Nepos: LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM

[1] THEMISTOCLES, Neocli filius, Atheniensis. Huius vitia ineuntis adulescentiae magnis sunt emendata virtutibus, adeo ut anteferatur huic nemo, pauci pares putentur.

[1] THEMISTOCLES, son of Neocles, an Athenian. The vices of his incipient adolescence were amended by great virtues, to such a degree that no one is preferred to him, and few are considered equal.

2 Sed ab initio est ordiendus. Pater eius Neocles generosus fuit. Is uxorem Acarnanam civem duxit, ex qua natus est Themistocles.

2 But from the beginning it must be set forth. His father Neocles was of noble birth. He took as wife an Acarnanian citizen, by whom Themistocles was born.

Qui cum minus esset probatus parentibus, quod et liberius vivebat et rem familiarem neglegebat, a patre exheredatus est.

He, since he was less approved by his parents, because he both lived more freely and neglected the family estate, was disinherited by his father.

3 Quae contumelia non fregit eum, sed erexit. Nam cum iudicasset sine summa industria non posse eam exstingui, totum se dedidit rei publicae. Diligentius amicis famaeque serviens multum in iudiciis privatis versabatur, saepe in contionem populi prodibat; nulla res maior sine eo gerebatur; celeriter, quae opus erant, reperiebat, facile eadem oratione explicabat.

3 That contumely did not break him, but raised him up. For when he had judged that it could not be extinguished without the highest industry, he devoted himself wholly to the Republic. Serving his friends and his reputation more diligently, he was much engaged in private suits; he often came forward into the people’s assembly; no greater matter was conducted without him; swiftly he discovered what was needful, and easily set forth the same in oration.

4 Neque minus in rebus gerendis promptus quam excogitandis erat, quod et de instantibus, ut ait Thucydides, verissime iudicabat et de futuris callidissime coniciebat. Quo factum est, ut brevi tempore illustraretur.

4 He was no less prompt in conducting affairs than in devising them, because both about things at hand, as Thucydides says, he judged most truly, and about things to come he conjectured most shrewdly. Wherefore it came to pass that in a short time he was made illustrious.

[2] Primus autem gradus fuit capessendae rei publicae bello Corcyraeo; ad quod gerendum praetor a populo factus non solum praesenti bello, sed etiam reliquo tempore ferociorem reddidit civitatem.

[2] The first step, moreover, in taking up the republic was in the Corcyraean war; for the conducting of which, having been made praetor by the people, he rendered the state more ferocious not only for the present war, but also for the remaining time.

2 Nam cum pecunia publica, quae ex metallis redibat, largitione magistratuum quotannis interiret, ille persuasit populo, ut ea pecunia classis centum navium aedificaretur.

2 For since the public money, which was returning from the mines, was perishing each year through the largess of the magistrates, he persuaded the people that with that money a fleet of one hundred ships be built.

3 Qua celeriter effecta primum Corcyraeos fregit, deinde maritimos praedones consectando mare tutum reddidit. In quo cum divitiis ornavit, tum etiam peritissimos belli navalis fecit Athenienses.

3 When this was quickly brought to completion, first he broke the Corcyraeans, then, by pursuing the maritime brigands, he made the sea safe. In this he both adorned the Athenians with riches and also made them most expert in naval warfare.

4 Id quantae saluti fuerit universae Graeciae, bello cognitum est Persico. Nam cum Xerxes et mari et terra bellum universae inferret Europae cum tantis copiis, quantas neque ante nec postea habuit quisquam -

4 How great a salvation that was for all Greece was learned in the Persian war. For when Xerxes was bringing war both by sea and by land upon all Europe with such forces as no one had either before or afterwards -

5 huius enim classis mille et ducentarum navium longarum fuit, quam duo milia onerariarum sequebantur; terrestres autem exercitus DCC peditum, equitum CCCC milia fuerunt -,

5 for the fleet of this man was of 1,200 long ships, which 2,000 transports followed; moreover, the land armies were 700 thousand infantry and 400 thousand cavalry -,

6 cuius de adventu cum fama in Graeciam esset perlata et maxime Athenienses peti dicerentur propter pugnam Marathoniam, miserunt Delphos consultum, quidnam facerent de rebus suis. Deliberantibus Pythia respondit, ut moenibus ligneis se munirent.

6 When a report about his arrival had been conveyed into Greece, and it was being said that the Athenians especially were being aimed at on account of the battle of Marathon, they sent to Delphi to consult what they should do about their affairs. While they were deliberating, the Pythia replied that they should fortify themselves with wooden walls.

7 Id responsum quo valeret, cum intellegeret nemo, Themistocles persuasit consilium esse Apollinis, ut in naves se suaque conferrent: eum enim a deo significari murum ligneum.

7 Since no one understood to what that response pertained, Themistocles persuaded them that the counsel of Apollo was that they should carry themselves and their belongings into the ships; for by the god the wooden wall was signified.

8 Tali consilio probato addunt ad superiores totidem naves triremes suaque omnia, quae moveri poterant, partim Salamina, partim Troezena deportant; arcem sacerdotibus paucisque maioribus natu ac sacra procuranda tradunt, reliquum oppidum relinquunt.

8 With such counsel approved, they add to the earlier ones the same number of trireme ships, and they transport all their belongings that could be moved, partly to Salamis, partly to Troezen; they hand over the citadel to the priests and a few elders by age, and the sacred rites to be administered, and they leave the rest of the town.

[3] Huius consilium plerisque civitatibus displicebat et in terra dimicari magis placebat. Itaque missi sunt delecti cum Leonida, Lacedaemoniorum rege, qui Thermopylas occuparent longiusque barbaros progredi non paterentur. Hi vim hostium non sustinuerunt eoque loco omnes interierunt.

[3] The plan of this man displeased most cities, and it was more pleasing to do battle on land. Therefore picked men were sent with Leonidas, king of the Lacedaemonians, to occupy Thermopylae and not allow the barbarians to advance further. These did not sustain the force of the enemy, and in that place all perished.

2 At classis communis Graeciae trecentarum navium, in qua ducentae erant Atheniensium, primum apud Artemisium inter Euboeam continentemque terram cum classiariis regis conflixit. Angustias enim Themistocles quaerebat, ne multitudine circuiretur.

2 But the common fleet of Greece, of three hundred ships, in which two hundred were the Athenians’, first at Artemisium, between Euboea and the mainland, clashed with the king’s mariners. For Themistocles was seeking the narrows, lest he be encircled by the multitude.

3 Hic etsi pari proelio discesserant, tamen eodem loco non sunt ausi manere, quod erat periculum, ne, si pars navium adversariorum Euboeam superasset, ancipiti premerentur periculo.

3 Here, although they had withdrawn from an equal battle, nevertheless they did not dare to remain in the same place, because there was danger lest, if part of the adversaries' ships had rounded Euboea, they would be pressed by a twofold peril.

4 Quo factum est, ut ab Artemisio discederent et exadversum Athenas apud Salamina classem suam constituerent.

4 Which brought it about that they departed from Artemisium and positioned their fleet opposite Athens at Salamis.

[4] At Xerxes Thermopylis expugnatis protinus accessit astu idque nullis defendentibus, interfectis sacerdotibus, quos in arce invenerat, incendio delevit.

[4] But Xerxes, with Thermopylae having been stormed, immediately approached the city, and, with none defending it, after killing the priests whom he had found in the citadel, he destroyed it by fire.

2 Cuius flamma perterriti classiarii, cum manere non auderent et plurimi hortarentur, ut domos suas discederent moenibusque se defenderent, Themistocles unus restitit et universos pares esse posse aiebat, dispersos testabatur perituros idque Eurybiadi, regi Lacedaemoniorum, qui tum summae imperii praeerat, fore affirmabat.

2 Terrified by its flame, the men of the fleet, since they did not dare to remain and very many were urging that they depart to their homes and defend themselves by walls, Themistocles alone stood firm and said that all together they could be equals, declared that, scattered, they would perish, and he affirmed to Eurybiades, king of the Lacedaemonians, who at that time presided over the supreme command, that this would be so.

3 Quem cum minus, quam vellet, moveret, noctu de servis suis, quem habuit fidelissimum, ad regem misit, ut ei nuntiaret suis verbis adversarios eius in fuga esse:

3 When he was moving him less than he wished, by night he sent, from among his own slaves, the one whom he held as most faithful, to the king, to announce to him in his own words that his adversaries were in flight:

4 qui si discessissent, maiore cum labore et longinquiore tempore bellum confecturum, cum singulos consectari cogeretur; quos si statim aggrederetur, brevi universos oppressurum. Hoc eo valebat, ut ingratis ad depugnandum omnes cogerentur.

4 who, if they had dispersed, he would conclude the war with greater labor and in a more prolonged time, since he would be compelled to pursue them singly; whereas if he attacked them at once, he would in short order oppress them all. This tended to this effect, that all were forced to fight against their will.

5 Hac re audita barbarus, nihil doli subesse credens, postridie alienissimo sibi loco, contra opportunissimo hostibus, adeo angusto mari conflixit, ut eius multitudo navium explicari non potuerit. Victus ergo est magis etiam consilio Themistocli quam armis Graeciae.

5 On hearing this, the barbarian, believing that no guile lay beneath, on the next day engaged in a place most alien to himself, but most opportune for the enemies, in so narrow a sea that his multitude of ships could not be deployed. He was therefore defeated more by the counsel of Themistocles than by the arms of Greece.

[5] Hic etsi male rem gesserat, tamen tantas habebat reliquias copiarum, ut etiam tum his opprimere posset hostes. Iterum ab eodem gradu depulsus est. Nam Themistocles verens, ne bellare perseveraret, certiorem eum fecit id agi, ut pons, quem ille in Hellesponto fecerat, dissolveretur ac reditu in Asiam excluderetur, idque ei persuasit.

[5] Although he had handled the affair poorly, nevertheless he had such great remnants of forces that even then with these he could overwhelm the enemies. Again he was driven from that same position. For Themistocles, fearing lest he persevere in waging war, informed him that action was being taken so that the bridge which he had constructed on the Hellespont be dissolved and that he be excluded from a return into Asia, and he persuaded him of this.

2 Itaque qua sex mensibus iter fecerat, eadem minus diebus XXX in Asiam reversus est seque a Themistocle non superatum, sed conservatum iudicavit.

2 And so by the same route along which he had made the journey in six months, he returned into Asia in less than 30 days, and judged himself not overcome by Themistocles, but preserved.

3 Sic unius viri prudentia Graecia liberata est Europaeque succubuit Asia. Haec altera victoria, quae cum Marathonio possit comparari tropaeo. Nam pari modo apud Salamina parvo numero navium maxima post hominum memoriam classis est devicta.

3 Thus by the prudence of a single man Greece was liberated, and Asia succumbed to Europe. This was the second victory, which can be compared with the Marathonian trophy. For in like manner at Salamis, with a small number of ships, the greatest fleet within the memory of men was defeated.

[6] Magnus hoc bello Themistocles fuit neque minor in pace. Cum enim Phalerico portu neque magno neque bono Athenienses uterentur, huius consilio triplex Piraei portus constitutus est isque moenibus circumdatus, ut ipsam urbem dignitate aequiperaret, utilitate superaret.

[6] Themistocles was great in this war and no less in peace. For since the Athenians made use of the Phaleric harbor, neither great nor good, by his counsel the triple harbor of Piraeus was constituted and was surrounded with walls, so that it equaled the city itself in dignity and surpassed it in utility.

2 Idem muros Atheniensium restituit praecipuo suo periculo. Namque Lacedaemonii causam idoneam nacti propter barbarorum excursiones, qua negarent oportere extra Peloponnesum ullam urbem muros habere, ne essent loca munita, quae hostes possiderent, Athenienses aedificantes prohibere sunt conati.

2 The same man restored the walls of the Athenians at his own exceptional peril. For the Lacedaemonians, having found an adequate pretext on account of the barbarians’ incursions—by which they asserted that it was not proper for any city outside the Peloponnese to have walls, lest there be fortified places which the enemy might occupy—tried to prevent the Athenians from building.

3 Hoc longe alio spectabat, atque videri volebant. Athenienses enim duabus victoriis, Marathonia et Salaminia, tantam gloriam apud omnes gentes erant consecuti, ut intellegerent Lacedaemonii de principatu sibi cum his certamen fore. Quare eos quam infirmissimos esse volebant.

3 This was aiming at something far different from what they wished to seem. For the Athenians, by two victories, the Marathonian and the Salaminian, had attained such great glory among all nations that the Lacedaemonians understood there would be a contest for primacy between themselves and them. Wherefore they wished them to be as infirm as possible.

4 Postquam autem audierunt muros instrui, legatos Athenas miserunt, qui id fieri vetarent. Eis praesentibus desierunt ac se de ea re legatos ad eos missuros dixerunt.

4 After, however, they heard that the walls were being constructed, they sent legates to Athens to forbid that this be done. With them present they desisted and said that they would send legates to them about that matter.

5 Hanc legationem suscepit Themistocles et solus primo profectus est; reliqui legati ut tum exirent, cum satis alti tuendo muri exstructi viderentur, praecepit: interim omnes, servi atque liberi, opus facerent neque ulli loco parcerent, sive sacer, sive privatus esset sive publicus, et undique, quod idoneum ad muniendum putarent, congererent. Quo factum est, ut Atheniensium muri ex sacellis sepulcrisque constarent.

5 This embassy was undertaken by Themistocles, and he alone set out first; he instructed that the remaining envoys should then depart when the walls seemed built high enough for defense; meanwhile all, slaves and free, should do the work and spare no place, whether it was sacred, private, or public, and from every quarter heap together whatever they thought suitable for fortification. Whereby it came about that the walls of the Athenians consisted of little shrines and sepulchres.

[7] Themistocles autem ut Lacedaemonem venit, adire ad magistratus noluit et dedit operam, ut quam longissime tempus duceret, causam interponens se collegas exspectare.

[7] But when Themistocles came to Lacedaemon, he did not wish to approach the magistrates and took pains to prolong the time as far as possible, alleging as a pretext that he was waiting for his colleagues.

2 Cum Lacedaemonii quererentur opus nihilo minus fieri eumque in ea re conari fallere, interim reliqui legati sunt consecuti. A quibus cum audisset non multum superesse munitionis, ad ephoros Lacedaemoniorum accessit, penes quos summum erat imperium, atque apud eos contendit falsa iis esse delata: quare aequum esse illos viros bonos nobilesque mittere, quibus fides haberetur, qui rem explorarent; interea se obsidem retinerent.

2 When the Lacedaemonians were complaining that the work was nonetheless being done and that he was trying to deceive in this matter, meanwhile the remaining envoys arrived. When he had heard from them that not much of the fortification remained, he went to the ephors of the Lacedaemonians, in whose hands was the supreme command, and before them he contended that false reports had been conveyed to them: therefore it was equitable that they should send good and noble men, in whom trust might be placed, to explore the matter; meanwhile they should retain him as a hostage.

3 Gestus est ei mos, tresque legati functi summis honoribus Athenas missi sunt. Cum his collegas suos Themistocles iussit proficisci hisque praedixit, ut ne prius Lacedaemoniorum legatos dimitterent quam ipse esset remissus.

3 His wish was granted, and three legates, having held the highest honors, were sent to Athens. With these Themistocles ordered his colleagues to set out, and he instructed them in advance not to dismiss the Lacedaemonian legates before he himself had been sent back.

4 Hos postquam Athenas pervenisse ratus est, ad magistratum senatumque Lacedaemoniorum adiit et apud eos liberrime professus est: Atheniensis: suo consilio, quod communi iure gentium facere possent, deos publicos suosque patrios ac penates, quo facilius ab hoste possent defendere, muris saepsisse neque in eo, quod inutile esset Graeciae, fecisse.

4 After he supposed that these had reached Athens, he went to the magistracy and the senate of the Lacedaemonians and in their presence declared with the utmost freedom: The Athenians, by his own counsel—which they could do by the common law of nations—had enclosed with walls the public gods and their own ancestral and household gods, in order that they might more easily defend them from the enemy; and that in this they had not done what would be unprofitable to Greece.

5 Nam illorum urbem ut propugnaculum oppositum esse barbaris; apud quam iam bis classes regias fecisse naufragium.

5 For their city has been set as a bulwark against the barbarians; near which already twice the royal fleets have suffered shipwreck.

6 Lacedaemonios autem male et iniuste facere, qui id potius intuerentur, quod ipsorum dominationi, quam quod universae Graeciae utile esset. Quare, si suos legatos recipere vellent, quos Athenas miserant, se remitterent; aliter illos numquam in patriam essent recepturi.

6 But the Lacedaemonians were acting badly and unjustly, in that they looked rather to what was advantageous to their own domination than to what would be useful to all Greece. Therefore, if they wished to receive back their legates, whom they had sent to Athens, they should send him back; otherwise they would never be going to receive those men into their fatherland.

[8] Tamen non effugit civium suorum invidiam. Namque ob eundem timorem, quo damnatus erat Miltiades, testularum suffragiis e civitate eiectus Argos habitatum concessit.

[8] Nevertheless he did not escape the envy of his fellow citizens. For on account of the same fear, for which Miltiades had been condemned, by the votes of potsherds he was driven out of the city, and he withdrew to Argos to dwell.

2 Hic cum [propter multas eius virtutes] magna cum dignitate viveret, Lacedaemonii legatos Athenas miserunt, qui eum absentem accusarent, quod societatem cum rege Perse ad Graeciam opprimendam fecisset.

2 This man, when he was living with great dignity [on account of his many virtues], the Lacedaemonians sent legates to Athens to accuse him in his absence, because he had made an alliance with the king of Persia for oppressing Greece.

3 Hoc crimine absens proditionis damnatus est. Id ut audivit, quod non satis tutum se Argis videbat, Corcyram demigravit. Ibi cum cives principes animadvertisset timere ne propter se bellum iis Lacedaemonii et Athenienses indicerent, ad Admetum, Molossum regem, cum quo ei hospitium erat, confugit.

3 On this charge, he was, in his absence, condemned for treason. When he heard this, because he did not consider himself sufficiently safe at Argos, he demigrated to Corcyra. There, when he had noticed that the leading citizens were afraid lest on his account the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians should proclaim war against them, he fled for refuge to Admetus, the Molossian king, with whom he had ties of hospitality.

4 Huc cum venisset et in praesentia rex abesset quo maiore religione se receptum tueretur, filiam eius parvulam arripuit et cum ea se in sacrarium, quod summa colebatur caerimonia, coniecit. Inde non prius egressus est, quam rex eum data dextra in fidem reciperet; quam praestitit.

4 When he had come hither and the king was absent at the moment, in order that, under the greater sanction of religion, he might protect himself as one received, he snatched up his little daughter and with her hurled himself into the sanctuary, which was venerated with the highest ceremony. From there he did not go out before the king, with his right hand given, received him into his good-faith protection; which he made good.

5 Nam cum ab Atheniensibus et Lacedaemoniis exposceretur publice, supplicem non prodidit monuitque, ut consuleret sibi: difficile enim esse in tam propinquo loco tuto eum versari. Itaque Pydnam eum deduci iussit et, quod satis esset praesidii, dedit.

5 For when he was publicly demanded by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, he did not betray the suppliant, and he warned him to look to himself: for it was difficult for him to move about safely in a place so near. Therefore he ordered him to be conveyed to Pydna and provided such protection as would be sufficient.

6 Hic in navem omnibus ignotus nautis escendit. Quae cum tempestate maxima Naxum ferretur, ubi tum Atheniensium erat exercitus, sensit Themistocles, si eo pervenisset, sibi esse pereundum. Hac necessitate coactus domino navis, quis sit, aperit, multa pollicens, si se conservasset.

6 Here he went aboard a ship, unknown to all the sailors. When it, in a very great tempest, was being driven toward Naxos—where at that time the army of the Athenians was—Themistocles realized that, if he reached that place, he would have to perish. Compelled by this necessity, he disclosed to the owner of the ship who he was, making many promises, if he would save him.

7 At ille clarissimi viri captus misericordia diem noctemque procul ab insula in salo navem tenuit in ancoris neque quemquam ex ea exire passus est. Inde Ephesum pervenit ibique Themistoclen exponit; cui ille pro meritis postea gratiam rettulit.

7 But he, taken with compassion for a most illustrious man, held the ship at anchor day and night far from the island on the open sea, and allowed no one to go out from it. Thence he reached Ephesus and there set Themistocles ashore; to whom he later rendered gratitude for his services.

[9] Scio plerosque ita scripsisse, Themistoclen Xerxe regnante in Asiam transisse. Sed ego potissimum Thucydidi credo, quod aetate proximus de iis, qui illorum temporum historiam reliquerunt, et eiusdem civitatis fuit. Is autem ait ad Artaxerxen eum venisse atque his verbis epistulam misisse:

[9] I know that many have written thus, that Themistocles crossed into Asia while Xerxes was reigning. But I trust Thucydides most of all, because he was nearest in age among those who have left the history of those times, and he was of the same city. He, however, says that he came to Artaxerxes and sent an epistle with these words:

2 Themistocles veni ad te, qui plurima mala omnium Graiorum in domum tuam intuli, quamdiu mihi necesse fuit adversum patrem tuum bellare patriamque meam defendere.

2 I, Themistocles, have come to you, I who brought very many ills of all the Greeks into your house, so long as it was necessary for me to wage war against your father and to defend my fatherland.

3 Idem multo plura bona feci, postquam in tuto ipse et ille in periculo esse coepit. Nam cum in Asiam reverti vellet proelio apud Salamina facto, litteris eum certiorem feci id agi, ut pons, quem in Hellesponto fecerat, dissolveretur atque ab hostibus circumiretur; quo nuntio ille periculo est liberatus.

3 I, the same man, did far more good services after I myself came into safety and he began to be in peril. For when he wished to return into Asia, the battle at Salamis having been fought, by a letter I made him more certain that this was being done: that the bridge which he had made on the Hellespont should be dismantled and that he be surrounded by enemies; by which message he was freed from danger.

4 Nunc autem confugi ad te exagitatus a cuncta Graecia, tuam petens amicitiam. Quam si ero adeptus, non minus me bonum amicum habebis, quam fortem inimicum ille expertus est. Te autem rogo, ut de iis rebus, quas tecum colloqui volo, annuum mihi tempus des eoque transacto ad te venire patiaris.'

4 Now, however, I have fled for refuge to you, hounded by all Greece, seeking your friendship. If I shall obtain it, you will have me no less a good friend than he found me a brave enemy. I therefore ask you to grant me a year’s time about the matters on which I wish to confer with you, and, when that has elapsed, to allow me to come to you.'

[10] Huius rex animi magnitudinem admirans cupiensque talem virum sibi conciliari veniam dedit. Ille omne illud tempus litteris sermonique Persarum se dedidit; quibus adeo eruditus est, ut multo commodius dicatur apud regem verba fecisse, quam ii poterant qui in Perside erant nati.

[10] The king, admiring this man’s greatness of spirit and wishing to conciliate such a man to himself, granted pardon. He devoted all that time to the letters and the speech of the Persians; in which he became so erudite that he is said to have spoken before the king much more aptly than those could who had been born in Persia.

2 Hic cum multa regi esset pollicitus gratissimumque illud, si suis uti consiliis vellet, illum Graeciam bello oppressurum, magnis muneribus ab Artaxerxe donatus in Asiam rediit domiciliumque Magnesiae sibi constituit.

2 He, when he had promised many things to the king—and this most gratifying, that, if he should wish to employ his counsels, he would oppress Greece with war—having been endowed with great gifts by Artaxerxes, returned into Asia and constituted for himself a domicile at Magnesia.

3 Namque hanc urbem ei rex donarat, his quidem verbis: quae ei panem praeberet - ex qua regione quinquaginta talenta quotannis redibant -; Lampsacum autem, unde vinum sumeret; Myunta, ex qua opsonium haberet. Huius ad nostram memoriam monumenta manserunt duo: sepulcrum prope oppidum, in quo est sepultus; statua in foro Magnesiae.

3 For the king had bestowed this city upon him, in these very words: that it should provide him with bread - from which region 50 talents came in every year -; Lampsacus, moreover, whence he should take wine; Myus, from which he should have relish. Of him two monuments have remained down to our own memory: a sepulcher near the town, in which he is buried; a statue in the forum of Magnesia.

4 De cuius morte multimodis apud plerosque scriptum est; sed nos eundem potissimum Thucydidem auctorem probamus, qui illum ait Magnesiae morbo mortuum neque negat fuisse famam venenum sua sponte sumpsisse, cum se, quae regi de Graecia opprimenda pollicitus esset, praestare posse desperaret.

4 About whose death it has been written in manifold ways among very many; but we especially approve Thucydides as the author, who says that he died at Magnesia of disease, nor does he deny that there was a report that he had taken poison of his own accord, when he despaired that he could perform what he had promised the king concerning the oppression of Greece.

5 Idem ossa eius clam in Attica ab amicis sepulta, quoniam legibus non concederetur, quod proditionis esset damnatus, memoriae prodidit.

5 The same has handed down to memory that his bones were secretly buried in Attica by friends, since it was not permitted by the laws, because he had been condemned for treason.