam, eiusdem comitisse iunioris avunculos, ad regem cum aliis plerisque militibus perduxerunt. Quorum Alferius ibidem iussu regis est supplicio destinatus; Thomas vero Messane suspensus; reliqui milites, partim abscissione manuum, partim oculorum amissionc mulctati. porro comitissa cum matre sua Messanam, inde Panormum traducta est carceri mancipanda.

This, assuredly, is agreed: that, the town having been captured wretchedly and disgracefully, the soldiers, after plundering, conducted the countess and her mother, and the chiefs of the affair itself, Alferius and Thomas, maternal uncles of the same younger countess, to the king along with many other soldiers. Of whom Alferius there, by the king’s order, was consigned to execution; Thomas, indeed, was hanged at Messina; the remaining soldiers were mulcted, partly by the cutting off of hands, partly by the loss of eyes. Furthermore, the countess with her mother was conveyed to Messina, thence to Palermo, to be consigned to prison.

Quod ubi nunciatum est comiti Lorotelli, Tabernam preter spem et opinionem omnium subito captam atque deletam, licet equitum peditumque numero longe regis anteiret exercitum, metuens Longobardorum fidem ancipitem, quam non sine magno periculo dampnoque sepe probaverat, maluit cedere, quam belli fortunam cum infidis militibus experiri, Tarentumque reversus, aliquot ibi milites ad urbis presidium dereliquit; inde quedam oppida, veluti cohortandi roborandique causa pervadens, cepit paulatim in Aprutiorum terram iter deflectere. Eisdem diebus gaytus Iohar eunuchus, magister camerarius palatii, cum in exercitu multas a rege preter meritum, ut aiebat, iniurias pertulisset ac verbera, cum sigillis regiis ad comitem Lorotelli transfugiens, in itinere captus est et ad regem perductus; quem rex impositum lintri, deduci iussit in pelagus ibique submergi. Inde Tarentum perveniens, cum urbem facile recepisset, quosdam milites Roberti comitis, quos ei cives reddiderant, extra civitatem suspendit; totamque dehinc Apuliam ac Terram Laboris pertransiens, universa recepit que prius hostes invaserant.

When it was announced to the count of Lorotello that Taberna had been suddenly taken and destroyed beyond the hope and expectation of all, although in the number of horsemen and footmen he far outstripped the king’s army, fearing the two-edged fidelity of the Lombards—which he had often tested not without great peril and loss—he preferred to withdraw rather than to try the fortune of war with faithless soldiers; and returning to Tarentum, he left there some soldiers for the garrison of the city; then, passing through certain towns, as if for the purpose of exhorting and strengthening them, he began gradually to bend his route into the land of the Aprutians. In those same days Gaytus Iohar the eunuch, master chamberlain of the palace, since in the army he had, as he said, suffered many injuries and beatings from the king beyond his desert, deserted over with the royal seals to the count of Lorotello, but was captured on the journey and brought to the king; whom the king, placed on a skiff, ordered to be taken out into the open sea and there submerged. Thence arriving at Tarentum, when he had easily taken back the city, he hanged outside the city certain soldiers of Count Robert, whom the citizens had handed over to him; and thereafter, passing through all Apulia and the Land of Labour, he recovered everything that the enemies had previously seized.

Quantum enim inconsulte dudum ab eo desciverant, tanta nunc ad eum levitate pariter confluebant. Universas etiam civitates et oppida quecumque comitem Lorotelli receperant vel aliquatenus ei consentiendo visa fuerant recepisse, certam pecunie quantitatem, redemptionis nomine, datum iri constituit, volens ea pecunia quod de thesauris suis imminutum fuerat resarcire; simulque iustum existimans, ut qui domos et possessiones suas hostibus se dedendo debuerant de rigore iu ris amictere, levis altem eas pretio redimere cogerentur. Preterea Ionatas comes Consanus, Richardus comes Fundanus, Rogerius comes Acerranus Mariusque Burrellus et alii qui societatem eorum secuti fuerant, regis adventu perterriti, partim in Aprutium, partim in Campaniam transfugerunt.

For in proportion as they had imprudently defected from him before, to the same degree now with levity they were likewise flocking back to him. He also decreed that all the cities and towns whatsoever which had received the Count of Loritello, or had seemed in any measure to have received him by consenting to him, should pay a certain quantity of money under the name of redemption, wishing with that money to resarcinate what had been diminished from his treasuries; and at the same time judging it just that those who, by surrendering themselves to the enemies, ought by the rigor of the law to lose their houses and possessions, should, on lighter terms, be compelled to redeem them for a price. Moreover Ionatas, Count of Conza, Richard, Count of Fondi, Roger, Count of Acerra, and Marius Burrellus, and others who had followed their association, terrified at the king’s arrival, fled, some into the Abruzzi, some into Campania.

Rogerius quoque comesAvellini regis iram censuit declinandam, eo quod nuper iniussu curie, filiam Phenicie le Sancto Severino duxisset uxorem, cuius etiam filius Willelmus de Sancto Severino, cum Comite fugiens, furorem regium declinavit. Comitissa vero, cum obsessum castellum defendere niteretur, capta est et cum matre sua Phenicia Panormum transvecta. Dum hec in Italia gererentur, interim fortuna [Panormi n]ovo malignandi genere [sevi]ebat, regisque discessum e Sicilia multorum est periclitatio consecuta.

Roger too, count of Avellino, judged the king’s wrath to be avoided, because recently, without the court’s order, he had taken as wife the daughter of Phœnicia of San Severino; and her son also, William of San Severino, fleeing with the Count, avoided the royal fury. The Countess, however, when she tried to defend the besieged castle, was captured and conveyed with her mother Phœnicia to Panormus. While these things were being done in Italy, meanwhile fortune at [Panormus n]ew, with a kind of malignity, [was ra]ging, and the king’s departure from Sicily was followed by the peril of many.

Nam gaytus Martinus eunuchus, quem rex ad custodiam civitatis ac palacii Panormi reliquerat, cum in captione palacii fratrem suum a Christianis sciret occisum, nec eius facti certos repperisset auctores, in omnes Christianos atrociter occulteque deseviens, fratris mortem omnibus imputabat. Cum ergo plerique civium accusarentur quod palacium cum proditoribus ingressi, multam inde pecuniam abstraxissent, idque iuxta curie consuetudinem accusatores monomachia se probaturos assererent, eorum probationes tam prompte quam libenter admisit et victores quidem tamquam de rege benemeritos collaudans, penas victis atrocissimas irrogavit, nactusque tempus ad ulciscendum fratrem ydoneum,quod a paucorum temeritate fuerat inchoatum, ad multorum traxit perniciem. Hortabatur enim iuvenes et propositis premiis incitabat eos, maxime quibus nullum aut tenue patrimonium erat, quosque virtute corporis partam gloriam affectare cognoverat, ut eiusmodi civium accusationibus audacter insisterent, dicens ob id ipsum eos efficacissime regis posse gratiam promereri, et siquidem eos vinci contingeret, nichil mali passuros cum regis ipsius causam agere viderentur.

For the gaytus Martin, a eunuch, whom the king had left for the custody of the city and the palace at Palermo, when in the seizure of the palace he knew his brother had been slain by Christians, and had found no sure authors of the deed, raging savagely and secretly against all Christians, was imputing his brother’s death to all. Since therefore many of the citizens were accused of having entered the palace with traitors and of having carried off much money from there, and since the accusers, according to the custom of the court, asserted that they would prove it by monomachy, he admitted their proofs as promptly as gladly, and, praising the victors as well-deserving of the king, he imposed most atrocious penalties on the vanquished; and having found a suitable time to avenge his brother, he drew what had been begun by the temerity of a few to the perdition of many. For he exhorted the young men and, with prizes set forth, incited them—especially those who had no patrimony or a slight one, and whom he knew to aspire to glory won by the virtue of the body—to press boldly such accusations of citizens, saying that for that very thing they could most efficaciously earn the king’s grace, and that, if it should befall them to be defeated, they would suffer nothing evil, since they would seem to be pleading the king’s own cause.

tantaque iam urbem rabies et furor incesserat, ut quisquis adversus quempiam vetus odium exercebat, vel cum alio forte litigans in verborum proruperat contumeliam, statim ad gayti Martini pretorium convolabat, qui semper ad huiusmodi suscipiendas actiones paratissimus, omnibus sui copiam faciebat, his de rebus maxime cogniturus. Eorum autem quos vinci contigerat, alios videntibus Sarracenis et illudentibus suspendebat, alios diuturnis cesos verberibus, diversis afficiebat tormentis, et in hiis accusationibus admictendis summam diligentiam adhibebat; sed cum in campum pugnaturi descenderent, sua parum interesse censebat uter eorum victoria potiretur, dum fratris mor tem posset in altero vindicare. At, ubi iam continuis malis et penarum atrocitate perterritis civibus, rarus procedebat accusator qui monomachie vellet subire discrimen, placuit mulierum quoque, non solum honestarurn et que integre erant opinionis, verum impudicarum etiam et infamium delationes admictere; statuitque servos nichilominus et ancillas super huiusmodi licite postulare.

and such great rage and fury had now entered the city, that whoever was exercising an old hatred against anyone, or perhaps, quarreling with another, had burst forth into contumely of words, straightway would rush to the praetorium of the gaytus Martinus, who, always most ready to undertake actions of this kind, made himself available to all, being most intent to take cognizance of these matters. But of those whom it befell to be defeated, some he hanged with the Saracens looking on and mocking, others, beaten with long-lasting blows, he afflicted with diverse torments; and in admitting these accusations he applied the utmost diligence. But when they descended into the field to fight, he judged it mattered little to him which of them obtained the victory, so long as he could avenge his brother’s death upon one of the two. Yet, when by continual evils and the atrocity of penalties the citizens were now terrified, a rare accuser came forward who would wish to undergo the peril of monomachy; it pleased him to admit the denunciations of women also, not only of honorable women and those who were of unimpaired reputation, but even of the unchaste and infamous; and he decreed that slaves likewise and maidservants might lawfully petition concerning such matters.

Quorum sepe suggestionibus vice probationum admissis, multorum quidem et opinionem lesit, et fortunam exhausit, et corpora penis affecit.

Often, with their suggestions admitted in the vice of proofs, he injured the reputation of many, exhausted their fortunes, and afflicted their bodies with punishments.

Interea rex, totius Apulie rebus se datis tumultuque composito, Salernum accessit. cuius adventu precognito, maxima pars eorum qui dissensionis principes fuerant, quos Salernitani capiturinos appellant, fugerunt eo quod comitibus Marioque Burrello iuraverant. Cum autem Salernitanorum maiores regi vellent occurrere, rogaturi ut urbem ingrederetur simulque ut, coniurationis principes universos fugisse nunciantes, eos qui remanserant excusarent, ille nec urbem ingredi voluit et eos a conspectu suo submoveri precepit.

Meanwhile the king, the affairs of all Apulia having been given over and the tumult composed, approached Salerno. With whose advent foreknown, the greater part of those who had been leaders of the dissension, whom the Salernitans call Capiturini, fled because they had sworn to the counts and to Marius Burrello. But when the elders of the Salernitans wished to meet the king, intending to ask that he enter the city and at the same time, announcing that all the leaders of the conspiracy had fled, to excuse those who had remained, he neither wished to enter the city and ordered them to be removed from his sight.

Nam adversus Salernitanos plurimum indignationis conceperat et exemplo Bari totam decreverat destruere civitatem. sed Matheus notarius, familiaris curie, cum et ipse salernitanus esset, alios regis familiares, Richardum Siracusanum electum et Silvestrum comitem, multis precibus t exoravit, ut modis omnibus eniterentur ne tanta tamque nobilis civitas deperiret. Henricus enim Aristippus, antequam in Apuliam pervenisset, iubente rege, captus fuerat et Panormum reductus, qui etiam in carcere, p[os]t non multum temporis, miserie simul et vivendi modum sortitus est electus ergo Siracusanus et Silvester comes diu multumque regi supplicantes, multis ei rationibus persuadere conabantur urbem opinatissimam totique regno non parum decoris afferentem, ob paucorum scelera non oportere destrui, cum omnes ex urbe proditores aufugerint, ac si forte quospiam illorum remansisse contigerit, eorum incumbendum suppliciis, neque populum immeritum ob aliena crimina puniendum.

For he had conceived very great indignation against the Salernitans and, following the example of Bari, had decreed to destroy the entire city. But Matthew the notary, a familiar of the court, since he too was a Salernitan, with many prayers implored other familiars of the king—Richard, the Syracusan elect, and Silvester, the count—that by every means they strive that so great and so noble a city not perish. For Henry Aristippus, before he had reached Apulia, by the king’s order had been seized and brought back to Panormus (Palermo), who also, in prison, after not much time, met both a lot of misery and the end of living. Therefore the Syracusan elect and Count Silvester, long and much supplicating the king, tried with many reasons to persuade him that a city of highest repute and bringing no small ornament to the whole kingdom ought not to be destroyed on account of the crimes of a few, since all the traitors from the city had fled; and if by chance it happened that any of them had remained, punishments should be laid upon them, nor should the undeserving populace be punished for others’ crimes.

Rex autem, cum difficile primum huiusmodi persuasiones admicteret, demum tamen multis assertionibus emollitus, ab urbis excidio se temperaturum spopondit, precipiens stratigoto et iudicibus, ut quotquot de numero coniuratorum in urbe remanserant ad se vinctos perducerent. At illi paucos ei viros, quasi dissensionis principes, tradiderunt, quos ipsa die iussit suspendi. Inter eos autem vir quidam eidem supplicio deputatus, iudicio totius fere civitatis innoxius, qui, ut communis civium erat assertio, non modo contra regem nemini prestiterat iusiurandum, sed nec unquam in urbe visus fuerat seditiose quicquam egisse.

The king, however, although at first he with difficulty admitted persuasions of this kind, at last nevertheless, softened by many assertions, pledged that he would restrain himself from the destruction of the city, giving orders to the stratigotus and the judges that, whichever of the number of conspirators had remained in the city, they should bring to him bound. But they handed over to him a few men, as if leaders of the dissension, whom he ordered to be hanged that very day. Among them, however, was a certain man assigned to that same punishment, innocent by the judgment of almost the whole city, who, as the common assertion of the citizens had it, had proffered to no one an oath against the king, and had not ever been seen in the city to have done anything seditious.

Verum Matheus notarius, iurgiorum iniurias ab illo propinquis suis illatas atrociter ulcisci desiderans, falso sug gesserat regi totius eum mali quod Salerni gestum fuerat caput et principium extitisse, cuius statim innocentia manifestis est indiciis declarata, et evidenter apparuit aliquid fuisse contra iusticiam perpetratum, quod iusti rerum omnium iudicis oculos offendisset. Cum enim adeo serenus esset aer ut nullum prorsus in eo nubis vestigium appareret, tantl repente tempestas exorta est, tonitrua, choruscationes et im brium in inundatio subsecuta, ut per totum exercitum mstar rapidissimi torrentis aqua decurreret, et tam ipsius regis, quam ceterorum omnium tentoria, paxillis avulsis ruptisque funibus, procella subvelteret; tantusque regem et universum exercitum terror invasit, ut rerum omnium iactura posthabita, cogerentur de salute propria desperare. Illud ctiam ad eius rei vindictarn plerique refermlt, quod postmodum Mathei notarii propinquis accidit, non sine totius dispendio civitatis.

But Matthew the notary, desirous atrociously to avenge the injuries of altercations which that man had inflicted upon his own kinsmen, had falsely suggested to the king that he had been the head and beginning of all the evil that had been done at Salerno; yet his innocence was at once declared by manifest indications, and it clearly appeared that something had been perpetrated against justice, which had offended the eyes of the just judge of all things. For when the sky was so serene that not the least trace of a cloud appeared in it, suddenly so great a tempest arose—thunders, coruscations, and an inundation of rains ensuing—that through the whole army water ran like a most rapid torrent, and the tent of the king himself, as well as the tents of all the others, the pegs torn up and the ropes broken, the gale wrenched up; and so great a terror seized the king and the whole army that, with the loss of all things set aside, they were driven to despair of their own safety. Many also refer to the vindication of this matter what afterwards befell the relatives of Matthew the notary, not without loss to the whole city.

Nam cum idem Matheus adolescentem quemdam ncptis sue nuptias recusantem auctoritate metuque curie coegisset, et au contrahenda sponsalicia corrogati de maioril.us civitatis cum uxoribus plurimi convenissent, repente corruens domus, viros nobiles ac mulieres circiter .LX., cum ipsa puella que nuptui tradebatur, oppressit. Ea res Salernitanorum animos non aliter conturbavit quam si barbaris irruentibus capte iam urbis viderent excidium imminere. Mulieres huc illuc sparsis crinibus discurrentes, vicos et plateas ululatu complebant; civium autem quidam extrahendis de ruina corporibus operarn dabant; alii domestica lugebant incommoda vel amicorum mestitiam solabantur; nonnulli quoque miseram desolate civitatis fortunam mirabantur attoniti.

For when that same Matthew had compelled a certain young man, who was refusing his niece’s nuptials, by the authority and fear of the court, and when, for contracting the sponsals, very many—called together from the greater men of the city with their wives—had assembled, suddenly the house, collapsing, crushed about 60 noble men and women, together with the girl herself who was being given in marriage. This matter disturbed the minds of the Salernitans no otherwise than if, with barbarians rushing in, they were seeing the destruction of a city already taken to be imminent. Women, running here and there with hair disheveled, were filling lanes and squares with ululation; certain of the citizens were giving effort to drawing out bodies from the ruin; others were mourning domestic misfortunes or were consoling the sadness of friends; some also, astonished, were marveling at the miserable fortune of the desolate city.

Nam et, apothecis clausis, contractus nulli fiebant, et scole, velud indicto silentio, quiescebant, ipsosque iudices miserandum urbis ac triste iustitium ab examinandarum litium cognitione suspenderat. Tota civitas luctui vacans Mathei notarii detestabatur scelera, qui tanti causam prestitisset incommodi. sed et de rege nichilominus, ubi iam supra meturm dolor excreverat, inconsulte plurima loquebantur.

For both, with the storehouses closed, no contracts were being made, and the schools, as if a silence had been proclaimed, were quiet; and a pitiable and sad iustitium of the city had suspended the judges themselves from the cognizance of suits to be examined. The whole city, given over to mourning, was detesting the crimes of Matthew the notary, who had furnished the cause of so great a calamity. sed also about the king nonetheless, when now pain had grown beyond fear, they were speaking many things incautiously.

Verum hec eatenus preoccupasse licuerit, ne maiores evagandi licentiam turbulenta narrationis series consequeretur. Itaque rex, ubi sedata vidit omnia neque iam hostes uspiam compa[rere, quorum alii transfretarant in Greciam, alii cum comite Lorotelli ad imperatorem Alemannorum confugerant, plerique rerum omnium inopes in Campania morabantur, reversus in Siciliam, pa]latio [se conclusit et otio] quietique [vacare post la]borem disposuit, confidens non facile deinceps in regno quisquam turbinis emersurum. Nec multo post, moriente Silvestro comite, Siracusanus electus et Matheus notarius soli consilio regis intererant et regni disponebant negotia, quibus socius datus est gaytus Petrus eunuchus, qui post mortem gayti toharii fuerat magister camerarius palacii constitutus.

But let it have been permitted thus far to have forestalled these things, lest the turbulent series of the narration should obtain a greater license for wandering. And so the king, when he saw all things calmed and now the enemies appearing nowhere, of whom some had crossed over into Greece, others had fled with the count of Lorotello to the emperor of the Germans, very many, indigent of all things, were lingering in Campania, having returned into Sicily, pa]lace [he shut himself up and to leisure] and to quietness [to be free after la]bor he resolved, confident that thereafter not easily would anyone of a whirlwind emerge in the kingdom. And not long after, Count Silvester dying, the Syracusan elect and Matthew the notary alone were present at the king’s counsel and were disposing the affairs of the realm, to whom a colleague was given, the gaytus Peter the eunuch, who after the death of the gaytus Toharius had been constituted master chamberlain of the palace.

Matheus ergo notarius, cum iam plurimum posset in curia, disposuerat admirati ritus et consuetudines imitari, omnibusque se prebens affabilem, eis maxime quos oderat arridebat ipsumque regem adulationibus iam ceperat demulcere, sciens ob id ipsum Maionem ei maxime placuisse. Largitatem vero Maionis, avaritia prepeditus, imitari non poterat, nec illi se, cum impeditioris esset lingue, facundia similem exhibere. Sed et abiectus generique concors animus in eam que Maionem foverat regnan[di spem non suffi]ciebat illum [attolier]e, licet totis nisibus affectare et perquirere videretur, ut solus regia preditus familiaritate, locum admirati plenius obtinerct, cum nomcn efficaciter, rege vivente, sperare non posset.

Therefore Matheus the notary, since he could now do very much in the court, had resolved to imitate the rites and customs of the admiral; and presenting himself affable to all, he most of all smiled upon those whom he hated, and had already begun to mollify the king himself with adulations, knowing that for this very reason Maio had been especially pleasing to him. But Maio’s largess, hampered by avarice, he could not imitate, nor could he, since he was of a more impeded tongue, exhibit himself like him in facundity. And his abject spirit, consonant with his lineage, did not suffice to lift him up to that hope of reigning which had fostered Maio, although he seemed with all efforts to pursue and seek it, so that, alone endowed with royal familiarity, he might more fully obtain the place of the admiral, since he could not effectively hope for the name while the king was living.

Neque vero Siracusani electi, college sui, fidelius amicitiam excolebat aut alio venerabatur affectu, quam admiratus Panormitanum olim archiepiscopum diligebat. Electus autem non multum eiusmodi versutiis et simulationibus operam dare decreverat ipsique regi maiori quadam fiducia loquebatur, indignum honestate sua iutlicans catenus illi blandiri, ut vel occultaret veritatem, vel falsa pro veris impudenter ingereret.

Nor indeed did he cultivate more faithfully the friendship of the Elect of Syracuse, his colleague, nor did he venerate him with a different affect, than the admiral once loved the Palermitan archbishop. The Elect, however, had decided not to devote much effort to such crafty stratagems and simulations, and he spoke to the king himself with a certain greater confidence, judging it unworthy of his own honor to flatter him to such a degree as either to conceal the truth or shamelessly to thrust false things in place of true.

Eo tempore, post subactos hostes et pacem integre restitutam, cum rex nichil ultra sibi crederct formidamdum, repentinus eum casus edocuit ita fortunam plerumque mortales eludere, ut ubi quis minus precaverit, citius dampnum aut periculum incurratur. pauci namque viri, qui divcrsis cx causis adhuc in carcere tenebantur, ne palatium quandoque nulluill ciramlidis prctenderet argumentunl, cum ianl de venia desperanltes, vivendi tedio vexarentur, fortune se commissum ire decreverant, ut vel, ea favente ceptis, evaderent, vel adversante, [morti potius vellent] occurrere, quam eiusmo[di mise]riis affigi, diutius [perpetuis hor]rendorulu carcerum pedorillus cruciandi. Itaque, custodibus carcerum multis promissionis pactionicbus precorruptis, nacti tempus congruum, quo post distractam curiam palatiun] inobservatum remanserat, cum pauci quidem essent numero, sed virtute prestantes, impetu facto, primum ad portam palatii descenderunt, eo consilio ducti, ut Ansaldo castellano, quem ibi sedere cognoverant, interfecto, facilius reliqua perpetrarent.

At that time, after the enemies had been subdued and peace integrally restored, when the king believed that nothing further was to be feared for himself, a sudden mishap taught him that Fortune for the most part eludes mortals in such a way that, where one has taken less precaution, loss or danger is more quickly incurred. For a few men, who for various causes were still being held in prison, lest the palace should at some time put forth no token of calamity, since now despairing of pardon and vexed by the weariness of living, had resolved to go committed to Fortune, so that either, with her favoring their undertakings, they might escape, or, she opposing, [they would rather wish] to meet death than to be fastened to miseries of that kind, to be tortured longer by the [perpetual hor]rendous stenches of the prisons. And so, with the custodians of the prisons pre‑corrupted by many pacts of promise, having found a suitable time, when, after the court had been dispersed, the palace] had remained unobserved, although they were few in number, yet excelling in prowess, making an onrush, first they descended to the gate of the palace, led by this plan: that, with Ansaldo the castellan, whom they had learned sat there, slain, they might more easily perpetrate the rest.

At ille, cum eos subito respexisset iam ei sublatis ensibus imminentes, nichil ex timore perturbato consilio, extra portam que semiaperta erat, tam provide quam prompte desiliens, eamdem toto conamine post se retractam, venientibus illis, opposuit, inter extrinsecam intrinsecamque portam loco tutissimo constitutus. Illi vero spe frustrati, ad inferiorem ingressum palatii se transtulerunt, sive ut ad regem indcflexo gressu contenderent, sive ut ibidem in scolis regis filios invenirent, quos eorum preceptor Gualterius, Cephaludensis archidiaconus, in campanarium, primis rei motibus precognitis, asportarat. acciderat autem [gayto Martino post primum ianuam in introitu sedenti viros quosdam assistere, quorum unus, irruentibus illis, obs ium se dedit, et primos ictus excipiens, eorum impetum retardavit, spemque sustulit.

But he, when he had suddenly looked back and saw them now threatening him with swords raised against him, with his counsel not at all perturbed by fear, leaping down outside the gate which was half-open, as providently as promptly, having pulled the same gate back behind himself with his whole effort, set it against them as they were coming, being positioned in a most secure place between the outer and the inner gate. They, however, their hope frustrated, transferred themselves to the lower entrance of the palace, either to press on with unbending step to the king, or to find there in the schools the king’s sons, whom their preceptor Walter, archdeacon of Cephalù, the first movements of the affair having been foreknown, had carried off into the bell-tower. It had happened moreover [that, to gaito Martin, sitting just past the first door in the entry, certain men were in attendance], one of whom, as they burst in, gave himself as a barrier, and, receiving the first blows, slowed their onset and took away their hope.

interim enim] gaytus Martinus, foribus obseratis, intra palatium se recepit. Ita, cum nichil eorum que speraverant effecissent, subita virorum multitudille circumventi, que cum Odone magistro stabuli repente confluxerant, ad unum omnes interfecti sunt. Cadavera eorum, proiecta canibus, prohibuit curia sepeliri.

Meanwhile, Gaytus Martinus, with the doors fastened, withdrew himself inside the palace. Thus, since they had accomplished nothing of the things they had hoped, surrounded by a sudden multitude of men, who had suddenly converged with Odo, master of the stable, they were all, to a man, slain. Their cadavers, cast forth to the dogs, the court forbade to be buried.

Rex autem, ut eiusmodi casus discrimen in posterum amputaret, et quod ei bis acciderat non oporteret eventurum denuo formi dari, omnes incarceratos e palatio censuit removendos; quorum alios iussit ad castellum maris tran sferri, alios per di versa Sicilie castella distribui. Robertus autem Calataboianensis, magister castelli maris, ultime crudelitatis homo, cum esset eunuchorum amicissimus et eorum omnino devotus obsequiis, quoscumque Christianorum captos ad eum perduci contigerat, ingentibus cathenis oneratos, crebris torquebat verberibus, et eos in nova quedam detrudebat ergastula, que ut antecessorum videretur tyrannidem superasse, plena [fetoris ac formidinis] ipse constru[xerat. Cives] etiam multis afficiebat iniuriis, quotiensque adversus eorum aliquem privatum habebat odium, aut eius domum, vineam, hortum, vel omnino talium quidpiam affectabat, accusabat apud gaytum Petrum, iussumque capi, tam diu fame, siti penisque variis affligebat, donec rem suam, ut evaderet, gratis dare vel minoris quam valeret distrahere cogeretur.

The king, moreover, in order to cut off the peril of such a mishap for the future, and so that what had twice befallen him should not have to be feared to occur anew, decreed that all the incarcerated be removed from the palace; some he ordered to be transferred to the Sea Castle, others to be distributed through the diverse castles of Sicily. But Robert of Calatabiano, master of the Sea Castle, a man of the utmost cruelty, since he was a very dear friend of the eunuchs and wholly devoted to their services, whenever any captured Christians happened to be brought to him, loaded with huge chains, he would torture them with frequent beatings, and he thrust them down into certain new prisons, which, so that it might seem to have surpassed the tyranny of his predecessors, full [of stench and dread] he himself had constru[cted. [Citizens] also he afflicted with many injuries, and whenever he had a private hatred against any one of them, or coveted his house, vineyard, garden, or indeed anything of that sort, he would accuse him before the gaytus Peter, and, an order having been given, would have him seized, and for so long he tormented him with hunger, thirst, and various punishments, until he was compelled, in order to escape, to give his property gratis or to sell it for less than it was worth.

Volens autem plenius eunuchorum gratiam promereri, falso suggessit gayto Petro multos proditorum per Siciliam maximeque per Lombardorum oppida remansisse, qui et opibus affluerent et largissima predia possiderent, impetravitque ut eosdem liceret ei capere et quantam posset ab eis pecuniam extorquere. Ea preditus potestate, multos viros innoxios per diversa loca Sicilie condempnavit, quibus hoc solum obfuir, quod unde mitigari possct eunuchorum cupilitas inexpleta penes ipsos contigit reperiri; sed et Barthololmeus Parisinus aliique iusticiarii, stratigoti, camerarii, catapalli, gayti Petri patrociniis innitentes, innumeris plebem rapinis et iniuriis atterebant. Hoc in omnibus iudiciis precipuum atttndentes, ut ab utralibet partium vel ab utraque, si fieri posset, pecuniam extorquerent; per totam autem Apuliam et Terram Laboris in eos plurimum qui minus poterant redemptionis exactio seviebat, expediretque regno Sicilie hostilibus adhuc incursibus fatigari, ne domesticis populandum predonibus traderetur.

Wishing, moreover, to earn more fully the favor of the eunuchs, he falsely suggested to the gaytus Peter that many traitors had remained throughout Sicily, and especially in the towns of the Lombards, who both abounded in wealth and possessed most ample landed estates; and he obtained that it should be permitted him to seize those same men and to extort from them as much money as he could. Armed with that power, he condemned many harmless men in diverse places of Sicily, to whom this alone did harm: that there happened to be found in their possession means by which the unfilled cupidity of the eunuchs might be appeased; but also Bartholomew the Parisian and other justiciars, strategoi, chamberlains, catapalli, relying on the patronage of the gaytus Peter, were grinding down the plebs with innumerable rapines and injuries. Making this the principal point in all judgments—that they might extort money from either of the parties, or from both if it could be done; moreover through all Apulia and the Land of Labour the exaction of redemption (ransom) raged especially against those who were less able to pay; and it would have been more expedient for the kingdom of Sicily to be wearied by hostile incursions still, lest it be handed over to be plundered by domestic brigands.

XXV. De regis obitu et creatione regis Willelmi filii.

25. On the death of the king and the creation of King William the son.

Cum ergo regnum ab extrinsecis tumultibus aliquando quievisset, rex autem interim otio quietique vacaret, timens ne quevis occasio voluptuosum otium impediret, familiares suos premonuerat ut nichil ei quod mestitiam aut sollicitudinem posset ingerere nunciarent, ac se totum deinceps voluptati devovens, cepit animo latius evagari, cogitans ut quia pater eius Favariam, Minenium aliaque delectabilia loca fecerat, ipse quoque palatium construeret, quod commodius ac diligentius compositum, videretur universis patris operibus premillere. Cuius parte maxima, mira celeritate, non sinc magnis sumptibus expedita, antequam supremam operi manum imponeret, dissenteriam incurrens cepit diuturno morbo dissolvi. Ac duorum fere mensium spatio protracta valetudine, denuo convalescens, cum iam eum medici crederent evasurum, repente, recidivo morbo consumptus, interiit qui, cum adhuc in extremis ageret, magnatibus curie convocatis et archiepiscopis Salernitano Reginoque presenrtibus, ultimam] voluntatem suam exponens, Willelmum maiorem filium post se regnatum ire constituit; Henricum vero principatu Capue, quem dudum ei concesserat, voluit esse contentum; reginam autem precepit totius regni curam et administrationem, que vulgo balium appellatur, tamdiu gerere dum puer cius discretionis esset que negotiis provide disponendis sufficcre putaretur electum quoque Siracusanum, gaytum Petrum, Matlleum notarium, quos ipse sibi farniliares elegerat, in eadem iussit famitiaritate curie permanere, ut eorum regina consilio que gerenda viderentur disponerct.

Therefore, when at length the kingdom had quieted from extrinsic tumults, and the king meanwhile was giving himself to leisure and repose, fearing lest any occasion might impede his voluptuous leisure, he had forewarned his familiars that they should report nothing to him which could bring sadness or solicitude; and, devoting himself thenceforth wholly to pleasure, he began to roam more widely in mind, thinking that, since his father had made Favaria, Minenium, and other delectable places, he too would build a palace which, arranged more commodiously and more diligently, might seem to pre-eminently surpass all his father’s works. And the greater part of it, with wondrous speed, not without great expenses, having been brought to completion, before he put the final hand to the work, falling into dysentery he began to be dissolved by a long disease. And his health being prolonged for the space of nearly two months, then recovering anew, when now the physicians believed he would escape, suddenly, consumed by a relapsing disease, he perished—who, while he was still at the point of death, the magnates of the court being convened and the archbishops of Salerno and Reggio present, setting forth his last will, appointed William, his elder son, to go on to reign after him; but he wished Henry to be content with the Principality of Capua, which he had formerly granted to him; moreover, he ordered the queen to bear the care and administration of the whole kingdom, which is commonly called the bailliage, so long as, until the boy should be of a discretion which would be thought sufficient for prudently arranging affairs; and he also ordered the bishop-elect of Syracuse, the Gaitus Peter, and Matthew the notary—whom he had chosen as his familiars—to remain in the same familiarity of the court, so that by their counsel the queen might dispose what should seem to be done.

Nec multo post, ingruente rmortis articulo, communi iam luce defungens, presentibus illis atque flentibus, regno vitaque sc pariter abdicavit. At illi, metuelltes ne subito dispersus rumor in populo motus quoslibet excitarct, iusserunt eum interim in ipso palatio sepeliri, simulantes eum adlzuc vivere, donec ad curiam proceribus evocatis, que ad coronandum regem putabantur necessaria prepararent quod ubi paucis dicbus peractuol est, primum in palatio morc lugubri funere conclamato, repente totius luctus subsequutus est civitatis. Moxque proceres cum epis[copis et magnatibus curie, de loco] ubi [sepultum fuerat,] in capellam [corpus regium] transtulerunt.

Not long after, with the crisis of death rushing on, now taking his leave of the common light, with them present and weeping, he abdicated himself alike from the kingdom and from life. But they, fearing lest a rumor suddenly dispersed among the people might arouse any disturbances, ordered him meanwhile to be buried in the palace itself, pretending that he was still living, until, the nobles having been called to court, they might prepare the things thought necessary for crowning the king; and when this had been accomplished in a few days, first, the funeral lament having been proclaimed in the palace in mournful fashion, suddenly there followed the grief of the whole city. And soon the nobles, with bish[hops and the magnates of the court, from the place] where [he had been buried,] into the chapel [the royal body] transferred.

Universi quoque cives, nigris induti vestibus, usque in diem tertium in eodem habitu permanserunt. Per totum autem hoc triduum mulieres nobilesque matrone, maxime sarracene, quibus ex morte regis dolor non fictus obvenerat, saccis operte, passis crinibus et die noctuque turmatim incedentes, ancillarum preeunte multitudine, totam civitatem ululatu complebant ad pulsata tympana cantu flebili respolldentes.

All the citizens likewise, clad in black garments, remained in the same attire up to the third day. And throughout this whole triduum, the women and noble matrons, especially the Saracens, to whom from the king’s death a not-feigned grief had come, covered with sackcloth, with hair let down, and moving in bands day and night, a multitude of maidservants going before, filled the whole city with ululation, responding with a plaintive chant to the beaten tympana.

At ubi dies transierunt luctui publico deputati, Willelmus, qui iam fere .XIIII. annum etatis attigerat, sub ingenti plebis gaudio rex creatus, per urbem sollempniter equitavit. Qui cum pulcherrimus esset, ca tamen die, nescio quo pacto, pulcrior apparens et augustiorem quamdam in vultu preferens venustatem, adeo gratiam et favorem omnium promeruit, ut etiam hii qui patrem eius atrociter oderant neque putabantur fidem unquam eius heredibus servaturi, dicerent humanitatis eum terminos transgressurum qui adversus puerum hunc aliquid impie moliretur.

But when the days appointed for public mourning had passed, William, who had now almost reached the 14th year of age, was created king amid the vast joy of the populace, and rode solemnly through the city. And although he was most handsome, yet on that day, by I know not what means, appearing more handsome and bearing in his countenance a certain more august comeliness, he so merited the grace and favor of all that even those who savagely hated his father and were not thought ever to keep faith with his heirs would say that he would be transgressing the bounds of humanity who should impiously contrive anything against this boy.

Sufficere enim malorum auctorem sublatum esse de medio, nec innocenti [debere puero patris tyrannidem] imputari [erat autem eius puer] pulcritudi[nis que facilius] quidem parem excludere videretur, quam superiorem admictere. Itaque regina, ut plebem ac proceres sibi filioque gratos efficeret, statuit eorum gratiam copia meritorum elicere, et fidem, si fieri posset, immensis saltem beneficiis extorquere ac primum universa recludi iussit ergastula plurimamque multitudinem virorum, tam in Sicilia quam in adiacentibus insulis, liberavit. Inde redemptionis onus inaportabile, quod totam Apuliam Terramque Laboris ultima iam desperatione concusserat, omnino censuit amovendum, scripsitque magistris camerariis ut a nemine deinceps quicquam nomine redemptionis exigerent.

Sufficient, indeed, was it that the author of evils had been removed from the midst, nor to the innocent [boy ought the father’s tyranny] be imputed; [moreover, her boy was] of beauty [and more easily] he seemed to exclude a peer than to admit a superior. Therefore the queen, in order to make the plebs and the nobles well-disposed to herself and to her son, resolved to draw out their favor by a copiousness of merits, and to extort their loyalty, if it could be done, at least by immense benefactions; and first she ordered all the prisons to be opened and freed a very great multitude of men, both in Sicily and in the adjacent islands. Next, the unbearable burden of “redemption,” which had shaken all Apulia and the Terra of Labour with utter desperation, she judged must altogether be removed, and she wrote to the master chamberlains that henceforth they should exact nothing from anyone under the name of redemption.

Familiares autem curie non in eo gradu quo fuerant aut dignitatis equalitate voluit permanere; nam gayto Petro summa rerum omnium potestate concessa, super omnes eminentiori loco constituens, electum Siracusanum Matheumque notarium precepit, ut eius coadiutores, interesse quidem consiliis et familiares appellari, sed eius in omnibus imperio subservire.

But she did not wish the familiars of the curia to remain in that rank in which they had been, or in an equality of dignity; for, with the highest power over all affairs granted to Gaito Peter, setting him in a more eminent place above all, she ordered the Syracusan elect and Matthew the notary that, as his coadjutors, they should indeed take part in the councils and be called familiars, but be subservient to his command in all things.

XXVI. De regina et officialibus eius.

26. On the queen and her officials.

Idem Petrus, licet parum consulti pectoris et inconstantis esset animi, mansuetus tamen, benignus et affabilis erat et nullum in actibus suis ma[lignandi] preferens argumentum. Largitatem quoque pre cunctis amplectens virtutibus, dare quam accipere beatius estimabat, unde et milites eum plurimum diligebant et eius per omnia voluntatem et imperia sequebantur, et nisi gentile vitium innatam viri mansuetudinem prepediret, nec eum pateretur christiani nominis odium penitus abiecisse, regnum Sicilie multa sub eo tranquillitate gauderet. Erant eo tempore Panormi circa curiam commorantes archiepiscopi quidem Rumoaldus Salernitanus et Rogerius Reginus; episcopi vero Gentilis Agrigentinus et Tustinus Mazariensis.

The same Peter, although he was of a not very well-consulted breast and of an inconstant spirit, was nevertheless mild, benign, and affable, and in his actions presenting no argument of maligning. Embracing largess before all the virtues, he judged it more blessed to give than to receive; whence also the knights loved him very much and in all things followed his will and commands; and, if the national vice had not impeded the man’s innate mildness, and had not permitted him to have utterly cast aside hatred of the Christian name, the kingdom of Sicily would have rejoiced under him with much tranquility. At that time at Palermo, dwelling about the court, the archbishops were indeed Rumoaldus of Salerno and Roger of Reggio; the bishops, however, were Gentilis of Agrigentum and Tustinus of Mazara.

Quorum Gentilis Agrigentinus episcopus, ob timorem regis diu simulate religionis umbram amplexus, sub eius obtentu popularis laudis gloriam venabatur et diuturnis ieiuniis satagebat favorem regium promereri. post obitum vero regis, sublato iam metu, cepit, velud excusso freno, liberius evagari, et omissis ieiuniis, dissolutiorem vitam agere, convocatisque militibus, crebra convivia splendidissima celebrare; interim inter epulas loqui plurimum et, quod ei familiare semper fuit, de rebus notissimis audacter mentiri, ut qui consuetudinem eius iam habebant expertam ipsius impudentiam deriderent, qui vero minus eum noverant mirarentur apertissimam falsitatem [episcopum tam impuden]ter astruere. tum genus suum operaque sua magnifice loquebatur, tum se spondebat si familiaris esset curie malas omnes consuetudines abrasurum, neque sub se notariorum et hostiariorum ceterorumque officialium curie rapinis et exactionibus locum fore, sed ad certum mensure compendium omnia restringenda; electoque Siracusano maxime detrahens, multorum ei conflabat odium et apud plebem proceresque eius opinionem ledere conabatur, summa diligentia perquirens et excogitans ut a curia posset occasione qualibet amoveri.

Of whom Gentilis, the Agrigentine bishop, on account of fear of the king long embraced the shadow of simulated religion, and under its pretext hunted the glory of popular praise and by long fasts strove to earn royal favor. But after the death of the king, fear now removed, he began, as with the bridle shaken off, to rove more freely, and, the fasts laid aside, to lead a more dissolute life, and, the soldiers having been called together, to celebrate frequent, most splendid banquets; meanwhile amid the feasts to talk very much and—what was always habitual to him—to lie boldly about matters most well-known, so that those who already had his practice experienced mocked his impudence, while those who knew him less marveled that [a bishop so impuden]tly should assert the most manifest falsehood. Then he spoke magnificently of his lineage and his deeds, then he pledged that, if he were an intimate of the court, he would scrape away all evil customs, and that under him there would be no place for the plunderings and exactions of the notaries and ostiarii (doorkeepers) and the other officials of the court, but that everything should be reduced to a fixed standard of measure; and by detracting especially from the Syracusan elect, he was kindling against him the hatred of many and was trying to injure his reputation among the common people and the magnates, with the greatest diligence searching out and devising how by any occasion he might be removed from the court.

Oderat autem illum, eo quod solus videbatur suum impedire desiderium, et rem sibi diu multumque desideratam preripere conabatur. Ad optinendam enim Panormitane sedem ecclesie totis ambo nisibus anelabant. Hic igitur archiepiscopo Regino, viro inexplete cupiditatis et avaritie, qui ut propriis sumptibus parceret, aliene mense nidore facile trahebatur, crebris ac splendidis inescato conviviis, adversus electum Siracusanum eius animum irritavit, eumque sibi socium adhibens, archiepiscopum Salernitanum eiusdem veneno conspirationis infecit, dicens electi Siracusani superbiam iam ulterius sustineri [non posse, satis] eum superque de [rapinis pauperu]m ingentem [coacervasse pecuni]am et inferendo multas iniurias, nec ipsis quidem episcopis pepercisse.

Moreover, he hated that man, because he alone seemed to impede his desire and was trying to snatch away beforehand a thing long and much desired by him. For to obtain the Panormitan seat of the church both were panting with all exertions. This man, therefore, having baited the archbishop Reginus—a man of insatiable cupidity and avarice, who, in order to spare his own expenses, was easily drawn by the odor of another’s table—with frequent and splendid banquets, irritated his mind against the Siracusan elect; and, taking him to himself as an associate, he infected the archbishop of Salerno with the same poison of conspiracy, saying that the pride of the Siracusan elect could [no longer, enough] be endured, that he had heaped up an enormous [sum of money] from the [plunderings of the poor] and, by inflicting many injuries, had not spared even the bishops themselves.

nunc elaborandum ut a curia separatus tandem intelligat alicuius eos esse momenti quos, in familiaritate regia constitutus, erecto collo rigentique cervice, grandia verba trutinans, tanquam sibi subiectos despexerit nulloque dignos honore putaverit. Matheoque notario non difficile persuasum est, ut eidem se societati coniungeret, quem adversus electum invidie pridem stimulus incitarat. Occulte tamen id se facturum promisit, ne crudelitas nimia videretur in eum repente sine manifesta causa patenter irruere, cuius diu socius extitisset.

now it must be worked out that, separated from the curia, he may at length understand that those men are of some moment whom, established in royal familiarity, with neck erect and nape rigid, weighing grand words, he has looked down on as if subject to himself and has judged worthy of no honor. And Matthew the notary was not with difficulty persuaded to join himself to that same society, whom the spur of envy had long since incited against the elect of Syracuse. Nevertheless he promised that he would do this covertly, lest excessive cruelty should seem to rush upon him patently and suddenly without manifest cause, whose associate he had long been.

Timebat enim ne forte res aliorsum ac opinabantur vergeret, ideoque se non audebat hostem apertum ostendere. Enimvero, preter eas que dicte sunt privatas singulorum inimicitias, alia quoque causa suberat que in odium electi satis eos efficaciter inducebat. Aiebant enim Transalpine gentis superbiam, que hactenus potestate predita curie fretaque regum amicitia Longobardos impune multis exacerbasset iniuriis, deinceps a curia penitus excl[udendam, si prius ele]ctum amov[eri contigerit.

For he feared lest perchance the matter might incline otherwise than they were supposing, and therefore he did not dare to show himself an open enemy. Indeed, besides those private enmities of individuals which have been mentioned, another cause also lay beneath which was inducing them quite efficaciously into hatred of the elect. For they were saying that the superbity of the Transalpine nation, which hitherto, endowed with the power of the curia and relying on the amity of kings, had exasperated the Longobards with many injuries with impunity, should henceforth be utterly excluded from the curia, if first it should happen that the elect be removed.

eo] namque seme[l expulso, nec eius] gentis quempiam [in curia re]mansurum, ipsumque regem, cum ad etatem discretam pervenerit, eos habiturum familiares inter quos nutritus fuerit et quos eum usus longevus consuetudoque docuerit, neque peregrinis et advenis, quorum mores ut ignotos abhorreat, dignitates curie collaturum. Ceperunt itaque cum gayto Petro singulis diebus equitare, frequenter ei assistere et honorem ac reverentiam, ultra quam episcopalis pateretur dignitas, exhibere. Inde familiarius eum admonent ut notos et amicos circa se semper habeat, nec ignotum quempiam ad se patiatur accedere.

for, with him once expelled, not anyone of his people would remain in the curia; and the king himself, when he should have come to a discrete age, would have as familiars those among whom he had been nurtured and whom long use and consuetude would teach him, and he would not confer the dignities of the curia upon peregrines and newcomers, whose manners, as unknown, he would abhor. Therefore they began to ride every day with the Gaite Peter, to assist him frequently and to show him honor and reverence beyond what an episcopal dignity would tolerate. Then, more intimately, they admonish him to have known men and friends always around him, and not to allow any unknown person to approach him.

Nam electum Siracusanum, cum in curia superiorem pati non possit, cum quibusdam aliis inisse consilium ut ipsum interfici faciat, ideoque dandam operam ut illius possint insidie precaveri. Ille, ut erat pronus quicquid sibi suggestum foret credere, collaudans eos, rem ad amicorum transfert notitiam, quorum consilio statuit non solum a curia Siracusanum electum expellere, verum etiam eligere [viros qui eum in] ipsius ingressu palatii gladiis exceptum confoderent. interimque regis militibus eorumque comestabulis denunciari precepit, ut nullus eorum cum electo deinceps equitare vel ad curiam euntem sequi presumeret.

For the Syracusan elect, since in the curia he cannot endure a superior, had entered into a counsel with certain others to bring it about that he be killed, and therefore effort should be given that his ambushes may be forestalled. He, as he was prone to believe whatever might be suggested to him, commending them, transfers the matter to the knowledge of his friends, by whose counsel he decided not only to expel the Syracusan elect from the curia, but also to choose [men who him in] his entry into the palace, caught on swords, would stab to death. And meanwhile he ordered it to be announced to the king’s soldiers and their constables, that none of them should henceforth presume to ride with the elect or to follow him as he went to the curia.

Electus, licet multorum relatu que facta fuerant agnovisset, neque se tamen adversus eorum consilium aliquatenus premunivit, neque segnius ob hoc ad curiam singulis diebus ascendit, ut quicumque periculum rei cognoverant securitatem illius et fiduciam mirarentur. Cumque sepe palatium ingressus propositas insidias offendisset, eo viso gaytus Petrus, ut erat natura mitissimus, ad eius salutationem statim mutabat consilium, et a perpetrando scelere milites avertebat, illoque recedente, crebris episcoporum suggestionibus denuo stimulatus, spondebat se proculdubio quod suaderent facturum. Ubi ad rem ventum erat rursus a proposito decidebat.

The Elect, although by the report of many he had recognized what had been done, yet in no way fortified himself against their counsel, nor on this account did he ascend to the court less briskly each day, so that whoever had come to know the danger of the matter marveled at his security and confidence. And when, often entering the palace, he had encountered the ambushes laid, at the sight of him Gaytus Peter, as he was by nature most mild, at his salutation at once changed his plan and turned the soldiers away from perpetrating the crime; and when he withdrew, again pricked by the frequent suggestions of the bishops, he pledged that without doubt he would do what they urged. When it came to the deed, he again fell away from his purpose.

Videntes autem episcopi Matheusque notarius rem inutiliter diu protrahi, persuaserunt ei ut quia vellet in impium pius esse, bonumque pro malo reddere decrevisset, saltem illum a curie familiaritate semotum, ad episcopatum suum transmicteret, eius[que loco Salerni]tanum archiepiscopum subrogaret. quod ille se facturum promisit, parumque diligenter rem exequens, eorum animos expectatione longa speque dubia suspendebat, ceterique iam dilationis tedio fatigati, ab eo quod inceperant facile destitissent, nisi quod archiepiscopus Reginus continuis eos persuasionum stimulis incitabat. Summo namque mane domos illorum incipiens circuire, ad perficiendum susceptum negotium singulos incitabat, et ne deficiendo tepescerent, hortabatur increpansque desidiam illorum et inhertes eos appellans, eiusmodi exhortationibus totum diei spatium consumebat et diffidentes animos in spem iterum erigebat.

But seeing the matter uselessly protracted for a long time, the bishops and Matthew the notary persuaded him that, since he wished to be pious toward the impious and had resolved to render good for evil, at least he should remove him from the familiarity of the curia, send him across to his bishopric, and substitute in his[ place the Salernitan] archbishop. He promised that he would do this, but, executing the matter too little diligently, he kept their spirits suspended by long expectation and doubtful hope; and the rest, already wearied by the tedium of delay, would easily have desisted from what they had begun, if not that Archbishop Reginus was continually urging them on with goads of persuasions. For at first light in the morning, beginning to go round their houses, he would incite each one to bring the undertaken business to completion; and, lest by failing they should grow tepid, he exhorted them, and, rebuking their sloth and calling them inert, with exhortations of this sort he consumed the whole span of the day and raised again their distrustful spirits into hope.

Adhuc enim ob sanctitatis opinionem omnes eum venerabantur et eius libenter admictebant consilium, nondum ipsius ypocrisi denudata. Erat autem etate iam vergens in senium; statura procerus; ultima consumptus et extenuatus macie; vocem adeo debilem habens ut quasi sibilus audiretur; faciem vero totumque corpus nigredini mixtus pallor infecerat, ut sepultis quam viventibus videretur affinior, habitumque mentis color extrinsecus indicaret; laborem nullum difficilem estima[bat, unde lucri quid]piam speraretur; [famis ac sitis u]ltra morem hu[manum patiens], ut sumptibus [parceret; domi] nunquam inter epulas letus, in alieno nunquam tristis convivio; totos sepissime dies ieiunus pertransiens, expectabat ut eum aliquis invitaret, frequenter enim consueverat eum vocare episcopus Agrigentinus aliique qui consuetudinem eius cognoverant. Huius indesinenter monitis Salernitanus archiepiscopus eiusque socii, velud quibusdam stimulis incitati, multas adversus electum Siracusanum machinationum adinventiones et versutias consumebant.

For as yet, on account of a reputation for sanctity, all venerated him and gladly admitted his counsel, his hypocrisy not yet laid bare. He was, moreover, in age already verging into senescence; tall in stature; consumed to the utmost and attenuated by leanness; having so weak a voice that it was heard almost as a hiss; indeed a pallor mixed with blackness had stained his face and his whole body, so that he seemed more akin to the buried than to the living, and the outward color indicated the habit of his mind; he deemed no labor difficult, [from which some profit] might be hoped; [hunger and thirst] beyond human [custom enduring], that he might [spare expenses; at home] never cheerful amid banquets, at another’s table never sad; very often passing whole days fasting, he would wait for someone to invite him—for the bishop of Agrigentum and others who had learned his practice were accustomed frequently to call him. By his unceasing admonitions the archbishop of Salerno and his companions, as if incited by certain goads, were expending many inventions of machinations and stratagems against the Syracusan elect.

regina vero nichilominus eisdem consentiebat consiliis, nec illius ipsi persecutio displicebat, eo quod adhuc vivente marito suo, cum pro quibusdam negotiis suis aliquotiens electo preces porrigeret, ille ut in prosperis semper elatus, contemptorem induebat animum, superbe nunciis mordaciterque respondens, nunquam eius petitiones efficaciter admictebat. Sed et Iohannes Neapolitanus, Ecclesie Romane cardinal, qui forte tunc aderat, videns eo scismate curiam laborare, partes suas interponere studuit, et gayto Petro consentiens, electum a curia nitebatur expe[llere; quod eo] consilio fac[ere putabatur, quia] gayto Petro [deincepsque per] eum regine [persuaderi posse credebat ut Panormitanam ecclesiam ei regendam committerent, ipsosque sperabat dissensionis auctores ob invidiam electi facile consensuros. Dum ita Siracusanus electus gravi persecutionis turbine quateretur, nunciatum est Panormi Gillebertum comitem Gravinensem, regine consanguineum, post auditam regis mortem, ad curiam venientem, Farum transiisse.

the queen, for her part, was nonetheless agreeing to the same counsels, nor was the persecution against him displeasing to her, because while her husband was still alive, when for certain of her affairs she several times extended prayers to the elect, he, as always elated in prosperous things, put on a contemptuous mind, answering haughtily and mordaciously, and he never effectively admitted her petitions. But John of Naples, cardinal of the Roman Church, who happened by chance then to be present, seeing the curia labor under that schism, strove to interpose his influence, and, agreeing with gayto Peter, was striving to expel the elect from the curia [him; because by that] plan he was thought to [do, because] to gayto Peter [and thereafter through] him he believed the queen [could be persuaded to entrust the Panormitan Church to him to be governed, and he hoped that the authors of the dissension, on account of envy of the elect, would readily consent. While thus the Syracusan elect was being shaken by a grievous whirlwind of persecution, it was announced at Palermo that Gilbert, count of Gravina, a kinsman of the queen, after hearing of the king’s death, as he was coming to the curia, had crossed the Faro.

Quo permoti rumore, persecutores electi paulisper ab inceptis machinis quieverunt ad aliam necessario deliberationem traducti. Constabat enim ob hoc venire comitem, ut totius regni magister capitaneus constitutus, negotia curie, post reginam, principe loco disponeret. Sed neque regine sic ferebat animus ut gaytum Petrum, quem plurimum diligebat, secundo post aliquem loco poneret, nec ea comes venerat manu militum premunitus, ut, ipsa nolente, ceteros posset a curia familiares excludere.

Moved by this rumor, the persecutors of the elect rested for a little while from their begun machinations, being transferred to another necessary deliberation. For it was agreed that the count was coming for this: that, constituted as master-captain of the whole kingdom, he might dispose the affairs of the court, after the queen, in the principal place. But neither did the queen’s spirit bear it thus, to set Gaito Peter, whom she loved exceedingly, in a second place after anyone; nor had the count come pre-armed with a band of soldiers, such that, she being unwilling, he could exclude the other familiars from the court.

Electus ergo, missis ad eum occulte nunciis, persecutionem suam et quas passus esset iniurias illi aperuit, [monuitque ut circumspecte] se habens, Siculorum precaveret fallacias, sciturus a gayto Petro ceterisque sociis eius proculdubio sibi paratum iri insidias. Ad hec electo comes rescripsit ut securus de cetero permaneret, nam se diligenter super hiis omnibus se ipsius consilio provisurum. Cum autem Panormum venisset, ceperunt ad eum gayti Petri fautores crebrius convenire, studium eius et prudentiam laudare, quod audita regis morte, sine dilatione reginam consolatum venerit, dein absentantes illi blandiri, et se suaque voluntati eius exponere.

Therefore the Elect, after secretly sending messengers to him, laid open to him his persecution and the injuries which he had suffered, [and warned that, conducting himself circumspectly,] he should beware the fallacies of the Sicilians, knowing that by Gaito Peter and his other associates, without doubt, ambushes would be prepared for him. To this the Count wrote back to the Elect that he should henceforth remain secure, for that he would diligently provide in all these matters by his own counsel. But when he had come to Palermo, the supporters of Gaito Peter began to come together to him more frequently, to praise his zeal and prudence, because, when the king’s death was heard, without delay he had come to console the queen; then, assenting to him, to flatter him, and to expose themselves and their belongings to his will.

Interim ei latenter apud reginam, tum per se ipsos, tum etiam interposita cardinalis auctoritate, detrahere. Nam et ipsa postmodum prodente, cognitum est Iohannem Neapolitanum ei suggessisse et paratum fuisse iurare, quod comes illi balium et omnem imperandi facultatem auferre sibique transsumere conaretur. Comes, ubi certius expectationem suam animadvertit eludi neque bonum erga se reginam animum gerere, statuit asperioribus cum ea verbis agere, eamque presente gayto Petro secretius alloquens, cum de rebus illam plurimis convenisset, subiecit rem omnibus videri dignam miraculo, quod non aliter curiam [ordinaret, cum in eo sta]tu non posset diutius permanere.

Meanwhile they were secretly detracting from him before the queen, now by themselves, now also with the cardinal’s authority interposed. For even with she herself later betraying it, it was learned that John the Neapolitan had suggested to her and had been ready to swear that the count was trying to take from her the bailia (the regency) and every faculty of commanding, and to transfer it to himself. The count, when he more surely noticed his expectation being foiled and that the queen did not bear a good mind toward him, decided to deal with her in harsher words; and, addressing her more privately with gaytus Peter present, when he had agreed with her concerning many matters, he added that the matter seemed to all worthy of marvel, that she was not otherwise arranging the court [would arrange, since in that sta]te it could not remain any longer.

Iam enim universos proceres indignari, quod omissis comitibus aliisque viris prudentibus quorum oportebat consilio curiam regi, toti regno servum effeminatum prefecerit. Nec enim regem sanum habuisse consilium aut eius debere super hoc iussionem impleri, qui viros contemptibiles, immo deviratos homines ad regimen regni putaverit posse sufficere. Sed et hoc insanius esse quod adversus electum Siracusanum, virum prudentem regnoque necessarium, ob quem solum in consulta regis decreta videbantur atiquatenus excusari, nescio qui conspiratores eam commoverint et ipsum a curia censeant amovendum.

For already all the nobles are indignant, because, with the counts and other prudent men—by whose counsel it was fitting to govern the court—passed over, he has set over the whole kingdom an effeminate slave. For neither did the king have sane counsel, nor ought his command to be fulfilled in this matter, he who thought that contemptible men—nay, unmanned men—could suffice for the regimen of the kingdom. But this too is more insane: that against the elected Syracusan, a prudent man and necessary to the kingdom, on account of whom alone the unadvised decrees of the king seemed in some measure to be excused, I know not what conspirators have stirred her up, and deem that he himself should be removed from the court.

At illa respondit: regis ultimam voluntatem quam maxime deceat observari, sua nunquam infirmatum iri opera. Quod si gaytus Petrus ad administrationem regni parum sufficiens putabatur, ipse cum eo familiaris in curia remaneret, ut auctoritate et prudentia sua quod deerat curie suppleretur. Tunc indignatus comes: "bene", inquit, "honorem michi debitum ut consanguineo detulisti, preclare michi locum reservans dignitatis que servo tuo parem me facere dispo[nebas.

But she answered: that the king’s last will, which it most fittingly behooved to be observed, would never be weakened by her action. But if gaytus Peter was thought somewhat insufficient for the administration of the kingdom, he himself, as a familiar, should remain in the court with him, so that by his authority and prudence what was lacking to the court might be supplied. Then the count, indignant: "well", he said, "the honor due to me as a kinsman you have borne to me, splendidly reserving for me the place of that dignity with which you were disposing to make me equal to your servant, dispo[nebas.

At ego] mores inge[niumque tuum co]gnovi, neque [me latet consili]um tuum; sci]o te quidem fac]turam ut ab administratione regni turpiter expellaris; iam enim per totam Apuliam opera tua fama dispersit; iam hic etiam quod plenius ibi dicta corroboret intellexi". Hiis aliisque non mitioribus eam verbis aggressus, deincepsque paulatim in apertam verborum contumeliam prorumpens, tandem ad lacrymas coactam nichilo tamen segnius eius proposito reluctantem deseruit, iratusque domum reversus est. At gaytus Petrus, cum aperte comitis animum ex ipsis dictis, ut presens aderat, cognovisset, arbitratus ei viribus resistendum, cepit animos militum beneficiis sibi largisque donis allicere. Erant tunc consiliorum eius participes duo viri nobiles, in quibus maxime confidebat: Hugo filius Atonis, vir tam prudens quam armis strenuus, quem militibus suis ipse prefecerat, et Richardus de Mandra, magister comestabulus, qui cum Roberto comite Lorotelli rebus diu bellicis insudaverat, audacie plurimum habens, prudentie parum: proceres ergo ceterique viri nobiles quicumque predia vel feudorum quicpiam possidebant, comitem malebant pre[esse curie capitaneumque constitui; milites vero stipendiarii, cum comestabulo suo, preter paucos Transmontanos, gayti Petri munera sequebantur.

“But I have come to know your manners and your inborn character, nor is your counsel hidden from me; I know indeed that you will contrive it so that you be shamefully expelled from the administration of the kingdom; already through all Apulia rumor has spread of your deeds; already here too I have understood that which more fully corroborates what was said there.” Having assailed her with these and other words no gentler, and thereafter gradually bursting forth into open contumely of words, at length, when she had been driven to tears, yet none the less resisting his purpose, he left her, and, angry, returned home. But Gaytus Peter, when he had clearly recognized the count’s mind from the words themselves, as he was present, thinking that he must be resisted by force, began to allure the spirits of the soldiers to himself by benefices and lavish gifts. There were then two noble men sharers of his counsels, in whom he most especially confided: Hugh son of Ato, a man as prudent as he was strenuous in arms, whom he himself had set over his soldiers, and Richard of Mandra, master constable, who with Robert, count of Lorotello, had long toiled in warlike matters, having very much audacity, little prudence. Therefore the grandees and the other noble men, whoever possessed estates or anything of fiefs, preferred that the count should preside over the court and be appointed captain; but the stipendary soldiers, with their constable, except for a few Transmontanes, followed Gaytus Peter’s gifts.

Qui, cum Richardi comestabuli fidem multis sibi non ambigeret beneficiis] obligatam, eo tendebat ut eumdem factum comitem quasi propugnaculum quoddam adversus comitem Gravinensem erigeret, ut velut ex equo deinceps comes comiti plena posset auctoritate resistere. Quod non difficile, porrectis super hoc regine precibus, impetravit. Hic itaque, non sine multorum indignatione, comes creatus, tubis, tympanis cymbalisque de more sollempniter preeuntibus, Bovianum, Venafrum integreque universa oppida, que ad comitatum Molisii pertinebant, optinuit.

Who, since he did not doubt that the loyalty of Richard the constable had been bound to himself by many benefices, aimed to raise that same man, once made count, as a kind of bulwark against the count of Gravina, so that thereafter, as it were on equal footing, count to count, he might be able to resist with full authority. This he obtained without difficulty, having presented petitions to the queen about this. He therefore, created count, not without the indignation of many, with trumpets, drums, and cymbals going before in the customary solemn manner, secured Bovianum, Venafrum, and wholly all the towns which belonged to the county of Molise.

Cepit interea gaytus Petrus frequenter cum ingenti multitudine militum, hostiariis sagittariisque precedentibus, equitare; universis ad se confluentibus multa largiri, et sibi quos poterat sacramentis astringere; comes autem Gravinensis hec omnia velud negligere dissimulando paucorum comitatu contentus esse, eoque ipso gayto Petro suspectior fieri. Coniectabat enim note virum industrie [callidum dissimulare propositum et occulte] cum electo Siracusano magnum aliquid machinari. Ex ea demum suspicione timorem concipiens, comitis consilium per amicos diligentius inquirebat.

Meanwhile gaytus Peter began frequently to ride with an immense multitude of soldiers, with the ostiaries and archers going before; to lavish many gifts upon all who converged to him, and to bind to himself by oaths those whom he could; but the Count of Gravina, by dissembling as though to neglect all these things, to be content with a small company of attendants, and for that very reason to become more suspect to gaytus Peter. For he conjectured that a man of noted industry, crafty, was dissimulating his design and was secretly machinating something great with the Elect of Syracuse. From that suspicion at last conceiving fear, he was inquiring more diligently into the count’s counsel through friends.

Cumque multi nichil esse timendum assererent, et addita spe, niterentur labantem eius animum roborare, plures ad eum secretius accedentes, parari sibi latenter insidias astruebant. Ita variis dissonisque concussum rumoribus eo desperationis impulerant, ut non aliter se quam nocturna fuga speraret manus comitis evasurum. Itaque sagitteam quanta potuit celeritate faciens preparari, nautis, armis ceterisque rebus necessariis eam premuniit.

And while many were asserting that there was nothing to be feared, and, hope being added, were striving to strengthen his wavering spirit, more, approaching him more secretly, were alleging that covert ambushes were being prepared for him. Thus, shaken by various and dissonant rumors, they had driven him to such a pitch of desperation that he hoped to escape the Count’s hand in no other way than by nocturnal flight. And so, having a swift galley prepared with all the celerity he could, he furnished it beforehand with sailors, arms, and the other necessary things.

Cumque thesauros suos fecisset illuc sub noctis silentio comportari, sequenti die post occasum solis, fingens se novum adire velle palatium quod in ea parte civitatis que vocatur Kemonia nuper construxerat, cum paucis eunuchis quos secum decreverat adducendos, ad mare perrexit; ibique, dimissis equis, navem conscendens ad Masmudorum regem in Affricam transfretavit. Quod cum summo mane fama per populum dispersisset, eorum qui partes eius sequuti fue[rant animos inopinate] rei perturbavit eventus; [Gille]bertum vero comitem eiusque fautores in amplioris spei fiduciam extulit, arbitrantes propositum suum nullo posse deinceps obstaculo prepediri. Dicebant autem plerique, et hec erat plebis opinio, quod gaytus Petrus preter immensi ponderis aurum, de quo dubium non erat, plurima quoque secum abstulerat regie dignitatis insignia.

And when he had caused his treasures to be carried thither under the silence of night, on the following day after the setting of the sun, feigning that he wished to go to a new palace which he had lately built in that part of the city which is called Kemonia, with a few eunuchs whom he had resolved to bring with him, he went to the sea; and there, the horses dismissed, boarding a ship he crossed over to Africa to the king of the Masmuda. When at first light the report had spread among the people, the event disturbed [the spirits] of those who had followed his party in [the unexpected] affair; but it raised [Gille]bert the count and his supporters into a confidence of ampler hope, thinking that their plan could henceforth be hindered by no obstacle. Many, moreover, were saying, and this was the opinion of the commons, that the gaytus Peter, besides gold of immense weight—about which there was no doubt—had also carried off with him very many insignia of royal dignity.

Quod tamen regina constanter denegans, asserebat nichil eum penitus de thesauris regiis attigisse. Cum ergo post hec ad palacium episcopi, comites et familiares curie convenissent, diuque super eo quod acciderat invicem disceptantes, causam modumque rei disquirerent, subintulit comes Gravinensis hec et deteriora se priusquam acciderent timuisse, nam insanum fuisse consilium servum saracenum qui stolium quoque dudum prodiderat in tantam attollere potestatem. Illud quidem maiori dignum miraculo, quod non latenter introductis Masmudis in palacium, regem ipsum cum omnibus thesauris fecerit asportari.

Yet the queen, steadfastly denying it, asserted that he had touched nothing at all of the royal treasures. When therefore after these things the counts and the familiars of the court had assembled at the bishop’s palace, and for a long time, debating with one another about what had happened, were inquiring into the cause and manner of the affair, the Count of Gravina interposed that he had feared these and worse things before they happened; for it had been insane counsel to exalt to such power a Saracen servant who had also long since betrayed the fleet. That indeed would be worthy of a greater marvel: that, with the Masmudis brought into the palace not secretly, he should have had the king himself carried off with all the treasures.

Quod profecto decreverat se facturum siquidem ipsi liceret ea quam usurpaverat uti diutius potestate. Hec et hiis similia comitis dicta mole[ste ferens Richardus comes Molisii respondit: gaytum Petrum servum quidem, ut aiebat, fuisse, sed in testamento regis solempniter manumissum, eamque libertatis dationem novi quo]que regis [et regine privilegio roboratam]; quod si vel ipse vel alius quilibet in eam prorumpere velit audaciam, ut eumdem gaytum Petrum proditionis arguat, paratum se defensionem eius suscipere, et singularis pugne iudicio fidem absentis adstruere. Qui cum instans periculum et paratas insidias aliter evitare non posset, nichil mirandum si timore mortis aufugiens, quocumque pacto vite consuluit; in eum culpam refundi debere qui minis eum et terroribus adactum fugere compulisset.

Which indeed he had resolved that he would do, if only it were permitted him to make longer use of the power which he had usurped. These and similar sayings of the count ill-[taking, Richard, count of Molise, replied: that gaytus Peter had indeed been, as he said, a slave, but had been solemnly manumitted in the king’s testament, and that grant of liberty had been strengthened also by the privilege of the new ki]ng [and queen]; and that if either he himself or anyone whatsoever should wish to break out into such audacity as to charge that same gaytus Peter with treason, he was prepared to undertake his defense, and by the judgment of single combat to establish the good faith of the absent man. Since he could not otherwise avoid the imminent danger and the snares that were prepared, there is nothing to wonder at if, fleeing for fear of death, he looked to his life by whatever means; the blame ought to be cast back upon him who, having driven him by threats and terrors, compelled him to flee.

Hiis itaque velud quibusdam litigandi iactis seminibus, alterna responsione comitum eousque res processit ut Richardus Molisii comes, eo quo loquebatur impetu, comitem Gravinensem timidum appellaret indignumque cui regis commicteretur exercitus, et nisi qui aderant sese medios iniecissent, inter eos orta discordia non sine partis alterius gravi dispendio sopiretur. Tunc iussu regine precibusque magnatum curie, remissis hinc inde verborum iniuriis, ad concordiam sunt reducti, que tamen inter eos deinceps perfecte nunquam potuit solidari.

Thus, with, as it were, certain seeds of litigating having been cast, by the alternate response of the counts the matter advanced to such a point that Richard, count of Molise, with the very impetus with which he was speaking, called the count of Gravina timid and unworthy to be entrusted with the king’s army; and unless those who were present had thrown themselves into the midst, the discord arisen between them would not have been quelled without the grave dispendium of one side. Then, at the order of the queen and by the prayers of the magnates of the court, with the verbal injuries on both sides remitted, they were brought back to concord, which, however, thereafter between them could never be perfectly solidified.

Interea regina, persuasionibus Richardi comitis et aliorum qui gayto Petro faverant acquiescens, occasionem sibi desiderabat congruam exhiberi ut Gillebertum comitem a curia removeret, ita tamen ne quid eius odio facere videretur. At Matheus notarius qui ceteris omnibus astutia preminebat, ad Maionis artes confugiens, famam excitat aliquanto iam tempore quiescentem; rumores dispergit in populo; licteras falsas conscribit imperatoris Alemannorum adventum certissime continentes, easque, velud a remotis regni partibus regi transmissas, coram omnibus evolvit ac recitat: hoc enim ad eius officium pertinebat. Hinc oportune regina, quesitam occasionem eliciens, comiti Gravinensi precipit multumque blandiens exhortatur, ut quia non negligenda necessitatis ingruat difficultas cui potissimum ipse videatur sufficere, maturet in Apuliam proficisci; adversus imperatorem exercitum preparet; civitates ne dubia fide vacillent admoneat, castellaque faciat premuniri.

Meanwhile the queen, acquiescing in the persuasions of Count Richard and of others who had favored Gaytus Peter, desired that a suitable occasion be furnished her to remove Count Gilbert from the court, yet in such a way that she might not seem to do anything out of hatred toward him. But Matthew the notary, who surpassed all the others in astuteness, resorting to Maio’s arts, rouses a report that had for some time already lain quiet; he scatters rumors among the people; he drafts false letters most certainly containing the advent of the emperor of the Germans, and these, as though sent to the king from remote parts of the realm, he unrolls and reads aloud before all: for this pertained to his office. Hence, opportunely, the queen, drawing forth the sought-for occasion, commands and, with much coaxing, exhorts the Count of Gravina that, since a not-to-be-neglected difficulty of necessity is pressing on, for which he himself seems most of all sufficient, he should hasten to set out for Apulia; should prepare an army against the emperor; should admonish the cities lest they waver in doubtful loyalty, and should see to it that the castles be fortified in advance.

At ille, tametsi non ambigeret hos adversum se machinationum rivulos de Maionicis fontibus emanasse, [videns tamen se] contra regine volunta[tem] nichil in curia profecturum, opere pretium ratus est eorum non adversari consiliis, ne, si quod occulte se facturos speraverant, viderent secus accidere, posthabitis simulandi fallendique consiliis, aperte iam eum, licet reluctantem, utpote fortiores, expellerent. Igitur Apulie Terreque Laboris capitaneus constitutus cum filio suo Bertranno, cui nuper Andrie comitatus datus fuerat, Farum transiit et in Apuliam reversus est. Eius autem loco regina Richardum Mandrensem Molisii comitem, eo quod gaytum Petrum fidelissime dilexisset, curie familiarem constituit et maiorem ei quam ceteris familiaribus contulit potestatem.

But he, although he did not doubt that these little rivulets of machinations against himself had emanated from Maionian fountains, [seeing however that he] would accomplish nothing in the court against the queen’s will, judged it worth the effort not to oppose their counsels, lest, if they should see that what they had hoped to do covertly was turning out otherwise, with the plans of dissembling and deceiving set aside, they might now openly expel him, as being the stronger, albeit he resisted. Therefore, appointed captain of Apulia and of Terra Laboris, together with his son Bertrand, to whom the county of Andria had recently been given, he crossed the Faro and returned into Apulia. In his place the queen appointed Richard Mandrense, count of Molise—because he had most faithfully loved gaytus Peter—a familiar of the court, and she conferred on him greater power than on the other familiars.

Qui, cum ob familiaritatem curie, tum ob precipitem eius audaciam, tum etiam quia militibus adhuc velud comestabulus preerat, ab omnibus maxime timebatur. Interea litem adversus electum Siracusanum que timore comitis aliquanto tempore sopita fuerat episcopi rursus instaurant, regine suggerentes illius opera factum ut gaytus Petrus aufugeret; nam Gillebertum comitem, eiusdem licteris ad curiam evocatum et in via clandestinis nunciis quid agere deberet edoctum, satis eum impune reginam totamque curiam offen[disse, perturbasse] magnisque [obiectasse per]iculis; neque mirum, [cum ipsa] facinorum impunitas audendi quicquid libitum fuerit prestet illi fiduciam. Quod, si solum ipsa consenserit, facile se facturos ut licteris pontificis Romani citatum, oporteat eum Romam proficisci, nec in eam super hoc possit culpe quidpiam retorqueri, cum nec eius factum videatur consilio.

He, both on account of his familiarity with the court, and on account of his precipitate audacity, and also because he still was presiding over the soldiers as if constable, was most of all feared by everyone. Meanwhile the bishops renew the suit against the elect of Syracuse, which for some time had been lulled by fear of the count, suggesting to the queen that by that man’s agency it had come about that gaytus Peter fled; for that Count Gilbert, having been summoned to the court by that same man’s letters and, on the road, instructed by clandestine messengers what he ought to do, had with impunity offen[ded, disturbed] the queen and the whole court, and had [exposed] them to great [per]ils; nor is it a wonder, since [the very] impunity of his crimes affords him the confidence to dare whatever he has pleased. And that, if only she would consent, they would easily bring it about that, summoned by letters of the Roman pontiff, he must set out to Rome, nor could any blame on this account be retorted upon her, since neither does the deed seem to be by her counsel.

Post consecrationem vero suam, velud iam curie familiaritate privatum, ad episcopatum suum recto tramite reversurum. assentiente regina idque sibi gratum fore modis omnibus attestante, die constituto, Iohannes Neapolitanus, harum machinationum princeps, vocatur ad curiam, paucisque de negotiis Ecclesie Romane pro quibus venerat verbis prehabitis, pape licteras demum ostendit precipientis ut omnes electi Sicilie, quorum ad Romanum pontificem spectabat consecratio, Romam pergerent consecrandi. Hiis in presentia regis ac regine totiusque curie perlectis, adiecit sibi papam precepisse ut quod licteris deerat ipse suppleret, et prefatis electis ex parte sua certum quo consecrari deberent terminum prefiniret.

After his own consecration, however, as though now deprived of the familiarity of the court, he would return by a straight path to his bishopric. the queen assenting and attesting that this would be pleasing to her in every way, on the appointed day, John the Neapolitan, the leader of these machinations, is summoned to the court, and, a few words having been premised about the business of the Roman Church for which he had come, he at length shows the pope’s letters, ordering that all the elects of Sicily, whose consecration pertained to the Roman pontiff, should proceed to Rome to be consecrated. These having been read in the presence of the king and queen and of the whole court, he added that the pope had instructed him to supply himself what was lacking to the letters, and, on his behalf, to set for the aforesaid elects a fixed term by which they ought to be consecrated.

Ad hec electus respondit: paratum se mandatum pape libenter, quam primum potuerit, adimplere, sed neque terminum quem cardinal ipse prefixerit recepturum, nec omnino, si quid preter literarum tenorem super addere velit, facturum. Hiis aliquanta disputatione protractis, cum electus prudenter ad singula respondendo spem cardinalis aliquatenus elusisset, magna diei parte consumpta, simul e palatio descenderunt.

To this the elect replied: that he was prepared gladly, as soon as he could, to fulfill the mandate of the pope, but that he would neither accept the term which the cardinal himself had pre-fixed, nor at all do anything, if he should wish to add anything beyond the tenor of the letters. These matters being prolonged by some disputation, since the elect, by prudently answering to each point, had in some measure eluded the cardinal’s hope, a great part of the day having been consumed, they descended together from the palace.

XXVII. De eo quod in vita hodio habebatur a multis quod post mortem dilexerunt eum.

27. On the fact that in life he was held in hatred by many, who after death loved him.

Hiis diebus Willelmum regem, quem viventem velut atrocissimum tyrannum oderant, plurimi mortuum deflevere, videntes privatis inimicitiis regni posthaberi negotia, thesauros multis artibus inaniri, et contra dignitatem curie regnique privilegia plurima perpetrari. electus quoque, cum aliquando, multis presentibus, vellet eiusdem regis mortem dampnosam innuere, Catonis dicta presenti tempori coaptabat, qui Pompei morte cognita,

Civis obit, inquit, multum maioribus impar
Nosse modum iuris, sed in hoc tamen utilis evo.

Nec illud reticendum arbitror, quod cum ad cardinalem magnates curie die quadam ceterique proceres et episcopi convenissent, aderat inter eos note loquacitatis et urbane quidam insanie, qui ob stultitiam suam libere quidem et nimis quandoque mordaciter in ipsos etiam familiares invehi consueverat, et assidue curiam sequebatur. Hic, cum universos solitis verborum contumeliis afficiens, ad risum singulos permovisset, tandem, omissis ceteris, Iohannem Neapolitanum intuitus: "quot", inquit, "o cardinal, videtur tibi miliariis Panormum ab urbe Romana distare?" Cumque responsum esset .XV. dierum itinere: "At ego", inquit, "te videns totiens tamque secure tanti difficultatem itineris quasi negligendo discurrere, non ampliori spatio nos ab Romanis abesse quam .XX. miliariis arbitrabar.

In these days, King William, whom while living they hated as a most atrocious tyrant, very many bewailed when dead, seeing private enmities being preferred over the affairs of the kingdom, the treasuries being emptied by many arts, and many things being perpetrated contrary to the dignity of the court and the privileges of the kingdom. The elect also, when on a certain occasion, with many present, he wished to intimate that the death of the same king had been damaging, was fitting Cato’s sayings to the present time, who, when the death of Pompey was known,

“A citizen has died,” he says, “far unequal to his elders
to know the measure of law, yet in this respect useful for this age.”

Nor do I think this should be passed over in silence: when on a certain day the magnates of the court, and the other nobles and the bishops, had come together to the cardinal, there was among them a man noted for loquacity and for a certain urbane madness, who, on account of his folly, had been accustomed to inveigh freely, and sometimes too mordaciously, even against their own familiars, and he continually followed the court. He, when by assailing all with his accustomed verbal contumelies he had moved each to laughter, at length, the others set aside, looking upon John the Neapolitan: “How many,” he said, “O cardinal, does it seem to you that Palermo is distant from the city of Rome by miles?” And when the answer was, “by a journey of 15 days,” “But I,” he said, “seeing you so often and so safely run about, as if by neglecting the difficulty of so great a journey, supposed that we were at no greater a distance from the Romans than 20 miles.”

Nunc autem intelligo qua spe lucri ductus pericula tanta contempnis, sentiens in manus stultorum thesauros palatii devenisse. Quod si Willelmus senior viveret, neque Romam redires ita suffarcinatus auro Sicilie, neque totiens Panormum recurreres ut contentiones et rixas in curia suscitares". Hoc illius dictum cum astantibus placuisset, subito dispersum in populo, multam adversus cardinalem plebis invidiam excitavit, versumque est in proverbium: "Iohannem Neapolitanum ab urbe Romana usque Panormum .XX. miliaria computare".

Now, however, I understand by what hope of lucre, being led, you disdain such great perils, perceiving that the treasures of the palace have come into the hands of fools. But if William the elder were alive, you would neither return to Rome thus stuffed with the gold of Sicily, nor so often run back to Panormum to stir up contentions and brawls in the curia." When this saying of his had pleased those standing by, being suddenly spread among the people, it aroused much ill-will of the plebs against the cardinal, and it was turned into a proverb: "Iohannes the Neapolitan counts 20 miles from the city of Rome to Panormum".

XXVIII. De amicitia inita inter electum Siracusanum et Richardum comitem.

28. On the friendship entered into between the Elect of Syracuse and Count Richard.

Ille tamen, nichilo segnius electum Siracusanum contemptus arguens, propinquum ei consecrationis terminum assignabat, ut maturius iter arripere cogeretur. Electus autem, videns illum [in proposito pertinacem], timensque ne, si contra [cardinalem], adversante regina que [iura regni] tueri debuerat, aperte libereque velit contendere, Romani pontificis offensam incurrat, ad aliud se transfert consilium, et Richardi comitis qui plurimum apud reginam poterat multa persuasionum instantia largisque muneribus gratiam sibi conciliat, et cum eo firmat amicitiam, ceterorum deinceps odia parvipendens. Cum ergo rursus omnes ad curiam convenissent, ceperunt fictis rogare precibus cardinalem, ut maiores electo daret inducias.

He, however, none the less briskly, accusing the elected Syracusan of contempt, was assigning to him a near term of consecration, so that he might be compelled to seize the journey more promptly. But the Elect, seeing him [obstinate in his purpose], and fearing lest, if he should wish to contend openly and freely against the [cardinal], with the queen opposing who ought to have guarded the [rights of the realm], he incur the offense of the Roman pontiff, transfers himself to another counsel, and with much urgency of persuasions and with lavish gifts wins for himself the favor of Count Richard, who had very great power with the queen, and with him he strengthens friendship, thereafter making little of the hatreds of the rest. When therefore again all had come together to the curia, they began with feigned entreaties to ask the cardinal to grant greater respites to the Elect.

Qui cum id se facturum negaret, responderunt: eius oportere fieri voluntatem, nec electum debere vel posse Romane curie iussionibus obviare. tunc Richardus comes ex abrupto, ut erat impetuosus, in verba prorumpens: "Miror", inquit, "vos utilitate regni posthabita in eo fixos consilio, ut electum Siracusanum, virum prudentem et curie necessarium, velitis expellere, cui rex, et dum viveret pre ceteris familiaribus honorem exhibuit, et in extremis agens, filios suos specialiter et attentissime commendavit. Ego certe neque consilium istud adprobo neque, salva fidelitate regis, id fieri posse perspicio.

When he denied that he would do this, they answered: that his will ought to be done, nor ought the elect to oppose or be able to oppose the injunctions of the Roman Curia. Then Richard the count, all at once, as he was impetuous, bursting into words: "I marvel," he said, "you, with the utility of the realm set after, fixed in that plan, that you wish to expel the Siracusan elect, a prudent man and necessary to the Curia, to whom the king both, while he lived, showed honor before the rest of his familiars, and, acting in his last extremity, most specially and most attentively commended his sons. I for my part neither approve that counsel nor, saving fidelity to the king, do I perceive that it can be done."

Sed neque regina pati debet ut idem vel consecr[ationis causa, vel occa]sione qualibet [a curia separetur"]. Ad hec verba com[itis, mir]antibus aliis atque tacentibus, cum eum cardinal post consecrationem suam statim diceret reversurum, regina mutato consilio respondit: electi presentiam curie necessariam esse, nec eum ad presens posse quopiam proficisci; alias iturum, cum temporis oportunitas pateretur.

“But neither ought the queen to allow that the same man be separated from the curia either for the sake of consecr[ation, or on any occa]sion whatsoever [‘to be separated from the curia’].” At these words of the coun[t, the others mar]veling and keeping silent, since the cardinal said that he would return immediately after his own consecration, the queen, her counsel changed, replied: that the presence of the elect in the curia was necessary, and that he could not at present set out anywhere; that he would go at another time, when the opportunity of time should allow.

XXVIIII. De mobilitate mulierum.

29. On the fickleness of women.

Sic hostium machinis dissolutis et consiliis redactis in nichilum, electus in curie familiaritate permansit. Per idem tempus Richardus de Sagio Panormum veniens, uxorem suam, sororem Bartholomei Parisini, secum adduxerat, ut ea dimissa, neptem archiepiscopi Capuani, nobilissimam meretricem cuius amore dudum captus fuerat, matrimonio sibi coniungeret. Hic cum Apulie diu capitaneus et magister comestabulus extitisset, totiens aliis rebellantibus, fidem inconcussam retinens, nunquam ab rege defecit.

Thus, with the enemies’ engines dissolved and their counsels reduced to nothing, the elect remained in the familiarity of the court. At the same time Richard of Say, coming to Palermo, had brought his wife with him, the sister of Bartholomew Parisinus, in order that, with her dismissed, he might join to himself in matrimony the niece of the archbishop of Capua, a most noble courtesan, by whose love he had long been captivated. This man, since he had for a long time been captain of Apulia and master constable, while others so often were rebelling, retaining an unshaken faith, never defected from the king.

Quem regina benigne suscipiens, dedit ei comitatum Richardi de Aquila Fundani comitis, qui sine spe reditus, in Romanorum finibus exulabat. De solvendo quoque matrimonio precepit curie familiaribus, ut convocatis episcopis aliisque personis ecclesiasticis, et auditis utriusque partis allegationibus, quod inde dictaret equitas expedirent. At illi rogaverunt cardinales ut eiusdem interessent examinationi negotii, eo quod ipsi promptiorem harum rerum haberent notitiam, cum Romana curia frequenter super huiusmodi causis cognosceret.

Whom the queen, receiving benignly, gave to him the county of Richard de Aquila, count of Fondi, who, without hope of return, was living in exile within the borders of the Romans. Concerning the dissolving of the marriage as well, she ordered the familiars of the curia that, bishops and other ecclesiastical persons having been convened, and the allegations of each party having been heard, they should expedite what equity would dictate therein. But they asked the cardinals to take part in the examination of the same matter, because they themselves had a readier knowledge of these things, since the Roman Curia frequently took cognizance over causes of this kind.

Iohannes ergo Neapolitanus eorum facile petitioni consensit. Episcopus autem Hostiensis, vir honestatis non dubie, cum socium suum vidisset muneribus et gratia precorruptum, eoque ipso recte iudicandi libertatem sublatam, nullis precibus adduci potuit ut eorum vellet iudiciis interesse.

John of Naples therefore easily consented to their petition. But the Bishop of Ostia, a man of honesty without doubt, when he had seen his colleague pre-corrupted by gifts and favor, and thereby the freedom of judging rightly removed, could by no prayers be induced to wish to take part in their judgments.

Causa vero propter quam predictus Richardus putabat oportere dissolvi coniugium hec erat: quod se, dudum ante contractum matrimonium, cum quadam uxoris sue consobrina rem habuisse dicebat; cuius rei testes processerant .II. milites hoc se vidisse certissime protestantes. Quod cum adversa pars denegaret, essentque qui falsum eos perhibere testimonium se probaturos assererent, non quia causam huiusmodi crederent, etsi constaret, ad solvendum matrimonium posse sufficere, sed ut obiecti consanguinee sue criminis iniuriam propulsarent; cardinal rem breviter satagens definire, predictos testes iurare precepit. inde, soluto matrimonio, et ab utraque parte de non coeundo deinceps prestito sacramento, Richardo potestatem dedit ad secundas nuptias licite transeundi, illam autem iussit sine spe coniugii permanere.

The reason on account of which the aforesaid Richard thought the marriage ought to be dissolved was this: that he said that, long before the marriage was contracted, he had had an affair with a certain cousin-german of his wife; for which matter witnesses had come forward—2 knights—most certainly protesting that they had seen this. When the opposing party denied it, and there were those who asserted that they would prove them to be giving false testimony, not because they believed that a cause of this kind, even if it were established, could suffice for dissolving the marriage, but in order to repel the injury of the crime objected against his kinswoman; the cardinal, striving to define the matter briefly, ordered the aforesaid witnesses to swear. Then, the marriage being dissolved, and with an oath taken by both parties from thenceforth concerning not coming together, he gave to Richard the power lawfully to pass to second nuptials, but ordered her to remain without hope of marriage.

XXX. De sententia lata per cardinalem contra iustitiam in parte.

30. On the sentence delivered by the cardinal against justice in part.

In quo, licet eum ecclesiastici viri qui aderant Richardi de Sagio et amicorum eius gratiam sequutum fuisse non ambigerent, illud tamen propensius mirabantur quod, viro qui deliquerat absoluto, mulieri que nihil admiserat perpetuam continentiam indixisset. Cumque latenter eius impudentiam arguentes, temptandi gratia quererent ab eodem, utrum in causis paribus idem ius consequenter admicterent, respondit: sibi licere quod eis non liceret, neque nunc id se fecisse ut ad consequentiam traheretur.

In this, although the ecclesiastical men who were present did not doubt that he had followed the favor of Richard of Saye and his friends, nevertheless they marveled the more at this: that, the man who had transgressed having been absolved, he had imposed perpetual continence upon the woman who had committed nothing. And when, covertly arraigning his impudence and for the sake of testing him, they asked of that same man whether in like causes they would consequently admit the same law, he replied: that it was permitted to himself what would not be permitted to them; nor had he done this now so that it should be drawn into a consequence (i.e., made a precedent).

XXXI. De fratre regine et moribus eius.

31. On the queen’s brother and his morals.

Tunc etiam Panormi morabatur quidam regine frater, qui morte regis audita, nuper in Siciliam ex Hispania transfretarat, multosque milites hispanos spe lucri secum adduxerat. Quem, ut eorum plerique qui cum ipso venerant asserebant, rex Navarrorum nunquam filium suum vel esse credidit vel dici voluit, indignum existimans eum quem mater multorum patens libidini vulgo concepisset, regis filium appellari. Hunc ergo regina, cum antea Rodericus diceretur, idque Siculi nomen [abhorrentes velut igno]tum et [barbarum irriderent, Hen]ricum ap[pellari precepit, et] ei Montis Caveosi comi[tatum] integre dedit oppidaque Sicilie que cum eodem comitatu Gaufridus comes olim tenuerat.

Then also at Palermo there was staying a certain brother of the queen, who, when the death of the king was heard, had lately crossed over into Sicily from Spain, and had brought with him many Spanish soldiers in the hope of gain. Whom, as most of those who had come with him asserted, the king of the Navarrese never believed to be his son nor wanted to have called his son, judging it unworthy that he whom his mother, lying open to the lust of many, had conceived commonly, should be called the son of a king. This man therefore the queen, since previously he was called Roderic, and since the Sicilians mocked that name, [abhorring it as unkno]wn and [as barbarous they mocked it, Hen]ry to be ca[lled she ordered, and] to him the co[unty] of Monte Caveoso entirely gave, and the towns of Sicily which together with the same county Geoffrey the count had once held.

Idem autem Henricus statura parvus, barbam habens rarissimam, sub pallida nigredine cutem fedatus, indiscretus, elinguis, preter alearum ac tessare ludum nullius sibi rei peritiam vindicabat nichilque aliud affectabat nisi ut haberet qui secum luderet et pecuniam, quam prodigus indiscrete ac temere posset effundere.

The same Henry, however, small in stature, having a most sparse beard, his skin defiled under a pallid blackness, indiscreet, tongueless/inarticulate, claimed for himself expertise in nothing except the game of dice and of tesserae (dice), and he affected nothing else save to have someone who would play with him and money which, as a prodigal, he might pour out indiscreetly and rashly.

XXXII. De qualitate et diversitate hominum civitatis Messane.

32. On the quality and diversity of the men of the city of Messana.

Hic aliquandiu Panormi commoratus, cum immoderatis sumptibus immensam pecuniam a regina sibi traditam facile consumpsisset, in Apuliam transire disposuit, veniensque Messanam, multos ibi viros quales affectabat invenit. Hec enim civitas ex convenis, piratis, predonibus adunata, omne fere genus hominum intra menia sua conclusit, nullius expers sceleris, nullum abhorrens flagitium, nichil eorum que possit putans illicitum. Itaque latrones, pirate, scurre, assentatores ceterisque flagitiis irretiti confluebant ad eum, et diem conviviis extrahentes, totis noctibus tessararum iactibus insistebant.

Here, having tarried for some time at Palermo, since by immoderate expenditures he had easily consumed the immense money handed over to him by the queen, he resolved to cross into Apulia; and coming to Messana, he found many men there such as he craved. For this city, assembled out of immigrants, pirates, and plunderers, enclosed within its walls almost every kind of human being, lacking in no crime, abhorring no flagitium, thinking nothing among such things could be illicit. And so robbers, pirates, buffoons, assentators, and men ensnared by other flagitia flocked to him; and drawing out the day with banquets, they spent whole nights intent on the casting of dice.

Quod ubi regine cognitum est, [durius eius temeritate]m redar[guens, scripsit ut Farum] sine dilatione transiret. Qui,] suadentibus sociis, [vix in]de tandem avulsus in Apuliam iter instituit.

When this became known to the queen, [more harshly at his temerity] rebuk[ing, she wrote that to the Faro] he should cross without delay. He,] with his companions urging, [scarcely in] the end torn away from there, set out for Apulia.

Emenso itaque post mortem regis annuo fere spatio, cum paulatim decidens procella curie recedisset, proceres regni multis evicti regine beneficiis interim quiescebant. Ut enim incarceratorum multitudinem liberatam, servos libertate donatos, civibus immunitates concessas, consuetudines que perniciose videbantur explosas, ut villas oppidaque multis nobilibus viris donata preteream, octo comites eodem anno creaverat: Richardum Mandrensem, Bertrannum comitis Gravinensis filium, Richardum de Sagio, Rogerium Richardi filium, Iocelinum, Symonem Sangrensem, Willelmum Silvestri comitis filium, Hugonem de Rupeforti consanguineum suum, hominem omnis virtutis expertem, qui de Francia nuper advenerat; Rogerium quoque comitem Acerranum et Rogerium Avellini comitem, ab exilio revocatos, pristine restituerat dignitati. Hiis ergo multisque preterea beneficiis regine liberalitatem experti, temptabant ab innata rebellandi consuetudine feroces animos cohibere.

Accordingly, after almost a year had elapsed following the king’s death, when the storm of the court, gradually subsiding, had withdrawn, the nobles of the realm, overcome by the queen’s many benefactions, were meanwhile keeping quiet. For—to pass over the multitude of the incarcerated set free, the slaves endowed with liberty, the immunities granted to the citizens, the customs that seemed pernicious abolished, as well as the villas and towns bestowed upon many noble men—she had in that same year created eight counts: Richard Mandrense, Bertrand, son of the Count of Gravina, Richard of Sagio, Roger, son of Richard, Jocelin, Simon Sangrense, William, son of Count Silvester, Hugh of Rupefort, her kinsman, a man devoid of every virtue, who had lately arrived from France; she had also restored Roger, Count of Acerra, and Roger, Count of Avellino, recalled from exile, to their former dignity. Therefore, having experienced the queen’s liberality in these and many other benefactions besides, they were attempting to restrain their fierce spirits from their inborn habit of rebelling.

XXXIII. De statu curie.

33. On the state of the court.

Curie vero status hic erat: Richardus Molisii comes, ceteris familiaribus potestatis eminentia prelatus, apud reginam postulata facilius impetrabat; electus vero Siracusanus et Matheus notarius cancellarii gerebant officium; gaytus quoque Richardus magister camerarius palacii et gaytus Martinus, qui duane preerat, consiliis nichilominus intererant et cum predictis familiaribus negotia regni tractabant. Porro Matheus notarius cum sciret admiratum se non posse fieri ob multam eius nominis invidiam, cancellariatum totis nisibus appetebat; electus autem in proximo se confidebat ecclesie Panormitane regimen adepturum. Sed regina longe diversum fovebat propositum et eandem dignitatem alii reservabat.

As for the Curia, its condition was this: Richard, count of Molise, set above the other familiars by a preeminence of power, more easily obtained petitions with the queen; the bishop-elect of Syracuse and Matthew the notary were performing the office of chancellor; Gaitus Richard, master chamberlain of the palace, and Gaitus Martin, who presided over the duana, nonetheless took part in the counsels and, together with the aforesaid familiars, handled the affairs of the kingdom. Moreover, Matthew the notary, since he knew that he could not be made Ammiratus (Admiral) on account of the great envy of that name, was aiming with all his efforts at the chancellorship; but the bishop-elect trusted that before long he would obtain the governance of the Panormitan Church. But the queen was cherishing a far different plan and was reserving the same dignity for another.

Scripserat enim avunculo suo Rothomagensi archiepiscopo, ut aliquem de consanguineis suis, vel Robertum de Novo burgo si fieri posset, vel Stephanum comitis Perticensis filium, sibi transmicteret. Quorum quia sperabat alterum sine dilatione venturum, interim tam electi Siracusani, quam Agrigentini episcopi spem et desiderium eludebat. Nec eam diu sua fefellit opinio.

For she had written to her maternal uncle, the archbishop of Rouen, that he should send over to her someone of his kinsmen, either Robert of Newburgh, if it could be done, or Stephen, the son of the Count of Perche. And because she was hoping that one of the two would come without delay, in the meantime she was eluding the hope and desire both of the bishop‑elect of Syracuse and of the bishop of Agrigento. Nor did her own expectation deceive her for long.

XXXIIII. De adventu Stephani filii comitis Perticensis.

34. On the arrival of Stephen, son of the Count of Perche.

Paucis enim interiectis diebus, fama precurrente, compertum est Stephanum [comitis Perticensis filium in Siciliam venientem ad comitem Gravinensem fratris sui filium divertisse. Quem ipse comes multis honoratum muneribus et de statu curie diligenter instructum,] ad [saluberrim]a Sicilie loca transmisit, [timens] eum, cum iam estas ingrueret, ob intemperiem aeris in Apulia diutius detinere, simulque sciens reginam illius adventum summo desiderio prestolari. Cum igitur, transito Faro, Panormum accessisset, curie familiares episcopique ac milites cum comestabulis illi obviam exeuntes, ad palatium eum ut iussi fuerant perduxerunt.

After a few days had intervened, with rumor running ahead, it was ascertained that Stephen [the son of the Count of Pertica, coming into Sicily, had turned aside to the Count of Gravina, his brother’s son. Whom the count himself, honored with many gifts and carefully instructed about the state of the court,] sent on to the [most healthf]ul places of Sicily, [fearing] to detain him longer in Apulia, since summer was now pressing on, on account of the intemperateness of the air, and at the same time knowing that the queen was awaiting his arrival with the utmost longing. Therefore, when, the Faro having been crossed, he had approached Palermo, the familiars of the court and the bishops and soldiers with the constables, going out to meet him, led him to the palace as they had been ordered.

Quem regina multo cum honore suscepit, et astantibus cunctis: "Ecce", inquit, "completum video quod plenis semper votis expetii. Nec enim aliter quam fratres proprios diligere quidem et honorare debeo filios comitis Perticensis per quem, ut verum fatear, pater meus regnum obtinuit. nam idem comes patri meo terram amplissimam cum nepte sua, matre mea, dotem dedit, quam in Hispania multis periculis ac diuturnis laboribus expugnatam, Sarracenis abstulerat.

Whom the queen received with much honor, and, with all standing by, said: "Behold," she said, "I see fulfilled that which I have always sought with full vows. For indeed I ought to love and indeed to honor the sons of the Count of Perche no otherwise than as my own brothers, through whom, to confess the truth, my father obtained the kingdom. For that same count gave to my father a most ample tract of land as a dowry with his niece, my mother, which, having been taken by storm in Hispania with many dangers and long labors, he had wrested from the Saracens."

Nec ergo mirari debetis si filium eius, matris mee consobrinum, loco michi fratris habendum censeam, [et de remotissimis partibus ad me venientem gratanter excipiam, quem q]uidem volo iubeo[que, ut qui me fi]liumque meum [diligere] se fatentur, propensius diligant et honorent, ut eorum gratia erga nos ex hoc ipso fidei dilectionisque quantitatem emetiar". Tunc omnes id se libenter facturos promptissime responderunt, licet inter eos essent nonnulli quibus illius adventus maxime displiceret. Interea regina voluntatem eius diligenter inquirens, cum intellexisset eum nolle diutius in Sicilia commorari, summa ope niti cepit ut hoc eius propositum immutaret, et gloriam ei divitiasque, quas habiturus erat si remaneret, ostentans simulque Transmontanorum inopiam ei frequenter obiciens, socios quoque ipsius propositi ingentibus premiis hortabatur, ut cum eo se promicterent remansuros, intelligens non posse mentem illius aliter ad id quod postulabat inflecti.

Nor therefore ought you to marvel if I judge that his son, my mother’s cousin, is to be held by me in the place of a brother, [and, coming to me from the most remote parts, I gladly receive, whom ]indeed I wish and I order[, that those who ]me and my son [to love] profess themselves, to love and to honor the more readily, so that from this very thing I may measure their favor toward us, the quantity of faith and of dilection." Then all most promptly replied that they would willingly do this, although among them there were some to whom his arrival was most displeasing. Meanwhile the queen, diligently inquiring his will, when she had understood that he did not wish to sojourn longer in Sicily, began to strive with utmost effort to change this purpose of his, and, displaying to him the glory and the riches which he would have if he were to remain, and at the same time frequently objecting to him the want of the Transmontanes, she also encouraged his associates in his purpose with huge rewards, that they should promise themselves to remain with him, understanding that his mind could not otherwise be bent to that which she was demanding.

XXXV. De creatione Stephani in cancellarium.

35. On the creation of Stephen as chancellor.

Quod ubi plurima precum instantia multisque promissionibus vix tandem optinuit, constituto die cunctis qui tunc aderant episcopis proceribusque convocatis ad curiam, cancellarium eum instituit, iussitque ut universa curie negotia deinceps ad eum principaliter referrentur. Nec multo post cum eum archiepiscopus Salernitanus subdiaconum ordinasset, missi sunt qui canonicis Panormitanis diceren[t regem ac re]ginam precibus eo[rum quas sepe] porrexerant exauditis, liberam eis concedere potestatem ut ecclesie sue pastorem eligerent, et ad palatium venientes, quem sibi putarent ydoneum, iuxta consuetudinem, in curia nominarent.

Which, when by very many urgings of prayers and by many promises he had at length scarcely obtained, a day having been set, with all the bishops and nobles who were then present summoned to the curia, he instituted him chancellor, and ordered that all the business of the curia henceforth be referred to him principally. And not much later, when the archbishop of Salerno had ordained him subdeacon, there were sent those who should say to the canons of Palermo that [the king and the] queen, their prayers [which often] they had put forward having been heard, grant to them free power to choose a pastor for their church, and, coming to the palace, whom they should think suitable for themselves, according to custom, they should name in the curia.

XXXVI. De consuetudine Panormitane ecclesie.

36. On the custom of the Panormitan church.

At illi, nulla super hoc inter eos, quod raro contingit, oborta controversia, concordes atque unanimes cancellarium elegerunt, gaudente populo, et quod actum fuerat adprobante Willelmo Papiensi, Romane Ecclesie cardinali, qui Panormum nuper venerat in Gallias transiturus.

But they, with no controversy arising among them over this—which rarely happens—being concord and unanimous, elected the chancellor, with the people rejoicing, and what had been done being approved by William of Pavia, a cardinal of the Roman Church, who had recently come to Palermo, about to cross into Gaul.

XXXVII. De ordinatione curie.

37. On the organization of the curia.

Itaque .IIas. regni maximas dignitates adeptus, totius curie post reginam onus et honorem suscepit. Domui vero sue prefecit Odonem Quarrellum Carnotensem canonicum, qui remanendi consilium ei dederat, et cum eo .IIobus.

And so, having obtained two of the greatest dignities of the realm, he took upon himself the burden and the honor of the whole court after the queen. To his own household he set over Odo Quarrel, a canon of Chartres, who had given him the counsel to remain, and with him two others.

annis se spoponderat remansurum, donec amicos in Sicilia probate fidei repperisset, aut aliquos de propinquis et amicis suis, quibus eque consilia sua crederet, ad eum de Francia venire contigeret. Nam eumdem Odonem plurimum diligens consilium illius, ultra quam expediret ei in maximis quoque negotiis admictebat.

he had pledged himself to remain for years, until he had found in Sicily friends of approved faith, or it should befall that some of his relatives and friends, to whom he would equally entrust his counsels, should come to him from France. For being very fond of that same Odo, he was admitting his counsel, beyond what was expedient for him, even in the greatest negotiations.

XXXVIII. De avaritia Oddonis.

38. On the avarice of Odo.

Quem cum neque litterarum exornaret scientia, neque prudentie secularis utilitas commendaret, tante nichilominus cupiditatis erat, ut nec in extorquenda pecunia modum attenderet, et in conci]liandis [amicitiis, virtutis fi]deique ratione posthabita, solam quantitatem munerum sequeretur. Cum autem villarum reddituum atque prediorum ad cancellariatus iura pertinentium multa Siracusanus diu tenuisset electus, a rege sibi dudum ad tempus concessa, eo quod circa curiam moraretur, cancellarius, volens beneficiis eius animum mitigare, quem alia quoque de causa satis commotum esse cognoverat, .IIas. ei villas optimas, que Siculi casalia vocant, eorum vice que tenuerat, dari fecit, eo tenore, ut illarum, altera quam diu moraretur in curia non careret, et alteram vero eius successores in perpetuum possiderent.

Since neither the adornment of knowledge of letters commended him, nor the usefulness of secular prudence, nonetheless he was of so great a cupidity that he observed no measure in extorting money; and in conci]liating [friendships, with the rationale of virtue an]d of faith set aside, he followed solely the quantity of gifts. Now whereas the Syracusan elect had long held many revenues of villas and estates pertaining to the rights of the chancellorship, granted to him some time before by the king for a term, because he was staying about the court, the chancellor, wishing to mitigate his spirit by benefices—whom he had perceived also for another cause to be quite provoked—caused two most excellent villas, which the Sicilians call casalia, to be given to him in place of those which he had held, on this tenor: that of them, he should not lack the one as long as he remained at court, and that his successors should possess the other in perpetuity.

XXXVIIII. De illo qui retribuit malum pro bono.

39. On him who repays evil for good.

Sed quanta celeritate curaverat electi spem ac petitionem collato beneficio prevenire, tam mature compensationis improbe vicem electus ei studuit redibere. Quidam enim viri de remotis partibus ad curiam venientes, hiis que postulaverant impetratis, cum pro licteris suis Petro notario consanguineo Mathei notarii, quod eis iustum videbatur offerrent, ille vero multa maiora petens, oblata sibi respu[eret, rem ad cancellarii notitiam pertulerunt. Qui precepit uni ex astantibus notariis ut alias licteras super eodem negotio] scriberet ipsaque die predictos viros absolveret.

But with as much celerity as he had taken care to anticipate the elect’s hope and petition by the benefit conferred, so promptly did the elect strive to render to him, shamelessly, the counterpart of compensation. For certain men coming to the court from remote parts, having obtained the things they had requested, when for their letters they were offering to Peter the notary, kinsman of Matthew the notary, what seemed just to them, but he, demanding much greater things, reje[cted the things offered to him, they carried the matter to the chancellor’s notice. He ordered one of the notaries standing by to write other letters on the same business] to write, and on that very day to absolve the aforesaid men.

Petrus autem notarius videns eos qui prius importune instare consueverant ad se iam non reverti, persensit illos licteras suas ab alio notario recepisse, assumptisque quot visum est sociis, viam qua transituri erant observans, cum in eius insidias incidissent, licteras regias illis ablatas rupto sigillo frustatim discerpsit, ipsosque contumeliis et verberibus affecit. Quod ubi cancellario cognitum est, precepit eosdem sibi viros in curia presentari, vocatoque Petro notario, cum factum negare non posset, iussit eum carceri mancipari. Tunc electus Siracusanus nimis mordaciter respondit: contra ius et rationem eum sententiam eiusmodi protulisse, et in Francia forsitan ita solere decerni, sed in Sicilia nequaquam hoc iudicium obtinere; non levis auctoritatis esse notarios curie, nec eos oportere tam facile condempnari.

But Peter the notary, seeing that those who earlier had been accustomed to press him importunately were now not returning to him, perceived that they had received their letters from another notary; and, having taken as many associates as seemed good, keeping watch on the road by which they were going to pass, when they had fallen into his ambush, he tore to pieces the royal letters, taken from them, the seal having been broken, and he treated them with contumelies and beatings. When this became known to the chancellor, he ordered those same men to be presented to him in the court; and Peter the notary having been summoned, since he could not deny the deed, he ordered him to be consigned to prison. Then the Siracusan elect replied too mordaciously: that he had pronounced such a sentence against law and reason, and that in France perhaps it was the custom to decree thus, but in Sicily by no means did this judgment obtain; that the notaries of the court were of no slight authority, nor ought they to be condemned so easily.

Ea res non parum cancellarii permovit animum, cum eum, cui preter opinionem omnium duo casalia nudius tertius gratis dari fecerat, tanta nunc in se videret asperitate verborum insurgere, ne[que sibi saltem] in curia defer[re, ut eum] super hoc secretius [aut] moderatius conveniret. Nichil tamen ei respondit, sed iniuriam suam patienter dissimulans, Ansaldum palacii castellanum accersiit, iussitque notarium Petrum in carcerem sine dilatione retrudi donec examinaretur attentius cuiusmodi pene subiacere deberet, quem et contra regni pacem egisse et regie maiestati specialiter iniuriam constaret ac dedecus intulisse. Post paucos vero dies, rogatus a familiaribus curie, liberum eum abire dimisit, prohibens tamen ne deinceps notarii fungeretur officio.

That matter stirred not a little the chancellor’s mind, since he, to whom, contrary to everyone’s expectation, he had caused two hamlets to be given gratis the day before yesterday, now he saw rising against himself with such asperity of words, nor [at least to him] in the court defer [so that he] might meet him about this more secretly [or] more moderately. Nevertheless he answered him nothing, but, patiently dissembling his injury, he summoned Ansaldus, the castellan of the palace, and ordered that Peter the notary be thrust into prison without delay until it should be more attentively examined to what kind of penalty he ought to be subject, since it was established that he had acted both against the peace of the realm and had in particular brought an injury and disgrace upon the royal majesty. But after a few days, at the request of the familiars of the court, he let him go free to depart, forbidding, however, that henceforth he exercise the office of notary.

XXXX. [De] eo quod notarii a [sin]gulis deberent [a]ccipere circum quod ... non populus.

40. [On] that which the notaries ought to [re]ceive from [in]dividuals concerning which ... not the people.

Hac igitur occasione, primo notariorum enormem studuit rapacitatem ad mensuram redigere, certumque modum quid a singulis deberent accipere pro negotiorum diversitate constituit. Sed et stratigotorum nichilominus eorumque qui provinciis vel singulis oppidis preerant perniciosam licentiam refrenavit, quia plebem impune multis dampnis et iniuriis atterebant. Iusticie vero rigorem eatenus voluit observari, ut nec amicis quidem aut ipsis magnatibus curie parcendum crederet, nec a potentibus viris subiectos opprimi pateretur, nec omnino quamlibet iniuriam pauperis dissimulando transiret.

On this occasion, therefore, first he strove to bring back the enormous rapacity of the notaries to a due measure, and he established a fixed limit as to what they ought to receive from individuals according to the diversity of business. But likewise he reined in the pernicious license of the stratigots and of those who presided over the provinces or individual towns, because they were wearing down the plebs with many losses and injuries with impunity. He wished, moreover, the rigor of justice to be observed to this extent: that he thought not even friends nor the very magnates of the court were to be spared, nor would he allow subjects to be oppressed by powerful men, nor at all would he pass over, by dissembling, any injury of a poor man.

Cuius rei fama [totum] regnum brevi pervaden[s, ple]bisque gratiam et favorem ei concilians, tanta nomen eius celebritate diffudit, ut omnes assererent velut consolatorem angelum a Deo missum, qui curie statu in melius immutato, aurea secula revexisset. Unde contigit ad curiam ex omnibus regni finibus tantam virorum ac mulierum turbam confluere, ut et iudices examinandis litibus, et notariorum numerus, licet nuper adauctus esset, vix licteris scribendis sufficeret.

The fame of this matter, pervading the whole realm in a short time and winning for him the grace and favor of the plebs, spread his name with such celebrity that all asserted he was as it were a consoling angel sent by God, who, with the state of the court changed for the better, had brought back the Golden Ages. Whence it befell that to the court from all the borders of the realm there flowed together so great a throng of men and women that both the judges for the examining of lawsuits and the number of notaries—though it had recently been augmented—scarcely sufficed for the writing of letters.

Interea qui ob confirmandam electionem missi fuerant redeuntes, licteras Romani pontificis affectuosissimas attulerunt, asserentes promotionem se cancellarii gratanter audisse et eius electionem modis omnibus approbatam velle ratam et stabilem permanere. Requisiti ergo suffraganei episcopi canonicique ut ipsi cancellario securitatis sacramentum prestarent, assensum facile prebuerunt. Cumque Mazariensis episcopus et Maltensis iuxta propositum sibi modum iurassent, episcopus Agrigentinus, ut affectuosius et ex animo videretur iurare, novis quibusdam et expressioribus verbis ipse sibi iurandi modum instituit.

Meanwhile, those who had been sent for the confirming of the election, returning, brought the most affectionate letters of the Roman pontiff, asserting that he had gladly heard of the promotion of the chancellor and wished his election, approved in every way, to remain ratified and stable. Therefore the suffragan bishops and the canons, being asked to render to the chancellor himself the oath of security, readily gave their assent. And when the bishop of Mazara and the bishop of Malta had sworn according to the mode proposed to them, the bishop of Agrigentum, so that he might seem to swear more affectionately and from the heart, with certain new and more express words established for himself the mode of swearing.

Qui quanto ceteris iuravit expressius, tanto postm[odum] quod iuraverat deterius observavit. Verum hec alias, nunc ad rei seriem revertamur.

He who, the more expressly he swore than the rest, so much the worse afterwards did he observe what he had sworn. But these things elsewhere; now let us revert to the series of the matter.

XXXXI. De accusatione Roberti Calataboianensis.

41. On the accusation of Robert of Calatabiano.

Videntes ergo Panormitani [can]cellarium neque precibus neque premiis aut gratia cuiusquam ab equitate posse deflecti, multos apud eum accusaverunt apostatas de Christianis Sarracenos effectos, qui sub eunuchorum protectione diu latuerant. Quorum ille neminem quem tanti criminis reum esse constaret impunitum dimisit. His animati, magna pars civium ad accusandum Robertum Calataboianensem audacter prosiliunt; concursus fit ad cancellarium; omnes ingenti clamore deposcunt hominem sceleratissimum meritis deputari flagitiis; alii domos, alii vineas iniuste sibi conqueruntur ablatas, plerique fratres aut consanguineos in carcere diuturnis cruciatibus interfectos; quedam etiam mulier filiam suam virginem ab eo dicebat illata violentia constupratam, nec deerant qui assererent eum in castello maris antiquissimum Sarracenorum templum propriis sumptibus renovasse, quod minime testibus indigebat, cum hoc ipsa res patenter ostenderet; preter hec autem obiectum est illi plerosque vini venditores quamdam ab eo domum enormi pretio conduxisse, ut ibidem sub eius patrocinio Sarraceni et christianas feminas licite constuprarent et pueris abuterentur impune ceteraque flagitia perperarent, ex quibus inhonesta lucra cauponibus accedebant cum ipso domus domino dividenda.

Seeing therefore that the Panormitans could not bend the chancellor from equity either by prayers or by rewards or by the favor of anyone, they accused before him many apostates, made from Christians into Saracens, who had long lain hidden under the protection of the eunuchs. Of these he let none go unpunished whom it was clear to be guilty of so great a crime. Encouraged by these things, a great part of the citizens leap forth boldly to accuse Robert of Calatabiano; there is a rush to the chancellor; all with immense clamor demand that the most criminal man be assigned to the penalties merited by his outrages; some complain that houses, others that vineyards were unjustly taken from them, very many that brothers or kinsmen were killed in prison by long torments; a certain woman also said that her own maiden daughter had been ravished by him with violence inflicted, nor were lacking those who asserted that in the sea-castle he had at his own expense renovated a most ancient temple of the Saracens, which hardly needed witnesses, since the very fact itself showed it openly; besides these things, moreover, it was objected to him that many wine-sellers had rented from him a certain house at an enormous price, so that there under his patronage the Saracens might licitly rape Christian women and abuse boys with impunity and perpetrate other outrages, from which disgraceful profits accrued to the tavern-keepers, to be divided with the master of the house himself.

Tantorum ille criminum obiectione pulsatus, cepit primo rem parvipendens negligere, interminari accusatoribus suis, deterius eis postmodum se facturum sibique facilem huius accusationis exitum polliceri. Dehinc, ubi pecuniam oblatam respui datisque vadibus rem districtius agi videt, ad eunuchorum patrocinia se convertit. At illi regis regineque pedibus provoluti, cum lacrimis eos exorant ne patiantur virum regno pernecessarium, qui curie semper fidelissime servire studuerit, condempnari, nichil mirandum asserentes adversus eum tumultus eiusmodi suscitari, cum certum sit neminem populo placiturum qui fideliter curie iussis obtemperare voluerit.

Assailed by the imputation of such great crimes, he at first, making light of the matter, began to neglect it, to threaten his accusers, to say that afterward he would deal worse with them, and to promise for himself an easy outcome of this accusation. Then, when he sees the money offered is spurned and, sureties having been given, the matter is being pressed more strictly, he turns himself to the patronage of the eunuchs. But they, prostrate at the feet of the king and queen, with tears beseech them not to allow a man most necessary to the realm, who has always most faithfully endeavored to serve the court, to be condemned, asserting that there is nothing to marvel at if tumults of this sort are stirred up against him, since it is certain that no one will be pleasing to the people who has wished faithfully to obey the court’s orders.

Harum regina precum assiduitate permota, cancellarium primo rogat, deinde renitenti precipit ut neminis adversus Robertum Calataboianensem accusationes admictat. Rapinas enim et homicidia que fecisse dicatur, non ei, sed gayto Petro, cuius ea ius[su fecerit, imputanda; qui cum preesset curie, manifestum quoniam idem] Robertus eius non potuerit iussionibus obviare. Inter has cancellarius angustias deprehensus, ignorabat quorsum animum inclinaret aut quid sibi potissimum faciendum eligeret.

Moved by the assiduity of these prayers, the queen first asks the chancellor, then, as he resists, orders him not to admit anyone’s accusations against Robert of Calataboia. For the depredations and homicides which he is said to have committed are to be imputed not to him, but to the gayto Peter, at whose [order he did them, to be imputed; who, since he presided over the court, it is manifest that the same] Robert could not withstand his commands. Caught in these straits, the chancellor did not know whither to incline his mind or what he should choose as chiefly to be done for himself.

Hinc enim populus acclamabat non oportere sceleratissimum hominem impunitum dimicti, negligenter a cancellario tepideque rem geri, videri muneribus eum aut gratia corruptum a bono proposito decidisse; verum hac in re certissime cognitum iri utrumne iuris amorem, cuius hactenus formam pretenderit, perpetuo velud innatum debeat conservare, an ad tempus ex industria simulatum, ut nove potestatis auspicium oculis plebis obiecerit. hinc illum urgebat regina precipiens ut plebis loquacitate posthabita, porrectas accusationes dissimulando negligeret. Sed et curie familiares Roberti Calataboianensis partes quantum poterant tuebantur, tam ut eunuchis ipsique regine prestare viderentur obsequium, quam ut adversus cancellarium plebis odium excitarent.

Hence indeed the people kept acclaiming that it was not fitting that a most criminal man be sent away unpunished, that the matter was being conducted negligently and tepidly by the chancellor, that he seemed, corrupted by gifts or by favor, to have fallen from a good purpose; but that in this affair it would be most certainly learned whether he ought to preserve forever, as if inborn, the love of right, whose form he has thus far pretended, or whether it was for a time simulated by design, so that he might have thrown before the eyes of the plebs the auspice of the new power. From the other side the queen was pressing him, ordering that, the loquacity of the plebs set aside, he should, by dissembling, neglect the accusations proffered. But the court familiars also were defending the party of Robert of Calataboia as much as they could, both so that they might seem to render obedience to the eunuchs and to the queen herself, and so that they might stir up the plebs’ hatred against the chancellor.

At ille mediam quamdam eligens viam, ut et regine satisfacere videretur, nec omnino populi spem et expectationem deluderet, regine pollicitus est omissurum se questiones ad curiam pertinen[tes, que penam capitis irrogabant; super hiis autem que ad Ecclesie iura] pertinere constaret, exactissime cogniturum: ipsumque Robertum, si convictus foret, quatenus ecclesiastice severitatis censura permicteret puniendum; quod si niteretur ipsa postmodum impedire, facilius se quidem utraque privatum iri dignitate quam ab hac posse sententia detorqueri. Convocatis ergo curie familiaribus et episcopis aliisque personis ecclesiasticis, Robertus sub multa frequentia plebis introducitur, omissisque furtis, rapinis, iniuriis civium homicidiis et illata constuprate virgini violentia, periurii, incestus, adulterii questio ventilatur.

But he, choosing a certain middle way, so that he might seem both to satisfy the queen and not altogether delude the people’s hope and expectation, promised the queen that he would omit the questions pertaining to the court [which imposed the penalty of death; but concerning those things which would be established to pertain to the rights of the Church] he would examine most exactly: and that Robert himself, if he were convicted, would be punished so far as the censure of ecclesiastical severity would permit; and that if she should thereafter strive to impede this, he indeed would more easily be deprived of both dignities than be able to be twisted away from this sentence. Therefore, the familiars of the court and the bishops and other ecclesiastical persons having been convoked, Robert is introduced amid a great throng of the commons, and, thefts, rapines, injuries of citizens, homicides, and the violence inflicted upon the ravished virgin being omitted, the question of perjury, incest, and adultery is ventilated.

XXXXII. De sententia lata contra Robertum.

42. On the sentence pronounced against Robert.

Cumque multis testibus obiectorum veritas patuisset, de iure dictum est Robertum Calataboianensem publice loris cesum in carcerem denuo detrudendum, bonis eius fisco addictis. sed quoniam per urbem sub voce preconis sollempniter circumduci non poterat, eo quod populus omnes viarum angustias observabat ut lapidibus transeuntem obrueret, decretum est ut circum ambitum ductus ecclesie, populum falleret expectantem. Licet autem illum ensibus accincti milites sequerentur et preirent, et ex utroque vallarent latere, vix tamen potuerunt accurrentis furorem populi declinare.

And when, with many witnesses, the truth of the charges had become evident, it was adjudged as a matter of law that Robert of Calatabiano, publicly beaten with thongs, should be thrust back into prison, his goods assigned to the fisc. But since he could not be solemnly led around the city under the voice of the herald, for the populace was watching all the narrowings of the streets to overwhelm him with stones as he passed, it was decreed that, led around the ambit of the church, he should elude the waiting crowd. And although soldiers girded with swords followed him and went before, and fenced him in on either side, yet they could scarcely avert the fury of the onrushing people.

Post paucas ergo dies, cum pecuniam quam curie spoponderat se daturum reddere nollet aut, ut aliis videbatur, non posset, ad castellum maris ductus est et carceri datus, in quem multos olim ipse coniecerat, ubi diversis consumptus penis interiit. Hoc factum omnibus Sicilie populis maximeque Lombardis, quos innumeris ille malis attriverat, adeo placuit ut universi faterentur, si necesse foret, pro cancellario se mortis periculum subituros.

Therefore after a few days, since he was unwilling to pay the money which he had promised to the court he would give, or, as it seemed to others, was not able, he was led to the sea-castle and consigned to prison, into which he himself had once cast many, where, consumed by various penalties, he perished. This deed so pleased all the peoples of Sicily, and especially the Lombards, whom he had worn down with innumerable evils, that all confessed that, if it should be necessary, they would undergo the peril of death for the chancellor.

XXXXIII. De invidia contra Stephanum cancellarium.

43. On envy against Stephen the chancellor.

Curie vero magnates ceterique potentes viri qui iam non poterant libere solitam in subiectos tyrannidem exercere, cum omnia lucra curie viderent ad cancellarium eiusque familiares transiisse, sibique de tanta munerum affluentia vix modicos arescentesque rivulos superesse, ceperunt familiariter inter se, velud invicem se consolando, conqueri, minus caute contumeliosa verba iacere, dicentes: indignum esse puerum hunc alienigenam, maximis curie dignitatibus occupatis, in tantam prorupisse presumptionis audaciam, ut neminem sibi socium adhibere dignetur, solus velit tanti regni curam gerere et singularis privilegio potestatis omnibus preminere. Se vero, qui iam in servitio curie consenuerint, qui difficultates plurimas et pericula consilio suo propulsari vel precaveri docuerint, nunc humiles abiectosque despici nulloque dignos honore censeri. Reginam, cum hispana sit, Francum hunc consanguineum appellare, nimis ei familiariter colloqui et velud rapacibus eum oculis intueri; verendum ne sub nomine propinquitatis amor illicitus occultetur.

But the magnates of the court and the other potent men, who now could not freely exercise their wonted tyranny upon their subjects, when they saw all the lucre of the court transferred to the chancellor and his familiars, and that for themselves, out of so great an affluence of gifts, there barely remained modest and withering rivulets, began familiarly among themselves, as though consoling one another, to complain, to cast forth less cautiously contumelious words, saying: that it was unworthy that this alien-born boy, the greatest dignities of the court being occupied, had burst forth into so great an audacity of presumption that he deigns to admit no associate to himself, wishes alone to carry the care of so great a kingdom, and by the privilege of singular power to preeminate over all. But that they, who already have grown old in the service of the court, who have shown that very many difficulties and dangers could be driven off or forestalled by their counsel, are now looked down upon as low and abject and are reckoned worthy of no honor. That the queen, since she is a Spaniard, calls this Frank her kinsman, converses with him too familiarly, and looks upon him as with rapacious eyes; it is to be feared lest under the name of propinquity illicit love be concealed.

XXXXIIII. Ratio contra detractores.

44. Reasoning against detractors.

Gaytus quoque Richardus illi cum ceteris eunuchis infestissimus erat, eo quod Robertum Calataboianensem contra voluntatem eius dampnaverat. Nec minus Bulcassem inter Sarracenos Sicilie nobilissimus ac prepotens multam illi Sarracenorum conflarat invidiam, cum eum ab initio plurimum dilexissent. Indignabatur enim quod gaytum Sedictum, ditissimum Sarracenum, cum quo privatas habebat inimicitias, cancellarius nimis familiariter admicteret et eius consilio multa facere videretur, et inde se cum ei dona plurima contulisset, putabat contempni, nec eius posse gratiam promereri.

Gaytus Richard too was most hostile to him along with the other eunuchs, because he had condemned Robert of Calatabiano against his will. Nor less did Bulcassem, among the Saracens of Sicily most noble and very powerful, kindle much envy of the Saracens against him, although from the beginning they had loved him very much. For he was indignant that the chancellor admitted Gaytus Sedictus, a most wealthy Saracen, with whom he had private enmities, too familiarly, and seemed to do many things by his counsel; and therefore he, although he had bestowed very many gifts upon him, thought himself contemned, nor that he could merit his favor.

XXXXV. Nota quod odia ad tempus sunt dissimulanda.

45. Note that hatreds are to be dissimulated for a time.

Cancellarius, cum hec omnia persensisset, cepit rem dissimulans blandius eosdem ac familiarius alloqui et multis eos beneficiis attemptare, nec interim tamen quod ad tuitionem sui [necessarium vide]batur omittere. Nam Berengario magistro comestabulo trans Farum in terram quam ei curia dederat abeunte, Rogerium Tironensem, de quo plurimum confidebat, illi substituit. Qui, cum multa generis nobilitate polleret et virtutis esset haud dubie, fidem quoque servare studuit eatenus inconcussam, ut non solum adversus regem neque conspiraverit neque conspirantibus unquam consenserit, sed amicis quoque semper eque robustam fidem servaverit.

The Chancellor, when he had perceived all these things, began, dissimulating the matter, to address the same men more blandly and more familiarly, and to attempt them with many benefactions, nor meanwhile, however, to omit that which to the defense of himself [seemed necessary]. For as Berengarius, master constable, was departing across the Faro into the land which the court had given to him, he substituted in his place Roger of Tiron, in whom he put very great confidence. He—though he abounded in much nobility of lineage and was without doubt a man of virtue—also strove to keep his faith unshaken to such a degree that not only did he neither conspire against the king nor ever consent to the conspirators, but he also always kept an equally robust loyalty to his friends.

Hic igitur et Robertus de Sancto Iohanne, cuius supra mentio facta est, cum plurimos haberent amicos, neque Panormi facile posset aliquid cura dignum accidere quod non ad eorum notitiam perveniret, conspirantium machinamenta cancellarium edocebant et quibus oporteret ea consiliis prepediri. Quorum siquidem ipse monitus Odonis Quarrelli consilio pretulisset, emergentes ab initio motus facile compressisset. Verum, tanta cupiditas eiusdem Odonis mentem invaserat, ut ex sola munerum quantitate fidem omnium metiretur.

This man, therefore, and Robert of Saint John, of whom mention was made above, since they had very many friends, and at Palermo scarcely could anything worthy of concern occur which did not come to their knowledge, were instructing the chancellor about the machinations of the conspirators and by what counsels it ought to be precluded. Indeed, had he preferred their warnings to the counsel of Odo Quarrel, he would easily have compressed the disturbances arising from the outset. But so great a cupidity had invaded the mind of that same Odo that he measured the faith of all solely by the quantity of gifts.

Inde factum est ut auri gemmarumque splendore seductus, salubre consilium amicorum neglexerit, et velut angues in sinu fovens, [nonnullo]s hotium valde familiares habuerit.

Thence it came to pass that, seduced by the splendor of gold and of gems, he neglected the salutary counsel of friends, and, as if warming snakes in his bosom, he had some enemies as very intimates.

XXXXVI. Nota quod cupiditas fidem corrumpit.

46. Note that cupidity corrupts faith.

Interea, cum Matheum notarium cursores suos cum licteris ad fratrem suum Cathaniensem episcopum sepissime preter consuetudinem mittere compertum esset, putabatur ei conspirationis modum in eisdem licteris aperire et quid eum facturum vellet in partibus Cathaniensium edocere. Volens autem cancellarius certis hoc experimentis cognoscere, misit Robertum Bellisinensem cum quibusdam aliis ut viarum transitus observaret et predictos cursores, quos sciebat nuperrime Cathaniam fuisse directos, in reditu caperet eisque licteras quas deferebant auferret. Quo vias negligentius observante, qui licteras ferebat pertransiit; socium autem eius tardius subsequentem cepit et cum se niteretur defendere, vulneravit.

Meanwhile, since it had been found out that Matthew the notary was sending his couriers with letters to his brother, the bishop of Catania, very frequently beyond what was customary, it was supposed that in those same letters he opened the manner of the conspiracy and instructed him what he wished him to do in the parts of the Catanese. But wishing to learn this by certain experiments, the chancellor sent Robert of Bellisina with certain others to observe the passes of the roads and to seize on their return the aforesaid couriers, whom he knew had very recently been directed to Catania, and to take from them the letters they were carrying. As he was more negligently observing the roads, the one who was bearing the letters passed through; but he seized his associate, following more slowly, and when he tried to defend himself, he wounded him.

Ea re cognita, Matheus notarius illatam cursoribus suis moleste tulit iniuriam, sibi quoque non parum timendum existimans, cum opinionem suam apud cancellarium lesam agnosceret.

With this matter known, Matthew the notary took badly the injury inflicted upon his couriers, considering that he too had not a little to fear, since he acknowledged that his opinion with the chancellor was injured.

XXXXVII. Qualiter Robertus Bellisinensis infirmatus est.

47. How Robert of Bellême was made infirm.

Nec multo post, cum Robertus Bellisinensis cepisset febrili molestia fatigari, Salernus medicus, Mathei notarii plurimum familiaris, cuius etiam opera Salernitane urbis iudex fuerat institutus, ipsum cancellarium instantius admonebat ut illum diligentie sue sanandum committeret. Porro cancellarius, ob familiaritatem Mathei notarii suspectum eum habens, timensque ne sub hac occasione vellet acceptam nuper iniuriam vindicare, noluit ut ad illum accederet, sed alios ei iussit medicos provideri.

And not much later, when Robert of Bellême had begun to be wearied by a febrile molestation, Salernus the physician, very familiar with Matthew the notary—by whose agency he had also been appointed judge of the city of Salerno—was more insistently admonishing the chancellor himself to entrust that man to his diligence to be healed. Moreover, the chancellor, holding him as suspect on account of his familiarity with Matthew the notary, and fearing lest under this pretext he might wish to avenge the injury recently received, did not wish him to go to him, but ordered that other physicians be provided for him.

XXXXVIII. Nota periculum medici.

48. Note the danger of the physician.

Salernus tamen, contra voluntatem eius, latenter egrum adire disposuit, velud in invitum beneficia collaturus, summaque diligentia domum in qua iacebat perquirens, eum aliquotiens visitavit. Quo postea rebus humanis, non sine magno cancellarii dolore, sublato, mirabantur qui aderant videntes capillos eius sponte defluere cutemque lividam ad tactum manus avelli et a carne facillime separari; dicebant ergo venenum ei fuisse sine dubio propinatum. quod cum ad aures cancellarii pervenisset, statuit rei veritatem modis omnibus explorare.

Salernus, however, against his will, resolved secretly to approach the sick man, as though about to confer benefits upon one unwilling; and, with the greatest diligence seeking out the house in which he lay, he visited him several times. After he was thereafter removed from human affairs, not without great grief of the chancellor, those present marveled, seeing his hair fall off of its own accord and his livid skin, at the touch of the hand, be torn away and be most easily separated from the flesh; they said, therefore, that poison had without doubt been administered to him. When this had come to the ears of the chancellor, he resolved to explore the truth of the matter by all means.

Sed quoniam putabatur idem in quibusdam egritudinibus posse contingere, misit archiepiscopum Salernitanum, virum in fisica probatissimum, et episcopum Maltensem aliosque prudentes et discretos viros, qui rei modum et causam agnoscerent. Hii autem, visa re, constanter asserebant nunquam eiusmodi posse corruptionem ex ea quam passus fuerat egritudine provenire. Cum ergo quesitum esset utrum aliquis ad [eum me]dicus preter eos qui ad hoc deputati fuerant accessisset, dictum est de hiis qui egro assidebant, Salernum iudicem quiddam ei quasi siroppum in vase vitreo porrexisse.

But since it was thought that the same could happen in certain sicknesses, he sent the archbishop of Salerno, a man most approved in physic, and the bishop of Malta and other prudent and discreet men, to recognize the manner and the cause of the matter. These men, upon seeing the case, steadfastly asserted that corruption of this sort could never arise from the illness which he had suffered. When therefore it was asked whether any [to him a phy]sician had approached besides those who had been deputed to this, it was said by those who sat beside the sick man that Salernus the judge had handed him something, as if a syrup, in a glass vessel.

Quorum unus manum ostendens late patenti vulnere sauciatam, dicebat hoc sibi ex eiusdem siroppi malitia contigisse. Aiebat enim quod forte sociis recedentibus, solus in domo remanens, voluisset ex eadem potione latenter accipere, sicut imprudentium quorumdam mos est velle quecunque viderint attemptare, maxime cum ad expellendam egritudinem quam passus nuper fuerat illam sibi crederet profuturam. Quam tamen, sic ferente fortuna, concave manui prius infudit, digito manus alterius ipsam aliquamdiu confricando.

One of them, showing his hand wounded with a broadly gaping wound, said that this had befallen him from the malice of the same syrup. For he said that, his companions by chance withdrawing, and he remaining alone in the house, he had wished to take secretly from the same potion, as it is the custom of certain imprudent men to wish to attempt whatever they have seen, especially since for expelling the sickness which he had recently suffered he believed it would be profitable to him. Which, however, fortune so bearing it, he first poured into the hollow of his hand, rubbing it for some time with the finger of the other hand.

cumque paulo post eam in terram effudisset, cutem, dicebat, multis lesam apparuisse scissuris, eamque paulatim, ut patebat, postmodum decidisse. Sed et Willelmus notarius, qui ante adventum cancellarii Matheo notario servierat, dicebat quemdam ex hominibus eiusdem Mathei sepius ad se venisse, et ex parte domini sui rogasse importunius ut ei domum in qua Robertus Bellisinensis iacebat ostenderet. Hec omnia cum audisset cancellarius, convoca[tis in domum suam electo Siracusano, Matheo notario, Richardo Molisii comite, Rumoaldo Salernitano archiepiscopo ceterisque e]piscopis ac plerisque [proceribus], rem eis totam exposuit iussitque Salernum eorum consiliis accersiri.

and when a little afterward he had poured it onto the ground, the skin, he said, appeared to have been injured with many fissures, and that gradually, as was evident, it afterward sloughed off. But William the notary also, who before the arrival of the chancellor had served Matthew the notary, said that a certain one of the men of that same Matthew had repeatedly come to him, and on behalf of his lord had asked him with undue importunity to show him the house in which Robert of Bellême was lying ill. When the chancellor had heard all these things, having convoca[ted into his own house the elect of Syracuse, Matthew the notary, Richard, count of Molise, Romuald, archbishop of Salerno, and the rest of the e]bishops and many [nobles], he set forth to them the whole matter and ordered that Salernus be summoned to their counsels.

XXXXVIIII. [De] captione Salerni medici qui propinavit venenum.

49. [On] the capture of the physician of Salerno who administered poison.

Qui, cum interrogatus esset utrum ipsi Roberto medicinam aliquam obtulisset, audacter et prompte respondit: numquam ei quidpiam se dedisse. At ubi productis testibus falsum dixisse convictus est, adicit nichil ei se dedisse quod lesionem posset inferre. Nam siroppum rosatum simplicem fuisse quem dederat, et eum quidem non a se factum, sed emptum ipsa die a quodam apothecario, Iusto nomine, fatebatur.

Who, when he was interrogated whether he had offered any medicine to Robert himself, boldly and promptly responded that he had never given him anything. But when, with witnesses produced, he was convicted of having spoken falsely, he adds that he had given him nothing that could inflict a lesion. For he admitted that what he had given was simple rose-syrup, and that indeed not made by himself, but bought that very day from a certain apothecary, by name Justus.

Vocatus autem Iustus, respondit eo toto mense qui transierat nichil ei se penitus vendidisse. Ita Salernus in omnibus que dixerat fallax inventus, obiecti criminis suspicionem magnopere roboravit. Sequenti vero die, congregata curia vocatisque magistris iusticiariis, cum sollempniter accusaretur, conscientie flagitio prepeditus, ita misere respondebat obiectis, ut plenam iudicibus fidem faceret hoc eum maleficium perpetrasse.

But when Justus was called, he replied that in that whole month which had passed he had sold him nothing at all. Thus Salernus, found deceitful in all that he had said, greatly reinforced the suspicion of the crime objected. On the following day, with the curia assembled and the justiciary masters summoned, when he was solemnly accused, hampered by the reproach of his conscience, he answered the charges so miserably as to make the judges fully believe that he had perpetrated this evil deed.

L. De sententia lata contra Salernum medicum.

50. On the sentence passed against Salernus the physician.

Itaque prolata in eum sententia, decrevere bonis omnibus spoliatum capitali supplicio [subiacere, solum ei vivendi spem in misericordia curie relinquentes. Qui detrusus in carcerem multis adactus est minis et promissionibus] attemptatus [ut fateretur] cuius id prece vel consilio fecisset, sed hoc ei persuaderi non potuit.

Therefore, the sentence having been pronounced against him, they decreed that, despoiled of all goods, he [be subject to capital punishment, leaving to him the sole hope of living in the mercy of the curia. He, thrust into prison, was driven by many menaces and promises] assailed [to confess] at whose entreaty or counsel he had done this, but he could not be persuaded to this.

Dum hanc in Sicilie partibus fortuna conspirationis seriem ordiretur, aliam interim in Apulia multorum roboratam confederatione texuerat. Cum enim multi proceres indignarentur Richardum Molisii comitem tante subito dignitatis esse culmine sublimatum, Henricum fratrem regine Montis Caveosi comitem adversus illum stimulaverant, dicentes: inhertem eum a multis et timidum appellari, qui dedecus et iniuriam sibi totique regno simul illatam vel nimis patienter sustineat, vel consentiendo dissimulet. Nec enim ambigi parum honestam intercessisse causam ut regina, quam primum regni balium adepta est, Richardum de Mandra, nullius virum consilii, nobilissimo Molisii comitatu donatum, pre ceteris omnibus sibi familiarem asciverit.

While Fortune in the parts of Sicily was ordering this series of conspiracy, meanwhile she had woven another in Apulia, strengthened by the confederation of many. For when many magnates were indignant that Richard, count of Molise, had been so suddenly elevated to the summit of so great a dignity, they had spurred Henry, the queen’s brother, count of Monte Caveoso, against him, saying that he is called by many inert and timid, in that he either too patiently endures, or by consenting dissimulates, the disgrace and injury inflicted at once upon himself and upon the whole kingdom. For it is not to be doubted that a rather dishonorable cause had intervened, namely that the queen, as soon as she obtained the regency of the kingdom, had taken to herself Richard de Mandra—a man of no counsel—endowed with the most noble county of Molise, as familiar to her beyond all others.

Quod si ipse, quem res ad vindictam specialiter exposcebat, a predicto Richardo tante vellet presumptionis penas exigere, suum ei nequaquam defuturum auxilium. Ad hoc comes id hactenus se nescisse respondit: ignorantie non timiditati quod vindictam distulerit ascribendum; nunc iam ipsi quid actum iri velint confidenter edicant; prompte se facturum quidquid decreverint neque sororis sue dedecus ultra passurum. At illi Richardum [Molisii comitem] vel interfici, vel a curia saltem amoveri censebant.

But if he himself, whom the matter specifically called upon for vengeance, should wish to exact the penalties of so great a presumption from the aforesaid Richard, his aid would by no means be lacking to him. To this the count replied that he had hitherto not known this: that the fact he had deferred vengeance should be ascribed to ignorance, not to timidity; now let them themselves confidently declare what they wish to be done; he would promptly do whatever they should decree, nor would he any longer endure his sister’s disgrace. But they judged that Richard [Molisii comitem] should either be killed, or at least be removed from the court.

Regni vero curam ad eum, qui regine frater et regis esset avunculus, pertinere. Hiis ille ductus consiliis, multos milites hispanos, qui partim cum eo venerant, partim ad eum nuper confluxerant, armis premuniens, quam mature posset in Siciliam transire disposuit; plerosque etiam procerum, quorum hoc agebat instinctu, secum ducturus. Nam Boamundus comes Monopoleos, vir prudens et facundus, Willelmus de Gisoaldo, Ricardus Balbanensis aliique plures eum sequi decreverant, sperantes siquidem propositum suum adimpleri contingeret, facile se per eum quod a curia peterent adepturos.

But the care of the kingdom pertained to him who was the queen’s brother and the king’s uncle. Led by these counsels, arming many Spanish soldiers—some of whom had come with him, others had lately flocked to him—he resolved to cross into Sicily as soon as he could, intending also to lead with him very many of the nobles at whose instigation he was doing this. For Boamund, count of Monopoli, a prudent and eloquent man, William of Gisoaldo, Richard Balbanensis, and many others had decided to follow him, hoping indeed that, if their design should happen to be fulfilled, they would easily obtain through him what they were asking from the court.

Necdum enim, cum huiusmodi consilia pertractarent, cancellarii potestatem eo pervenisse cognoverant ut omnibus in curia premineret. Quod ubi paulo post fide non dubia perceperunt, primum ab incepto paulisper absterriti, deinde resumptis animis ad propositum nichilo segnius peragendum accincti, tandem in Siciliam pervenerunt. Quorum adventu comperto causaque simul adventus precognita, Richardus comes cancellarium adit; Henrici comitis et Apulorum ei consilium aperit, rogatque obsecrans, ne patiatur hominem insanum, et eos qui cum ipso venerint, sola stimulatus invidia, temeritatis sue votum explere.

For not yet, while they were handling counsels of this kind, had they learned that the chancellor’s power had come to that point that he was preeminent over all in the court. When a little after they perceived this with no doubtful credence, at first somewhat deterred from their undertaking, then, their spirits resumed, girded for carrying out the plan with nothing the less zeal, at length they arrived in Sicily. When their arrival was learned, and the cause of the arrival at the same time foreknown, Richard the count approaches the chancellor; he opens to him the counsel of Count Henry and of the Apulians, and begs, beseeching, that he not allow the madman, and those who have come with him, goaded by envy alone, to fulfill the vow of his temerity.

Siquidem enim in curia eis seditiones impune liceat excitare, et in eos qui curie serviunt conspirationibus factis licite debachari, ipsi culpam oportere specialiter imputari et in eum [iniuriam redun]dare qui cum administrationem regni susceperit, improborum debeat contumaciam cohercere. Cancellarius autem, licet illum sibi suspectum multorum fecisset opinio, ne tamen ipse contempni videretur, aut ea regnum occasione perturbari contingeret, seditiosos a curia tumultus arcere disposuit et improbis Apulorum consiliis obviare. Missis itaque litteris regiis Henrico comiti, qui iam Thermas usque pervenerat, iussum est ad urbem eum accedere; Boamundum vero comitem aliosque qui cum eo erant Thermis interim mandatum curie prestolari.

For indeed, if in the court it is permitted to them to stir up seditions with impunity, and to rage riotously by conspiracies made against those who serve the court, the blame ought to be imputed especially to them, and the in[jury to re]dound upon him who, since he has undertaken the administration of the kingdom, ought to coerce the contumacy of the wicked. The Chancellor, however, although the opinion of many had made that man suspect to him, lest he himself should seem to be despised, or it should befall that by that occasion the kingdom be disturbed, resolved to ward off seditious tumults from the court and to oppose the wicked counsels of the Apulians. Therefore, royal letters having been sent to Count Henry, who had already come as far as Thermae, it was ordered that he approach the city; but Count Boamund and the others who were with him were commanded in the meantime to await at Thermae the mandate of the court.

Venientem ergo comitem, cancellarius benigno vultu et post multam collocutionem blandioribus eum verbis aggressus, hortari cepit ac diligentius admonere, ne rebellandi multis occasionem daturus, haud facile reparabilem regni quietem quibuslibet seditionum motibus exturbaret, nec Apulorum fabulis traheretur, quorum in eo semper hesisset consilium ut regnum aliquatenus perturbarent; nichil esse quod eum exasperare debeat, cum et opes ei affluenter suppetant et inter maximos regni proceres loco sit non impari constitutus; id ei maxime cavendum, ne reginam offendere presumat, aut contra voluntatem eius quidpiam agere, per quam hec adeptus fuerit et maiora putetur, nisi per eum steterit, adepturus. Ita multis assertionibus ex animo conceptum in Apulia furorem [eliminans, vixque tandem ad innate stoliditatis simplicitatem eum retrahens, indignationem eius compescuit, et Richardum] comitem accersiens, [pacem inter eos et con]cordiam renovavit. Reg[ine quoque] nichilominus erga eumdem comitem animum mitigavit, quam plurimum quidem offenderat, multis in Apulia perperam ac temere contra mandatum curie perpetratis.

Therefore, as the count was coming, the chancellor, with a benign countenance and, after much collocution, approaching him with more coaxing words, began to exhort and more diligently admonish him not, by giving to many an occasion of rebelling, to drive out by any motions of seditions the hardly reparable quiet of the realm, nor to be drawn by the fables of the Apulians, whose counsel had always stuck in this: that they should in some measure perturb the kingdom; that there was nothing which ought to exasperate him, since both opulence abounds for him and he is established among the greatest grandees of the realm in a rank not unequal; that this he must especially beware, not to presume to offend the queen, nor to do anything against her will, through whom he had obtained these things and is thought to obtain greater, which he will be about to obtain, unless it be stopped through him. Thus, by many assertions, the fury conceived in his mind in Apulia [eliminating, and scarcely at last drawing him back to the simplicity of innate stolidity, he checked his indignation, and Richard] the count, summoning, [peace between them and con]cord he renewed. The que[en also] nonetheless he mitigated his mind toward that same count, whom indeed he had very greatly offended, many things in Apulia having been wrongly and rashly perpetrated against the mandate of the court.

Promisit autem se deinceps consilium in omnibus habiturum cancellarii, nec ulterius regine voluntatem in aliquo transgressurum. Tum demum cancellarius licteris suis Boamundum comitem eiusque socios qui Thermis morabantur accersiit, eisque benigne susceptis, cum adventus causam inquireret, dixerunt: id sibi principale fuisse propositum ut visitarent eum, optantes ab eo cognosci et inter fideles eius milites computari, simulque ut per eum quedam que petituri erant apud maiestatem regiam optinerent. At ille sibi gratum esse quod venerint, opemque suam illis non defuturam, respondit; suum tamen esse consilium ne quid ad presens a curia peterent, alias eorum petitionem efficacius admictendam.

He promised, moreover, that henceforth he would have the counsel of the chancellor in all things, and that he would no further transgress the will of the queen in anything. Then at last the chancellor, by his letters, summoned Count Bohemond and his companions who were staying at Thermis; and when they were kindly received, as he inquired the cause of their coming, they said that this had been their principal purpose: to visit him, desiring to be known by him and to be counted among his faithful soldiers, and likewise that through him they might obtain from the royal majesty certain things they intended to request. But he replied that it was pleasing to him that they had come, and that his help would not be lacking to them; yet his counsel was that they should not at present ask anything from the court, at another time their petition being to be admitted more efficaciously.

Sic ergo Panormi paucis diebus commorati videntesque rem secus ac providerant accidisse, tandem in Apuliam redierunt. Boamundus tamen comes, ut erat vir non negligende prudentie, multa cancellario familiarius colloquendo, favorem et amicitiam eius optinuit, quam postmodum non ea qua solent Apuli levitate vel inanibus verbis, sed fide non dubia certisque rerum argumentis excoluit.

Thus, therefore, having tarried at Palermo for a few days and seeing that the matter had fallen out otherwise than they had foreseen, they at length returned to Apulia. Boamund, however, the count, as he was a man of no negligible prudence, by speaking much and more familiarly with the chancellor, obtained his favor and friendship, which thereafter he cultivated not with that levity or inane words with which the Apulians are wont, but with undoubted faith and with sure evidences of deeds.

Henricus autem comes [cancellarii penitus voluntatem et consilium sequebatur, eique tanta se familiaritate coniunxerat, ut cum eo balneum frequenter intraret,] cum eo singulis [diebus a]d curiam ascenderet, indeque [reverte]ntes, magnam diei partem secretius colloquendo transmicterent. Qui vero conspiraverant adversus cancellarium, videntes, si concordiam illam inter eos perseverare contingeret, machinationes suas sperato non posse fine concludi, modis omnibus perquirebant quibus possent artibus eam amicitiam et familiaritatem dissolvere; primoque mentem comitis quibusdam insinuationibus pertemptantes, aiebant non oportere regine fratrem in curia quempiam superiorem admictere, nec eius frequentare domum et inherere vestigiis a quo potius ipse debuerat visitari; nam ad eum potestatis prerogativam et totius regni curam merito pertinere. Quibus ille Francorum se linguam ignorare, que maxime necessaria esset in curia, nec eius esse, respondebat, industrie ut oneri tanto sufficeret; cancellario curam hanc rectissime debere committi, qui discretus esset et prudens summeque nobilis, regi quoque nichilominus ac regine non dubia propinquitate coniunctus.

Henry, moreover, the count [was entirely following the will and counsel of the chancellor, and had joined himself to him with such familiarity that he would frequently enter the bath with him,] would go up to the court with him each [day], and, thence re[turn]ing, they would pass a great part of the day in more secret conversation. But those who had conspired against the chancellor, seeing that, if that concord between them should persist, their machinations could not be brought to the hoped-for end, were by all means searching out by what arts they might dissolve that friendship and familiarity; and at first, tempting the mind of the count with certain insinuations, they said that it was not fitting for the queen’s brother in the court to admit anyone as superior, nor to frequent his house and to cling to the footsteps of one by whom rather he himself ought to have been visited; for to him the prerogative of power and the care of the whole kingdom rightly pertain. To these he replied that he was ignorant of the language of the Franks, which would be most necessary at court, and that it was not of his industry to suffice for so great a burden; that this care ought most rightly to be entrusted to the chancellor, who was discreet and prudent and most noble, joined likewise to the king and the queen by no doubtful propinquity.

Hac illi repulsa non contenti, milites hispanos, quos ei maxime familiares esse cognoverant, ceperunt secretius convenire, dicentes: multe mansuetudinis et patientie comitem esse, qui [cancellarium, quem velut hostem deberet persequi, potius diligat et honoret propensiorem ei reverentiam exhibendo, et hoc eum forte videri prudenter agere, quod sororem nolens offendere, docuerit animum patienter omnia sustinere, nisi patientiam hanc gravis infamia sequeretur; nunc reliquum quidem esse, ut aut inhonestis regine votis deservire credatur ipsiusque cancellarii libidini seu potius incestui consentire, aut illicitam eorum familiaritatem se nescire fateatur. Patere autem omnibus hanc esse, ut dici solet, nimis crassam ac supinam ignorantiam, ut quod omnes predicant solus ignoret: hec igitur a multis frequenter audita, milites ad aures comitis pertulerunt. Qui, cum primum mente dubia vacillaret, dehinc ab ipsis rei principibus qui confinxerant ea cumulatius eadem audiens, plenam hiis que sibi dicta fuerant fidem adhibuit, relictoque cancellario, consiliis eorum adhesit, quod inde suaderent se facturum pollicitus.

Not content with this repulse, they began to meet secretly with the Spanish soldiers, whom they had learned were especially intimate with him, saying: that the count was of much mildness and patience, who [the chancellor, whom he ought to pursue as an enemy, rather loves and honors by showing him more inclined reverence; and that he perhaps seems to act prudently in this, that, unwilling to offend his sister, he has schooled his mind to endure all things patiently, unless a grievous infamy should follow this patience; now the remainder in fact is, that he be believed either to be subservient to the queen’s dishonorable wishes and to consent to the chancellor’s lust, or rather incest, or to confess that he is unaware of their illicit familiarity. But it is clear to all that this is, as the saying goes, an excessively gross and supine ignorance, that he alone should not know what all proclaim:] these things therefore, often heard from many, the soldiers carried to the count’s ears. He, when at first he wavered in a doubtful mind, then, hearing the same things more copiously from the very chiefs of the affair who had fabricated them, gave full credence to what had been told him, and, leaving the chancellor, he adhered to their counsels, promising that he would do what they should from then on persuade.

At illi rem quam multum desideraverant adsequuti, non distulerunt eum, prestitis hinc inde sacramentis quibus visum est pactionibus obligare. Hec ergo conspiratio iam eo usque processerat ut amicis cancellarii plurimum terroris incuteret. Nam gaytus Richardus, magister palacii, quem eisdem constabat esse sacramentis astrictum, magnas conspiratoribus vires addiderat.

But they, having attained the matter which they greatly had desired, did not defer to bind him by pactions, oaths having been given on both sides as seemed good. Therefore this conspiracy had already advanced so far as to strike very great terror into the chancellor’s friends. For Gaitus Richard, master of the palace, whom it was well known to them to be bound by the same sacraments (oaths), had added great strength to the conspirators.

Nec enim contentus militibus suis, quibus ipse stipendia dabat, maximam partem militum regis et universos curie sagittarios [ita sibi do]nis ac beneficiis multis illexerat ut eius in omnibus voluntatem et imperia sequerentur. At cancellarius, adversus eorum insidias sese premuniens, statuit non iam omnes, ut consueverat, indifferenter admictere, sed certas horas constituit, quibus ad eum omnibus pateret accessus, militesque suos eisdem horis paratos adesse precepit. Sed et quinquaginta viros eligens qui post primam ianuam in vestibulo domus cum armis parati semper assisterent, numerum quoque militum studuit adaugere, plerosque etiam milites transmontanos, qui de Francia nuper venerant Ierosolimam transituri, secum detinuit, inter quos erat Iohannes de Lavardino, cuius acta cancellario non parum attulerunt incommodi, quemadmodum sequentia manifestius declarabunt.

For he, not content with his own soldiers, to whom he himself gave stipends, had enticed the greater part of the king’s soldiers and all the curia’s archers [thus to himself with gi]fts and with many benefices, so that they followed his will and commands in all things. But the chancellor, fortifying himself against their plots, decided no longer, as he had been accustomed, to admit all indiscriminately, but set fixed hours at which access to him would lie open to all, and he ordered his soldiers to be present ready at those same hours. And choosing fifty men as well, who should always stand by, armed, in the vestibule of the house after the first door, he also strove to augment the number of soldiers, and he detained with him a great many soldiers from beyond the mountains, who had lately come from France, intending to pass through to Jerusalem; among whom was John of Lavardin, whose deeds brought the chancellor no small inconvenience, as the following will declare more plainly.

LI. De profectu regis Messanam.

51. On the departure of the king to Messina.

Post aliquantum vero temporis cancellarius cupiens patefactis hostium consiliis ad vindictam accingi, reique statum prius diligenter considerans, animadvertit nondum tantas sibi vires suppetere ut auderet sollempni iudicio coniurationis principes accusare, ne latentes et occultas insidias in apertam seditionem converteret. Sed nec oportere rem dissimulando diutius occultari, ne cum amplius virium collegissent, difficile posset eorum machinationibus obviari. Ad aliud ergo traductus consilium, regi regineque persuasit ut Messanam proficiscentes, instantem hyemem ibidem transigerent, deinceps, si visum foret, ad primam [veris temperiem in Apuliam transituri.

After some time, in truth, the chancellor, wishing, the counsels of the enemy having been laid open, to gird himself for vengeance, and first carefully considering the state of the matter, observed that forces so great were not yet at his disposal that he would dare to accuse the leaders of the conjuration in a solemn judgment, lest he should convert latent and occult plots into open sedition. But neither did it seem right that the matter be concealed any longer by dissimulating, lest, when they had gathered a greater store of forces, it might be difficult to counter their machinations. Therefore brought over to another counsel, he persuaded the king and the queen that, setting out to Messana, they should spend the impending winter there—thereafter, if it should seem good, at the first [tempering of spring to pass into Apulia.

Huius autem diem et causam itineris Gilleberto comiti Gravinensi missis licteris indicavit], scribens eidem ut, n[egotiis omnibus ad] presens posthabitis, quam [mature posse]t Messanam veniens, Farum transiret. Caveret autem ne, sicut tempore gayti Petri fecerat, ad curiam inhermis accederet, sed ita militibus armisque premunitus ne tamen exercitum ducere videretur. Hiis diebus tanta contigerat inundatio pluviarum, quanta per multum temporis in Sicilia visa non fuerat; unde curie familiares, occasionem nacti, persuadere nitebantur cancellario ut in proxime venturam estatem iter propositum distraeretur.

Moreover, he indicated by letters] the day and the cause of this journey to Gilbert, count of Gravina, writing to him that, with [all business for the present] set aside, as [quickly as he could], upon coming to Messana he should cross the Faro. He should take care, moreover, lest, as he had done in the time of Gaitus Peter, he approach the court unarmed, but rather be so pre-munited with soldiers and arms that he would not, however, seem to be leading an army. In these days so great an inundation of rains had occurred as had not been seen in Sicily for a long time; wherefore the familiars of the court, having seized the occasion, were striving to persuade the chancellor that the proposed journey be deferred to the summer soon to come.

Quod cum optinere non possent, sperabant tamen regem ac reginam ipsumque cancellarium ob imbres continuos et itinerum difficultatem ab eo quod proposuerant absterrendos; at ille, nichilo segnius, misso cum licteris regis hostiario per universa que in transitu erant oppida, iussit dilatari viarum angustias et abrupta precidi omniaque transituro regi necessaria, iuxta consuetudinem, preparari. At vero circa prefixum terminum repente contra spem omnium celi facies immutata, quanta prius imbrium horruerat densitate, tante serenitatis indicio gratam cepit: deinceps spondere temperiem. itaque rex, .xv. die novembris, ut constitutum fuerat, Messanam proficiscitur, relictis Panormi militibus ad ipsius custodiam civitatis.

Since they could not obtain this, they nonetheless were hoping that the king and queen and the chancellor himself would be deterred from what they had proposed by continuous rains and the difficulty of the journeys; but he, nothing the slower, having sent the king’s usher with letters through all the towns that were on the route, ordered the narrow places of the roads to be widened and the precipices to be cut away, and everything necessary for the king about to pass through, according to custom, to be prepared. But indeed around the fixed date, suddenly, contrary to everyone’s expectation, the face of the sky was changed: in proportion as it had previously shuddered with the density of rains, so great a token of serenity it began to show, thereafter promising fair weather. Accordingly the king, on the 15th day of November, as had been appointed, sets out for Messana, leaving soldiers at Palermo for the guarding of the city itself.

LII. De officialibus curie.

52. On the officials of the court.

Erat tunc Messane Robertus comes Casertinus cum filio [suo Rogerio Tricarici comite, et regis ibidem prestolabat adventum. Audierat enim Willelmum de Sancto Severino, consobrinum suum, qui nuper ab] exilio revocatus fuerat, a regina multis amicorum precibus impetrasse ut ei terra sua, quam extra regnum fugiens amiserat, redderetur, eaque de causa cum advocatis suis ad curiam venerat preparatus ut Montorium et castrum Sancti Severini ceteraque oppida que predictus Willelmus tenuerat, sibi de iure pertinere contenderet, ipsiusque Willelmi patrem iniuste ac violenter eadem possedisse. At cancellarius, cum neque Willelmum, quem sibi fidelem agnoverat, iacture vellet quippiam sustinere comitemque timeret offendere, ne suspecte viro fidei malignandi preberetur occasio, et huic patrimonium suum integre fecit restitui, et illi terram aliam in Apulie partibus eo tenore concedi ut, ea quam adversus Willelmum intendebat actione sopita, nunquam super hoc de cetero controversiam suscitaret.

At that time at Messina Robert, count of Caserta, was with his son [his Roger, count of Tricarico, and he was awaiting the king’s arrival there. For he had heard that William of San Severino, his cousin, who had recently been recalled from] exile, had by many petitions of friends obtained from the queen that his land, which he had lost when fleeing outside the kingdom, be restored to him; and for that cause he had come to the curia with his advocates, prepared to contend that Montorio and the castle of San Severino and the other towns which the aforesaid William had held pertained to himself by right, and that William’s father had possessed the same unjustly and violently. But the chancellor, since he was unwilling that William, whom he recognized as faithful to him, sustain any loss, and he feared to offend the count, lest an occasion for maligning be afforded to a man of suspect faith, both caused his patrimony to be restored to him intact, and that to the latter another land in the parts of Apulia be granted under this tenor: that, the action which he was intending against William being laid to rest, he should never hereafter stir up a controversy about this.

Paucis autem diebus post adventum regis maiores civium cum magnis muneribus cancellarium adeuntes, rogabant eum instantissime ut privilegium eis reddi faceret quod olim Rogerius rex supra quibusdam civitatis immunitatibus factum, postea, penitentia ductus, eis abstulerat. At ille, ratus sua plurimum interesse ut eorum sibi conciliaret animos, noluit oblata dona suscipere, sed eorum gratis petitionem implevit.

However, a few days after the king’s arrival, the chief men of the citizens, approaching the chancellor with great gifts, were begging him most insistently to have the privilege restored to them which once King Roger had made concerning certain immunities of the city, but afterward, led by penitence, had taken from them. But he, thinking it very much to his own interest to conciliate their feelings toward himself, did not wish to accept the proffered gifts, but fulfilled their petition gratis.

LIII. De accusatione stratigoti.

53. On the accusation of the stratigot.

Videntes interea Messanenses de totius regni partibus [ad curia]m multam virorum ac mulierum turbam confluere, neque suo quempiam iure fraudari, sed in omnibus iudiciis districte rigorem observari iustitie, ad accusandum Richardum Messane stratigotum audacter prosiliunt; libellos accusationis conscribunt, eosque cancellario porrigentes, ingenti clamore postulant iudicio rem committi; alii rapinas, homicidia, furta, incendia consensu illius asserunt a maleficis, accepta pecunia, perpetrari; alii vineas aut domos sibi conqueruntur ablatas; multi stupra virginum, adulteria, plerique etiam iudiciorum ei subversionem obiciunt. Cancellarius autem, cum viri prudentiam et ingenium agnovisset, arbitratus eum parti sue plurimum roboris allaturum si mentem illius beneficiis sibi posset allicere, temptabat rem aliquamdiu protrahendo furentis plebis iram compescere: illi vero, nichil ex dilatione mutato consilio, videntes cancellarium negligentius ac tepidius respondere, rursus accusationes in scripta redigunt, eaque a summitatibus harundinum suspendentes, ante palatium ingentem clamorem attollunt, miserum esse dicentes, ceteris omnibus ius suum consequentibus, solos Messanenses, qui regi fidelissimi semper extiterint, haberi ludibrio et eorum voces in curia non audiri. Tunc regina clamorem vulgi non ferens, cancellario precipit ut eorum scripta recipiens, negotium hoc sine dilatione definiat.

Meanwhile the men of Messina, seeing that from all parts of the whole realm [to the court] a great crowd of men and women was flocking, and that no one was being defrauded of his own right, but that in all judgments the strict rigor of justice was being observed, boldly spring forth to accuse Richard, stratigotus of Messina; they compose libels of accusation, and, handing them to the chancellor, with a huge outcry demand that the matter be committed to judgment; some assert that robberies, homicides, thefts, arsons are being perpetrated by malefactors with his consent, money having been received; others complain that vineyards or houses have been taken from them; many allege the rapes of maidens, adulteries, and most also charge him with the subversion of judgments. But the chancellor, since he had recognized the man’s prudence and talent, judging that he would bring very much strength to his own party if he could allure his mind to himself by benefits, was attempting, by protracting the matter for some time, to restrain the rage of the frenzied populace: they, however, with no plan changed by the delay, seeing the chancellor reply more negligently and more tepidly, again reduce the accusations into writings, and, hanging them from the tops of reeds, they raise a huge clamor before the palace, saying it is a miserable thing that, while all the rest obtain their right, the Messinans alone, who have always stood most faithful to the king, are held up to mockery and their voices are not heard in the court. Then the queen, not bearing the clamoring of the crowd, orders the chancellor that, receiving their writings, he define this business without delay.

Cancellarius autem magistris iusticiari[is] causam delegat, precipiens itidem ut Richardo stratigoto diem dicant et nunquam a districti iuris tramite recedentes, controversiam ipsam legitimo fine concludant. Qui, die constituto, diligenter allegationibus utriusque partis auditis, cum post ipsius negotii examinationem stratigotus multorum reus criminum patuisset, lata sententia, decreverunt eum, post bonorum amissionem, carceri mancipandum. Messanenses igitur ob redditum sibi privilegium et stratigoti dampnationem cancellarii nomen multis laudibus extollentes, eius se beneficio libertati redditos fatebantur, paratos se dicentes ipsius gratia quantelibet difficultatis onus suscipere.

The chancellor, moreover, delegates the case to the master justiciars, likewise ordering that they appoint a day for Richard the stratigotus, and, never departing from the path of strict law, bring the controversy itself to a legitimate conclusion. They, on the appointed day, after diligently hearing the allegations of both parties, when after examination of the business itself the stratigotus had proved to be guilty of many crimes, with sentence pronounced, decreed that, after forfeiture of his goods, he be consigned to prison. The Messanenses, therefore, on account of the privilege restored to them and the condemnation of the stratigotus, extolling the chancellor’s name with many praises, acknowledged that by his benefice they had been restored to liberty, saying they were ready for his sake to undertake a burden of whatever difficulty.

Verum exitus rei fidem eorum ostendit tam greca perfidia quam levitate piratica vacillare. Paulo post enim magna pars civium Henrico comiti, suadente Bartholomeo Parisino qui plurimum apud Messanenses poterat, occulte iuravit. Multi quoque Calabrorum, qui Messanam audito regis adventu confluxerant, eisdem erant sacramentorum nexibus irretiti, nec incertum erat Gentilem Agrigentinum episcopum a cancellario defecisse, neglecto quod ei prestiterat sacramento.

However, the outcome of the matter showed their loyalty to vacillate, as much from Greek perfidy as from piratical levity. A little later, indeed, a great part of the citizens, with Bartholomew the Parisian urging—who could prevail greatly among the Messanans—secretly swore an oath to Count Henry. Many also of the Calabrians, who had flocked to Messina upon hearing of the king’s arrival, were ensnared in the same bonds of oaths; nor was it uncertain that Gentile, bishop of Agrigento, had defected from the chancellor, neglecting the oath that he had rendered to him.

interea Gillebertus comes Gravinensis ex insperato superveniens, coniuratorum repressit audaciam, et incipientem iam apertis indiciis apparere compulit inter suas iterum latebras occultari. Centum enim milites non dubie virtutis secum adduxerat, armis, ut premonitus fuerat, diligenter instructos, quos de nomina[tissimis Apulie ac Terre Laboris militibus multis cognitos bellis elegerat. Tota vero civitas variis iam ceperat rumo]ribus fl[uctuari et plebem multosque] milites adversus cancellarium, preter eam que iam plurimum invaluerat conspirationem, e vicino quoque causa suppetens, instigabat.

Meanwhile Gilbert, count of Gravina, arriving beyond expectation, repressed the audacity of the conspirators, and compelled that which was already beginning to appear with open indications to be concealed again among its own lairs. For he had brought with him one hundred soldiers of undoubted valor, diligently equipped with arms, as he had been forewarned, whom he had chosen from the most no]table soldiers of Apulia and of the Terra Laboris, men known through many wars. But the whole city had already begun to fl[uctuate with various rumo]rs, and, a cause too supplying from close at hand, it was instigating the plebs and many] soldiers against the chancellor, besides that conspiracy which had already grown very strong.

Nuper enim ad eum de Francia Normanniaque clientuli multi confluxerant, qui, ut eorum mos est, in contumeliosa verba precipites et curie patrocinio licentius abutentes, Grecos et Longobardos proditores appellabant, multis eos iniuriis lacessentes. Henricus ergo comes, crebris eorum qui conspiraverant exhortationibus et consiliis animatus, terminum certum constituit ut in cancellarium a curia redeuntem irrueret improvisus et incautum occideret. Cumque dies instaret qua id sibi faciendum decreverat, a multis occulte iusiurandum interim exigebat, inter quos Rogerium, unum de iudicibus civitatis, nocte quadam accersiens, petiit itidem ab eo ut iuraret voluntatem comitis se facturum.

For lately many clientlings had flocked to him from France and Normandy, who, as is their custom, headlong into contumelious words and more licentiously abusing the patronage of the curia, were calling the Greeks and Lombards traitors, assailing them with many injuries. Henry, therefore, the count, animated by the frequent exhortations and counsels of those who had conspired, set a fixed term that he might rush unlooked-for upon the chancellor as he returned from the curia and kill him off-guard. And when the day was drawing near on which he had decreed to do this, he was meanwhile secretly exacting an oath from many, among whom, summoning by night Roger, one of the judges of the city, he likewise sought from him that he should swear to do the will of the count.

Qui cum respondisset nequaquam adeo se temere iuraturum nisi rem ei manifestius indicaret, comes ei de morte cancellarii propositum suum aperuit, dicens multos proceres et episcopos magnamque partem Messanensium in idem sacramento sibi prestito consentire, diemque nichilominus ad hoc comuni consilio deputatam eidem exposuit. At ille gratum hoc sibi fore simulans asserensque nemini sapienti displicere rem tan[torum procerum consiliis adprobatam, sed inconsulti ac precipitis esse animi sine deliberatione rem tantam inconsulte promictere,] vix tandem in crastinum inducias impetravit, interposita fide quod creditum sibi consilium nemini revelaret. Summo vero mane cancellarium adiens, omnia illi verba comitis enarravit, multos inquiens adversus eum Sicilie proceres coniurasse; mature deliberandum qualiter improbis eorum consiliis obvietur; unius ad hoc diei spatium indulgeri, diem enim crastinam ad peragendum eorum propositum certissime constitutam.

When he had replied that by no means would he so rashly swear unless he made the matter more manifest to him, the count opened to him his plan concerning the death of the chancellor, saying that many magnates and bishops and a great part of the Messinians, with an oath rendered to him, agreed to the same, and nonetheless he exposed to him the day deputed to this by common counsel. But he, pretending that this would be pleasing to him and asserting that the thing approved by the counsels of so great magnates displeases no wise man, but that it is of an unconsidered and headlong mind to promise so great a matter without deliberation, heedlessly, vix tandem in crastinum inducias impetravit, interposita fide quod creditum sibi consilium nemini revelaret. At break of day, indeed, going to the chancellor, he recounted to him all the count’s words, saying that many of the nobles of Sicily had conspired against him; that it must be maturely deliberated how their wicked counsels might be obviated; that the span of one day for this be indulged, for the morrow had been most certainly appointed to carry out their plan.

Tunc cancellarius vocatis ad se Gilleberto comite Gravinensi, Boamundo comite Monopoleos Rogerioque Avellini comite, de quibus maxime confidebat, rem eos ex ordine totam edocuit. At illi, periculum imminens attendentes, Rogerio iudici preceperunt ut ad comitem rediens, eius satisfaceret voluntati, ne, si iurare nolens adversus eum confidentius loqueretur, ex hoc ipso quippiam illi suspicionis ingereret; neque vero periurium incurrere vereretur, per quod ipsius regis iniuriam totiusque regni dedecus et obprobrium propulsaret. Id cum ille non secus ac iussus fuerat peregisset, visum est cancellario regem ac reginam super hiis convenire eosque consilium et acta comitis edocere.

Then the chancellor, having summoned to himself Gilbert, count of Gravina, Bohemond, count of Monopoli, and Roger, count of Avellino, in whom he most trusted, instructed them in the whole matter in order. But they, considering the imminent peril, commanded Roger the judge that, returning to the count, he should satisfy his will, lest, if unwilling to swear he should speak more confidently against him, from that very thing he should inject some suspicion into him; nor indeed should he fear to incur perjury, by which he would repel the injury to the king himself and the disgrace and opprobrium of the whole realm. When he had carried this out just as he had been ordered, it seemed good to the chancellor to meet the king and queen about these matters and to inform them of the counsel and the acts of the count.

Quod ubi regina cognovit, anxia cepit distrahi sollicitudine multeque fluctuationis estibus agitari. Durius enim in fratrem decernere quippiam tantamque presumptionem animadversione digna punire crudele quidem tyrampnidique proximum videbatur; sed et si fratri parceret, intelligebat cancellario non dubium capitis periculum imminere, neque posse proditores ab eo quod ceperant absterreri; simulque considerabat indignum eum esse, cui fraternus exhiberetur affectus, qui sororis posthabita reverentia, qui tot eius beneficiorum immemor id solum agere decrevisset quod ad eius dedecus et infamiam non ambigeret retorquendum, multisque rebellandi prebens materiam, regni pacem et quietem niteretur modis omnibus impedire. Huic ergo deliberationi iusta succedens indignatio, fraternam ab eius animo clementiam exturbavit, placuitque, congregata curia, comitem sollempni iudicio conveniri, convictumque vel confessum interim in aliqua munitionum servari, donec eius indicio ceteri possent proditores agnosci.

When the queen learned this, anxious she began to be torn by solicitude and to be driven by the surges of much fluctuation. For to decree anything harsher against her brother and to punish so great a presumption, worthy of animadversion, seemed indeed cruel and next to tyrannical; but also, if she spared her brother, she understood that an undoubted capital peril was impending for the chancellor, nor could the traitors be deterred from what they had undertaken; and at the same time she considered him unworthy of having fraternal affection shown to him, who, setting aside the reverence due to his sister, who, forgetful of so many of her benefits, had resolved to do that one thing which he did not doubt would be turned back upon her to her disgrace and infamy, and, by furnishing many occasions for rebellion, strove by all means to impede the peace and quiet of the realm. Therefore just indignation, succeeding to this deliberation, drove fraternal clemency out of her mind, and it pleased that, the court being convened, the count be called to a solemn judgment, and, once convicted or confessed, be meanwhile kept in some one of the fortresses, until by his disclosure the other traitors could be recognized.

Missis igitur hostiariis, curie familiares episcopi, comites ceterique proceres cum magistris iusticiariis ad curiam convocantur. Quibus admissis, ceteri omnes ab ingressu palatii prohibentur, preter paucos milites cancellarii quos ipse iusserat introduci, timens ne tumultus in curia vel seditio quelibet oriretur. Cum enim sciret plerosque procerum qui aderant Henrici comitis favere partibus, timebat ne, si cum eo districtius agi cepisset, rem in seditionem converterent, ideoque sub tunica loricam indutus, predictos milites paratos ibidem adesse iusserat et a quibusdam clericis suis aliquot enses latenter inferri.

Accordingly, the doorkeepers having been sent, the familiars of the court, bishops, counts, and the other magnates, together with the master justiciars, are convoked to the court. When these had been admitted, all others were prohibited from entering the palace, except a few soldiers of the chancellor whom he himself had ordered to be introduced, fearing lest a tumult in the court or any sedition should arise. For since he knew that most of the magnates who were present favored the party of Count Henry, he feared that, if he began to deal more strictly with him, they would turn the matter into sedition; and therefore, clad in a cuirass beneath his tunic, he had ordered the aforesaid soldiers to be there in readiness, and that several swords be covertly carried in by some of his clerics.

Cumque iam omnes in curia consedissent, Henricus comes, ut a complicibus suis edoctus fuerat, indigentiam suam cepit exponere, dicens multis se debitis coartari; comitatum Montis Caveosi sumptibus vel angustiis non posse sufficere, petiitque principatum Tarenti vel comitatum quem in Sicilia Symon comes olim tenuerat sibi concedi, quasi iustam habiturus adversus cancellarium occasionem, si quidem hec ei petitio negaretur. At Gillebertus comes Gravinensis ex illius verbis oblata sibi copia respondendi: "Hec ", ait, "que velut ense stricto, preces porrigens, timide nunc improbeque postulas, facile dudum impetrare potueras, si in animum induxisses erga regem ac reginam te qualem oportuerat exbibere. Nunc autem hanc eorum animis de te non iam opinionem, sed firmam stabilemque sententiam iniecisti, ut non solum indignum te credant, qui ad altiora debeas promoveri, verum etiam id tibi dando quod possides magnopere se fuisse deceptos existiment, neque dignum censeant in regno suo quidquam a te deinceps possideri.

And when now all had taken their seats in the court, Henry the count, as he had been instructed by his accomplices, began to set forth his indigence, saying that he was constrained by many debts; that the county of Mount Caveoso could not suffice for expenses and constraints; and he petitioned that the principality of Tarentum, or the county which in Sicily Count Simon had once held, be conceded to him—on the pretext that he would have a just occasion against the chancellor, if indeed this petition were denied him. But Gilbert, count of Gravina, the opportunity of replying offered to him by those words, said: “These things which, as with a drawn sword while proffering prayers, you now ask timidly and wickedly, you could easily long since have obtained, if you had brought yourself to exhibit yourself toward the king and queen as it behooved. Now, however, you have injected into their minds about you not now a mere opinion, but a firm and stable sentence: that they believe you not only unworthy to be promoted to higher things, but even think that by giving you what you possess they have been greatly deceived, nor do they deem it fitting that anything should henceforth be possessed by you in their kingdom.”

Ut enim immensam pecunie quantitatem in usus turpissimos temere prodigeque consumptam, ut oppida que tibi data fuerant domesticis rapinis et iniuriis multis attrita preteream, ausus es etiam in ipsum regem eiusque matrem nequitie tue venenum aspergere, ut regine consuleres castella sua munire, eoque thesauros suos dum liceret transferre, dicens incertum esse quem erga ipsam animum rex esset postmodum habiturus. Regi vero persuadere temptabas ut regni tibi curam et administrationem concederet; asserebas enim reginam privatas utilitates sectantem, regni statum in deterius commutare; civitates oppidaque large distribuere; regios paulatim exhaurire thesauros; multa demum agere, que et regnum evidenter pessundarent et honori filii derogarent, et maternum prorsus affectum excludere viderentur. Rex vero temeritatem tuam agnoscens, respondit: ubi matrem suspectam haberet, multo se tibi difficilius crediturum.

For—to pass over the immense quantity of money rashly and prodigally consumed on most shameful uses, and to pass over the towns that had been given to you, worn down by domestic rapines and many injuries—you even dared to sprinkle the poison of your iniquity upon the king himself and his mother, so that you counseled the queen to fortify her castles and to transfer her treasures while it was permitted, saying it was uncertain what mind the king would afterward have toward her. You were also attempting to persuade the king to grant to you the care and administration of the kingdom; for you asserted that the queen, pursuing private advantages, was changing the state of the kingdom for the worse; that she was lavishly distributing cities and towns; that she was gradually exhausting the royal treasuries; in fine, that she was doing many things which both manifestly would ruin the kingdom and derogate from the honor of her son, and seemed utterly to exclude maternal affection. But the king, recognizing your temerity, replied that, if he were to hold his mother suspect, he would much more difficultly put trust in you.

Sic inter matrem et filium discordiam seminans, tranquillitati regni, quam deflebas pessundari, provide consulebas. Heu michi falsitatem impudenter coneris obicere! Hec eorum me scias indicio cognovisse.

Thus, sowing discord between mother and son, you were providently taking counsel for the tranquility of the kingdom, which you were bewailing as being ruined. Alas for me, you shamelessly try to cast falsehood at me! Know that I have learned these things by their evidence.

Ecce presentes sunt ambo, quod utrique dixisti coram utroque nega, si potes. Nunc autem ad aliud devolutus consilium et proditionis furiis agitatus, eo te sceleris immersisti, ut cancellarii sanguinem tibi proponens hauriendum, eligensque tantis non solus involvi flagitiis, cum id te facturum iurasses, multos idem iurare fecisti. Velim ergo te palam in presentia regis edicere quod cancellario crimen intendas, cuius eum sceleris arguas, quid demum cause sit quod tam atroces in eum inimicitias excitavit.

Behold, both are present; deny, if you can, before both what you said to each. But now, having slipped down to another counsel and driven by the furies of treachery, you have plunged yourself into such wickedness that, setting before yourself the chancellor’s blood to be drained, and choosing not to be involved alone in such flagitious outrages, when you had sworn that you would do this, you made many swear the same. I would therefore have you publicly declare in the presence of the king what charge you lay against the chancellor, of what crime you accuse him, what, finally, is the cause that has stirred up such atrocious enmities against him.

An tibi debitam hereditatem subripuit, aut patrimonii tui fines invasit? Numquid eum tibi dampni vel iniurie quidpiam intulisse conquereris? An, quod verius est, invidia stimulatus, in eius odium exarsisti?

Or has he filched from you the due inheritance, or has he invaded the bounds of your patrimony? Do you complain that he has brought upon you anything of damage or injury? Or, what is truer, stimulated by envy, have you blazed into hatred of him?

Indignaris nimirum eius arbitrio curiam regi; moleste fers eum vice regis omnibus regni populis imperare. Si parem gloriam affectas, virtute prudentiaque illi te parem exhibeas, et ambitam tibi dignitatem ultro concedimus. Quod si temeritatis innate preiudicio condempnatus, eo aspirare non potes, neque nos certe patiemur sub rectore temerario regni periclitari fortunam.

You are indignant, to be sure, that by his discretion the court is governed for the king; you bear it grudgingly that he, in the king’s stead, commands all the peoples of the realm. If you aspire to equal glory, exhibit yourself his equal in virtue and prudence, and we of our own accord concede to you the dignity you have sought. But if, condemned by the prejudice of inborn temerity, you cannot aspire to that, neither, assuredly, will we suffer the fortune of the kingdom to be put in peril under a rash rector.

Sed ad hec michi forte respondes, te semper in curia viros prudentes ac strenuos habiturum, et quod industria tua non possis hoc eorum facturum consiliis. Quod id quibusdam forsitan vere dicere putareris, nisi terre tue, quam opulentissimam recepisti, presens calamitas argumento nobis esset quid in te sit spei ac fiducie reponendum. Quod ergo iure tibi negandum palam non ausus es postulare, id facta coniuratione per te ipsum, ausu temerario, subripere conabaris.

But to these things you perhaps answer me, that you will always have in the court prudent and strenuous men, and that what you cannot by your own industry you will effect by their counsels. Which you would perhaps be thought by some to say truly, unless the present calamity of your land, which you received most opulent, were evidence to us of what hope and confidence is to be reposed in you. What therefore you did not dare to demand openly—what by right ought to be denied to you—that, with a conspiracy made by yourself, with temerarious daring, you were trying to surreptitiously filch away.

In quo, et regni quidem inventus es perturbator, et contra maiestatem regiam contumax ac rebellis, eoque ipso meruisti non solum terram quam possidebas amictere, sed et capitalem subire sententiam, nisi veniam tibi velit regia benignitas indulgere.

In this, you have been found both a disturber of the realm, and, against royal majesty, contumacious and rebellious; and by that very fact you have deserved not only to lose the land which you possessed, but also to undergo a capital sentence, unless royal benignity should be willing to grant you pardon.

Henricus itaque comes audiens ex insperato palam esse cuncta que gesserat, tanti se criminis obiectione pulsari, neque dari sibi copiam ut quamlibet dilationis interim causam opponeret, inter metum ac stuporem anxie deprehensus, tarde timideque respondit, nunquam se contra cancellarium conspirasse. At Rogerius iudex, productus in medium, quod ille negabat se probaturum asseruit, dicens seipsum minis adactum nuper ei iusiurandum de morte cancellarii prestitisse. Quibus verbis adeo comitis mentem et ingenium perturbavit, ut nec illius dicta refelleret, nec obiecta purgaret, sed in contumelie verba prorumpens, Rogerium iudicem proditorem appellabat ac periurum, qui iureiurando neglecto, consilia sibi credita prodidisset.

Henry, therefore, the count, hearing unexpectedly that all the things he had done were now in the open, that he was being assailed by the imputation of so great a crime, and that no opportunity was being granted him to put forward for the time being any pretext of delay, caught anxiously between fear and stupefaction, replied slowly and timidly that he had never conspired against the chancellor. But Roger the judge, brought into the midst, asserted that he would prove what the other denied, saying that he himself, compelled by threats, had recently given to him an oath concerning the death of the chancellor. By these words he so disturbed the count’s mind and disposition that he neither refuted his statements nor cleared the charges, but, bursting forth into words of contumely, he was calling Judge Roger a traitor and a perjurer, who, the oath disregarded, had betrayed the counsels entrusted to him.

Ita sua ipsius confessione dampnatus, intra palacium iussus est custodiri; subitoque nunciatum est in curia milites Henrici comitis armatos in domum illius se recepisse; totam urbem esse in motu; multos civium ad arma concurrere. Tunc cancellarius milites comitis Gravinensis suosque iussit armari et ante palatium convenire; missique sunt per urbem hostiarii, qui cives ab armis iuberent discedere populique metum sedarent. Inde voce preconia denunciatur Hispanis ut omnes eadem die Farum transeant, alioquin in crastino quotquot eorum inventi fuerint in carcerem retrudendos.

Thus condemned by his own confession, he was ordered to be kept under guard within the palace; and suddenly it was announced in the court that the soldiers of Count Henry, armed, had withdrawn into his house; that the whole city was in commotion; that many of the citizens were running to arms. Then the chancellor ordered the soldiers of the Count of Gravina and his own to be armed and to assemble before the palace; and ushers were sent through the city, to bid the citizens lay down their arms and to calm the people’s fear. Then by a herald’s proclamation it is announced to the Spaniards that all of them cross to Faro on the same day, otherwise on the morrow as many of them as shall be found are to be thrust into prison.

At illi, relictis armis, ut eis imperatum fuerat, prout quisque celerius poterat, in Calabriam transierunt. Greci vero quod Messane gestum fuerat audientes, spe lucri fugientibus occurrebant et multis eos verberibus affligentes, tandem saucios, nudos omniumque rerum inopes dimittebant; quorum magna pars in Solanie silve nivibus perierunt hiemis asperitate consumpti. Urbis ergo tumultu sedato, Bartholomeus Lusciensis cancellarium adiens, ultro confessus est eiusdem se conspirationis fuisse participem, veniamque postulans et congruam satisfactionem offerens, Egidii Venusini abbatis precibus impetravit ut extra regni terminos aliquanti temporis sustineret exilium, donec universis proditoribus expulsis integreque paci curia restituta, regis eum indulgentia revocaret, terra ipsius interim ab eodem Egidio possidenda.

But they, leaving their arms, as it had been commanded to them, crossed over into Calabria, each as swiftly as he could. The Greeks, however, hearing what had been done at Messina, in hope of gain met the fugitives and, assailing them with many blows, at length let them go wounded, naked, and destitute of all things; a great part of whom perished in the snows of the Solania Forest, consumed by the harshness of winter. Therefore, the tumult of the city having been calmed, Bartholomew of Lusciensis, approaching the chancellor, of his own accord confessed that he had been a participant in the same conspiracy; and asking pardon and offering suitable satisfaction, he obtained by the prayers of Aegidius, abbot of Venosa, that he should endure exile beyond the borders of the kingdom for some time, until, all the traitors having been expelled and the court fully restored to peace, the king’s indulgence should recall him, his land meanwhile to be possessed by that same Aegidius.

Huius secutus exemplum, Rogerius Sorellus se quoque manifestavit cum aliis iurasse, multis persuasionum fraudibus circumventum; sed idem, venia non impetrata, carceri datus est, eo quod id tarde confessus fuerat, cum iam omnes coniurationis auctores Henrici comitis indicio proderentur. Hostibus itaque cognitis, ingens cancellarium sollicitudinum turba concusserat ambigentem cui se consilio potissimum inclinaret. Amicorum enim eius plerique coniuratorum numerum et potentiam attendentes, periculosum estimabant in singulos vindictam extendere, nec eo modo posse malum hoc radicitus amputari, cum certe pluribus eorum vel omnibus qui conspiraverant captis, semper tamen superesse contingeret qui propinquorum vellent iniurias vindicare.

Following his example, Roger Sorellus likewise made it manifest that he had sworn with others, having been circumvented by many frauds of persuasions; but he, not having obtained pardon, was consigned to prison, on the ground that he had confessed it late, since already all the authors of the conspiracy were being betrayed by the disclosure of Count Henry. The enemies therefore being known, a huge throng of solicitudes shook the chancellor, wavering to which counsel he should most incline. For most of his friends, attending to the number and power of the conspirators, judged it perilous to extend vengeance upon individuals, nor could this evil in that way be amputated root-and-branch, since assuredly, with several of them or even all who had conspired taken, nevertheless there would always remain those who wished to avenge the injuries of their kin.

Ideoque cancellario [suadebant ut eos deinceps mitigare potius quam persequi conaretur; eisque simul] ad curiam convocatis, [in presentia regis] ignoscens, impunitatem concederet et innocentiam suam paucis exponens, adderet se quidem ad vindictam viribus uti posse, sed malle vincere beneficiis quam in viros nobiles, quos honorare proposuerat, tirannice desevire. Porro Gillebertus comes Gravinensis, cuius sententia prevaluit, hiis omnino contraria sentiebat, neque censebat oportere quempiam illorum impunitum evadere quos tanti sceleris participes aut conscios esse constaret, maxime cum adversus Richardum Molisii comitem, qui eum a curia dudum expulerat, videret ultionis sibi tempus congruum occurrisse. Alii terre ipsius consuetudinem et tirannidem plenius agnoscentes, cum futura diligentius providerent, aiebant illos oportere vel omnino non capi, vel captos in pelagus demergi, aut alias latenter interfici, vel membris saltem principalibus mutilari: hoc enim modo Rogerium regem prudentissimum regno suo pacem olim integram peperisse.

And therefore to the chancellor [they were advising that he should henceforth try to mollify them rather than to persecute; and that to them at the same time], with them summoned to the court, [in the presence of the king] forgiving, he should grant impunity and, setting forth his innocence in a few words, he should add that he indeed could use force for vengeance, but preferred to conquer by benefactions rather than to rage tyrannically against noble men, whom he had proposed to honor. Moreover Gilbert, count of Gravina, whose opinion prevailed, was thinking things altogether contrary to these, nor did he judge that anyone of those ought to escape unpunished whom it was established were participants in or privy to so great a crime, especially since against Richard, count of Molise, who had long since expelled him from the court, he saw that a fitting time for vengeance had occurred to him. Others, more fully recognizing the custom and tyranny of his land, while they were more carefully providing for the future, said that those men ought either not to be seized at all, or, once seized, to be sunk into the sea, or otherwise to be secretly put to death, or at least to be mutilated in their principal members: for in this way King Roger, most prudent, had once produced for his kingdom a peace entire.

Utilis quidem et securitatis plena sententia, sed tantam crudelitatem in misericordiam pronior cancellarius abhorrebat.

A useful judgment indeed and full of security, but the chancellor, more inclined to mercy, abhorred such great cruelty.

Post paucas igitur dies, cum ad curiam vocati comites aliique proceres ex ordine consedissent, Boamundus Tarsensis frater Carbonelli, adolescens egregie virtutis et nobilitatis preclare, surgens in medio procerum, dixit: Richardum Molisii comitem, inter familiares curie regis ac regine [beneficio constitutum, erga eos parum fideliter se gessisse, cum hiis] qui adversus cancellarium iuraverant consensisset. Ipsum enim non solum ex ore Henrici comitis eorum agnovisse propositum, sed et consilium approbasse, nec, ut debuerat, adversus eorum insidias curiam premunisse. Quod si quidem ipse negare contenderet, se probaturum nichilo segnius asserebat.

After a few days, therefore, when the counts and the other magnates, summoned to the curia, had taken their seats in order, Boamund of Tarsus, brother of Carbonellus, a youth of out-standing virtue and of illustrious nobility, rising in the midst of the magnates, said: that Richard, count of Molise, [placed there by favor, had conducted himself not very faithfully toward them, in that with those] who had sworn against the chancellor he had agreed. For he had not only recognized their design from the mouth of Count Henry, but had also approved the counsel, nor, as he ought, had he pre-armed the curia against their snares. And if indeed he himself should strive to deny it, he asserted that he would prove it none the less.

Comes autem, audacter ei falsitatem obiciens et oblatam probationem prompta defensionis instantia subsecutus, iurabat nunquam se contra cancellarium mali quippiam cogitasse, et ut erat impotens ire, velut ex indignatione prorumpens in lacrimas, clamabat susceptam cum Boamundo monomachiam sibi esse pro minimo, nam se quidem adversus illum aliosque duos ei similes confidentissime pugnaturum. Sed hinc eius animo iustam doloris causam ingeri quod id de se cancellario persuaderi potuerit, cui devote semper obsequi studuisset, et nisi comitis ei Gravinensis obfuisset odium, facile potuerat a cancellario veniam impetrare, cum nec eum iurasse constaret, neque iurantibus quicquam virium ministrasse. Dum hec adversus comitem agerentur, Robertus comes Casertinus adiecit eundem auctoritate sua dudum in Apulia Mandram et quedam oppida regis in Troianorum finibus invasisse furtimque adhuc, eadem ignorante curia, possidere.

The count, however, boldly charging him with falsity and, following up the offered probation with the prompt urgency of his defense, swore that he had never conceived anything evil against the chancellor; and, as he was impotent of wrath, bursting as if from indignation into tears, he shouted that the monomachy undertaken with Boamundus was to him the least of things, for he would most confidently fight against him and two others like him. But herein a just cause of pain was being thrust upon his mind, that the chancellor could have been persuaded of this about him, whom he had always endeavored to obsequiously attend; and, unless the hatred of the count of Gravina had harmed him, he could easily have obtained pardon from the chancellor, since it was established neither that he had sworn, nor that he had furnished any forces to those swearing. While these things were being transacted against the count, Robert, the count of Caserta, added that the same man, by his own authority, had some time ago in Apulia invaded Mandra and certain towns of the king within the borders of the people of Troia, and still furtively possesses them, the court being unaware of the same.

Ad hec ille respondit quod gaytus Petrus, qui tunc preerat curie, Mandram ei tenendam ad tempus eo tenore dederat, ut inde singulis annis curie certam redderet pecunie quantitatem; oppida vero que in partibus Troianorum invasisse dicebatur, itidem sibi a Turgisio terre illius camerario fuisse concessa. Interrogatus idem Turgisius, qui tunc forte presens aderat, negavit eum hec oppida sua licentia tenuisse. Iussi sunt itaque proceres omnes, preter curie familiares, in partem secedere, super hiis que adversus comitem dicta fuerant iudicialem sententiam prolaturi.

To this he replied that Gaitus Peter, who then presided over the court, had given him Mandra to be held for a time on this tenor, that from it he would render to the court each year a certain quantity of money; but the towns which he was said to have invaded in the parts of the Troiani had likewise been granted to him by Turgisius, the chamberlain of that land. Questioned, the same Turgisius, who then by chance was present, denied that he had held these towns by his permission. Therefore all the magnates, except the familiars of the court, were ordered to withdraw apart, about these things which had been said against the count, to deliver a judicial sentence.

erant autem hii qui ad iudicium faciendum surrexerant: Boamundus Monopolis comes, Robertus de Lauro comes Casertinus, Rogerius eius filius Tricarici comes, Rogerius comes Avellini, Symon comes Sangrensis, Rogerius comes Giracii, Rogerius Tironensis magister comestabulus, Florius Camerotensis, iudex quoque Tarentinus et Abdenago Hannibalis filius, qui magistri erant iusticiarii. Quibus invicem super hiis disceptantibus, visum est Richardum Molisii comitem, antequam gaytus Petrus fugeret, Mandram quam ab eo acceperat licentia curie tenuisse. Post illius autem discessum, cum eam teneret occulte, neque rem, ut oportebat, ad regis notitiam referret, non iam precario possidentem, sed invasorem rectius estimandum, ut qui sua tantum auctoritate, non consentiente sed ignorante curia, possideret, eumque de tota terra quam tenuerat in misericordia regis esse tum propter id, tum propter dicta oppida que constabat eum sua itidem auctoritate contra fidem regi debitam occupasse.

and these were those who had risen to render judgment: Boamundus, count of Monopoli; Robert de Lauro, count of Caserta; Roger, his son, count of Tricarico; Roger, count of Avellino; Simon, count of Sangro; Roger, count of Girace; Roger of Tiron, master constable; Florio of Camerota; the judge likewise of Taranto; and Abdenago, son of Hannibal, who were master justiciars. As they disputed among themselves about these matters, it seemed that Richard, count of Molise, before Gaytus Peter fled, had held Mandra, which he had received from him, by the license of the court. But after that man’s departure, since he held it secretly and did not refer the matter, as was proper, to the king’s notice, he was no longer to be esteemed as holding by sufferance, but more rightly as an invader, as one who possessed by his own authority alone, the court not consenting but ignorant; and that he was at the king’s mercy for all the land which he had held, both on that account and on account of the aforesaid towns which it was evident he had likewise occupied by his own authority against the faith owed to the king.

Hanc ergo sententiam, vice consensuque omnium, Boamundus comes, ut erat vir eloquens, in presentia regis exposuit. tunc Richardus comes exclamavit: iniuste se gravari; odium equitati manifeste preferri; paratum se probare quod iniquam falsamque protulisset sententiam. quibus verbis Boamundus [comitem prohibuit curie respondere, dicens iniuriam hanc non in eos qui iudicaverant, sed in caput regium principaliter redundare.

Therefore this sentence, in the stead and with the consent of all, Count Bohemond, as he was an eloquent man, set forth in the presence of the king. Then Count Richard cried out: that he was unjustly aggrieved; that hatred was manifestly being preferred to equity; that he was prepared to prove that an inequitable and false sentence had been brought forth. At these words Bohemond [forbade the count to answer the court, saying that this injury did not redound upon those who had judged, but primarily upon the royal head.

Dehinc iniunctum est ar]chiepiscopis et episcopis qui ader[ant ut in aucto]rem tante contumelie quod equum esset de iuris severitate decernerent. At illi, iuxta constitutiones regum Sicilie, decreverunt Richardum comitem non solum de terra sua, verum etiam de membris et corpore regis misericordie subiacere, eo quod iudicium curie falsum dicere presumpsisset. Captus igitur et militum custodie deputatus, Taurominium iussus est perduci et ibidem in castello quod in ardua rupe positum oppido supereminet summa diligentia custodiri.

Thereafter it was enjoined upon the archbishops and bishops who were present that, against the author of so great a contumely, they should determine, by the severity of the law, what was equitable. And they, according to the constitutions of the kings of Sicily, decreed that Count Richard should be subject to the king’s mercy not only as to his land, but also as to his limbs and body, in that he had presumed to call the judgment of the court false. Seized therefore and deputed to the custody of soldiers, he was ordered to be led to Taormina and there to be kept, with the utmost diligence, in the castle which, set on a steep crag, far overtops the town.

Hiis itaque duobus viris potentissimis ita captis, nemo iam coniuratorum supererat quem sibi crederet cancellarius formidandum. Episcopus autem Agrigentinus, dum hec in curia gererentur, presentiam suam interim curie subtrahebat, gravi se fingens egritudine molestari. Nec multo post Iohannes de Sinopoli et Bartolomeus Parisinus eiusdem criminis condempnati sunt et in principatu Salerni per loca munitissima distributi.

Therefore, with these two most powerful men thus captured, none of the conspirators now remained whom the chancellor judged to be to be feared by himself. But the Bishop of Agrigentum, while these things were being transacted in the court, meanwhile was withdrawing his presence from the court, feigning that he was being afflicted by a grave sickness. And not long after, John of Sinopoli and Bartholomew the Parisian were condemned for the same crime and were distributed among the most strongly fortified places in the Principality of Salerno.

Gualterius autem Modicensis super eadem coniuratione sollempniter accusatus, pacta cum accusatore suo monomachia datisque fideiussoribus, diem constitutam iussus est expectare. Interea mortuo Symone comite Sangrensi, Richardus frater eius illi substitutus cancellarii partem totis viribus tuebatur. Hannibal quoque puer, Rainaldi comitis filius, comes creatus, integre terram patris obtinuit.

Walter of Modica, however, having been solemnly accused over the same conspiracy, having agreed with his accuser upon a monomachy (single combat), and with sureties given, was ordered to await the appointed day. Meanwhile, with Simon, count of Sangro, having died, Richard his brother, appointed in his stead, was defending the chancellor’s party with all his forces. Hannibal too, a boy, the son of Count Rainald, having been created count, obtained the land of his father in its entirety.

Gillebertus vero comes Gravinensis, considerans cancella[rium opera] sua tot hostium insidias eva[sisse, om]nia sibi prospere cedere nullumque, ut [estim]abat, iam superesse periculum, in tantam est precipitatus audaciam ut Lorotelli comitatum a curia postulans impetraret, eligeretque stabilem in quo erat gradum non dubio precipitio commutare. Hoc enim facto, multorum in se procerum et civitatum Apulie congessit invidiam et inexorabiles inimicitias suscitavit. Nam, accepto comitatu Lorotelli, Roberto comiti, cuius omnes reditum summis desideriis exoptabant, obstruxisse videbatur aditum revertendi et spem que diu foverat eos penitus sustulisse.

Gilbert, indeed, count of Gravina, considering that by the chancellor’s efforts he had evaded so many ambushes of enemies, that all things were turning out prosperously for him and, as he reckoned, no danger now remained, was precipitated into such audacity that, by asking the county of Lorotello from the court, he obtained it, and chose to exchange the stable step on which he stood for a no‑doubt precipice. For by this deed he heaped upon himself the envy of many magnates and of the cities of Apulia and stirred up inexorable enmities. For, having received the county of Lorotello, he seemed to have blocked the way of return for Count Robert—whose return all were longing for with the greatest desire—and to have utterly taken away from them the hope which they had long fostered.

At cancellarius, licet nonnullos familiares curie aliosque multos contra se facte coniurationi consensisse non ambigeret, tamen erga illos blandius agens, eorum facta dissimulare proposuit, ne rem atrocius persequi videretur; simulque sperans eos aliorum penis admonitos a scelesto proposito posse facile revocari. De Henrico vero comite Montis Caveosi regine consilium fuit ut datis ei mille auri unciis in Hispaniam eum ad fratrem remicteret. Iussit ergo .VII.

But the chancellor, although he did not doubt that certain familiars of the court and many others had consented to the conspiracy made against him, nevertheless, dealing more blandly toward them, proposed to dissimulate their deeds, lest he seem to pursue the matter more atrociously; and at the same time hoping that, admonished by the punishments of others, they could easily be recalled from their scelerous purpose. Concerning Henry indeed, count of Monte Caveoso, the queen’s plan was that, a thousand ounces of gold having been given to him, she should send him back to Spain to his brother. Therefore she ordered .7.

galeas armari, que Odonem Quarrellum in Franciam transiturum et sub eius custodia comitem usque in Arelatensium fines transveherent. Interim autem in castello Regii servabatur, que civitas ex opposito Messane super Farum in extremis Italie finibus sita est, ut inde promptius eum et facilius galee susciperent, quam primum rex Panormum rediturus ab urbe Messanensi discederet.

that the galleys be armed, which would convey Odo Quarrellus, about to cross into France, and, under his custody, the count as far as the borders of the Arlesians. Meanwhile he was kept in the castle of Reggio, which city, opposite Messina above the Faro at the farthest bounds of Italy, is situated, so that from there the galleys might more promptly and more easily take him on board, as soon as the king, about to return to Palermo, should depart from the city of Messina.

LIIII. De reditu regis Panormum.

54. On the return of the king to Palermo.

Hiis itaque dispositis, .XIIa. die martii rex iter [arripiens], .xx°. die mensis eiusdem Panormum per[venit]. Gillebertus autem comes Farum transiens [cum mili]tibus suis in Apuliam reversus est. O[do] vero Quarrellus Messane remansit, multum a cancellario preinstructus et diligenter admonitus ut omni dilationis occasione sublata, statim post discessum regis galeas intraret.

With these things thus arranged, on the 12th day of March the king [set out] on his journey; on the 20th day of the same month he arri[ved] at Palermo. Gilbert, however, the count, crossing the Faro with his [sol]diers, returned into Apulia. O[do] indeed Quarrellus remained at Messina, much pre-instructed by the chancellor and diligently admonished that, with every occasion for delay removed, immediately after the king’s departure he should enter the galleys.

LV. De officialibus curie.

55. On the officials of the court.

Interea gaytus Richardus magister palacii camerarius, Matheus notarius et Gentilis Agrigentinus episcopus, aliique quibus cancellarius rem dissimulando scelerum impunitatem indulserat, semel conceptam rabiem nitebantur ad effectum urgere, nec illius erant beneficiis emolliti, sed, ex absentia comitis Gravinensis considerantes cancellario multum subtractum esse virium, facile suis eum patere iam estimabant insidiis, tanquam improvidum et incautum et velut omni difficultate superata, nichil ultra periculi formidantem. Itaque novas ex integro pactiones instituunt mutuisque se rursus obligant sacramentis; dehinc implendo proposito dies certa prefigitur, et iureiurando prestito, milites eliguntur qui dominica in ramis palmarum, ubi rex e palatio iuxta consuetudinem exierit, cancellarium gladiis in ipsa turba confodiant. Sed et multos civium tam Panormi quam in aliis quibusdam oppidis adversus cancellarium instigaverant, multa dando multaque pollicendo quibus non difficile persuaserant cancellarium, si diu perseveraverit in eo culmine potestatis, universis populis Sicilie libertatem quam hactenus habuerant sublaturum.

Meanwhile the gaytus Richard, master of the palace, the chamberlain, Matthew the notary, and Gentilis, bishop of Agrigentum, and others to whom the chancellor, by dissembling the matter, had indulged impunity for crimes, strove to press to effect the rage once conceived, nor were they softened by his benefactions; but, considering from the absence of the Count of Gravina that much strength had been taken away from the chancellor, they now judged that he would easily lie open to their ambushes, as improvident and incautious, and as though, with every difficulty overcome, he feared nothing further of danger. And so they establish anew agreements from the very start and bind themselves again by mutual oaths; then, for the carrying out of the purpose, a set day is fixed, and, an oath having been sworn, soldiers are chosen who, on Palm Sunday, when the king shall have gone out from the palace according to custom, may stab the chancellor with swords in the very crowd. But they had also incited many citizens, both of Palermo and of certain other towns, against the chancellor, by giving many things and promising many more, by which they had not with difficulty persuaded them that the chancellor, if he should long persist at that summit of power, would take away from all the peoples of Sicily the liberty which they had held hitherto.

Cuius rei magnum illis visum est argumentum quod Iohannes de La[vardino, cui rogatu cancellarii terra Mathei Bonelli nuper data fuerat, oppidanos suos tantis affligebat iniuriis, ut om]nium [rerum mobilium quas habebant [medietatem ab eis partem exigeret]. Hanc enim esse terre s[ue consuetudin]em asserebat. At illi libertatem civium et oppidanorum Sicilie pretendentes, nullos se redditus, aiebant, nullas exactiones debere, sed aliquotiens dominis suis, urgente qualibet necessitate, quantum vellent sponte et libera voluntate servire; Sarracenos autem et Grecos eos solum qui villani dicantur solvendis redditibus annuisque pensionibus deputatos. Cumque nichil hec allegando proficerent, rem ad cancellarii notitiam pertulerunt.

A great proof of this seemed to them that John of La[vardino, at whose request the chancellor had lately given the land of Matthew Bonellus, was afflicting his townsmen with such great injuries that of all] things [movable which they had he was demanding from them [the half as a share]. For he asserted that this was the cu[stom of his] land. But they, putting forward the liberty of the citizens and townsmen of Sicily, said that they owed no rents, no exactions, but that at times, when any necessity pressed, they would of their own accord and free will serve their lords as much as they wished; and that the Saracens and the Greeks, only those who are called villeins, were assigned to paying rents and annual pensions. And when by alleging these things they were achieving nothing, they brought the matter to the chancellor’s notice.

Qui Roberti de Sancto Iohanne Rogeriique Tironensis magistri comestabuli neglecto consilio, maluit quorundam quos de Francia secum adduxerat temeritate seduci, qui super hoc nullam illis iustitiam oportere fieri decernentes, dicebant intolerabilem hanc esse rusticorum audaciam, et siquidem eos id quod postulent optinere contigerit, multis inde perniciosum exemplum datum iri, ut adversus dominos suos contumaces ac rebelles existerent. Itaque nichil eorum que speraverant impetrantes, coacti sunt iniuriam suam patienter interim sustinere. Ea res hostibus cancellarii plurimam oportunitatem attulit ut adversus illum multorum civium et oppidanorum odia suscitarent, dicentes id eum proponere ut universi populi Sicilie redditus annuos et exactiones solvere cogerentur, iuxta Gallie consuetudinem que cives liberos non haberet.

He, disregarding the counsel of Robert of Saint John and of Roger of Tiron, master constable, preferred to be seduced by the temerity of certain men whom he had brought with him from France, who, determining that no justice ought to be done them in this matter, said that this audacity of the rustics was intolerable, and that if indeed it should befall them to obtain what they demand, a pernicious example would thereby be given to many, so that they would stand contumacious and rebellious against their lords. Therefore, obtaining nothing of what they had hoped, they were forced meanwhile to endure their injury patiently. This affair brought to the chancellor’s enemies very great opportunity to stir up the hatreds of many citizens and townsmen against him, saying that he aimed at this: that all the peoples of Sicily be compelled to pay annual revenues and exactions, according to the custom of France, which did not have free citizens.

Cancel[larius autem, agnitis eorum consiliis, ubi nulla vidit eos mansuetudine, nullis beneficiis a proposito revocari, primo Matheum notarium, qui ceteris astutia preeminebat, congregata curia,] iudicio sollempni pos[tulatum, neque] defensionem congruam offerentem, recipi iussit in carcerem. Inde capti sunt plerique milites, quos de morte ipsius iusiurandum prestitisse constabat. Cumque regina nullatenus consentiret ut Richardus gaytus caperetur, qui coniurationis caput erat et principium, vix tandem cancellarius id solum optinuit, ne liceret ei extra palatium egredi, neque copiam haberet militibus colloquendi.

The chancellor, however, having recognized their counsels, when he saw that by no mildness and by no benefices could they be called back from their purpose, first, Matthew the notary—who surpassed the rest in astuteness—the curia having been convened, after a solemn judgment, being arraigned and not offering a suitable defense, he ordered to be received into prison. Then many of the soldiers were seized, who were known to have taken an oath concerning his death. And since the queen by no means consented that Richard the Gaitus be taken, who was the head and beginning of the conspiracy, at length and with difficulty the chancellor obtained this only: that it should not be permitted him to go forth outside the palace, nor that he should have opportunity of conversing with the soldiers.

Episcopus Agrigentinus, captis sociis, nichil spei reliquum videns ut ad peragendum propositum facinus tot partibus mutilata conspiratio convalescat, statuit adversus cancellarium urbis Agrigentine et adiacentium oppidorum populos commovere et apertas in eum inimicitias profiteri, confidens Rogerium comitem Giracii, eiusdem coniurationis socium, et eius hortatu multos alios consilium suum facile sequuturos, simulque sperans Willelmum Leluciensem in Calabria, iuxta quod inter eos convenerat, idem facturum. Itaque, sine licentia curie, cum paucis militibus clam discedens, occulta quadam via pervenit Agrigentum, convocansque populum, Mathei notarii et aliorum eis captionem exponit, dicens hoc esse propositum cancellarii ut omnes Sicilie proceres, quotquot ei non consenserint, primo capiat; inde veneno regem extinguens, regnum ipse sibi transsumat, cum regina, quam propinquam suam nunc appellat, matrimonium contracturus; eo [ventum esse] necessitatis, ut oporteat [Siculos omnes qui] fidem regi servare vo[luerin]t unanimiter adversus proditorem insurgere et antequam tam detestabile perpetretur flagitium, consiliorum eius machinas prevenire. Hec et Agrigenti publice concionatus est et Messanensi populo scripta transmisit.

The Bishop of Agrigentum, his associates having been seized, seeing no hope left that, for accomplishing the purposed deed, a conspiracy maimed in so many parts might recover, resolved to stir up the peoples of the city of Agrigentum and the neighboring towns against the chancellor and to profess open enmities toward him, confident that Roger, count of Gerace, a fellow in the same conspiracy, and at his urging many others, would easily follow his counsel, and at the same time hoping that William the Lelucian in Calabria, according to what had been agreed between them, would do the same. Therefore, without the court’s license, departing secretly with a few soldiers, by a certain hidden way he reached Agrigentum, and, summoning the people, he set forth the arrest of Matthew the notary and of the others to them, saying that this was the chancellor’s design: that he would first seize all the nobles of Sicily, as many as would not consent to him; then, extinguishing the king by poison, he would transfer the kingdom to himself, being about to contract marriage with the queen, whom he now calls his kinswoman; that it had [come] to a point of necessity, that it was fitting [for all Sicilians who] [would] wish to keep faith with the king to rise unanimously against the traitor and, before so detestable a flagitious crime be perpetrated, to forestall the machinations of his counsels. These things he both publicly harangued at Agrigentum and sent in writings to the Messinese people.

Verum Agrigentinis horum nichil persuaderi potuit, neque satis iusta visa est occasio rebellandi. Rex autem ac regina fugam episcopi cognoscentes, Burgundium iusticiarium cum licteris regiis Agrigentum miserunt, precipientes Agrigentinis ut episcopum tanquam proditorem sub eiusdem Burgundii custodia Panormum transmicterent. Qui cum ad curiam veniens ea que palam gesserat quibusdam niteretur ambagibus excusare, multorum convictus testimonio, ductus est in castello Sancti Marci, quod in valle Demenie situm est, ibidem interim servandus, donec operum eius series ad Romanum pontificem perferretur.

In truth, none of this could be persuaded to the Agrigentines, nor did the occasion for rebelling seem sufficiently just. But the king and queen, learning of the bishop’s flight, sent Burgundius the justiciar with royal letters to Agrigentum, ordering the Agrigentines to send the bishop, as a traitor, under that same Burgundius’s custody to Palermo. When he, on coming to the curia, strove by certain circumlocutions to excuse the things he had done openly, convicted by the testimony of many, he was led to the Castle of Saint Mark, which is situated in the Valley of Demenia, there in the meantime to be kept, until the series of his deeds should be conveyed to the Roman pontiff.

Ita iam metu reique difficultate sublata, viribus omnino destituta conspiratio deinceps respirare non poterat, nisi novus denuo casus emergens novum induxisset periculum et multorum prudentium virorum industria sopitum extinctumque pene malorum fomitem unius viri temeritas suscitasset. Nam, cum Odonem Quarrellum Messane diutius morari post constitutum abeundi terminum cancellarius comperisset, quod futurum erat presaga mente `concipiens, minis et contumeliis plenam ei direxit epistolam, precipiens ut infra triduum post susceptas licteras, omni lucri spe neglecta omnique dampni posthabita ratione, discederet. At ille, fatali iam [imminente prec]ipitio, cupiditatis tenebris exce[catus], nullis inde minis aut precibus, n[ullo po]terat genere persuasionis avelli, ob id solum tanto se periculo negligenter obiciens ut a navibus in Siriam transituris extorqueret pecuniam, non aliter eis indulta copia transeundi.

Thus, now that fear and the difficulty of the affair had been taken away, the conspiracy, utterly bereft of strength, could not thereafter breathe again, unless a new mishap emerging anew had induced a new danger, and the rashness of one man had roused the tinder of evils, lulled to sleep and almost extinguished by the industry of many prudent men. For when the chancellor had learned that Odo Quarrellus was lingering at Messina longer than the fixed term for departing, conceiving with presaging mind what would be, he sent him a letter full of threats and insults, ordering that within three days after the letters were received, with every hope of gain neglected and every consideration of loss set aside, he should depart. But he, with his fated downfall now impending, blinded by the darkness of cupidity, could by no threats or entreaties, by no kind of persuasion, be torn away from it, on this account alone heedlessly exposing himself to so great a danger: that he extorted money from the ships crossing to Syria, otherwise no permission of passage being granted to them.

Hanc exactionem cives molestissime ferentes, ceperunt inter se primum occulte conqueri, deinde licentius ac manifestius indignari, suamque ipsorum temeritatem et ignaviam accusare qui predones alienigenas paterentur regni thesauros et de civium iniuriis conquisitam pecuniam in Franciam asportare. Sed et Odonis Quarrelli clientes, qui per urbem ebrii vagari consueverant, forte Grecos in domo quadam ludentes invenerunt, eorumque ludos improbe perturbantes, cepere multis eos verborum iniuriis irritare. Qui ob timorem cancellarii patienter aliquamdiu sustinentes, rogabant eos ut abscederent, vel ab iniuria temperarent.

Bearing this exaction most grievously, the citizens began first to complain among themselves in secret, then more licentiously and more manifestly to be indignant, and to accuse their own rashness and cowardice, in that they allowed alien brigands to carry off to France the treasures of the realm and the money amassed from the injuries of the citizens. But also the clients/retainers of Odo Quarrellus, who were accustomed to wander through the city drunk, chanced upon some Greeks playing in a certain house, and, wickedly disturbing their games, began to provoke them with many verbal injuries. They, on account of fear of the chancellor, bearing it patiently for some time, were begging them either to withdraw, or to refrain from injury.

At ubi iam ira iugibus accensa contumeliis, propulsato metu, patientiam eos dedocuit, raptis fustibus, illos aggressi improbam eorum loquacitatem multis verberibus represserunt. Odo Quarrellus ea re cognita, stratigotum accersiit ipsosque sibi Grecos captos exhiberi precepit. Stratigotus autem respondit: variis urbem concussam rumoribus et ad seditionem pronos civium animos non oportere nunc amplius asperari, sed hanc interim quasi negligendo dissimulan[dam iniuriam, et ultionem in tempus congruum differendam.

But when at last, their anger kindled by continual contumelies, with fear driven back, un-taught them patience, snatching up cudgels they attacked those men and repressed their shameless loquacity with many blows. Odo Quarrellus, on learning of this, summoned the stratigotus and ordered that the Greeks themselves be produced before him under arrest. But the stratigotus replied that the city, shaken by various rumors, and the minds of the citizens prone to sedition, ought not now to be further exacerbated, but that this injury ought meanwhile, as if by neglecting it, to be dissimulat[ed, and vengeance to be deferred to a congruous time.

Tum ille, ut semel ad iram motus nullum admictebat] consi[lium, subintulit: quicquid acturi] essent reliqui, istos impresentiarum ob illatum sibi dedecus puniendos; inefficaciter eiusmodi causas pretendi, ut factum hoc sequeretur impunitas; nichil sibi de rusticorum confederatione timoris innasci; expedire nunc ut eorum exemplo ceteri terrerentur. Cum ergo stratigotus eius voluntati satisfacturus ad locum ubi res acciderat pervenisset, plurimam ibi Grecorum multitudinem conglobatam invenit. Quos cum cepisset asperius convenire, responderunt non esse tempus hoc quo stratigoti civibus debeant minari, sed blandiri; neque dicto segnius in eum pariter irruentes, cum equi rapiditate fretus in fugam se verteret, multas post eum lapides proiecerunt.

Then he, since once moved to anger he admitted no counsel, added that, whatever the rest were going to do, these men for the present were to be punished for the disgrace inflicted on him; that causes of this sort are being alleged ineffectually, so that impunity should follow this deed; that no fear was arising to him from the confederation of the rustics; that it is expedient now that by their example the others be terrified. Therefore, when the stratigotus, intending to satisfy his will, had come to the place where the matter had occurred, he found there a very great multitude of Greeks massed together. When he began to address them rather harshly, they answered that this was not a time in which stratigoti ought to threaten citizens, but to flatter them; and, no slower than the word, rushing upon him together, when he, relying on the speed of his horse, turned to flight, they threw many stones after him.

Videntes Latini qui ob navium redemptionem in odium Francorum inducti fuerant, Grecos quoque adversus eosdem novis iniuriis lacessitos, ceperunt ad seditionem eos hortari, asserentes Francis id esse animi ut, omnibus Grecis expulsis, ipsi domos eorum, vineas ceteraque predia possiderent. Reginam vero nupsisse cancellario, neque satis adhuc constare quid regi contigerit, sed eum, si quidem vivat, magno discrimini subiacere. Itaque tota iam civitas falsis rumoribus perstrepebat, et evidens rebellandi pretendens indicium, eo rerum turbine laborabat ut neque stratigotus, neque iudices contra voluntatem [plebis auderent iuris quidpiam exercere.

Seeing that the Latins, who on account of the ransom of the ships had been brought into hatred of the Franks, saw the Greeks also provoked against those same men by fresh injuries, they began to exhort them to sedition, asserting that the Franks had this in mind: that, all the Greeks having been expelled, they themselves would possess their houses, vineyards, and the other estates. The Queen, moreover, had married the Chancellor, nor is it yet sufficiently clear what has befallen the King, but that he, if indeed he lives, lies under great peril. And so now the whole city was resounding with false rumors, and, presenting an evident indication of rebelling, was laboring under such a whirlwind of affairs that neither the stratigotus nor the judges dared to exercise anything of law against the will of the [plebs].

Quod ubi regi regineque cognitum] est, falsa civitatem opinione [delusam, im]mensis tumultuum flu[ctibus agitari], Messanensibus in hunc modum scriptam epistolam direxerunt: "Willelmus Dei gratia rex Sicilie, ducatus Apulie et principatus Capue, una cum domina Margar[ita] gloriosa regina matre sua, Andree stratigoto et iudicibus et universo populo messanensi fidelibus suis salutem et dilectionem. certum est eos maiestatis crimen admictere, non solum si quos tanta vis furoris exagitat, ut ausu nefario vite salutique nostre insidiari presumant, verum etiam quos in familiarium nostrorum necem aliquid clam palamve moliri contigerit, quicquid adversus eos qui negociis nostris invigilant, quorum ope et consilio regnum nostrum feliciter gubernatur, impietatis sue machinas putaverint erigendas. Quod genus hominum cum ad totius regni pernitiem natum appareat, meritis quidem expedit deputari suppliciis, et quod in alios nitebantur atrociter exercere, in caput eorum iustissime retorqueri.

When this was known] to the king and the queen, that the city, [deluded by a false opinion, im]mense waves of tumults [were tossing it], they directed to the Messanenses a letter written in this manner: "William, by the grace of God king of Sicily, of the duchy of Apulia and of the principate of Capua, together with Lady Margar[et], the glorious queen his mother, to Andrew the stratigotus and the judges and the entire Messanese people, his faithful ones, greeting and love. It is certain that they commit the crime of majesty, not only if there are any whom so great a force of frenzy drives, that with nefarious daring they presume to plot against our life and safety, but also those whom it has happened to contrive something, secretly or openly, for the slaying of our familiars, whatever engines of their impiety they shall have thought ought to be erected against those who keep watch over our affairs, by whose help and counsel our kingdom is happily governed. Since a kind of men of that sort appears to be born for the perdition of the whole kingdom, it is expedient that they be assigned to deserved punishments, and that what they were striving to exercise atrociously upon others be most justly turned back upon their own head."

Inde est, quod Gentilem Agrigentinum episcopum, gaytum Richardum, Matheum notarium, quos contra Stephanum, dilectum consanguineum et cancellarium nostrum, conspirasse manifestis rerum argumentis agnovimus, in presentia nostra convictos dampnatosque carcerali iussimus custodie mancipari. Statuit autem maiestatis nostre serenitas, eiusdem Stephani precibus, erga eos misericorditer agere, citraque iu[ris] severitatem punitis, vivendi copiam indulgere. Hec idcirco fidelitatem vestram [la]tere noluimus, ne forte vos, [fallaci cu]iuspiam suggestione deceptos, aut aliis quibuslibet rumoribus perturbatos, contra voluntatem nostram agere fidemque quam erga nos hactenus inconcussam servastis, aliquatenus violare contingeret.

It is on this account that we ordered Gentile, bishop of Agrigentum, Gait Richard, and Matthew the notary—whom we recognized by manifest evidences of the facts to have conspired against Stephen, our beloved kinsman and chancellor—after being convicted and condemned in our presence, to be consigned to carceral custody. Yet the serenity of our majesty has determined, at the prayers of the same Stephen, to act mercifully toward them, and, with punishment short of the severity of the law, to indulge them with the leave of living. For this reason we did not wish this to be hidden from your loyalty, lest perchance it should befall that you, deceived by someone’s fallacious suggestion, or perturbed by any other rumors whatsoever, act against our will and in any measure violate the faith which you have hitherto kept unshaken toward us.

Itaque, scitote nos sanos et incolumes in palatio nostro summa tranquillitate gaudere, omnesque de civitate vestra seditionum motus et occasiones excludite, ut nostram possitis gratiam uberius promereri".

Therefore, know that we are sound and unharmed in our palace, rejoicing in the highest tranquility; and exclude from your city all movements and occasions of sedition, so that you may be able to merit our favor more abundantly".

Has licteras recipiens, stratigotus iussit ad ecclesiam novam populum convenire, ut eas faceret coram universis civibus recitari. Cumque moram eo faciente populus diutius expectaret, ceperunt invicem colloquendo varias opiniones confingere. Alii Stephanum cancellarium asserebant proculdubio regem factum, et hanc eius epistolam quam audituri venerant regias licteras appellari; nam Willelmum regem interfectum esse; Henricum fratrem eius, cum paucis militibus in castello maris clausum, obsidione vallari; alii, quibus ratione magis utentibus tam aperta falsitas huius rei fidem subtraxerat, velud moderatius astruebant, non ipsum cancellarium, sed Gaufridum quemdam eius fratrem regnaturum, et ob hoc Odonem Quarrellum cum ingenti pecunia transiturum in Gallias ut eius opera ductuque predictus Gaufridus in Siciliam transfretaret, et Constantiam, Rogerii regis filiam, uxorem duceret, inde sibi dandam occasionem existi[mans] ut videretur regnum iustius occupare.

Receiving these letters, the stratigotus ordered the people to assemble at the new church, so that he might have them read aloud before all the citizens. And when, he causing delay, the people were waiting longer, they began, conversing among themselves, to forge various opinions. Some asserted that Stephen the chancellor had undoubtedly been made king, and that this his epistle, which they had come to hear, was called royal letters; for that King William had been slain; that Henry his brother, shut up with a few soldiers in the sea-castle, was being enclosed by a siege. Others, to whom, using reason more, so open a falsity had withdrawn credence from this matter, were maintaining, as it were more moderately, that not the chancellor himself, but a certain Geoffrey, his brother, would reign; and on this account that Odo Quarrellus, with a huge sum of money, would cross over into Gaul, so that by his effort and leadership the aforesaid Geoffrey might cross over into Sicily and take Constance, daughter of King Roger, to wife, thinking that from this an opportunity should be given to himself, so that he might seem to occupy the kingdom more justly.

cum ergo iam murmur invalesceret et plebis indignatio multiplicatis rumoribus augeretur, exclamavit quidam, ad eius vocem facto silentio: solum hoc in tanto turbine superesse consilium ut Odonem Quarrellum primo interficerent, dehinc Henricum comitem, qui Messanenses pluri[mum semper dilexerat, liberarent. Tunc universi qui aderant, non aliter quam si consiliis illius se paritum ire iurassent, ad expugnandam Odonis Quarrelli domum, neglecto stratigoti mandato, concurrunt. Sed cum primo impetu nichil agere potuissent, ad portum repente se transferunt, et septem galeas ibi repertas viris armisque complentes, Regium, traiecto Faro, perveniunt.

when therefore the murmur was now gaining strength and the indignation of the plebs, with rumors multiplied, was increasing, a certain man cried out, silence having been made at his voice: that in so great a whirlwind only this counsel remained—that they should first kill Odo Quarrellus, then free Count Henry, who had always loved the Messanenses pluri[mum; Then all who were present, just as if they had sworn to go in obedience to that man’s counsels, rush together to storm the house of Odo Quarrellus, the command of the stratigot being neglected. But when at the first onset they had been able to do nothing, they suddenly transfer themselves to the port, and, filling seven galleys found there with men and arms, they reach Rhegium, the Faro having been crossed.

Regini vero consilio Iohannis Calomeni, qui tunc Calabrie camerarius erat, portas Messanensibus aperientes, eorum societati se iureiurando prestito coniunxerunt. Inde ad castellum ubi comes sub paucorum militum custodia servabatur confidentius accesserunt, dicentes militibus qui ad defensionem parati muros ascenderant ut comitem sibi redderent, alioquin ipsos si vi capti forent tanquam proditores illico suspendendos; sed nec eos posse quidem evadere, nam si forte, quod vix accidere possit, ea tota die sustinuerint, in crastino Messane .LX. galeas armatum iri seque machinas ad expugnandam turrim necessarias allaturos. At illi primo neglectis eorum minis, instantes acerrime [repellebant, et importunitatem piraticam multiplicatis lapidum iactibus proturbabant.

The men of Reggio, however, by the counsel of John Calomenus, who then was chamberlain of Calabria, opening the gates to the Messanians, joined themselves to their fellowship with an oath having been pledged. Thence they approached more confidently the castle where the count was being kept under the guard of a few soldiers, telling the soldiers who had mounted the walls ready for defense to hand over the count to them, otherwise, if they were taken by force, they themselves were to be hanged forthwith as traitors; nor could they even escape, for even if by chance—which could scarcely happen—they should hold out for that whole day, on the morrow at Messina 60 galleys would be armed, and they would bring the machines necessary to storm the tower. But they at first, their threats neglected, were [driving them back most fiercely, and were beating off the piratical importunity by repeated castings of stones.

Inde] vero se paucos ad[modum esse consideran]tes, nec in toto castello [tantum esse] victualium quod per triduum eis posset sufficere, Messanensibus instantissime comitem sibi reddi poscentibus responderunt: homines ignotos, qui sine duce, sine rectore venerint, non oportere super hiis que postulabant audiri. Si vero stratigotum vel iudices, vel omnino quospiam de maioribus civitatis adducerent, eorum se verbis facile credituros. Quod illi statim se facturos polliciti, Messanam reversi sunt, et Iacob hostiarium, qui ad armandum stolium a curia missus fuerat nolentem reluctantemque Regium perduxerunt.

Thence, indeed, considering themselves to be very few, and that in the whole castle there were not so many victuals as could suffice them for three days, they answered the Messanans, who were most insistently demanding that the count be given back to them: that unknown men, who had come without a duke, without a rector, ought not to be heard concerning the things they were petitioning. But if they should bring the stratigot or the judges, or at any rate some of the magnates of the city, they would easily trust their words. Which those men, promising they would do at once, returned to Messina, and Jacob the ostiary, who had been sent by the curia to arm the stolium (fleet), unwilling and resisting they led to Reggio.

Milites igitur, omni spe fiduciaque resistendi sublata, tandem illis comitem reddiderunt. Quo post Fari transitum a Messanensibus non sine totius civitatis concursu multaque plebis alacritate suscepto, iuraverunt omnes Henrici comitis de cetero se per omnia secuturos imperium, nec ei vita superstite defuturos. Interim autem Odo Quarrellus in palatium regis, quod domui sue proximum erat cum omnibus rebus suis se contulerat, ibique virorum multitudine circa muros excubantium circumseptus, nec ipse poterat exire, neque per licteras cancellario quod ei contigerat indicare nam et palatii custos, cum aliter irruentis populi furorem arcere non posset, eum se capitis sui periculo spoponderat servaturum.

The soldiers, therefore, with all hope and confidence of resisting removed, at last gave back the count to them. He, after the passage of the Faro having been received by the Messanenses not without the concourse of the whole city and much alacrity of the plebs, they all swore that henceforth they would in all things follow the command of Count Henry, nor fail him while life survived. Meanwhile, however, Odo Quarrellus had betaken himself into the king’s palace, which was next to his house, with all his goods; and there, surrounded by a multitude of men keeping watch around the walls, he could neither go out himself nor indicate by letters to the chancellor what had befallen him, for even the keeper of the palace, since he could not otherwise ward off the fury of the rushing people, had pledged himself, at the peril of his own head, to preserve him.

Comes igitur, [missis cum notario suo plerisque civium, universam illius pecuniam, aurum,] argentum, gemmas vestes[que sericas] scripto consignari fecit et in [interiore par]te palacii summa diligentia custodiri. Ipsum autem Odonem lintri sub silentio noctis impositum, ad castellum vetus, quod in portu secus ecclesiam novam situm est, iussit transferri. Interea Messanenses, veriti ne comes illum ea spe custodiri faceret, ut eo curie reddito veniam impetraret, eorumque societati se fraudulenter subtraheret, optimum arbitrati sunt ipsum Odonem interficere.

Therefore the count, [having sent with his notary several of the citizens, the whole of his money, gold,] silver, gems, and [silken garments] he had recorded in writing and [in the inner par]t of the palace kept with the utmost diligence. But Odo himself, placed upon a skiff under the silence of night, he ordered to be transferred to the old castle, which is situated in the port beside the new church. Meanwhile the Messinese, fearing lest the count had him kept in custody with this hope, that, with him returned to the court, he might obtain pardon, and might fraudulently withdraw himself from their fellowship, judged it best to kill Odo himself.

Hoc enim perpetrato, non posse comitem erga curiam deinceps excusari. Itaque, magna virorum multitudine convocata, comitem adeunt postulantes ut Odonem Quarrellum eis traderet puniendum; non enim eo captum fuisse consilio ut incolumis servaretur, sed ut eo diris excruciato suppliciis, tam regis quam suas iniurias vindicarent. Comes autem, ne videretur eorum ingratus beneficiis, simulque videns, etsi reluctari vellet, plebis tamen oportere desiderium adimpleri, noluit eorum petitioni moras opponere, licet ei plurimum displiceret.

For, this perpetrated, the count could not thereafter be excused in relation to the court. And so, a great multitude of men having been convoked, they approach the count, requesting that he hand over Odo Quarrellus to them for punishment; for he had not been seized with the plan that he should be kept unharmed, but that, he being racked with dire torments, they might avenge both the king’s injuries and their own. The count, however, lest he should seem ungrateful for their benefactions, and at the same time seeing that, even if he wished to resist, the desire of the common people ought to be fulfilled, was unwilling to oppose delays to their petition, although it displeased him very much.

Timebat enim ne speratum finem non posset res inconsulte cepta sortiri. At illi repente castellum adeunt, et Odonem Quarrellum a castellano sibi traditum exuentes, asino quem ad hoc preparaverant eum imponunt, pedibus eius in anteriorem asini partem porrectis, capite vero in partem contrariam acclinato. Dehinc universo populo ad hoc spectaculum confluente, per medium urbis eum cum ingenti clamore deducunt, contumeliis interim ac verberibus insistentes.

For he feared lest the affair, rashly undertaken, might not be able to attain the hoped-for end. But they, suddenly approaching the castle, and Odo Quarrel, stripped after being handed over to them by the castellan, they set him upon an ass which they had prepared for this purpose, with his feet stretched out toward the front part of the ass, but his head inclined toward the opposite direction. Then, with the whole populace flocking together for this spectacle, they lead him through the middle of the city with immense clamor, meanwhile pressing on with insults and blows.

Ubi ad portam civitatis ventum est, quidam eorum cultrum pisanum quantis potuit viribus illius immergens cerebro, cruorem qui ferro adheserat sub omnium aspectu lingebat ad inexorabilis odii magnitudinem exprimendam. Cuius exemplum sequuti, ceteri membratim Odonem innumeris confossum vulneribus discerpserunt. Capud autem eius affixum lancee per urbem diutius ostentantes, ad ultimum illud in cloacas publicas proiecerunt.

When the gate of the city was reached, one of them, plunging a Pisan knife with all the force he could into his brain, licked the gore that had adhered to the iron under the gaze of all, to express the magnitude of implacable hatred. Following his example, the rest tore Odo Quarrellus limb from limb, run through with innumerable wounds. But his head, affixed to a lance, they displayed through the city for a long time, and at last they hurled it into the public sewers.

Quod inde furtim sublatum est et traditum sepulture. Inter hec autem Greci transalpinos quotquot invenire poterant occidebant, donec Henricus comes id fieri cum interminatione pene prohibuit. Messanenses igitur ut venturo regis exercitui, quatenus poterant, aditus viarum obstruerent, primo Rimetulam, castellum fortissimum, occuparunt, castellani fide promissis facile precorrupta; inde Tauromenium tam dolo quam viribus aggressi sunt ut Richardum comitem Molisii liberarent, et oppido quidem non difficile potiti sunt; castellum autem nullis poterat viribus expugnari.

What was from there stealthily removed and handed over to sepulture. Meanwhile the Greeks were killing as many transalpines as they could find, until Count Henry forbade it to be done with a threat of penalty. The Messinese therefore, in order that, so far as they could, they might obstruct the approaches of the roads to the coming army of the king, first occupied Rimetula, a most strong castle, the castellan’s faith easily pre-corrupted by promises; from there they attacked Tauromenium as much by guile as by forces, to free Richard, count of Molise, and they indeed gained possession of the town without great difficulty; but the castle could be stormed by no forces.

Sed et Mathei castellani fides, licet multa premiorum pollicitatione multisque minis attemptata, nusquam tamen a propositi soliditate roboris excidebat; demum autem uxoris eius frater a Messanensibus missus exorabat eum cum lacrimis ut tante consilio crudelitatis abiecto, misereretur uxoris ac liberorum, quos in carcerem missos preceperant Messanenses interfici nisi Richardum comitem mature reddi contingeret. At ille respondit: non solum necem illorum sibi tolerabilem fore, verum etiam se ipsum morti paratum audacter occurrere, antequam huiusmodi proditione vitam fedaret, quam hactenus nullius infamie nota resperserat. Tum is qui missus fuerat, cum intelligeret illius animum ab eo quod dixerat non posse deflecti, gavarreto ipsius castelli, quem dudum noverat, interposita fide, multa pollicitus persuasit ei ut quam primum temporis oportunitas pateretur, Richardum comitem solveret et hostium ei carceris aperiret.

But even the loyalty of Matthew the castellan, although assailed by many promissory offers of rewards and by many threats, yet never fell away from the solid strength of his purpose; at last, however, his wife’s brother, sent by the Messanenses, begged him with tears that, casting aside a counsel of such great cruelty, he would have pity on his wife and children, whom the Messanenses, having sent them into prison, had ordered to be killed unless it should come to pass that Count Richard be promptly returned. But he replied: not only would their death be tolerable to him, but he himself, prepared for death, would boldly face it, before he would defile his life by a betrayal of this kind, which until now no mark of infamy had bespattered. Then the one who had been sent, when he understood that his spirit could not be turned aside from what he had said, with a pledge of faith interposed, promising many things to the gavarreto of that castle, whom he had long known, persuaded him that, as soon as the opportunity of time would allow, he should release Count Richard and open to him the doors of the prison.

Quadam ergo die, dormiente Matheo castellano, gavarretus, ut spoponderat, Richardum comitem a vinculis expeditum eduxit. Cumque mox ad castellanum itinere recto contenderet, ille ad strepitum pedum excusso sompno, cum vidisset comitem, repente perterritus ensem arripuit, et sibi paratas insidias in capud illius facile retorsisset, nisi proditor, cuius id opera patratum fuerat, amplexus improvidum, ferientis conatum eluderet, et illi cultro quem tenebat superiorem dorsi partem inter humeros transfixisset, manu tamen comitis quam ensi sublato pretenderat vulnerata. Ita Matheo multis confosso vulneribus, Messanenses Tauromenii castellum ipsumque comitem alacres receperunt.

On a certain day, therefore, while Matthew the castellan was sleeping, the gavarretus, as he had pledged, led out Count Richard, freed from his bonds. And when he soon pressed by a straight path toward the castellan, he, at the sound of footsteps, with sleep shaken off, when he had seen the count, suddenly terrified, snatched up a sword, and would easily have turned the ambushes prepared against himself onto that man’s head, had not the traitor, by whose agency this had been accomplished, embracing the unwary man, foiled the striker’s attempt, and with the knife which he held had pierced the upper part of the back between the shoulders—yet the hand of the count, which he had held out when the sword was raised, was wounded. Thus, Matthew riddled with many wounds, the Messinese at Tauromenium eagerly received the castle and the count himself.

Hec ubi cancellario nunciata sunt, tanto repente turbatus infortunio, consilium amicorum quod diu neglexerat, tum demum expetiit; visum[que est persuadere regi, ut exerci]tu congregato Messanam] obsessum pergeret, quod [ille facile prona]que voluntate concessit, ad educendum exercitum certo ab astrologis termino constituto. Interim autem Cathaniensibus scripsit ut nichil omnino victualium Messanam deferrent, neque naves Messanensium ibidem onerari permicterent, omnesque insuper Cathaniensium naves ad terram subduci precepit, singulis earum carinis singulas tabulas subtrahendo. Ea res, annone comportande subtracta copia, Messanensibus famis necessitatem indixerat, cum nullum aliunde super hoc solatium expectarent.

When these things were announced to the chancellor, so suddenly disturbed by so great a misfortune, the counsel of friends, which he had long neglected, then at last he sought; and it seemed[ good to persuade the king, that with the army] congregated, to Messina] to besiege he should proceed, which [he readily, with a pron]e will granted, for leading out the army at a fixed term appointed by the astrologers. Meanwhile, however, he wrote to the Catanians that they should carry nothing at all of victuals to Messina, nor permit the ships of the Messanans to be loaded there, and moreover he ordered all the ships of the Catanians to be drawn up to land, by subtracting single planks from each of their hulls. This measure, the supply for conveying the annona having been withdrawn, had imposed upon the Messanans the necessity of famine, since they were expecting no solace from elsewhere in this matter.

Calabria enim eius anni sterilitate dampnata, vix sibi sufficere poterat. Interea Randacini, Vacarienses, Capiciani, Nicosiani, Maniacenses ceterique Lombardi qui cancellarii partes ob multa eius beneficia tuebantur, haud dubiam proditorum invidiam ac scelera detestati, legatos Panormum miserunt, rogantes cancellarium, et ei modis omnibus persuadere nitentes,ut adversus Messanenses exercitum confidenter educeret; nam eum quidem de solis Lombardorum oppidis .xx. milia pugnatorum, ubicumque preciperet, habiturum. Quorum laudata fide, cancellarius terminum eis ad hoc constitutum exposuit, iussitque ut interim se rebus necessariis premunirent.

For Calabria, condemned by the sterility of that year, could hardly suffice for itself. Meanwhile the Randacini, Vacarienses, Capiciani, Nicosiani, Maniacenses, and the other Lombards who were defending the chancellor’s party on account of his many benefactions, detesting the indubitable envy and crimes of the traitors, sent envoys to Panormus, asking the chancellor—and striving by every means to persuade him—that he would confidently lead out an army against the Messanenses; for he would have from the Lombards’ towns alone 20 thousand fighting men, wherever he might command. Their loyalty being praised, the chancellor set forth to them the term appointed for this, and ordered that in the meantime they should pre-munish themselves with the necessary things.

Rogerius autem Giracii comes, ubi vidit denuo conspirationem multum ex improviso virium collegisse, rebellandi desiderium quod hactenus dissimulan[s occultaverat apertis cepit in]diciis profiteri, castellaque sua muniens, Cephaludium adiit et cum eiusdem civitatis episcopo colloquium habens, persuasit ei ut iuraret nunquam opem suam adversus cancellarium Messanensibus defuturam, adiecitque ut ab universis civibus suis idem iusiurandum acciperet. Cancellarius tamen eiusdem urbis arcem munitissimam preoccupaverat, cum iam ab initio fidem episcopi dubiam agnovisset, et ad ipsius arcis custodiam Andream hostiarium deputarat. Matheus autem notarius cum in palacio clausus teneretur, audiens quod Messane gestum fuerat, simulque videns Ansaldum castellanum amicum cancellarii in superiori parte palacii valitudine detineri, ex illius absentia datam sibi perpetrandi quod optabat oportunitatem agnovit, et Constantinum eius socium, penes quem solum custodiendi palacii cura tunc erat, multis persuasionibus eo impulit ut universos palacii servientes, qui fere quadringenti erant, iurare faceret quod die certa quam eis prefixerat cancellarium ad curiam venientem, et cum eo Iohannem de Lavardino et Rogerium Avellini comitem, inter primam ac secundam portam interficerent.

But Roger, count of Giraci, when he saw that the conspiracy had once more, very unexpectedly, gathered much strength, began to profess with open indicia the desire of rebelling which hitherto he had dissimulated and occulted; and, fortifying his own strongholds, he went to Cephaludium and, holding a colloquy with the bishop of that same city, persuaded him to swear that his aid would never be lacking to the Messanians against the chancellor, and added that he should take the same oath from all his citizens. The chancellor, however, had preoccupied the most fortified citadel of that city, since from the beginning he had recognized the bishop’s faith as doubtful, and he had deputed Andrew the usher to the custody of the citadel. But Matthew the notary, while he was kept shut up in the palace, hearing what had been done at Messana, and at the same time seeing that Ansaldus the castellan, a friend of the chancellor, was detained by ill-health in the upper part of the palace, recognized from his absence the opportunity given him to perpetrate what he desired, and by many persuasions impelled Constantine, his associate—on whom alone at that time lay the care of guarding the palace—to make all the palace’s servientes, who were nearly four hundred, swear that on the fixed day which he had set for them they would slay the chancellor, as he came to court, and with him John of Lavardino and Roger, count of Avellino, between the first and the second gate.

Iam tunc ergo conspiratoribus in spem et audaciam rursus erectis, in partes scissa civitas variis assensibus laborabat. Sed et plerique viri rapinis assueti, qui circa viam Coopertam et in superiori parte vie Marmoree commanebant, videntes rixas et seditiones inter curie familiares exortas, societatis inter se fedus inierant, non quia favore partis utriuslibet traherentur, sed lucri spem sequentes, iuraverant in illum quidem impetum se facturos, in quem primum acclamari contingeret. Optabant aut m e um fore cancellarium, eo quod in domo illius multam arbitrantes congestam esse pecuniam, credebant se quod optaverant ibidem uberius et facilius effecturos.

Already then, with the conspirators once more raised into hope and audacity, the city, split into parties, was laboring with various assents. And many men accustomed to rapine, who were dwelling around the Covered Way and in the upper part of the Marble Way, seeing quarrels and seditions arisen among the familiars of the court, had entered into a league of society among themselves, not because they were drawn by favor of either party, but following the hope of gain; they had sworn that they would make their onset against that one on whom it should first happen that the acclamation was made. They were wishing, moreover, that it should be the chancellor, because, supposing that much money was heaped up in his house, they believed that there they would more abundantly and more easily effect what they had desired.

Inter has rerum ambiguitates et pericula cancellarius deprehensus, ab Ansaldo castellano statuit sciscitari quid ei potissimum in tanto turbine faciendum decerneret. Cuius consilium fuit: ut, neglecto termino quem astrologi prefixerant, cum militibus suis in aliquam munitionum Sicilie se reciperet, et tam Lombardos quam ceteros quos sibi fideles noverat accersiens, quantum posset exercitum congregaret, ibique regis prestolaretur adventum. Nam eum, si Panormi diutius moraretur, vix tantas hostium insidias evasurum.

Amid these ambiguities of affairs and perils the chancellor, having been apprehended, determined to inquire of Ansaldo the castellan what he would determine he ought chiefly to do in so great a turmoil. Whose counsel was: that, the term which the astrologers had prefixed being disregarded, he should withdraw with his soldiers into some one of the fortifications of Sicily, and, summoning both the Lombards and the others whom he knew to be faithful to himself, should gather an army as much as he could, and there await the king’s advent. For, if he lingered longer at Palermo, he would scarcely escape such great ambushes of the enemy.

Prevaluit tamen Roberti comitis Mellenti ceterorumque Francorum sententia, qui proditorum astutiam et curie consuetudinem nescientes, Panormi morari tutius asserebant, nec oportere cancellarium, sine rege quopiam proficisci, ignorantes nusquam aptius insidias quam in ipso palacio preparari, ubi nemini liceat armis se vel militibus premunire. At, ubi, iam constituta dies aderat, servientes palacii, sperantes cancellarium mane iuxta consuetudinem ad curiam ascensurum, parati ante ianuam consistebant, ut eum venientem cum paucis admictentes, milites eius excluderent. Odo vero magister stabuli, cum eorum intellexisset consilium, repente descendens e palatio, cancellarium quod ei periculum imminebat edocuit.

Nevertheless, the opinion of Robert, Count of Meulan, and of the other Franks prevailed, who, not knowing the craftiness of the traitors and the custom of the court, asserted that it was safer to remain at Palermo, and that the chancellor ought not to set out anywhere without the king—unaware that nowhere are ambushes more aptly prepared than in the palace itself, where it is permitted to no one to fortify himself with arms or with soldiers. But when the day already appointed was at hand, the servants of the palace, hoping that in the morning the chancellor would, according to custom, go up to the court, stood ready before the door, so that, admitting him as he came with a few, they might exclude his soldiers. Odo, however, the Master of the Horse, when he had understood their plan, suddenly coming down from the palace, informed the chancellor what peril was imminent for him.

Qui paucos amicorum secum retinens, milites et hostiários, qui ante domum eius convenerant ut euntem ad curiam sequerentur, iussit abscedere. Constantinus itaque castellanus, ubi spem et opinionem suam elusam animadvertit, mittens plerosque palatii servientes, quos civibus notissimos esse cognoverat, per singulas urbis regiones eos distribuit, iussitque clamare ut universi cives ad arma concurrerent et domum cancellarii, qui paratis iam navibus cum thesauris regiis fugere decreverat, obsiderent. Hiis urbe commota rumoribus, Herveus Floridus, quem non tam familiaritas cancellarii quam ipse de se plurimum loquens palatinis suspectum fecerat, cum Rogerio comite Avellini secus palatium equitabat.

Keeping a few of his friends with him, he ordered the soldiers and the ostiaries, who had gathered before his house to follow him as he went to the court, to withdraw. Constantine therefore the castellan, when he perceived his hope and expectation foiled, sending very many of the servants of the palace, whom he had learned were most well-known to the citizens, distributed them through each district of the city, and ordered them to cry out that all the citizens should run to arms and besiege the chancellor’s house, who, ships already prepared, had decided to flee with the royal treasures. With the city stirred by these rumors, Herveus Floridus, whom not so much familiarity with the chancellor as his speaking very much about himself had made suspect to the palatines, was riding beside the palace with Roger, count of Avellino.

Quem cum vidissent clientes gayti Richardi ac plerique alii viri, qui iam illuc armati confluxerant, irruerunt in eum et equo deiectum gladiis transfoderunt. Inde comitem persequentes, cum extra portam urbis in planum quod palacio adiacet pervenissent, fugiendi spe sublata iam in eum lanceas intendebant, cum rex, ut ad fenestras palacii quid tumultus esset prospectum venerat, exclamans, multum illis interminatus est, nisi sibi vivum illum et inco[lumem assignarent. S]ic eorum impe[tu vix] compresso, cum aliter comitem [liberare] non posset, iussit eum in castello maris summa diligentia custodiri.

When the clients of gaytus Richard and very many other men, who had already flocked there armed, had seen him, they rushed upon him and, thrown from his horse, stabbed him through with swords. Thence, pursuing the count, when they had come outside the city gate into the plain that adjoins the palace, with hope of fleeing taken away, they were already aiming lances at him, when the king—who had come to the palace windows to look out what the tumult was—shouting, threatened them greatly, unless they handed him over to himself alive and unh[armed. Th]us, their onr[ush scarcely] repressed, since he could not [liberate] the count otherwise, he ordered him to be kept in the sea-castle with the utmost diligence.

Tunc vero sagittarii curie, qui nunquam in seditionibus ubi lucri spes appareat ultimi consueverunt occurrere, cum hiis quos superius coniurasse diximus, magnaque preterea confluentium virorum multitudine, domum cancellarii circumvallant. Simon autem Pictavensis, cuius diligentie domus eius cura commissa fuerat, milites peditesque, prout locorum oportunitas exigebat, per murorum disponens ambitum, singula loca congrua defensione premuniit. Militum vero maximam partem repentinus plebis concursus excluserat.

Then indeed the archers of the court—who in seditions, where a hope of lucre appears, have never been wont to be the last to come running—together with those whom we said above had conspired, and, moreover, with a great multitude of men flowing together, circumvallate the chancellor’s house. But Simon of Poitou, to whose diligence the care of his house had been committed, stationing knights and footmen, as the opportunity of the places required, along the ambit of the walls, secured every several spot with fitting defense. Yet a sudden concourse of the commoners had excluded the greater part of the knights.

Cancellarius, ubi rem videt in id discriminis pervenisse, cum plerisque viris nobilibus quos a se non passus erat discedere, per ecclesiam que domui sue contigua erat, in campanarii fortissimam ut in plano munitionem se recipit. Erant autem qui semper ei familiarius adherebant: Carbonellus et Boamundus Tarsenses, Willelmus de Sancto Severino, Alduinus Cantuensis, Hugo Lupinus, Robertus quoque Mellenti comes, cum quibusdam Francis militibus. Interea Rogerius Tironensis magister comestabulus cum militibus suis superveniens, viros quos ibi repererat acerrime proturbabat.

The Chancellor, when he sees the matter had come to that crisis, with most of the noble men whom he had not allowed to depart from him, through the church which was contiguous to his house, withdrew into the belfry, a very strong fortification for being on level ground. And there were those who always adhered to him more familiarly: Carbonel and Bohemond of Tarsus, William of Saint-Severin, Alduin of Canterbury, Hugh Lupin, and Robert, count of Meulan, with certain Frankish knights. Meanwhile Roger of Tiron, master constable, arriving with his knights, was very fiercely driving away the men whom he had found there.

At ubi iam multitudo populi confluentis in immensum excrevit, resump[tis animis in euun pariter irr]uentes, tam ipsum quam eius milites fugere compulerunt, domumque cancellarii, que multo distendebatur ambitu, ceperunt ex omni parte totis viribus oppugnare. Obsessi vero non solum de locis sibi deputatis nichilo segnius instantibus resistebant, verum etiam apertis aliquotiens foribus erumpentes, totam multitudinem audacissime repellebant longiusque cogebant absistere. Matheus quoque notarius et gaytus Richardus de locis in quibus clausi fuerant exeuntes, pristine se dignitati, nemine prohibente, reddiderant.

But when now the multitude of the people, flowing together, had swelled to the immense, having recovered their spirits and rushing upon them together, they forced both him and his soldiers to flee, and they began from every side with all their strength to assault the chancellor’s house, which was extended with a very large circuit. The besieged, however, not only from the places assigned to them were resisting those pressing upon them no whit the less, but also, the doors being opened at times and bursting out, were very boldly driving back the whole multitude and compelling them to stand off farther. Matthew the notary too and the gaytus Richard, going out from the places in which they had been shut up, with no one hindering, had restored themselves to their former dignity.

Qui servis buccinariis accersitis, preceperunt eis ut ante domum cancellarii tubis ac tympanis personarent. Tunc universa civitas tam Sarraceni quam Christiani signum belli notissimum audientes, iussu regis id fieri crediderunt, moxque cum ingenti clamore ac strepitu concurrentes, ceperunt instare vehementius, videntesque se diutius insistendo nichil proficere, tandem ad portam ecclesie magna lignorum strue composita, decreverunt ignem supponere. Cumque iam redactis in carbones foribus liber patuisset introitus, plerique milites cancellarii, quibus universa virtus periculi metum sustulerat, opposuerunt se conantibus introire.

They, having summoned the buccinator-servants, ordered them to resound with trumpets and tympans before the chancellor’s house. Then the whole city, both Saracens and Christians, hearing the most well-known signal of war, believed that this was being done by the king’s order; and soon, running together with immense clamor and din, they began to press more vehemently; and seeing that by insisting longer they were profiting nothing, at last, with a great pile of wood heaped up at the door of the church, they resolved to put fire beneath. And when, the doors now reduced to coals, a free entrance lay open, most of the chancellor’s soldiers, from whom their entire virtue had taken away fear of danger, set themselves against those attempting to enter.

Ibi diu multumque summa virtute pugnatum est, hiis quidem urgentissima necessitate vires et audaciam ministrante, illis autem indignantibus quod paucissimi viri tante multitudinis impetum sustinerent. Prevalente vix tandem multitudine, fatigati se milites in campanarium contulerunt. At illi per ecclesiam in domum cancellarii libere transeuntes, milites peditesque qui muris defendendis operam dabant repente captos vinctosque castellanis palacii transmiserunt.

There, for a long time and to a great extent, they fought with utmost valor, for the former with most urgent necessity supplying strength and audacity, but the latter being indignant that very few men were withstanding the onset of so great a multitude. With the multitude at length barely prevailing, the soldiers, wearied, withdrew into the campanile. But they, passing freely through the church into the chancellor’s house, suddenly seized and bound the knights and foot-soldiers who were giving their effort to the defending of the walls, and sent them to the castellans of the palace.

Quos autem reppererant de locis adhuc munitioribus resistentes, ut se dederent bonis conditionibus effecerunt. Inde ad expugnandum campanarium redeuntes, cum iam multis eorum vulneratis acrius instando nichil agerent, variis huc illuc consiliis agebantur. Alii multa lignorum coacervata congerie supponendum ignem censebant; nam ex eiusmodi saxis constructum esse campanarium, que perseverante diutius igne facile dissolvantur; alii machinas ocius inferendas; alii cratibus invectis suffodiendum ab imo campanarium decernebant.

But those whom they had found still resisting from the more fortified positions they induced to surrender on good terms. Thence, returning to storm the campanile, since, with many of them now wounded, they achieved nothing by pressing on more sharply, they were driven hither and thither by various counsels. Some judged that fire should be applied beneath a great heap of wood piled up; for the campanile was constructed of stones of such a sort as would easily be disintegrated if the fire persisted longer. Others [urged] that machines be brought up more swiftly; others decreed that, wickerwork hurdles having been brought in, the campanile should be undermined from the base.

Interea cum rex ad matris petitionem e palatio vellet exire ut ab obsidione populum amoveret, Matheus notarius ceterique conspiratores qui aderant prohibuerunt egredi, dicentes non esse tutum illuc accedere, nam sagittarum ac lapidum circumquaque turbinem agitari. Cumque viderent nullatenus ea die posse campanarium expugnari, timuerunt ne, si res produceretur in crastinum, plebis tepescerent animi, vel penitentia ducti desisterent ab incepto, cum id regi displicere cognoscerent.

Meanwhile, when the king wished, at his mother’s petition, to go out from the palace so that he might remove the people from the siege, Matthew the notary and the other conspirators who were present prevented him from going out, saying that it was not safe to approach there, for a whirlwind of arrows and stones was being driven on every side. And when they saw that the campanile could in no way be taken by storm that day, they feared lest, if the affair were prolonged into the morrow, the spirits of the populace would grow tepid, or, led by penitence, they would desist from the undertaking, since they understood that this displeased the king.

Statuerunt ergo cum cancellario pacisci, ut, abiurato regno Sicilie, liceret ei in quam eligeret terram libere transmeare. Missis itaque nunciis qui hanc ei conditionem proponerent, ita demum inter eos transactum est, ut armata galea cancellarius cum paucis quos eligeret traduceretur in Syriam, comiti vero Mellenti ceterisque Francis ad transfretandum navigia pararentur. Nobiles autem viri de regno Sicilie, qui cum eo in campanario erant, terras suas secure ac libere possiderent, militibus stipendiariis indulta licentia vel in curia commorandi, vel ad alium locum quemlibet transeundi.

They therefore resolved to make terms with the chancellor, that, the kingdom of Sicily having been abjured, it should be permitted him freely to cross over into whatever land he might choose. Accordingly, messengers were sent to propose this condition to him; thus at last it was transacted between them, that the chancellor, with his helmet armed, should be conducted across into Syria with a few whom he might choose, but that ships should be prepared for the Count of Meulan and the other Franks for crossing over. Moreover, the noble men of the kingdom of Sicily who were with him in the belfry should possess their lands securely and freely, license being granted to the stipendiary soldiers either to remain in the court or to pass over to any other place whatsoever.

Hoc ita sine dolo factum iri iuraverunt Richardus Siracusanus electus, Matheus notarius, gaytus Richardus, Rumoaldus Salernitanus archiepiscopus, Iohannes episcopus Maltensis; ipsaque nocte galeam preparari fecerunt. Mane vero cancellarium e campanario cum paucis sociis extrahentes, ad portum eum Gallicum perduxerunt. Cumque galeam ascenderet, canonici panormitani qui aderant rogabant eum ut a sacramento fidelitatis eos absolveret; at ille rem dissimulans, nichil respondit.

This would be done without guile, so swore Richard, the Syracusan bishop-elect, Matthew the notary, the gaytus Richard, Romuald, archbishop of Salerno, and John, bishop of Malta; and that very night they had the galley made ready. In the morning, drawing the chancellor out of the bell-tower with a few companions, they led him to the Gallic port. And when he was boarding the galley, the Panormitan canons who were present were asking him to absolve them from the oath of fealty; but he, dissembling the matter, answered nothing.

Tunc curie familiares ceperunt eum primo blandius hortari, dehinc acrius et importunius comminantes instare ut, electioni renuncians, eligendi pastoris canonicis copiam daret. Ille vero videns armatam circumfremere multitudinem, tumultu[ari milites, magnates] indignari, [quod] necdum revertendi videretur animum abiecisse, metu compulsus, renunciavit electioni. Moxque galeam ingressus, iussit eam a terra propelli, suspectum habens populum magno illuc impetu confluentem.

Then the familiars of the court began at first to exhort him more coaxingly, thereafter to press more sharply and more importunately with threats that, renouncing the election, he would grant to the canons the leave of choosing a pastor. But he, seeing the armed multitude roar around, that [the soldiers were in tumult, the magnates] were indignant, [because] he did not yet seem to have cast away the mind of returning, compelled by fear, renounced the election. And soon, having entered the galley, he ordered it to be propelled from the land, holding the people as suspect, who were converging there with great impetus.

Itaque curie familiares ad campanarium regressi, comitem Mellenti ceterosque Francos eduxerunt, plebisque seditiosos impetus et adventum Messanensium formidantes, in duobus castellis Partenico Carinulaque fecerunt illos interim commorari, donec eis ad transfretandum navigia providerent. At cancellarius a portu quam primum potuit avulsus, per Mazariensium fines australem Sicilie partem circumiens, Lecatulam pervenit, quod castellum in finibus Agrigentinorum situm est. Ibi necessario coactus ad terram egredi, premisit episcopum Maltensem, qui dux ei datus fuerat, ut oppidanis ex parte regis preciperet ne illum aliquatenus impedirent.

Accordingly the familiares of the court, having returned to the belfry, brought out the count of Meulan and the other Franks, and, fearing the seditious onrushes of the commons and the advent of the Messanians, made them meanwhile stay in the two castles Partenico and Carinula, until they should provide ships for them to cross over. But the chancellor, torn away from the port as soon as he could, skirting the southern part of Sicily through the borders of the Mazarienses, came to Lecatula, which castle is situated in the territory of the Agrigentines. There, compelled by necessity to go ashore, he sent ahead the bishop of Malta, who had been given to him as a guide, to instruct the townsmen on the king’s behalf that they should in no way impede him.

Iam enim galea, procelloso maris turbine fatigata, dissolutis compagibus, naufragium minabatur. Cumque brevi temporis intervallo congrue resarciri non posset, neque sine certo capitis periculo liceret cancellario triduum ibi transigere, navem onerariam in eodem inventam littore a Ianuensibus emit, eisdemque nautis conductis, in Siriam prospere transfretavit.

By now the galley, battered by the stormy whirl of the sea, its fastenings loosened, was threatening shipwreck. And since in a brief interval of time it could not be suitably repaired, nor was it permitted to the Chancellor to spend three days there without certain peril to his head, he bought on the same shore a cargo ship found there from the Genoese, and, having hired those same sailors, he crossed over to Syria successfully.

Interea Gentilis Agrigentinus episcopus qui in vallem Demenie missus fuerat revocatur [et curie familiaris effi]citur. Henricus comes Montis Caveosi et Richardus Molisii comes cum plerisque Messanensium .XXIV. galeis armatis Panormum perveniunt, viribusque freti, curie statum innovant, et .x. familiares instituunt: Richardum Siracusanum electum, Gentilem Agrigentinum episcopum, Rumoaldum Salernitanum archiepiscopum, Iohannem Maltensem episcopum, Rogerium comitem Giracii, Richardum Molisii, Henricum Montis Caveosi comitem, Matheum notarium, gaytum Richardum, Gualterium decanum Agrigentinum regis preceptorem.

Meanwhile Gentile, the Agrigentine bishop who had been sent into the valley of Demena, is recalled [and is made a court familiar]. Henry, count of Monte Caveoso, and Richard, count of Molise, with many of the Messinese, arrive at Palermo with .24. armed galleys, and, relying on their forces, they renew the state of the court and establish .10. familiars: Richard, the elect of Syracuse; Gentile, bishop of Agrigentum; Romuald, archbishop of Salerno; John, bishop of Malta; Roger, count of Gerace; Richard of Molise; Henry, count of Monte Caveoso; Matthew the notary; the gayt Richard; Walter, the Agrigentine dean, the king’s preceptor.

In eo statu curia constituta, decernitur in primis uti Gillebertus comes Gravinensis cum filio suo Bertranno comite pellatur e regno, salvus tamen et incolumis, si quidem hiis curie mandatis ultro parere voluerit. Quod si viribus uti et militibus adunatis reniti presumpsisset, cum eo deinceps hostiliter agi, et tanquam proditorem totis regni viribus oppugnari. Hoc autem negotium Rogerio comiti Albensi Richardoque de Sagio Fundano comiti delegatur.

With the court constituted in that state, it is decreed in the first place that Gillebert, count of Gravina, together with his son Bertran, a count, be driven out of the kingdom—safe, however, and unharmed, if indeed he should be willing of his own accord to obey these mandates of the court. But if he should presume to resist, employing force and, with soldiers assembled, to stand against it, then henceforth he is to be dealt with in a hostile manner, and, as a traitor, to be attacked with all the forces of the kingdom. This business, moreover, is delegated to Roger, count of Albe, and to Richard of Sagio, count of Fundi.

Qui de totius Apulie civitatibus immensum congregantes exercitum, Gillebertum comitem in castello quodam, quo se cum uxore receperat, obsederunt. Nam, audito curie mandato, universi milites ab eo discesserant. At ille multam in se procerum attendens invidiam, civitatum atrox odium nichilque spei sibi relictum intelligens, elegit se Richardo comiti Fundano cum thesauris suis eo pacto dedere ut liceret ei cum uxore ac liberis in partes Syrie transmeare.

They, gathering from all the cities of all Apulia an immense army, besieged Count Gilbert in a certain castle, to which he had withdrawn with his wife. For, the court’s mandate having been heard, all the soldiers had departed from him. But he, noting much envy of the magnates against himself, the atrocious hatred of the cities, and understanding that no hope was left to him, chose to surrender himself to Richard, Count of Fondi, together with his treasures, on this pact: that it should be permitted to him with his wife and children to cross over into the parts of Syria.

Eo sic expulso, cogitabant etiam curie magnates Hugonem comitem Catacensem, quia cancellarii consanguineus erat, expellere. Sed quia nullius consilii audacie homo erat ut vel occulte paraturus insidias, vel ex precipiti magnum ausurus aliquid timeretur, maluerunt ei parcere, sperantes eo ipso posse regine indignationem aliquatenus mitigari. Post paucos dies, Gualterius decanus Agrigentinus conducta plebis multitudine, metuque compulsis canonicis, consentiente curia, non tam electus quam violenter intrusus Panormitane regimen suscepit ecclesie.

With him thus expelled, the magnates of the curia were also considering expelling Hugh, count of Catanzaro, because he was a kinsman of the chancellor. But since he was a man of no counsel or audacity, such that one might fear either that he would secretly prepare ambushes or that, out of headlong rashness, he would dare something great, they preferred to spare him, hoping that thereby the queen’s indignation could be somewhat mitigated. After a few days, Walter, the dean of Agrigentum, with a hired multitude of the common people and the canons compelled by fear, the curia consenting, not so much elected as violently intruded, took up the governance of the church of Palermo.

Ea res his qui cancellario foverant ipsique regine plurimum spei subtraxit. sperabant tamen Romanum pontificem id quod actum fuerat ratum non habiturum, cum non sponte cancellarium, sed capitalibus minis adactum electioni renunciasse constaret; quod autem vi metuve gestum fuerit ratum non habere pretorem; eiusmodi vero metum intercessisse, qui et in constantissimum virum cadere posset, nulli dubium erat, neque tam manifesta res ullis testibus indigebat. His accedebat quod Petrus Caietanus Romane curie subdiaconus certissime promiserat electionem hanc nichil roboris habituram, septingentasque auri uncias opera studioque regine acceperat Romano pontifici deferendas.

That matter took away very much hope from those who had favored the chancellor and from the queen herself. Yet they were hoping that the Roman Pontiff would not hold as ratified what had been done, since it was evident that the chancellor had renounced the election not of his own accord, but driven by capital threats; and that the praetor does not hold as ratified what has been done by force or by fear; and that fear of such a sort had intervened as could befall even a most constant man was doubtful to no one, nor did a matter so manifest need any witnesses. To these considerations was added that Peter Caietanus, subdeacon of the Roman curia, had most certainly promised that this election would have no strength, and had received seven hundred ounces of gold, through the work and zeal of the queen, to be delivered to the Roman Pontiff.

Pars autem contraria, cuius opinio prevaluit, asserebat in eo statu Romanam esse curiam, ut voluntati procerum Sicilie non audeat obviare, neque censeat immensam pecuniam ob confirmandam electionem sibi oblatam in eo necessitatis articulo contempnendam. Hoc itaque negotio paucis diebus protracto, ne videretur precipitari sententia, demum Romanus pontifex electionem ratam habuit, ipsumque iussit electum a suffraganeis episcopis consecrari. Qui tante dignitatis culmine sublimatus, repente statum immutavit curie, summamque sibi potestatem retinens, Matheum notarium et Gentilem Agrigentinum episcopum sub se familiares instituit.

The opposing party, whose opinion prevailed, asserted that the Roman curia was in such a condition that it did not dare to run counter to the will of the nobles of Sicily, nor did it deem that the immense money offered to it for confirming the election should be contemned in that article of necessity. Accordingly, with the business drawn out for a few days, lest the sentence seem to be precipitated, at last the Roman pontiff ratified the election, and ordered that the elect himself be consecrated by the suffragan bishops. He, elevated to the summit of so great a dignity, suddenly altered the state of the court, and, retaining the supreme power to himself, appointed under him Matthew the notary and Gentile, bishop of Agrigentum, as his household intimates.

Eodem anno, quarta die februarii, circiter primam horam eiusdem diei, vehemens terre motus tanta Siciliam concussit violentia ut in Calabria quoque circa Regium oppidaque proxima sentiretur. Cathaniensium opulentissima civitas usque adeo subversa est, ut ne una quidem domus in urbe superstes remanserit. Viri ac mulieres circiter .xv. milia cum episcopo eiusdem civitatis maximaque parte monachorum sub ruina sunt edificiorum oppressi.

In the same year, on the fourth day of February, about the first hour of the same day, a violent earthquake shook Sicily with such force that it was felt in Calabria also around Rhegium and the neighboring towns. The most opulent city of the Catanese was overthrown to such a degree that not even a single house remained standing in the city. Men and women, about 15 thousand, together with the bishop of the same city and the greater part of the monks, were crushed beneath the ruin of the buildings.

Leontini, nobile Siracusanorum oppidum, eadem terre concussione subversum oppidanorum plerosque ruentium edificiorum mole consumpsit. Multa preterea in finibus Cathaniensium ac Siracusanorum castella diruta sunt; multis in locis terra dehiscens et novos protulit fontes, et veterum nonnullos [obstruxit, eaque pars Ethnei cacuminis que Taurominium respicit visa est aliquantulum subsedisse. Siracusis Aretusa fons nominatissimus, quem ab Elide Grecie civitate fama est in Siciliam occultis meatibus derivari, de limpido turbulentus effectus, saporem salsum multa maris admixtione contraxit.

Leontini, a noble town of the Syracusans, by the same concussion of the earth being overthrown, consumed most of the townsmen by the mass of the collapsing buildings. Furthermore, many castles in the borders of the Catanians and the Syracusans were razed; in many places the earth, gaping, both brought forth new springs, and some of the old it [blocked, and that part of Etna’s summit which faces Taormina was seen to have somewhat subsided. At Syracuse the most renowned spring Arethusa, which the report is is conveyed from Elis, a city of Greece, into Sicily by hidden passages, from limpid became turbid, and by much admixture of the sea contracted a salty savor.

Taius fons quidem aquis uberrimus, qui de Pedemontis iuxta Casale Sarracenorum egreditur, quasi duarum horarum spatio manens obstrusus, aquas continuit, magnoque dehinc erumpens impetu, sanguinei coloris latices per unius spatium hore mirantium oculis indigenarum exhibuit. Messane vero mare, cum tranquillissimum esset, in seipsum primo se contrahens, paulisper cessit a littore, deinde pedetemptim rediens, prefixas littoris metas transiliit, murosque civitatis alluens, ipsis etiam se portis infudit. Hiis aliisque prodigiis curie familiares eorumque fautores perterriti, arbitrabantur novitatem hanc rerum magnam Siculis calamitatem portendere.

The Taius spring indeed, most abundant in waters, which issues from Pedemontis near the Casale of the Saracens, remaining obstructed, as it were, for the space of two hours, held back its waters, and thereafter bursting forth with great impetus, displayed to the wondering eyes of the natives waters of a sanguineous color for the space of one hour. But at Messina the sea, when it was most tranquil, first contracting into itself, withdrew for a little from the shore; then, returning step by step, it leapt over the fixed bounds of the shore, washing the walls of the city, and poured itself even into the very gates. By these and other prodigies the household of the court and their favorers, terrified, were thinking that this novelty of affairs portended a great calamity for the Sicilians.

Timebant ergo ne cancellarius, ope et consilio Constantinopolitani imperatoris, qui legatos eius, ut ferebatur, benigne susceperat, regnum Sicilie, collectis viribus, occuparet. Nec enim dubium erat plerosque regni comites ac proceres illius adventum avidissime prestolari. Credebant autem etiam Robertum comitem Lorotelli regine voluntatem [et imperium, cuius opera] nuper ab exilio revocatus fuerat, proculdubio secuturum.

They therefore feared lest the chancellor, with the help and counsel of the emperor of Constantinople, who, as it was reported, had kindly received his legates, would, his forces gathered, seize the kingdom of Sicily. For there was no doubt that many of the kingdom’s counts and nobles were awaiting his arrival most avidly. They also believed that Robert, count of Loritello, would without doubt follow the queen’s will [and authority, by whose effort] he had recently been recalled from exile.

Dum igitur adversus ea que accidere poterant multis se consiliis et artibus premunirent, repente de morte cancellarii certissimus ad curiam rumor perlatus, et regine prorsus animum deiecit, et partem contrariam in id roboris ac securitatis evexit ut nichil sibi deinceps estimarent difficultatis ac periculi formidandum. Itaque summa regni potestas et negotiorum cognitio penes Gualterium archiepiscopum Panormitanum erat, qui sibi regem eatenus suspecta satis familiaritate devinxerat ut non tam curiam quam regem ipsum regere videretur.

While therefore they were fortifying themselves with many counsels and arts against the things that could happen, suddenly a most certain rumor about the death of the chancellor was borne to the court, and it utterly cast down the spirit of the queen, and raised the opposing party to such a pitch of strength and security that thereafter they judged nothing of difficulty and danger to be to be feared for themselves. And so the highest power of the kingdom and the cognizance of affairs were in the hands of Walter, archbishop of Palermo, who had bound the king to himself by a sufficiently suspect familiarity, to such an extent that he seemed to govern not so much the court as the king himself.