Sallust: BELLUM IUGURTHINUM

[1] Falso queritur de natura sua genus humanum, quod inbecilla atque aevi brevis forte potius quam virtute regatur. Nam contra reputando neque maius aliud neque praestabilius invenias magisque naturae industriam hominum quam vim aut tempus deesse. Sed dux atque imperator vitae mortalium animus est.

[1] Falsely does the human race complain about its own nature, that, weak and of brief span, it is governed by chance rather than by virtue. For, on the contrary, by reckoning you will find nothing else greater nor more excellent, and that it is rather industry that is lacking to the nature of men than force or time. But the mind is the leader and commander of the life of mortals.

Qui ubi ad gloriam virtutis via grassatur, abunde pollens potensque et clarus est neque fortuna eget, quippe quae probitatem, industriam aliasque artis bonas neque dare neque eripere cuiquam potest. Sin captus pravis cupidinibus ad inertiam et voluptates corporis pessum datus est, perniciosa libidine paulisper usus, ubi per socordiam vires tempus ingenium diffluxere, naturae infirmitas accusatur: suam quisque culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt. Quod si hominibus bonarum rerum tanta cura esset, quanto studio aliena ac nihil profutura multaque etiam periculosa ac perniciosa petunt, neque regerentur magis quam regerent casus et eo magnitudinis procederent, ubi pro mortalibus gloria aeterni fierent.

When the spirit, which is the leader and commander of mortals’ life, strides along the way to the glory of virtue, it is abundantly strong, powerful, and illustrious, nor has need of Fortune, since she can neither give nor take away from anyone probity, industry, and other good arts. But if, captured by crooked desires, one is cast to ruin into inertia and the pleasures of the body, having for a little while used a pernicious lust, then, when through sloth strength, time, and talent have ebbed away, the weakness of nature is accused: each man, the author of his own fault, transfers it onto his affairs. Yet if men had as great a care for good things as with what zeal they seek things alien and of no profit, and many too that are dangerous and pernicious, they would be ruled by chance less than they would rule it, and they would advance to such a magnitude, where, in place of mortals, they would become eternal in glory.

[2] Nam uti genus hominum compositum ex corpore et anima est, ita res cuncta studiaque omnia nostra corporis alia, alia animi naturam secuntur. Igitur praeclara facies, magnae divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis et alia omnia huiusce modi brevi dilabuntur; at ingeni egregia facinora sicuti anima immortalia sunt. Postremo corporis et fortunae bonorum ut initium sic finis est, omniaque orta occidunt et aucta senescunt: animus incorruptus, aeternus, rector humani generis agit atque habet cuncta neque ipse habetur.

[2] For just as the genus of humankind is composed of body and soul, so all things and all our pursuits, some follow the nature of the body, others of the mind. Therefore a splendid visage, great riches, in addition the strength of the body, and all other things of this very kind, quickly slip away; but the outstanding deeds of genius, like the soul, are immortal. Finally, of the goods of body and of fortune, as there is a beginning, so there is an end; and all things that have arisen set, and, being increased, grow old: the mind, uncorrupted, eternal, the ruler of the human race, drives and possesses all things, nor is it itself possessed.

Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est, qui, dediti corporis gaudiis, per luxum et ignaviam aetatem agunt, ceterum ingenium, quo neque melius neque amplius aliud in natura mortalium est, incultu atque socordia torpescere sinunt, cum praesertim tam multae variaeque sint artes animi, quibus summa claritudo paratur.

Wherefore the depravity of those is all the more to be marveled at, who, given over to the pleasures of the body, pass their life in luxury and sloth, yet allow the intellect—than which there is nothing better nor more ample in the nature of mortals—to grow torpid through neglect and slackness, especially since there are so many and such various arts of the mind by which the highest renown is procured.

[3] Verum ex iis magistratus et imperia, postremo omnis cura rerum publicarum minime mihi hac tempestate cupienda videntur, quoniam neque virtuti honor datur neque illi, quibus per fraudem iis fuit uti, tuti aut eo magis honesti sunt. Nam vi quidem regere patriam aut parentis, quamquam et possis et delicta corrigas, tamen importunum est, cum praesertim omnes rerum mutationes caedem, fugam aliaque hostilia portendant. Frustra autem niti neque aliud se fatigando nisi odium quaerere extremae dementiae est; nisi forte quem inhonesta et perniciosa libido tenet potentiae paucorum decus atque libertatem suam gratificari.

[3] But of these, magistracies and commands, and lastly every care of public affairs, seem to me least to be desired at this season, since neither is honor given to virtue nor are those who have employed them by fraud safe or for that reason the more honorable. For to rule one’s country or parents by force, although you both can and might correct offenses, is nevertheless odious, since especially all mutations of affairs portend slaughter, flight, and other hostile things. In vain, moreover, to strive and by wearying oneself to seek nothing else except hatred is extreme madness; unless perhaps someone is held by a base and pernicious lust to ingratiate himself with the power of a few at the cost of his own honor and freedom.

[4] Ceterum ex aliis negotiis, quae ingenio exercentur, in primis magno usui est memoria rerum gestarum. Cuius de virtute quia multi dixere, praetereundum puto, simul ne per insolentiam quis existimet memet studium meum laudando extollere. Atque ego credo fore qui, quia decrevi procul a re publica aetatem agere, tanto tamque utili labori meo nomen inertiae imponant, certe quibus maxima industria videtur salutare plebem et conviviis gratiam quaerere.

[4] Moreover, among the other pursuits which are exercised by talent, the memory of deeds performed is, in the first rank, of great use. About whose virtue, since many have spoken, I think it should be passed over, lest at the same time anyone suppose through insolence that I am exalting my own zeal by praising it. And I, for my part, believe there will be those who, because I have decided to pass my life far from the republic, will affix to so great and so useful a labor of mine the name of inertia—certainly those to whom the greatest industry seems to be to salute the plebs and to seek favor by dinner-parties.

Qui si reputaverint, et quibus ego temporibus magistratus adeptus sum [et] quales viri idem assequi nequiverint et postea quae genera hominum in senatum pervenerint, profecto existimabunt me magis merito quam ignavia iudicium animi mei mutavisse maiusque commodum ex otio meo quam ex aliorum negotiis rei publicae venturum. Nam saepe ego audivi Q. Maximum, P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, cum maiorum imagines intuerentur, vehementissime sibi animum ad virtutem accendi. Scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari, quam virtus eorum famam atque gloriam adaequaverit.

If they shall reckon up both in what times I obtained magistracies [and] what sort of men were unable to achieve the same, and afterward what kinds of men have made it into the senate, surely they will judge that I have changed the judgment of my mind more by merit than by sloth, and that a greater advantage will come to the republic from my leisure than from the affairs of others. For I have often heard Q. Maximus, P. Scipio, moreover the illustrious men of our state, were wont to say thus: when they looked upon the images of their ancestors, their spirit was most vehemently kindled toward virtue. Clearly it is not that wax nor that form that has such power in itself, but the memory of things done makes that flame grow in the breast of outstanding men, nor is it quenched before their virtue has equaled the fame and glory.

At contra quis est omnium his moribus, quin divitiis et sumptibus, non probitate neque industria cum maioribus suis contendat? Etiam homines novi, qui antea per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem antevenire, furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad imperia et honores nituntur; proinde quasi praetura et consulatus atque alia omnia huiusce modi per se ipsa clara et magnifica sint ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum qui ea sustinent virtus est. Verum ego liberius altiusque processi, dum me civitatis morum piget taedetque.

But on the contrary, who is there of all, with these morals, who does not contend with his ancestors in riches and expenditures, not in probity nor in industry? Even the new men, who formerly were accustomed through virtue to outstrip nobility, strive after commands and honors by stealth and by brigandage rather than by good arts; precisely as though the praetorship and the consulship and all other things of this sort were by themselves illustrious and magnificent, and were not held in like measure as is the virtue of those who sustain them. But I have proceeded more freely and more loftily, while the morals of the state disgust and weary me.

Nunc ad inceptum redeo.

Now I return to the undertaking.

[5] Bellum scripturus sum, quod populus Romanus cum Iugurtha rege Numidarum gessit, primum quia magnum et atrox variaque victoria fuit, dein quia tunc primum superbiae nobilitatis obviam itum est; quae contentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit eoque vecordiae processit, ut studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas Italiae finem faceret. Sed prius quam huiusce modi rei initium expedio, pauca supra repetam, quo ad cognoscendum omnia illustria magis magisque in aperto sint. Bello Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hannibal post magnitudinem nominis Romani Italiae opes maxime attriverat, Masinissa rex Numidarum in amicitiam receptus a P. Scipione, cui postea Africano cognomen ex virtute fuit, multa et praeclara rei militaris facinora fecerat.

[5] I am going to write of the war which the Roman people waged with Jugurtha, king of the Numidians—first, because it was great and atrocious and with varying victory; then, because then for the first time a stand was made against the arrogance of the nobility; which contention threw into confusion all things divine and human and advanced to such madness that civil factions were brought to an end by war and the devastation of Italy. But before I unfold the beginning of a matter of this sort, I will briefly go back over a few things, that for understanding all the illustrious points may be more and more in the open. In the Second Punic War, in which Hannibal, commander of the Carthaginians, had, next after the aggrandizement of the Roman name, most severely worn down the resources of Italy, Masinissa, king of the Numidians, having been received into friendship by Publius Scipio—to whom afterwards the cognomen Africanus from his virtue belonged—had performed many and most illustrious deeds of military affairs.

Ob quae victis Carthaginiensibus et capto Syphace, cuius in Africa magnum atque late imperium valuit, populus Romanus, quascumque urbis et agros manu ceperat, regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Masinissae bona atque honesta nobis permansit. Sed imperi vitaeque eius finis idem fuit.

On account of which, with the Carthaginians conquered and Syphax captured—whose imperium in Africa was great and far‑reaching—the Roman people gave, as a gift to the king, whatever cities and fields it had taken by force. Therefore the friendship of Masinissa remained to us good and honorable. But the end of his rule and of his life was one and the same.

Dein Micipsa filius regnum solus obtinuit Mastanabale et Gulussa fratribus morbo absumptis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese genuit Iugurthamque filium Mastanabalis fratris, quem Masinissa, quod ortus ex concubina erat, privatum dereliquerat, eodem cultu quo liberos suos domi habuit.

Then Micipsa, the son, held the kingdom alone, his brothers Mastanabal and Gulussa having been consumed by disease. He begot Adherbal and Hiempsal from his own stock, and Jugurtha, the son of his brother Mastanabal—whom Masinissa, because he had been born from a concubine, had left as a private person—he kept at home with the same care as his own children.

[6] Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora facie, sed multo maxime ingenio validus, non se luxu neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare, iaculari; cursu cum aequalibus certare et, cum omnis gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus esse; ad hoc pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus aut in primis ferire: plurimum facere, [et] minimum ipse de se loqui. Quibus rebus Micipsa tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existimans virtutem Iugurthae regno suo gloriae fore, tamen, postquam hominem adulescentem exacta sua aetate et parvis liberis magis magisque crescere intellegit, vehementer eo negotio permotus multa cum animo suo volvebat. Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperi et praeceps ad explendam animi cupidinem, praeterea opportunitas suae liberorumque aetatis, quae etiam mediocris viros spe praedae transversos agit, ad hoc studia Numidarum in Iugurtham accensa, ex quibus, si talem virum dolis interfecisset, ne qua seditio aut bellum oriretur, anxius erat.

[6] When he first grew up, abounding in strength, of comely face, but by far most of all strong in native talent, he did not give himself to be corrupted by luxury nor by inertia, but, as is the custom of that nation, to ride, to hurl the javelin; to contend in running with his equals, and, though he outstripped all in glory, nevertheless to be dear to all; in addition to spend the greater part of his times in hunting, to strike the lion and other wild beasts first or among the first: to do very much, [and] to speak very little himself about himself. By which things Micipsa, although at the beginning he had been glad, thinking that Jugurtha’s virtus would be a glory to his kingdom, yet, after he understands that the young man grows more and more, while his own age is spent and his children are small, being strongly moved by this concern he kept turning many thoughts with himself. He was terrified by the nature of mortals, greedy of empire and headlong to fulfill the mind’s desire, moreover by the opportunity presented by his and his children’s age, which drives even mediocre men askew by hope of booty; in addition the zeal of the Numidians toward Jugurtha, inflamed—on account of which considerations he was anxious, lest, if he should have destroyed such a man by wiles, any sedition or war should arise.

[7] His difficultatibus circumventus ubi videt neque per vim neque insidiis opprimi posse hominem tam acceptum popularibus, quod erat Iugurtha manu promptus et appetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum obiectare periculis et eo modo fortunam temptare. Igitur bello Numantino Micipsa, cum populo Romano equitum atque peditum auxilia mitteret, sperans vel ostentando virtutem vel hostium saevitia facile eum occasurum, praefecit Numidis, quos in Hispaniam mittebat. Sed ea res longe aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit.

[7] Hemmed in by these difficulties, when he sees that a man so welcome to his countrymen cannot be crushed either by force or by plots—since Iugurtha was ready of hand and eager for military glory—he decided to expose him to dangers and in that way to try Fortune. Therefore, in the Numantine War, when Micipsa was sending to the Roman people auxiliaries of horse and foot, hoping that either by the ostentation of his valor or by the savagery of the enemies he would easily meet his end, he put him in command of the Numidians whom he was sending into Spain. But the matter turned out far otherwise than he had supposed.

Nam Iugurtha, ut erat impigro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui tum Romanis imperator erat, et morem hostium cognovit, multo labore multaque cura, praeterea modestissime parendo et saepe obviam eundo periculis in tantam claritudinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer carus, Numantinis maximo terrori esset. Ac sane, quod difficillimum in primis est, et proelio strenuos erat et bonus consilio, quorum alterum ex providentia timorem, alterum ex audacia temeritatem afferre plerumque solet. Igitur imperator omnis fere res asperas per Iugurtham agere, in amicis habere, magis magisque eum in dies amplecti, quippe cuius neque consilium neque inceptum ullum frustra erat.

For Jugurtha, as he was of an indefatigable and keen nature, when he learned the character of Publius Scipio, who at that time was commander of the Romans, and the custom of the enemies, by much labor and much care, moreover by obeying most modestly and by often going to meet dangers, had in a short time arrived at so great renown that he was vehemently dear to our men and a very great terror to the Numantines. And indeed—what is among the most difficult things—he was both strenuous in battle and good in counsel, of which pair the one commonly brings fear from providence, the other temerity from audacity. Therefore the commander used to transact almost all arduous affairs through Jugurtha, to have him among his friends, and to embrace him more and more day by day, since neither any plan nor any undertaking of his was in vain.

Hoc accedebat munificentia animi atque ingeni sollertia, quibus rebus sibi multos ex Romanis familiari amicitia coniunxerat.

To this there was added the munificence of his spirit and the ingenuity of his mind, by which things he had joined to himself many from among the Romans in familiar friendship.

[8] Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complures novi atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono honestoque potiores erant, factiosi domi, potentes apud socios, clari magis quam honesti, qui Iugurthae non mediocrem animum pollicitando accendebant, si Micipsa rex occidisset, fore uti solus imperi Numidiae potiretur: in ipso maximam virtutem, Romae omnia venalia esse. Sed postquam Numantia deleta P. Scipio dimittere auxilia et ipse reverti domum decrevit, donatum atque laudatum magnifice pro contione Iugurtham in praetorium abduxit ibique secreto monuit, ut potius publice quam privatim amicitiam populi Romani coleret neu quibus largiri insuesceret: periculose a paucis emi quod multorum esset. Si permanere vellet in suis artibus, ultro illi et gloriam et regnum venturum; sin properantius pergeret, suamet ipsum pecunia praecipitem casurum.

[8] At that time in our army there were several new men and nobles, for whom riches were preferable to the good and the honorable—factious at home, powerful among the allies, illustrious rather than honest—who by promising inflamed Jugurtha’s not-moderate spirit, that, if King Micipsa should die, it would come about that he alone would gain possession of the imperium of Numidia: that in himself was the highest virtue, and that at Rome all things were venal. But after Numantia was destroyed and Publius Scipio resolved to dismiss the auxiliaries and himself to return home, he led Jugurtha, after presenting him with gifts and praising him magnificently before the assembly, into the praetorium and there in private warned him to cultivate the friendship of the Roman people publicly rather than privately, and not to grow accustomed to bestowing largess upon certain persons: it is perilous that what belongs to the many be bought by a few. If he should persist in his arts, both glory and kingship would come to him of their own accord; but if he went on more hastily, he would by his very own money fall headlong.

[9] Sic locutus cum litteris eum, quas Micipsae redderet, dimisit. Earum sententia haec erat: "Iugurthae tui in bello Numantino longe maxima virtus fuit, quam rem tibi certo scio gaudio esse. Nobis ob merita sua carus est; ut idem senatui et populo Romano sit, summa ope nitemur.

[9] Thus having spoken, he dismissed him with letters, which he should deliver to Micipsa. The purport of these was this: "In the Numantine war your Jugurtha’s valor was by far the greatest, which thing I surely know to be a joy to you. To us, on account of his merits, he is dear; that he may be the same to the Senate and the Roman People, we shall strive with utmost effort."

Tibi quidem pro nostra amicitia gratulor. Habes virum dignum te atque avo suo Masinissa." Igitur rex, ubi ea quae fama acceperat ex litteris imperatoris ita esse cognovit, cum virtute tum gratia viri permotus flexit animum suum et Iugurtham beneficiis vincere aggressus est statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit. Sed ipse paucos post annos morbo atque aetate confectus cum sibi finem vitae adesse intellegeret, coram amicis et cognatis itemque Adherbale et Hiempsale filiis dicitur huiusce modi verba cum Iugurtha habuisse:

“I do indeed congratulate you for the sake of our friendship. You have a man worthy of you and of his grandfather Masinissa.” Therefore the king, when he learned from the letters of the general that the things which he had received by rumor were so, moved both by the virtue and the favor of the man, bent his mind and undertook to conquer Jugurtha with benefactions, and immediately adopted him and by testament appointed him heir on an equal footing with his sons. But he himself, a few years later, worn out by disease and by age, when he understood that the end of life was at hand for him, in the presence of friends and kinsmen and likewise his sons Adherbal and Hiempsal, is said to have had words of this sort with Jugurtha:

[10] "Parvum ego te, Iugurtha, amisso patre, sine spe, sine opibus in meum regnum accepi, existimans non minus me tibi quam liberis, si genuissem, ob beneficia carum fore. Neque ea res falsum me habuit. Nam, ut alia magna et egregia tua omittam, novissime rediens Numantia meque regnumque meum gloria honoravisti tuaque virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis amicissimos fecisti.

[10] "I, Iugurtha, received you, small, your father lost, without hope, without resources, into my kingdom, supposing that, on account of my benefactions, I should be no less dear to you than to sons, if I had begotten any. Nor did this matter prove me false. For, to omit your other great and remarkable deeds, most recently, returning from Numantia, you honored me and my kingdom with glory, and by your virtue you made the Romans for us, from friends, the most friendly.

In Hispania nomen familiae renovatum est. Postremo, quod difficillimum inter mortalis est, gloria invidiam vicisti. Nunc, quoniam mihi natura finem vitae facit, per hanc dexteram, per regni fidem moneo obtestorque te, uti hos, qui tibi genere propinqui, beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas neu malis alienos adiungere quam sanguine coniunctos retinere.

In Spain the name of the family has been renewed. Lastly—what is most difficult among mortals—you have conquered envy by glory. Now, since nature sets an end of life for me, by this right hand, by the faith of the kingdom, I warn and adjure you, that you hold dear these who are to you kin by lineage, and by my benefaction are brothers; and that you not prefer to join to yourself aliens rather than to retain those conjoined by blood.

Non exercitus neque thesauri praesidia regni sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere neque auro parare queas: officio et fide pariuntur. Quis autem amicior quam frater fratri? Aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris?

Neither armies nor treasures are the safeguards of a kingdom, but rather friends, whom you can neither compel by arms nor procure with gold: they are won by duty and by faith. And who is more friendly than a brother to a brother? Or what outsider will you find faithful, if you have been an enemy to your own?

Equidem ego vobis regnum trado firmum, si boni eritis, sin mali, inbecillum. Nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maximae dilabuntur. Ceterum ante hos te, Iugurtha, qui aetate et sapientia prior es, ne aliter quid eveniat, providere decet.

Indeed I hand over to you the kingdom firm, if you will be good; but if bad, feeble. For by concord small things grow; by discord the greatest dissolve. Moreover, before these, you, Jugurtha, who are prior in age and wisdom, it is fitting to foresee, lest anything turn out otherwise.

Nam in omni certamine qui opulentior est, etiam si accipit iniuriam, tamen, quia plus potest, facere videtur. Vos autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate talem hunc virum, imitamini virtutem et enitimini, ne ego meliores liberos sumpsisse videar quam genuisse."

For in every contest he who is more opulent, even if he receives injury, nevertheless, because he has more power, seems to be the one acting. But you, Adherbal and Hiempsal, cultivate, observe such a man as this, imitate virtue, and strive, lest I may seem to have adopted better children than begotten."

[11] Ad ea Iugurtha, tametsi regem ficta locutum intellegebat et ipse longe aliter animo agitabat, tamen pro tempore benigne respondit. Micipsa paucis post diebus moritur. Postquam illi more regio iusta magnifice fecerant, reguli in unum convenerunt, ut inter se de cunctis negotiis disceptarent.

[11] To this Jugurtha, although he understood that the king had spoken with feigned words and he himself was planning far otherwise in mind, yet for the time responded benignly. Micipsa, a few days later, dies. After they had, in royal fashion, splendidly performed the funeral rites for him, the princes gathered into one, to deliberate among themselves about all matters.

Sed Hiempsal, qui minimus ex illis erat, natura ferox et iam antea ignobilitatem Iugurthae, quia materno genere impar erat, despiciens, dextra Adherbalem assedit, ne medius ex tribus, quod apud Numidas honore ducitur, Iugurtha foret. Dein tamen, ut aetati concederet, fatigatus a fratre, vix in partem alteram transductus est. Ibi cum multa de administrando imperio dissererent, Iugurtha inter alias res iacit oportere quinquenni consulta et decreta omnia rescindi, nam per ea tempora confectum annis Micipsam parum animo valuisse.

But Hiempsal, who was the youngest of them, naturally ferocious and already before despising the ignobility of Jugurtha, because he was unequal in his maternal lineage, sat at Adherbal’s right hand, lest Jugurtha be the middle one of the three, which among the Numidians is accounted an honor. Then, however, that he might concede to age, wearied by his brother, he was scarcely led over into the other part. There, when they were discoursing at length about administering the imperium, Jugurtha, among other matters, throws out that it was proper that all the resolutions and decrees of the five-year period be rescinded, for during that time Micipsa, worn out by years, had possessed too little strength of mind.

Tum idem Hiempsal placere sibi respondit, nam ipsum illum tribus proximis annis adoptatione in regnum pervenisse. Quod verbum in pectus Iugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus erat, descendit. Itaque ex eo tempore ira et metu anxius moliri, parare atque ea modo cum animo habere, quibus Hiempsal per dolum caperetur.

Then the same Hiempsal replied that this pleased him, for that very man had, within the last three years, come into the kingdom by adoption. This word sank into Jugurtha’s breast deeper than anyone had supposed. And so from that time, anxious with anger and fear, he began to scheme, to prepare, and to hold in mind only those means by which Hiempsal might be seized through deceit.

Quae ubi tardius procedunt neque lenitur animus ferox, statuit quovis modo inceptum perficere.

When these things proceed more slowly and the fierce spirit is not softened, he resolved to complete the undertaking by whatever means.

[12] Primo conventu, quem ab regulis factum supra memoravi, propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesauros finisque imperi singulis constitui. Itaque tempus ad utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad pecuniam distribuendam. Reguli interea in loca propinqua thesauris alius alio concessere.

[12] At the first convocation, which I have mentioned above as held by the princelings, on account of dissension it had been decided that the treasures be divided and that the boundaries of the empire be established for each individually. Accordingly, a time is decreed for both matters, but an earlier one for distributing the money. Meanwhile the princelings withdrew, one in one direction, another in another, to places near the treasures.

Sed Hiempsal in oppido Thirmida forte eius domo utebatur, qui proximus lictor Iugurthae carus acceptusque ei semper fuerat. Quem ille casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat impellitque, uti tamquam suam visens domum eat, portarum clavis adulterinas paret — nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur — ceterum, ubi res postularet, se ipsum cum magna manu venturum. Numida mandata brevi conficit atque, uti doctus erat, noctu Iugurthae milites introducit.

But Hiempsal, in the town Thirmida, chanced to be using as lodgings the house of a man who was Jugurtha’s nearest lictor, dear and accepted to him always. This man, opportunely offered as a minister/servant, Jugurtha loads with promises and urges, that he go as if visiting his own house, prepare adulterine/forged keys for the doors — for the true ones were being carried to Hiempsal — moreover, that when the affair should require, he himself would come with a great band. The Numidian swiftly executes the mandates and, as he had been taught, by night introduces Jugurtha’s soldiers.

Qui postquam in aedis irrupere, diversi regem quaerere, dormientis alios, alios occursantis interficere, scrutari loca abdita, clausa effringere, strepitu et tumultu omnia miscere, cum interim Hiempsal reperitur occultans se tugurio mulieris ancillae, quo initio pavidus et ignarus loci perfugerat. Numidae caput eius, uti iussi erant, ad Iugurtham referunt.

After they had burst into the house, they scattered to seek the king, killing some who were sleeping, others whom they encountered, searching hidden places, breaking open what was shut, and with noise and tumult throwing everything into confusion; meanwhile Hiempsal is found, hiding himself in the hut of a woman’s handmaid, to which at the beginning, fearful and ignorant of the place, he had fled for refuge. The Numidians carry his head, as they had been ordered, to Jugurtha.

[13] Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi divulgatur. Adherbalem omnisque, qui sub imperio Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit. In duas partis discedunt Numidae: plures Adherbalem secuntur, sed illum alterum bello meliores.

[13] Moreover, the fame of so great a crime is divulged through all Africa in a short time. Fear invades Adherbal and all who had been under the authority of Micipsa. The Numidians part into two parties: more follow Adherbal, but the other, better in war.

Igitur Iugurtha quam maximas potest copias armat, urbis partim vi alias voluntate imperio suo adiungit, omni Numidiae imperare parat. Adherbal tametsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum docerent de caede fratris et fortunis suis, tamen fretus multitudine militum parabat armis contendere. Sed ubi res ad certamen venit, victus ex proelio profugit in provinciam ac deinde Romam contendit.

Accordingly Jugurtha arms the greatest forces he can, adds cities to his command partly by force, others by will, and prepares to rule all Numidia. Adherbal, although he had sent legates to Rome to inform the senate about the slaughter of his brother and his own fortunes, nevertheless, relying on the multitude of soldiers, was preparing to contend by arms. But when the matter came to a contest, defeated, he fled from the battle into the province and then made for Rome.

Tum Iugurtha patratis consiliis, postquam omnis Numidiae potiebatur, in otio facinus suum cum animo reputans timere populum Romanum neque adversus iram eius usquam nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua spem habere. Itaque paucis diebus cum auro et argento multo Romam legatos mittit, quis praecipit, primum uti veteres amicos muneribus expleant, deinde novos aqquirant, postremo quaecumque possint largiendo parare ne cunctentur. Sed ubi Romam legati venere et ex praecepto regis hospitibus aliisque, quorum ea tempestate in senatu auctoritas pollebat, magna munera misere, tanta commutatio incessit, ut ex maxima invidia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis Iugurtha veniret.

Then, with his designs accomplished, after he had got possession of all Numidia, Iugurtha, at leisure, reckoning his crime with his mind, feared the Roman people, and had hope nowhere against their wrath except in the avarice of the nobility and in his own money. And so within a few days he sends legates to Rome with much gold and silver, whom he instructs, first, to sate their old friends with gifts, then to acquire new ones, and finally not to hesitate to procure whatever they can by largess. But when the legates came to Rome and, according to the king’s precept, sent great gifts to their hosts and to others whose authority at that time prevailed in the senate, so great a change set in that out of the greatest odium Iugurtha came into the grace and favor of the nobility.

Quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti singulos ex senatu ambiendo nitebantur, ne gravius in eum consuleretur. Igitur ubi legati satis confidunt, die constituto senatus utrisque datur. Tum Adherbalem hoc modo locutum accepimus:

Of whom a part, induced by hope, others by reward, were striving by canvassing individual senators, lest a more severe decree be taken against him. Therefore, when the envoys are confident enough, on the appointed day a hearing before the senate is given to both sides. Then we have received that Adherbal spoke in this manner:

[14] "Patres conscripti, Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, uti regni Numidiae tantummodo procurationem existimarem meam, ceterum ius et imperium eius penes vos esse; simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam maximo usui esse populo Romano; vos mihi cognatorum, vos affinium loco ducerem: si ea fecissem, in vestra amicitia exercitum divitias munimenta regni me habiturum. Quae cum praecepta parentis mei agitarem, Iugurtha, homo omnium quos terra sustinet sceleratissimus, contempto imperio vestro Masinissae me nepotem et iam ab stirpe socium atque amicum populi Romani regno fortunisque omnibus expulit. Atque ego, patres conscripti, quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram, vellem potius ob mea quam ob maiorum meorum beneficia posse me a vobis auxilium petere, ac maxime deberi mihi beneficia a populo Romano, quibus non egerem, secundum ea, si desideranda erant, uti debitis uterer.

[14] "Conscript Fathers, my father Micipsa, as he was dying, instructed me that I should consider the stewardship of the kingdom of Numidia to be mine only, but that its right and command resided with you; at the same time, that I should strive, at home and in the field, to be of the greatest use to the Roman people; that I should regard you in the place of kinsmen, you in the place of affines; if I did these things, that in your friendship I would have an army, riches, the bulwarks of my kingdom. While I was pondering these precepts of my parent, Jugurtha— a man the most wicked of all whom the earth sustains—your imperium being scorned, drove me, the grandson of Masinissa, and already by lineage an ally and friend of the Roman people, from my kingdom and from all my fortunes. And I, Conscript Fathers, since I was going to come to such a pass of miseries, would rather that I were able to ask help from you on account of my own services than on account of those of my ancestors, and most of all that benefits be owed to me by the Roman people, which I should not need; next to those, if any were to be desired, that I should use what was due.

Sed quoniam parum tuta per se ipsa probitas est neque mihi in manu fuit, Iugurtha qualis foret, ad vos confugi, patres conscripti, quibus, quod mihi miserrimum est, cogor prius oneri quam usui esse. Ceteri reges aut bello victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti sunt aut in suis dubiis rebus societatem vestram appetiverunt; familia nostra cum populo Romano bello Carthaginiensi amicitiam instituit, quo tempore magis fides eius quam fortuna petenda erat. Quorum progeniem vos, patres conscripti, nolite pati me nepotem Masinissae frustra a vobis auxilium petere.

But since probity by itself is too little safe, and it was not in my hand what sort Jugurtha would be, I have fled for refuge to you, Conscript Fathers, to whom—what is most miserable for me—I am compelled to be a burden rather than a benefit. The other kings, either conquered in war, have been received by you into friendship, or, in their own doubtful affairs, have sought your society; our family with the Roman people established friendship in the Carthaginian war, at which time its faith rather than its fortune was to be sought. Do not, Conscript Fathers, allow the progeny of those men—namely me, the grandson of Masinissa—to seek aid from you in vain.

"Si ad impetrandum nihil causae haberem praeter miserandam fortunam, quod paulo ante rex genere fama atque copiis potens, nunc deformatus aerumnis, inops alienas opes expecto, tamen erat maiestatis populi Romani prohibere iniuriam neque pati cuiusquam regnum per scelus crescere. Verum ego iis finibus eiectus sum, quos maioribus meis populus Romanus dedit, unde pater et avos meus una vobiscum expulere Syphacem et Carthaginiensis. Vestra beneficia mihi erepta sunt, patres conscripti, vos in mea iniuria despecti estis.

"Even if for obtaining I had no cause besides my pitiable fortune, that I, a little before a king powerful in lineage, fame, and resources, now disfigured by hardships, destitute, expect others’ resources, nevertheless it was of the majesty of the Roman people to prohibit injury and not to suffer anyone’s kingdom to grow through crime. But I have been cast out from those boundaries which the Roman people gave to my ancestors, whence my father and my grandfather together with you expelled Syphax and the Carthaginians. Your benefactions have been snatched from me, Conscript Fathers, you have been despised in my injury.

Eheu me miserum! Hucine, Micipsa pater, beneficia tua evasere, ut, quem tu parem cum liberis tuis regnique participem fecisti, is potissimum stirpis tuae extinctor sit?

Alas, wretched me! Has it come to this, Micipsa, father, that your benefactions have turned out so, that the very one whom you made equal with your children and a participant of the kingdom should be, above all, the extinguisher of your stock?

"Numquamne ergo familia nostra quieta erit? Semperne in sanguine ferro fuga versabitur? Dum Carthaginienses incolumes fuere, iure omnia saeva patiebamur: hostes ab latere, vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat.

"Will our family, then, never be quiet? Will it always be tossed about in blood, in iron, in flight? While the Carthaginians were unscathed, by right we endured every savage thing: enemies at our flank, you friends far off, all hope was in arms.

Postquam illa pestis ex Africa eiecta est, laeti pacem agitabamus, quippe quis hostis nullus erat, nisi forte quem vos iussissetis. Ecce autem ex improviso Iugurtha, intoleranda audacia scelere atque superbia sese efferens, fratre meo atque eodem propinquo suo interfecto primum regnum eius sceleris sui praedam fecit; post ubi me isdem dolis nequit capere, nihil minus quam vim aut bellum expectantem in imperio vestro, sicuti videtis, extorrem patria domo, inopem et coopertum miseriis effecit, ut ubivis tutius quam in meo regno essem.

After that pest was ejected from Africa, happily we were pursuing peace, since indeed there was no enemy, unless perhaps one whom you had ordered. But behold, unexpectedly Jugurtha, exalting himself with an audacity not to be endured, by crime and pride, with my brother—and likewise his own kinsman—slain, first made his kingdom the prey of his crime; afterward, when he could not capture me by the same deceits, me expecting anything but violence or war under your imperium, as you see, he has made an exile from fatherland and home, destitute and covered with miseries, so that anywhere I was safer than in my own kingdom.

"Ego sic existimabam, patres conscripti, uti praedicantem audiveram patrem meum, qui vestram amicitiam diligenter colerent, eos multum laborem suscipere, ceterum ex omnibus maxime tutos esse. Quod in familia nostra fuit, praestitit, uti in omnibus bellis adesset vobis; nos uti per otium tuti simus, in vestra manu est, patres conscripti. Pater nos duos fratres reliquit, tertium Iugurtham beneficiis suis ratus est coniunctum nobis fore.

"I judged thus, conscript fathers, as I had heard my father proclaiming: that those who diligently cultivate your friendship undertake much labor, but, for the rest, are of all men the most secure. What was within our family’s power he performed, namely, that he should be present to you in all wars; that we may be safe through leisure is in your hand, conscript fathers. My father left us two brothers; the third, Jugurtha, he supposed would be conjoined to us by his benefactions.

Alter eorum necatus est, alterius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi. Quid agam? Aut quo potissimum infelix accedam?

One of them has been slain; from the other’s impious hands I myself scarcely escaped. What am I to do? Or whither, most of all, should I, unhappy, turn?

Generis praesidia omnia extincta sunt. Pater, uti necesse erat, naturae concessit. Fratri, quem minime decuit, propinquos per scelus vitam eripuit.

All the safeguards of our house have been extinguished. My father, as was necessary, conceded to nature. From my brother—whom it least befitted—he, through crime, robbed our relatives of life.

Affinis amicos propinquos ceteros meos alium alia clades oppressit: capti ab Iugurtha pars in crucem acti, pars bestiis obiecti sunt, pauci, quibus relicta est anima, clausi in tenebris cum maerore et luctu morte graviorem vitam exigunt. Si omnia, quae aut amisi aut ex necessariis adversa facta sunt, incolumia manerent, tamen, si quid ex improviso mali accidisset, vos implorarem, patres conscripti, quibus pro magnitudine imperi ius et iniurias omnis curae esse decet. Nunc vero exul patria domo, solus atque omnium honestarum rerum egens quo accedam aut quos appellem?

Relations by marriage, friends, kinsmen, and my other people each have been crushed by a different disaster: taken captive by Jugurtha, some were driven to the cross, some were thrown to the beasts; the few to whom breath was left, shut in darkness, pass a life heavier than death with mourning and lamentation. If all the things which either I have lost or which from among my closest relations have turned adverse were to remain unharmed, still, if anything unforeseen of evil had happened, I would implore you, Conscript Fathers, for whom, in proportion to the magnitude of the empire, it is fitting that the rights and injuries of all be a concern. But now, an exile from country and home, alone and in need of all honorable things, to whom should I go or whom should I address?

Nationesne an reges, qui omnes familiae nostrae ob vestram amicitiam infesti sunt? An quoquam mihi adire licet, ubi non maiorum meorum hostilia monumenta plurima sint? Aut quisquam nostri misereri potest, qui aliquando vobis hostis fuit?

Is it the nations or the kings, who all are hostile to our family on account of your friendship? Or is it permitted for me to approach anywhere where there are not very many hostile monuments of my ancestors? Or can anyone have mercy on any of ours who once was an enemy to you?

Postremo Masinissa nos ita instituit, patres conscripti, ne quem coleremus nisi populum Romanum, ne societates, ne foedera nova acciperemus: abunde magna praesidia nobis in vestra amicitia fore; si huic imperio fortuna mutaretur, una occidendum nobis esse.

Finally Masinissa instructed us thus, Conscript Fathers: that we should honor no one except the Roman people, that we should accept no alliances, no new treaties; that there would be abundantly great safeguards for us in your friendship; if Fortune were to change for this empire, that we must perish together.

"Virtute ac dis volentibus magni estis et opulenti, omnia secunda et oboedientia sunt: quo facilius sociorum iniurias curare licet. Tantum illud vereor, ne quos privata amicitia Iugurthae parum cognita transversos agat. Quos ego audio maxima ope niti ambire fatigare vos singulos, ne quid de absente incognita causa statuatis; fingere me verba et fugam simulare, cui licuerit in regno manere.

"By virtue and with the gods willing you are great and opulent; all things are favorable and obedient: whereby it is the easier to care for the injuries of allies. Only this do I fear, lest some be driven awry by a private friendship of Jugurtha, too little known. These men I hear striving with the greatest effort to canvass and to weary you one by one, lest you determine anything concerning an absent man with the cause unknown; alleging that I fabricate words and feign flight, I to whom it was permitted to remain in the kingdom.

Quod utinam illum, cuius impio facinore in has miserias proiectus sum, eadem haec simulantem videam, et aliquando aut apud vos aut apud deos immortalis rerum humanarum cura oriatur: ne ille, qui nunc sceleribus suis ferox atque praeclarus est, omnibus malis excruciatus impietatis in parentem nostrum, fratris mei necis mearumque miseriarum gravis poenas reddat.

Would that I might see that man—by whose impious crime I have been cast into these miseries—feigning these same things; and that sometime either among you or among the immortal gods a care for human affairs may arise: and that he, who now is ferocious and illustrious by his crimes, excruciated by all evils, may render heavy penalties for his impiety against our parent, for the murder of my brother, and for my miseries.

"Iam iam, frater animo meo carissime, quamquam tibi immaturo et unde minime decuit vita erepta est, tamen laetandum magis quam dolendum puto casum tuum. Non enim regnum, sed fugam exilium egestatem et omnis has quae me premunt aerumnas cum anima simul amisisti. At ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio regno, rerum humanarum spectaculum praebeo, incertus quid agam tuasne iniurias persequar ipse auxili egens an regno consulam, cuius vitae necisque potestas ex opibus alienis pendet.

"Now, now, brother most dear to my soul, although life was snatched from you untimely and from where it was least fitting, yet I think your lot is more to be rejoiced at than to be lamented. For you lost not a kingdom, but flight, exile, indigence, and all these hardships which press me, together with your spirit at the same time. But I, unhappy, hurled into such evils from my ancestral kingdom, present a spectacle of human affairs, uncertain what I should do—whether I should pursue your injuries myself, I who am in need of aid, or look to the kingdom, the power over whose life and death hangs upon alien resources.

Utinam emori fortunis meis honestus exitus esset neu vivere contemptus viderer, si defessus malis iniuriae concessissem. Nunc neque vivere libet neque mori licet sine dedecore. Patres conscripti, per vos, per liberos atque parentis vestros, per maiestatem populi Romani, subvenite mihi misero, ite obviam iniuriae, nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vestrum est, per scelus et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere."

Would that death were an honorable exit for my fortunes, and that I might not seem to live in contempt, if, wearied by evils, I had yielded to injustice. Now neither is it pleasing to live nor is it permitted to die without disgrace. Conscript Fathers, by you, by your children and your parents, by the majesty of the Roman people, come to the aid of me, wretched; go to confront the injustice; do not suffer the kingdom of Numidia, which is yours, to waste away through the crime and the blood of our family."

[15] Postquam rex finem loquendi fecit, legati Iugurthae largitione magis quam causa freti paucis respondent: Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis interfectum, Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquam superatus sit, queri, quod iniuriam facere nequivisset. Iugurtham ab senatu petere, ne se alium putarent ac Numantiae cognitus esset, neu verba inimici ante facta sua ponerent. Deinde utrique curia egrediuntur.

[15] After the king made an end of speaking, the legates of Jugurtha, relying more on largess than on their cause, answer in few words: that Hiempsal, on account of his savagery, had been slain by Numidians; that Adherbal, of his own accord bringing war, after he had been overcome, complains because he had been unable to do injury. That Jugurtha petitions from the Senate that they not think him other than he had been known at Numantia, nor set the words of an enemy before his deeds. Then both parties go out of the Curia.

Senatus statim consulitur. Fautores legatorum, praeterea senatus magna pars gratia depravata Adherbalis dicta contemnere, Iugurthae virtutem extollere laudibus; gratia, voce, denique omnibus modis pro alieno scelere et flagitio, sua quasi pro gloria, nitebantur. At contra pauci, quibus bonum et aequum divitiis carius erat, subveniendum Adherbali et Hiempsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant, sed ex omnibus maxime Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis impiger factiosus, avidus potentiae honoris divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans.

The senate is immediately consulted. The supporters of the legates, moreover a great part of the senate depraved by favor, would contemn Adherbal’s words and extol Jugurtha’s virtue with praises; by favor, by voice, finally by all modes they strove on behalf of another’s crime and scandal, as if for their own glory. But on the contrary a few, to whom the good and the equitable were dearer than riches, judged that succor must be given to Adherbal and that Hiempsal’s death must be sternly avenged; but of all, most of all Aemilius Scaurus, a noble man, energetic, factious, avid of power, honor, and riches, yet cleverly concealing his vices.

Is postquam videt regis largitionem famosam impudentemque, veritus, quod in tali re solet, ne polluta licentia invidiam accenderet, animum a consueta libidine continuit.

He, after he saw the king’s largesse infamous and impudent, fearing, as is wont in such a matter, lest polluted license should kindle envy, restrained his mind from his accustomed lust.

[16] Vicit tamen in senatu pars illa, quae vero pretium aut gratiam anteferebat. Decretum fit, uti decem legati regnum, quod Micipsa obtinuerat, inter Iugurtham et Adherbalem dividerent. Cuius legationis princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et tum in senatu potens, quia consul C. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco interfectis acerrime victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exercuerat.

[16] Nevertheless, in the senate that party prevailed which preferred a price or favor to what is true. A decree is made that ten legates should divide the kingdom which Micipsa had held between Jugurtha and Adherbal. The chief of this legation was L. Opimius, a renowned man and then powerful in the senate, because, Gaius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus having been slain, as consul he had most fiercely exercised the victory of the nobility against the plebs.

Eum Iugurtha tametsi Romae in amicis habuerat, tamen accuratissime recepit, dando et pollicendo multa perfecit, uti fama, fide, postremo omnibus suis rebus commodum regis anteferret. Relicuos legatos eadem via aggressus plerosque capit, paucis carior fides quam pecunia fuit. In divisione, quae pars Numidiae Mauretaniam attingit, agro virisque opulentior, Iugurthae traditur; illam alteram specie quam usu potiorem, quae portuosior et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit.

Although Jugurtha had had him among his friends at Rome, he nevertheless received him most meticulously, and by giving and promising many things he brought it to pass that he would prefer the king’s advantage to reputation, to good faith, and finally to all his own interests. Attacking the remaining legates by the same method, he won over most; to few was good faith dearer than money. In the division, the part of Numidia which touches Mauretania, richer in land and in men, was handed over to Jugurtha; the other part, preferable in appearance rather than in use, which was more provided with harbors and more adorned with buildings, Adherbal possessed.

[17] Res postulare videtur Africae situm paucis exponere et eas gentis, quibuscum nobis bellum aut amicitia fuit, attingere. Sed quae loca et nationes ob calorem aut asperitatem, item solitudines minus frequentata sunt, de iis haud facile compertum narraverim. Cetera quam paucissimis absolvam.

[17] The matter seems to require that I set forth the site of Africa in a few words and touch upon those peoples with whom we have had war or friendship. But as for those places and nations which, on account of heat or harshness, likewise the solitudes, have been less frequented, about them I would not easily relate anything as well ascertained. I will dispatch the rest in as few words as possible.

In divisione orbis terrae plerique in parte tertia Africam posuere, pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse, sed Africam in Europa. Ea finis habet ab occidente fretum nostri maris et Oceani, ab ortu solis declivem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolae appellant. Mare saevum, importuosum; ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, arbori infecundus; caelo terraque penuria aquarum.

In the division of the orb of the earth, most have placed Africa in the third part; a few only that there are Asia and Europe, but that Africa is in Europe. It has as its bounds from the west the strait of our sea and of the Ocean; from the rising of the sun a sloping breadth, which place the inhabitants call the Catabathmon. A sea savage, harborless; a land fertile in crops, good for cattle, barren for trees; in sky and soil a scarcity of waters.

Genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum; ac plerosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro aut bestiis interiere, nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat; ad hoc malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint quique postea accesserint aut quo modo inter se permixti sint, quamquam ab ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, diversum est, tamen, uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est utique rem sese habere cultores eius terrae putant, quam paucissimis dicam. Ceterum fides eius rei penes auctores erit.

A race of men with a healthful body, swift, enduring of labors; and old age dissolves the greater part, unless they have perished by iron or by beasts, for disease hardly ever overcomes anyone; to this, animals of a malefic kind are very many. But which mortals at the beginning possessed Africa, and who afterwards came to it, or in what way they have been intermixt among themselves, although it is diverse from that fama which obtains with most, nevertheless, as from the Punic books, which were said to be of King Hiempsal, it has been interpreted to us that the matter in any case thus stands, as the cultivators of that land think, I will tell in the fewest words. However, the credence of that matter will rest with its authors.

[18] Africam initio habuere Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi incultique, quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum uti pecoribus. Ii neque moribus neque lege aut imperio cuiusquam regebantur: vagi palantes quas nox coegerat sedes habebant. Sed postquam in Hispania Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus eius, compositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce ac passim multis sibi quisque imperium petentibus brevi dilabitur.

[18] Africa at the beginning was held by the Gaetulians and the Libyans, harsh and uncultivated, whose food was wild-animal flesh and fodder from the ground, as for herd-animals. They were governed neither by customs nor by law or the imperium of anyone: wandering and straggling, they had as dwellings those places to which night had compelled them. But after Hercules in Spain, as the Afri suppose, perished, his army, composed of various nations, with the leader lost and, everywhere, many each seeking command for himself, quickly melted away.

Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii navibus in Africam transvecti proximos nostro mari locos occupavere, sed Persae intra Oceanum magis, iique alveos navium inversos pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in agris neque ab Hispanis emendi aut mutandi copia erat: mare magnum et ignara lingua commercio prohibebant. Ii paulatim per conubia Gaetulos secum miscuere et, quia saepe temptantes agros alia, deinde alia loca petiverant, semet ipsi Numidas appellavere. Ceterum adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae mapalia illi vocant, oblonga, incurvis lateribus, tecta quasi navium carinae sunt.

From that number the Medes, Persians, and Armenians, carried by ships into Africa, occupied the places nearest to our sea (the Mediterranean); but the Persians more within the Ocean, and they used the hulls of ships, inverted, in place of huts, because there was neither timber in the fields nor any supply for buying or bartering from the Spaniards: the great sea and an unknown tongue forbade commerce. These men gradually, through connubial intermarriages, mingled themselves with the Gaetuli, and, because in trying the fields they had often sought now one place, then another, they called themselves Numidians. Moreover, even now the buildings of the country Numidians, which they call mapalia, are oblong, with sides curved in, roofed as if the keels of ships.

Medis autem et Armeniis accessere Libyes — nam ii propius mare Africum agitabant, Gaetuli sub sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus —, iique mature oppida habuere; nam freto divisi ab Hispania mutare res inter se instituerant. Nomen eorum paulatim Libyes corrupere, barbara lingua Mauros pro Medis appellantes. Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit, ac postea nomine Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, possedere ea loca, quae proxima Carthagine[m] Numidia appellatur.

But to the Medes and Armenians there were added Libyans — for these dwelt nearer the African sea, the Gaetuli more under the sun, not far from the scorchings — and these in due course had towns; for, divided from Spain by the strait, they had established to exchange goods among themselves. Their name the Libyans gradually corrupted, in a barbarian tongue calling Moors in place of Medes. But the power of the Persians quickly waxed, and afterward, under the name Numidae, having separated from their parents because of their multitude, they possessed those places which, nearest to Carthage, is called Numidia.

Deinde utrique alteris freti finitimos armis aut metu sub imperium suum coegere, nomen gloriamque sibi addidere, magis ii, qui ad nostrum mare processerant, quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicose. Denique Africae pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est, victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere.

Then both parties, relying on one another, forced their neighbors under their dominion by arms or by fear, and added to themselves name and glory—more so those who had advanced to our sea, because the Libyans were less warlike than the Gaetuli. Finally, the greater part of the lower portion of Africa was possessed by the Numidians; all the conquered yielded into the nation and name of the rulers.

[19] Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendae gratia, pars imperi cupidine sollicitata plebe et aliis novarum rerum avidis, Hipponem Hadrumetum Leptim aliasque urbis in ora maritima condidere; eaeque brevi multum auctae, pars originibus suis praesidio, aliae decori fuere. Nam de Carthagine silere melius puto quam parum dicere, quoniam alio properare tempus monet. Igitur ad Catabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa dividit, secundo mari prima Cyrene est, colonia Theraeon, ac deinceps duae Syrtes interque eas Leptis, deinde Philaenon arae, quem locum Aegyptum versus finem imperi habuere Carthaginienses, post aliae Punicae urbes.

[19] Afterwards the Phoenicians, some for the sake of diminishing the multitude at home, part with the plebs stirred by desire for dominion and others eager for novel things, founded Hippo, Hadrumetum, Leptis, and other cities on the maritime shore; and these, much increased in a short time, some were a safeguard to their origins, others an adornment. For about Carthage I think it better to be silent than to say too little, since time warns to hasten elsewhere. Therefore, at the Catabathmon, which place divides Egypt from Africa, with a favorable sea the first is Cyrene, a colony of the Theraeans, and thereafter the two Syrtes, and between them Leptis, then the Altars of the Philaeni, which place the Carthaginians had as the limit of their empire toward Egypt, after that other Punic cities.

Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae tenent, proximi Hispania[m] Mauri sunt. Super Numidiam Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius vagos agitare, post eos Aethiopas esse, dein loca exusta solis ardoribus. Igitur bello Iugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida et finis Carthaginiensium, quos novissime habuerant, populus Romanus per magistratus administrabat; Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidae usque ad flumen Muluccham sub Iugurtha erant; Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus populi Romani itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus.

The remaining places as far as Mauretania the Numidians hold, the Mauri are nearest to Spain. Above Numidia we have learned that the Gaetulians, some in huts, others roaming more uncultivatedly, lead a wandering life; after them are the Ethiopians, then regions scorched by the sun’s burnings. Accordingly, in the Jugurthine War the Roman People, through magistrates, was administering most of the Punic towns and the borders of the Carthaginians, which they had most recently held; a great part of the Gaetulians and the Numidians up to the river Muluccha were under Jugurtha; over all the Mauri King Bocchus held command, in all things save the name ignorant of the Roman people, and likewise to us previously known neither in war nor in peace.

De Africa et eius incolis ad necessitudinem rei satis dictum.

Concerning Africa and its inhabitants, enough has been said for the necessity of the matter.

[20] Postquam diviso regno legati Africa decessere et Iugurtha contra timorem animi praemia sceleris adeptum sese videt, certum esse ratus, quod ex amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paulo ante muneribus expleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus; at is quem petebat quietus, inbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus iniuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. Igitur ex improviso finis eius cum magna manu invadit, multos mortalis cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu accedit, deinde, cum omni multitudine in regnum suum conuvertit, existimans Adherbalem dolore permotum iniurias suas manu vindicaturum eamque rem belli causam fore.

[20] After, when the kingdom had been divided, the legates departed from Africa; and Jugurtha, seeing that contrary to the fear of his mind he had obtained the prizes of crime, judged as certain what he had learned from his friends at Numantia: that all things at Rome are venal; and at the same time, incensed by the promises of those whom a little before he had filled with gifts, he directs his mind upon the kingdom of Adherbal. He himself was keen, warlike; but he whom he was seeking was quiet, unwarlike, of a placid disposition, opportune for injury, more given to fearing than to be feared. Therefore he suddenly invades his borders with a great band, seizes many mortals with livestock and other booty, burns buildings, approaches very many places in hostile fashion with his cavalry; then, when with all the multitude he had turned back into his own kingdom, thinking that Adherbal, moved by grief, would vindicate his injuries by force of hand, and that that matter would be a cause of war.

At ille, quod neque se parem armis existimabat et amicitia populi Romani magis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Iugurtham de iniuriis questum misit. Qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta rettulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit quam bellum sumere, quia temptatum antea secus cesserat. Neque eo magis cupido Iugurthae minuebatur, quippe qui totum eius regnum animo iam invaserat.

But he, because he did not consider himself equal in arms and relied more on the friendship of the Roman people than on the Numidians, sent legates to Jugurtha to complain about the injustices. And although they had brought back contumelious words, he nevertheless decreed to suffer everything sooner than to undertake war, because a prior attempt had turned out otherwise. Nor was Jugurtha’s desire thereby diminished, since he had already in his mind invaded the whole of his kingdom.

Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu comparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere. Ceterum, qua pergebat, urbis agros vastare, praedas agere, suis animum hostibus terrorem augere.

And so, not as before with a predatory band, but with a great army assembled, he began to wage war and openly to seek the imperium of all Numidia. Moreover, wherever he went, he was laying waste the fields of the city, carrying off booty, increasing spirit for his own men and terror for the enemies.

[21] Adherbal ubi intellegit eo processum, uti regnum aut relinquendum esset aut armis retinendum, necessario copias parat et Iugurthae obvius procedit. Interim haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit et, quia diei extremum erat, proelium non inceptum. Sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, obscuro etiam tum lumine milites Iugurthini signo dato castra hostium invadunt, semisomnos partim, alios arma sumentis fugant funduntque.

[21] When Adherbal understands that matters had gone so far that the kingdom must either be relinquished or retained by arms, of necessity he prepares forces and advances to meet Jugurtha. Meanwhile, not far from the sea, near the town of Cirta, both armies encamped, and, because it was the end of the day, no battle was begun. But when much of the night had advanced, with the light still obscure, Jugurtha’s soldiers, a signal having been given, invade the enemy camp, and they put to flight and rout some half-asleep, others while taking up arms.

Adherbal cum paucis equitibus Cirtam profugit, et ni multitudo togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas insequentis moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. Igitur Iugurtha oppidum circumsedit, vineis turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare aggreditur, maxime festinans tempus legatorum antecapere, quos ante proelium factum ab Adherbale Romam missos audiverat. Sed postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adulescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controversiis suis iure potius quam bello disceptare: ita seque illisque dignum esse.

Adherbal with a few horsemen fled to Cirta, and, if there had not been a multitude of toga-wearers who kept the pursuing Numidians from the walls, in a single day a war between the two kings would have been begun and completed. Therefore Jugurtha besieged the town, and he sets about to storm it with vineae, towers, and machines of every kind, most especially hastening to forestall the time of the legates, whom he had heard had been sent to Rome by Adherbal before the battle was joined. But after the Senate received news of their war, three adolescents are sent as legates to Africa, to approach both kings and to announce in the words of the Senate and People of Rome that they wish and judge that they withdraw from arms, and that they dispute their controversies by law rather than by war: that thus it is worthy both of themselves and of them.

[22] Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis quod Romae, dum proficisci parant, de proelio facto et oppugnatione Cirtae audiebatur; sed is rumor clemens erat. Quorum Iugurtha accepta oratione respondit sibi neque maius quicquam neque carius auctoritate senatus esse. Ab adulescentia ita se enisum, ut ab optimo quoque probaretur; virtute, non malitia P. Scipioni, summo viro, placuisse; ob easdem artis a Micipsa, non penuria liberorum in regnum adoptatum esse.

[22] The legates, hastening, come into Africa, all the more because at Rome, while they were preparing to set out, there was talk of a battle fought and of the assault on Cirta; but that rumor was mild. Of them, Jugurtha, after their speech was received, replied that to him nothing was greater nor dearer than the authority of the senate. From adolescence he had so striven that he was approved by every best man; by virtue, not by malice, he had pleased P. Scipio, a most eminent man; on account of the same arts he had been adopted into the kingdom by Micipsa, not from a penury of children.

Ceterum, quo plura bene atque strenue fecisset, eo animum suum iniuriam minus tolerare. Adherbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum; quod ubi comperisset, sceleri eius obviam isse. Populum Romanum neque recte neque pro bono facturum, si ab iure gentium sese prohibuerit.

But, the more things he had done well and strenuously, by so much the less did his spirit tolerate injury. That Adherbal, by wiles, had laid ambush against his life; and when he discovered this, he had gone to counter his crime. That the Roman People would act neither rightly nor for the common good, if it should debar itself from the law of nations.

Postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam brevi missurum. Ita utrique digrediuntur. Adherbalis appellandi copia non fuit.

At last, that he would shortly send legates to Rome about all matters. Thus both withdraw. There was no opportunity for Adherbal to appeal.

[23] Iugurtha ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus est neque propter loci naturam Cirtam armis expugnare potest, vallo atque fossa moenia circumdat, turris extruit easque praesidiis firmat; praeterea dies noctisque aut per vim aut dolis temptare; defensoribus moenium praemia modo, modo formidinem ostentare; suos hortando ad virtutem arrigere; prorsus intentus cuncta parare.

[23] When Jugurtha judged that they had departed from Africa and, because of the nature of the place, he could not storm Cirta by arms, he surrounds the walls with a rampart and a ditch, builds towers and strengthens them with garrisons; moreover, day and night he attempts either by force or by wiles; to the defenders of the walls he displays now rewards, now fear; he rouses his own by exhorting to valor; in short, intent, he prepares everything.

Adherbal ubi intellegit omnis suas fortunas in extremo sitas, hostem infestum, auxili spem nullam, penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse, ex iis, qui una Cirtam profugerant, duos maxime impigros delegit; eos multa pollicendo ac miserando casum suum confirmat, uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent.

When Adherbal understands that all his fortunes are placed at the last extremity, the enemy is hostile, there is no hope of aid, and the war cannot be prolonged because of a penury of necessary things, from those who together had fled to Cirta he chose two men most energetic; by promising many things and by commiserating his own case he strengthens them, to proceed through the enemy’s fortifications by night to the nearest sea, then to Rome.

[24] Numidae paucis diebus iussa efficiunt. Litterae Adherbalis in senatu recitatae, quarum sententia haec fuit:

[24] The Numidae within a few days carry out the orders. The letters of Adherbal were recited in the senate, the purport of which was this:

"Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, patres conscripti, sed vis Iugurthae subigit, quem tanta libido extinguendi me invasit, ut neque vos neque deos immortalis in animo habeat, sanguinem meum quam omnia malit. Itaque quintum iam mensem socius et amicus populi Romani armis obsessus teneor; neque mihi Micipsae patris mei beneficia neque vestra decreta auxiliantur; ferro an fame acrius urgear, incertus sum. Plura de Iugurtha scribere dehortatur me fortuna mea, et iam antea expertus sum parum fidei miseris esse; nisi tamen intellego illum supra quam ego sum petere neque simul amicitiam vestram et regnum meum sperare.

"Not by my fault do I often send to you to plead, Conscript Fathers, but the force of Jugurtha compels me, whom so great a lust of extinguishing me has seized that he holds neither you nor the immortal gods in mind, and prefers my blood to everything. And so for the fifth month now, an ally and friend of the Roman people, I am held besieged by arms; nor do the benefactions of Micipsa my father nor your decrees bring me help; whether I am pressed more keenly by the sword or by hunger, I am uncertain. My fortune deters me from writing more about Jugurtha, and I have already before found that there is too little good faith toward the wretched; yet I understand that he aims higher than my person, nor does he hope at the same time for your friendship and my kingdom.

Utrum gravius existimet, nemini occultum est. Nam initio occidit Hiempsalem fratrem meum, deinde patrio regno me expulit. Quae sane fuerint nostrae iniuriae, nihil ad vos.

Which he deems the graver is hidden to no one. For at the beginning he killed Hiempsal my brother, then expelled me from the paternal kingdom. What, to be sure, our injuries have been is nothing to you.

Verum nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet, me, quem vos imperatorem Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet; legatorum verba quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. Quid est relicuum nisi vis vestra, quo moveri possit? Nam ego quidem vellem, et haec, quae scribo, et illa, quae antea in senatu questus sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem verbis faceret.

But now he holds your realm by arms, and me, whom you appointed commander for the Numidians, he besieges shut in; how much account he has made of the words of the legates, my dangers declare. What is left except your force, by which he can be moved? For my part, I would indeed wish that both these things which I write, and those which earlier I complained of in the senate, were rather vain, than that my misery should give credence to my words.

Sed quoniam eo natus sum, ut Iugurthae scelerum ostentui essem, non iam mortem neque aerumnas, tantummodo inimici imperium et cruciatus corporis deprecor. Regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti libet, consulite; me manibus impiis eripite, per maiestatem imperi, per amicitiae fidem, si ulla apud vos memoria remanet avi mei Masinissae."

But since I was born to be a spectacle of Jugurtha’s crimes, I no longer pray for death nor for relief from hardships; I only beg to be spared the enemy’s command and the tortures of the body. As for the kingdom of Numidia, which is yours, look to it as you please; snatch me from impious hands, by the majesty of the empire, by the faith of friendship, if any memory of my grandfather Masinissa remains with you."

[25] His litteris recitatis fuere qui exercitum in Africam mittendum censerent et quam primum Adherbali subveniendum; de Iugurtha interim uti consuleretur, quoniam legatis non paruisset. Sed ab isdem illis regis fautoribus summa ope enisum, ne tale decretum fieret. Ita bonum publicum, uti in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum.

[25] After these letters were read aloud, there were those who were of the opinion that the army should be sent into Africa and that Adherbal should be aided as soon as possible; and that about Jugurtha in the meantime it should be deliberated, since he had not obeyed the legates. But by those same supporters of the king it was striven with utmost effort that such a decree not be made. Thus the public good, as is wont in most affairs, was vanquished by private favor.

Legantur tamen in Africam maiores natu nobiles, amplis honoribus usi. In quis fuit M. Scaurus, de quo supra memoravimus, consularis et tum senatus princeps. Ii, quod res in invidia erat, simul et ab Numidis obsecrati, triduo navem ascendere.

Nevertheless, let elders of noble birth be commissioned to Africa, men who have enjoyed ample honors. Among them was M. Scaurus, of whom we have made mention above, a consular and at that time the princeps of the senate. They, because the affair was in odium, and at the same time having been entreated by the Numidians, within three days boarded ship.

Dein brevi Uticam appulsi litteras ad Iugurtham mittunt: quam ocissime ad provinciam accedat, seque ad eum ab senatu missos. Ille ubi accepit homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae pollere audiverat, contra inceptum suum venisse, primo commotus metu atque libidine diversus agitabatur: timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis; porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium.

Then, shortly, having made landfall at Utica, they send letters to Jugurtha: that he should approach the province as swiftly as possible, and that they had been sent to him by the senate. He, when he learned that distinguished men, whose authority he had heard to prevail at Rome, had come against his undertaking, at first, disturbed, was tossed, divided between fear and desire: he feared the wrath of the senate, unless he obeyed the legates; moreover his mind, blind with cupidity, was being snatched toward the criminal undertaking. Nevertheless, in his avid nature, the depraved counsel prevailed.

Igitur exercitu circumdato summa vi Cirtam irrumpere nititur, maxime sperans diducta manu hostium aut vi aut dolis sese casum victoriae inventurum. Quod ubi secus procedit neque quod intenderat efficere potest, ut, prius quam legatos conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur, ne amplius morando Scaurum, quem plurimum metuebat, incenderet, cum paucis equitibus in provinciam venit. Ac tametsi senati verbis graves minae nuntiabantur, quod ab oppugnatione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumpta legati frustra discessere.

Accordingly, with his army encircled around, he strives to irrupt into Cirta with utmost force, hoping especially that, the enemy’s force being drawn apart, either by force or by wiles he would find for himself the chance of victory. When this goes otherwise, and he cannot effect what he had intended—namely, that, before he should meet the legates, he might get possession of Adherbal—lest by delaying further he inflame Scaurus, whom he most greatly feared, he came into the province with a few horsemen. And although grave menaces, in the words of the senate, were being announced, because he did not desist from the oppugnation, yet, much oration having been expended, the legates departed in vain.

[26] Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent, uti seque et oppidum Iugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur; de ceteris senatui curae fore. At ille, tametsi omnia potiora fide Iugurthae rebatur, tamen, quia penes eosdem, si adversaretur, cogendi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. Iugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat, deinde omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatus obvius fuerat, interficit.

[26] After these things were heard at Cirta, the Italians, by whose valor the walls were being defended, confident that, if surrender were made, on account of the greatness of the Roman people they would be inviolate, advise Adherbal to hand over both himself and the town to Jugurtha, stipulating from him only his life; as for the rest, it would be a concern for the senate. But he, although he reckoned everything preferable to the good faith of Jugurtha, nevertheless, because with those same men, if he opposed, the power of compelling rested, makes the surrender in the manner the Italians had resolved. Jugurtha first, after torturing Adherbal, kills him; then he kills without distinction all adult Numidians and the merchants, as each armed man had come in his way.

[27] Quod postquam Romae cognitum est et res in senatu agitari coepta, idem illi ministri regis interpellando ac saepe gratia, interdum iurgiis trahendo tempus atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac ni C. Memmius tribunus plebis designatus, vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis, populum Romanum edocuisset id agi, ut per paucos factiosos Iugurthae scelus condonaretur, profecto omnis invidia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa foret: tanta vis gratiae atque pecuniae regis erat. Sed ubi senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae; consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius; Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit.

[27] After this was learned at Rome and the matter began to be agitated in the senate, those same ministers of the king, by interpellating and often by favor, sometimes by quarrels, dragging out the time, were softening the atrocity of the deed. And if Gaius Memmius, tribune of the plebs-designate, a keen man and hostile to the power of the nobility, had not instructed the Roman people that this was being aimed at—namely, that through a few factious men Jugurtha’s crime be condoned—assuredly all indignation would have melted away by protracting the consultations: so great was the force of the king’s favor and money. But when the senate, conscious of its offense, fears the people, by the Sempronian law the provinces for the future consuls—Numidia and Italy—were decreed; the consuls were declared P. Scipio Nasica, L. Calpurnius Bestia; to Calpurnius fell Numidia, to Scipio Italy.

Deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scribitur; stipendium aliaque, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur.

Then the army, which was to be carried into Africa, is enrolled; the stipend and other things which would be of use in war are decreed.

[28] At Iugurtha contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venire in animo haeserat, filium et cum eo duos familiaris ad senatum legatos mittit iisque uti illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, praecipit, omnis mortalis pecunia aggrediantur. Qui postquam Romam adventabant, senatus a Bestia consultus est, placeretne legatos Iugurthae recipi moenibus, iique decrevere, nisi regnum ipsumque deditum venissent, uti in diebus proximis decem Italia decederent. Consul Numidis ex senatus decreto nuntiari iubet.

[28] But Jugurtha, the message received contrary to hope—for it had stuck in his mind that at Rome everything comes for sale—sends his son and with him two intimates as envoys to the senate, and he instructs them, as he had those whom he had sent after Hiempsal was slain, to assail all mortals with money. When they were approaching Rome, the senate was consulted by Bestia whether it was pleasing that Jugurtha’s envoys be received within the walls, and they decreed that, unless the kingdom and he himself had been surrendered, they should depart from Italy within the next ten days. The consul orders proclamation to the Numidians in accordance with the decree of the senate.

Ita infectis rebus illi domum discedunt.

Thus, with affairs unaccomplished, they depart home.

Interim Calpurnius parato exercitu legat sibi homines nobilis factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deliquisset munita fore sperabat. In quis fuit Scaurus, cuius de natura et habitu supra memoravimus. Nam in consule nostro multae bonaeque artes et animi et corporis erant, quas omnis avaritia praepediebat: patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissimus contra pericula et invidias.

Meanwhile Calpurnius, with the army prepared, appoints to himself as legates noble and factious men, by whose authority he hoped that the delicts he had committed would be secured. Among these was Scaurus, about whose nature and habit we have spoken above. For in our consul there were many good qualities of mind and body, all of which avarice hampered: enduring of labors, with a keen ingenium, sufficiently provident, by no means ignorant of war, most firm against dangers and envies.

Sed legiones per Italiam Regium atque inde Siciliam, porro ex Sicilia in Africam transvectae. Igitur Calpurnius initio paratis commeatibus acriter Numidiam ingressus est, multosque mortalis et urbis aliquot pugnando cepit.

But the legions were conveyed through Italy to Regium and thence to Sicily, and further from Sicily into Africa. Therefore Calpurnius, at the outset, with supplies prepared, entered Numidia vigorously, and by fighting took many men and several cities.

[29] Sed ubi Iugurtha per legatos pecunia temptare bellique, quod administrabat, asperitatem ostendere coepit, animus aeger avaritia facile conversus est. Ceterum socius et administer omnium consiliorum assumitur Scaurus, qui tametsi a principio plerisque ex factione eius corruptis acerrime regem impugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est. Sed Iugurtha primo tantummodo belli moram redimebat, existimans sese aliquid interim Romae pretio aut gratia effecturum.

[29] But when Jugurtha began, through legates, to tempt with money and to display the asperity of the war which he was administering, the mind, sick with avarice, was easily turned. Moreover Scaurus is taken up as partner and administrator of all counsels, who, although at the beginning—many of his faction having been corrupted—had attacked the king most keenly, nevertheless by the magnitude of the money was drawn from the good and honorable into the crooked. But Jugurtha at first was only redeeming a delay of the war, supposing that in the meantime he would effect something at Rome by price or by favor.

Postea vero quam participem negoti Scaurum accepit, in maximam spem adductus recuperandae pacis statuit cum iis de omnibus pactionibus praesens agere. Ceterum interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Iugurthae Vagam. Cuius rei species erat acceptio frumenti, quod Calpurnius palam legatis imperaverat, quoniam deditionis mora indutiae agitabantur.

Afterwards indeed, when he had received Scaurus as a participant in the business, being brought into very great hope of recovering peace, he resolved to negotiate in person with them about all the terms. But meanwhile, for the sake of good faith, Sextius the quaestor is sent by the consul into Iugurtha’s town Vaga. The ostensible aspect of this matter was the receipt of grain, which Calpurnius had openly ordered to the legates, since, the surrender being delayed, an armistice was being transacted.

Igitur rex, uti constituerat, in castra venit, ac pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia facti sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, relicua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit. Dein postero die quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis in deditionem accipitur. Sed, uti pro consilio imperatum erat, elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi cum parvo argenti pondere quaestori traduntur.

Therefore the king, as he had arranged, came into the camp, and, having spoken a few things before the present council about the odium of his deed and that he be received into surrender, he transacted the rest in secret with Bestia and Scaurus. Then on the following day, with opinions solicited, as if wholesale, he is accepted into surrender. But, as had been ordered in accordance with the counsel, thirty elephants, livestock and many horses, together with a small weight of silver, are handed over to the quaestor.

Calpurnius Romam ad magistratus rogandos proficiscitur. In Numidia et exercitu nostro pax agitabatur.

Calpurnius sets out to Rome to canvass for the magistracies. In Numidia and in our army, peace was being negotiated.

[30] Postquam res in Africa gestas quoque modo actae forent fama divulgavit, Romae per omnis locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem gravis invidia, patres solliciti erant: probarentne tantum flagitium an decretum consulis subverterent, parum constabat. Ac maxime eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque impediebat.

[30] After fame had spread how the affairs in Africa, in whatever way, had been conducted, in Rome through all places and assemblies there was agitation about the consul’s deed. Among the plebs, heavy invidia; the Fathers were solicitous: whether they should approve so great a flagitium or subvert the consul’s decretum was little settled. And most of all the potentia of Scaurus, because he was reported to be the author and associate of Bestia, was impeding them from the true and the good.

At C. Memmius, cuius de libertate ingeni et odio potentiae nobilitatis supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senatus contionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari, monere, ne rem publicam, ne libertatem suam desererent, multa superba et crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostendere; prorsus intentus omni modo plebis animum incendebat. Sed quoniam ea tempestate Romae Memmi facundia clara pollensque fuit, decere existimavi unam ex tam multis orationem eius perscribere, ac potissimum ea dicam, quae in contione post reditum Bestiae huiusce modi verbis disseruit:

But Gaius Memmius, about whose freedom of genius and hatred of the power of the nobility we spoke above, amid the hesitation and delays of the senate, in mass-assemblies kept exhorting the people to vindicate; he warned them not to desert the commonwealth, not to abandon their own liberty; he displayed many proud and cruel crimes of the nobility: wholly intent, by every method he was inflaming the spirit of the plebs. But since at that time at Rome the eloquence of Memmius was renowned and potent, I have judged it fitting to write out one speech of his from so many, and most especially I will set down those points which in an assembly after the return of Bestia he expounded in words of this sort:

[31] "Multa me dehortantur a vobis, Quirites, ni studium rei publicae omnia superet: opes factionis, vestra patientia, ius nullum, ac maxime quod innocentiae plus periculi quam honoris est. Nam illa quidem piget dicere, his annis quindecim quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum, quam foede quamque inulti perierint vestri defensores, ut vobis animus ab ignavia atque socordia corruptus sit, qui ne nunc quidem obnoxiis inimicis exurgitis atque etiam nunc timetis eos, quibus decet terrori esse. Sed quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen obviam ire factionis potentiae animus subigit.

[31] "Many things dissuade me from you, Quirites, were not zeal for the Republic to overcome all: the resources of the faction, your patience, no law at all, and most of all that for innocence there is more danger than honor. For indeed it irks me to say how in these fifteen years you have been a mockery for the arrogance of a few, how foully and how unavenged your defenders have perished, so that your spirit has been corrupted by sloth and sluggishness, you who not even now rise up against enemies who are themselves liable, and even now you fear those whom it befits to be in terror of you. But although these things are such, nevertheless my spirit compels me to go to confront the power of the faction.

Certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a parente meo tradita est, experiar. Verum id frustra an ob rem faciam, in vestra manu situm est, Quirites.

Surely I will make trial of the liberty which was handed down to me by my parent. But whether I do this in vain or to good purpose lies in your hand, Citizens.

"Neque ego vos hortor, quod saepe maiores vestri fecere, uti contra iniurias armati eatis. Nihil vi, nihil secessione opus est; necesse est suomet ipsi more praecipites eant. Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt; post C. Gracchi et C. Fulvi caedem item vestri ordinis multi mortales in carcere necati sunt: utriusque cladis non lex, verum lubido eorum finem fecit.

"Nor do I exhort you, as your ancestors often did, to go armed against injuries. Nothing by force, nothing by secession is there need; it is necessary that they themselves, by their own manner, go headlong. With Tiberius Gracchus slain, whom they said was preparing a kingship, inquisitions were held upon the Roman plebs; after the slaughter of Gaius Gracchus and Gaius Fulvius likewise many mortals of your order were killed in prison: of both disasters, not a law, but the caprice of those men set the end.

Sed sane fuerit regni paratio plebi sua restituere; quicquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequitur, iure factum sit. Superioribus annis taciti indignabamini aerarium expilari, reges et populos liberos paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere, penes eosdem et summam gloriam et maximas divitias esse. Tamen haec talia facinora impune suscepisse parum habuere, itaque postremo leges, maiestas vestra, divina et humana omnia hostibus tradita sunt.

But indeed, let it have been a preparation for kingship to restore to the plebs what was their own; whatever cannot be avenged without the blood of citizens, let it be held to have been done by right. In former years you were silently indignant that the treasury was being plundered, that kings and free peoples were paying tribute to a few nobles, that in those same men’s hands were both the highest glory and the greatest riches. Yet they thought it too little to have undertaken such crimes with impunity; and so at last the laws, your majesty, all things divine and human, were handed over to enemies.

Neque eos qui ea fecere pudet aut paenitet, sed incedunt per ora vestra magnifici, sacerdotia et consulatus, pars triumphos suos ostentantes; proinde quasi ea honori, non praedae habeant. Servi aere parati iniusta imperia dominorum non perferunt; vos, Quirites, in imperio nati aequo animo servitutem toleratis? At qui sunt ii, qui rem publicam occupavere?

Nor are those who have done these things ashamed or do they repent, but they parade before your very faces magnificent, priesthoods and consulships, some displaying their triumphs; just as though they held these for honor, not for booty. Slaves purchased with bronze (money) do not endure the unjust commands of their masters; you, Quirites, born for command, do you with even mind tolerate servitude? But who are they who have seized the commonwealth?

Homines sceleratissimi, cruentis manibus, immani avaritia, nocentissimi et idem superbissimi, quibus fides decus pietas, postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia quaestui sunt. Pars eorum occidisse tribunos plebis, alii quaestiones iniustas, plerique caedem in vos fecisse pro munimento habent. Ita quam quisque pessime fecit, tam maxime tutus est.

Most criminal men, with bloody hands, with monstrous avarice, most noxious and at the same time most arrogant, for whom faith, decorum, piety—finally, all honorable and dishonorable things—are for gain. Some of them hold as a muniment that they have slain the tribunes of the plebs; others, unjust inquisitions; the majority count as their safeguard that they have wrought slaughter against you. Thus, the more wickedly each has acted, by so much the more secure he is.

Metum ab scelere suo ad ignaviam vestram transtulere, quos omnis eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit. Sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est. Quod si tam vos libertatis curam haberetis, quam illi ad dominationem accensi sunt, profecto neque res publica sicuti nunc vastaretur et beneficia vestra penes optimos, non audacissimos forent.

They have shifted the fear from their own crime onto your cowardice—men whom the fact that they all desire the same things, hate the same things, fear the same things has driven into one. But among the good, this is friendship; among the bad, faction. And if you were to have as much care for liberty as they are inflamed toward domination, surely neither would the Republic be ravaged as it is now, and your benefactions would be in the hands of the best, not of the most audacious.

Maiores vestri parandi iuris et maiestatis constituendae gratia bis per secessionem armati Aventinum occupavere; vos pro libertate, quam ab illis accepistis, nonne summa ope nitemini? Atque eo vehementius, quo maius dedecus est parta amittere quam omnino non paravisse.

Your ancestors, for the sake of procuring right and of establishing majesty, twice, armed, occupied the Aventine by secession; will not you, for the liberty which you received from them, strive with utmost effort? And all the more vehemently, since it is a greater disgrace to lose what has been won than not to have procured it at all.

"Dicet aliquis 'quid igitur censes?' Vindicandum in eos, qui hosti prodidere rem publicam, non manu neque vi, quod magis vos fecisse quam illis accidisse indignum est, verum quaestionibus et indicio ipsius Iugurthae. Qui si dediticius est, profecto iussis vestris oboediens erit; sin ea contemnit, scilicet existimabitis, qualis illa pax aut deditio sit, ex qua ad Iugurtham scelerum impunitas, ad paucos potentis maximae divitiae, ad rem publicam damna atque dedecora pervenerint. Nisi forte nondum etiam vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet et illa quam haec tempora magis placent, cum regna provinciae leges iura iudicia bella atque paces, postremo divina et humana omnia penes paucos erant; vos autem, hoc est populus Romanus, invicti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium gentium, satis habebatis animam retinere.

"Someone will say, 'What then do you advise?' To be vindicated—punishment must be exacted—against those who betrayed the republic to the enemy, not by hand nor by force (which it would be more unworthy that you do than that they suffer), but by inquisitions and by the testimony of Jugurtha himself. If he is a dediticius, he will surely be obedient to your orders; but if he scorns them, you will of course judge what sort that peace or surrender is, from which to Jugurtha there has come impunity for crimes, to a few powerful men the greatest riches, and to the republic losses and disgraces. Unless perchance the satiety of their domination does not yet even hold you, and those times please you more than these, when kingdoms, provinces, laws, rights, judgments, wars and peaces—in fine, all things divine and human—were in the power of a few; but you, that is, the Roman People, unconquered by enemies, commanders of all nations, thought it sufficient merely to retain your life."

Nam servitutem quidem quis vestrum recusare audebat?

For as for servitude, indeed, which of you dared to refuse it?

"Atque ego tametsi viro flagitiosissimum existimo impune iniuriam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus sceleratissimis ignoscere, quoniam cives sunt, aequo animo paterer, ni misericordia in perniciem casura esset. Nam et illis, quantum importunitatis habent, parum est impune male fecisse, nisi deinde faciendi licentia eripitur, et vobis aeterna sollicitudo remanebit, cum intellegetis aut serviendum esse aut per manus libertatem retinendam. Nam fidei quidem aut concordiae quae spes est?

"And I, although I deem it most flagitious for a man to have received an injury with impunity, would nevertheless endure with an even mind that you pardon men most criminal, since they are citizens, if only mercy were not about to fall into perdition. For to them also, considering how much importunity they have, it is too little to have done ill with impunity, unless thereafter the license of doing is taken away; and for you eternal solicitude will remain, when you understand that either there must be servitude or liberty must be retained by force of hands. For indeed of good faith or concord—what hope is there?

Dominari illi volunt, vos liberi esse; facere illi iniurias, vos prohibere; postremo sociis nostris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur. Potestne in tam diversis mentibus pax aut amicitia esse?

They want to dominate, you to be free; they to commit injuries, you to prohibit; finally, they use our allies as if they were enemies, and enemies in place of allies. Can there be peace or amity in such diverse minds?

"Quare moneo hortorque vos, ne tantum scelus impunitum omittatis. Non peculatus aerari factus est neque per vim sociis ereptae pecuniae, quae quamquam gravia sunt, tamen consuetudine iam pro nihilo habentur; hosti acerrimo prodita senatus auctoritas, proditum imperium vestrum est; domi militiaeque res publica venalis fuit. Quae nisi quaesita erunt, nisi vindicatum in noxios, quid erit relicuum, nisi ut illis qui ea fecere oboedientes vivamus?

"Wherefore I warn and exhort you, not to leave so great a crime unpunished. Not a peculation of the treasury has been committed, nor monies snatched from allies by force, which things, although grave, are nevertheless now by custom held as nothing; to a most bitter enemy the authority of the Senate has been betrayed, your imperium has been betrayed; at home and in the field the Republic was venal. Which things, unless they are inquired into, unless punishment is exacted upon the guilty, what will be left, except that we live obedient to those who did these deeds?

Nam impune quae libet facere, id est regem esse. Neque ego vos, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis civis vestros perperam quam recte fecisse, sed ne ignoscendo malis bonos perditum eatis. Ad hoc in re publica multo praestat benefici quam malefici immemorem esse: bonus tantummodo segnior fit, ubi neglegas, at malus improbior.

For to do whatever one pleases with impunity—that is to be a king. Nor do I, Quirites, exhort you to prefer that your citizens have done wrongly rather than rightly, but that by forgiving the wicked you not go to the ruin of the good. Moreover, in the commonwealth it is far better to be forgetful of a benefit than of a malefaction: the good man only becomes more sluggardly when you neglect him, but the bad man more depraved.

Ad hoc si iniuriae non sint, haut saepe auxili egeas."

In addition, if injuries do not exist, you will not often need aid."

[32] Haec atque alia huiuscemodi saepe in contione dicendo Memmius populo persuadet, uti L. Cassius, qui tum praetor erat, ad Iugurtham mitteretur eumque interposita fide publica Romam duceret, quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et relicuorum, quos pecuniae captae arcessebat, delicta patefierent.

[32] By saying these and other things of this kind often in a public assembly, Memmius persuades the people that L. Cassius, who was then praetor, be sent to Jugurtha and that, a public pledge of good faith having been interposed, he lead him to Rome, so that by the king’s evidence the offenses of Scaurus and the rest, whom he was arraigning on a charge of money taken, might more easily be laid open.

Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui praeerant, secuti morem imperatoris sui plurima et flagitiosissima facinora fecere. Fuere qui auro corrupti elephantos Iugurthae traderent, alii perfugas vendebant, pars ex pacatis praedas agebant: tanta vis avaritiae [in] animos eorum veluti tabes invaserat. At Cassius praetor perlata rogatione a C. Memmio ac perculsa omni nobilitate ad Iugurtham proficiscitur eique timido et ex conscientia diffidenti rebus suis persuadet, quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam eius experiri mallet.

While these things are being transacted at Rome, those who in Numidia had been left by Bestia and were commanding the army, following the manner of their commander, committed very many and most flagitious crimes. There were some who, corrupted by gold, handed over Jugurtha’s elephants; others were selling deserters; a part were driving plunder from the pacified: so great a force of avarice had invaded their minds like a wasting disease. But Cassius the praetor, the rogation brought forward by Gaius Memmius having been carried and all the nobility smitten with dismay, sets out to Jugurtha and persuades him—timid, and from conscience distrustful about his own affairs—that, since he had given himself over to the Roman people, he should prefer to experience its mercy rather than its force.

Privatim praeterea fidem suam interponit, quam ille non minoris quam publicam ducebat: talis ea tempestate fama de Cassio erat.

Moreover, in private he interposed his own pledge, which he (Jugurtha) deemed no less than the public one: such at that time was the fame concerning Cassius.

[33] Igitur Iugurtha contra decus regium cultu quam maxime miserabili cum Cassio Romam venit. Ac tametsi in ipso magna vis animi erat, confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat, quae supra diximus, C. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cuius impudentia contra ius et iniurias omnis munitus foret. At C. Memmius advocata contione, quamquam regi infesta plebes erat et pars in vincula duci iubebat, pars, nisi socios sceleris sui aperiret, more maiorum de hoste supplicium sumi, dignitati quam irae magis consulens sedare motus et animos eorum mollire, postremo confirmare fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore.

[33] Therefore Jugurtha, against royal decorum, came to Rome with Cassius in attire as miserable as could be. And although there was great force of spirit in him, strengthened by all those by whose power or crime he had done all the things we have said above, he secures Gaius Baebius, tribune of the plebs, for a great price, by whose shamelessness he would be fortified against the law and every injury. But Gaius Memmius, an assembly having been called, although the plebs were hostile to the king and some ordered him to be led in chains, others that, unless he should lay open the partners of his crime, punishment be taken of an enemy after the custom of the ancestors, consulting his dignity rather than his anger, sought to quell the disturbances and soften their spirits, and finally to affirm that the public faith would remain inviolate on his own part.

Post ubi silentium coepit, producto Iugurtha verba facit, Romae Numidiaeque facinora eius memorat, scelera in patrem fratresque ostendit. Quibus iuvantibus quibusque ministris ea egerit, quamquam intellegat populus Romanus, tamen velle manufesta magis ex illo habere. Si verum aperiat, in fide et clementia populi Romani magnam spem illi sitam; sin reticeat, non sociis saluti fore, sed se suasque spes corrupturum.

After, when silence began, with Jugurtha brought forth he speaks, he recounts his misdeeds at Rome and in Numidia, he shows the crimes against his father and brothers. With whose helpers and with what ministers he had done these things, although the Roman People understands, nevertheless he wishes to have them more manifest from him. If he should lay bare the truth, great hope for him is placed in the fidelity and clemency of the Roman People; but if he keep silence, he will not be for salvation to his associates, but will ruin himself and his own hopes.

[34] Deinde ubi Memmius dicendi finem fecit et Iugurtha respondere iussus est, C. Baebius tribunus plebis, quem pecunia corruptum supra diximus, regem tacere iubet, ac tametsi multitudo, quae in contione aderat, vehementer accensa terrebat eum clamore, vultu, saepe impetu atque aliis omnibus, quae ira fieri amat, vicit tamen impudentia. Ita populus ludibrio habitus ex contione discedit; Iugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos illa quaestio exagitabat, animi augescunt.

[34] Then, when Memmius had made an end of speaking and Jugurtha was ordered to reply, Gaius Baebius, tribune of the plebs, whom we said above was corrupted by money, orders the king to be silent; and although the multitude that was present in the assembly, vehemently inflamed, kept terrifying him with shouting, with their looks, often with a rush, and with all the other things which anger loves to do, nevertheless impudence prevailed. Thus the people, held to ridicule, departs from the assembly; the spirits of Jugurtha and Bestia and the rest, whom that quaestio was harrying, grow.

[35] Erat ea tempestate Romae Numida quidam nomine Massiva, Gulussae filius, Masinissae nepos, qui, quia in dissensione regum Iugurthae adversus fuerat, dedita Cirta et Adherbale interfecto profugus ex patria abierat. Huic Sp. Albinus, qui proximo anno post Bestiam cum Q. Minucio Rufo consulatum gerebat, persuadet, quoniam ex stirpe Masinissae sit Iugurthamque ob scelera invidia cum metu urgeat, regnum Numidiae ab senatu petat. Avidus consul belli gerendi movere quam senescere omnia malebat.

[35] At that time there was at Rome a certain Numidian named Massiva, son of Gulussa, grandson of Masinissa, who, because in the dissension of the kings he had been against Jugurtha, when Cirta was surrendered and Adherbal slain, had gone forth from his fatherland as a fugitive. To him Sp. Albinus, who in the next year after Bestia was holding the consulship with Q. Minucius Rufus, persuades that, since he is from the stock of Masinissa and Jugurtha is pressed by ill-will together with fear on account of his crimes, he should seek the kingdom of Numidia from the Senate. The consul, avid for waging war, preferred to set things in motion rather than let everything grow senescent.

Ipsi provincia Numidia, Minucio Macedonia evenerat. Quae postquam Massiva agitare coepit neque Iugurthae in amicis satis praesidi est, quod eorum alium conscientia, alium mala fama et timor impediebat, Bomilcari, proximo ac maxime fido sibi, imperat, pretio, sicuti multa confecerat, insidiatores Massivae paret ac maxime occulte, sin id parum procedat, quovis modo Numidam interficiat. Bomilcar mature regis mandata exequitur et per homines talis negoti artifices itinera egressusque eius, postremo loca atque tempora cuncta explorat.

To him the province of Numidia, to Minucius Macedonia, had fallen by lot. After Massiva began to agitate these matters and there was not sufficient protection for Jugurtha among his friends—because one was hindered by conscience, another by ill fame and fear—he orders Bomilcar, nearest to him and most faithful, to prepare ambushers for Massiva by a bribe, just as he had accomplished many things by price, and to do it as covertly as possible; but if that should advance too little, to kill the Numidian by any means whatsoever. Bomilcar promptly executes the king’s mandates, and through men artificers of such a business he reconnoiters his routes and egresses, and finally explores all the places and times.

Deinde, ubi res postulabat, insidias tendit. Igitur unus ex eo numero, qui ad caedem parati erant, paulo inconsultius Massivam aggreditur. Illum obtruncat, sed ipse deprehensus multis hortantibus et in primis Albino consule indicium profitetur.

Then, when the matter demanded, he sets an ambush. Accordingly, one of that number who had been prepared for the killing attacks Massiva somewhat too unadvisedly. He cuts him down, but he himself, being apprehended, and with many urging—Albinus the consul foremost—makes a disclosure, turning informer.

Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex iure gentium Bomilcar, comes eius, qui Romam fide publica venerat. At Iugurtha manufestus tanti sceleris non prius omisit contra verum niti, quam animadvertit supra gratiam atque pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. Igitur, quamquam in priore actione ex amicis quinquaginta vades dederat, regno magis quam vadibus consulens clam in Numidiam Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus, ne relicuos popularis metus invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumptum foret.

Bomilcar, his companion, who had come to Rome under public faith, becomes a defendant more from equity and good than from the law of nations. But Jugurtha, manifest of so great a crime, did not desist from striving against the truth until he noticed that the odium of the deed stood above his influence and money. Therefore, although in the prior action he had given fifty sureties from among his friends, consulting his kingdom rather than his bail, he secretly sends Bomilcar away into Numidia, fearing lest a fear of obeying him should seize the rest of his partisans, if punishment were taken upon that man.

Et ipse paucis diebus eodem profectus est, iussus a senatu Italia decedere. Sed postquam Roma egressus est, fertur saepe eo tacitus respiciens postremo dixisse: "Urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit."

And he himself within a few days set out to the same place, ordered by the senate to depart from Italy. But after he had gone out from Rome, he is said often, looking back there in silence, at last to have said: "A venal city and soon to perish, if it should find a buyer."

[36] Interim Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare; ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus haud longe aberat, armis aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret. At contra Iugurtha trahere omnia et alias, deinde alias morae causas facere; polliceri deditionem ac deinde metum simulare; cedere instanti et paulo post, ne sui diffiderent, instare: ita belli modo, modo pacis mora consulem ludificare. Ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consili regis existimarent neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum socordia magis quam dolo crederent.

[36] Meanwhile Albinus, the war having been renewed, hastens to carry into Africa provisions, stipend/pay, and other things which would be of use to the soldiers; and straightway he himself set out, so that before the comitia (elections), which time was not far off, he might finish the war by arms or by surrender or by whatever means. But on the contrary Jugurtha to drag out everything and to devise now these, then other causes of delay; to promise surrender and then to simulate fear; to yield to one pressing, and a little later, lest his own should lose confidence, to press on: thus by delay now of war, now of peace to make a mock of the consul. And there were those who then judged Albinus not unaware of the king’s plan, nor did they believe that a war so easily drawn out amid such great haste was due more to sloth than to deceit.

Sed postquam dilapso tempore comitiorum dies adventabat, Albinus Aulo fratre in castris pro praetore relicto Romam decessit.

But after the time had slipped away and the day of the elections was approaching, Albinus, with his brother Aulus left in the camp as propraetor, departed for Rome.

[37] Ea tempestate Romae seditionibus tribuniciis atrociter res publica agitabatur. P. Lucullus et L. Annius tribuni plebis resistentibus collegis continuare magistratum nitebantur, quae dissensio totius anni comitia impediebat. Ea mora in spem adductus Aulus, quem pro praetore in castris relictum supra diximus, aut conficiendi belli aut terrore exercitus ab rege pecuniae capiendae milites mense Ianuario ex hibernis in expeditionem evocat, magnisque itineribus hieme aspera pervenit ad oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant.

[37] At that time at Rome the republic was being agitated atrociously by tribunician seditions. P. Lucullus and L. Annius, tribunes of the plebs, with their colleagues resisting, were striving to continue their magistracy, and this dissension was impeding the elections for the whole year. Brought into hope by that delay Aulus, whom we said above was left in the camp as pro-praetor, either of finishing the war or of seizing money from the king by the terror of the army, summons the soldiers in the month of January from the winter quarters into an expedition, and by great marches, with the winter severe, arrives at the town Suthul, where the king’s treasures were.

Quod quamquam et saevitia temporis et opportunitate loci neque capi neque obsideri poterat — nam circum murum situm in praerupti montis extremo planities limosa hiemalibus aquis paludem fecerat —, tamen aut simulandi gratia, quo regi formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus ob thesauros oppidi potiendi vineas agere, aggerem iacere aliaque, quae incepto usui forent, properare.

Although, both by the savagery of the season and the opportunity of the place, it could be neither captured nor besieged — for around the wall, set at the edge of a precipitous mountain, a slimy plain, by the winter waters, had made a marsh — yet, either for the sake of simulation, to add fear to the king, or blinded by cupidity to gain possession of the town’s treasures, he pressed on to drive the vineae, to cast up an agger, and to hasten other things which would be of use to the undertaking.

[38] At Iugurtha cognita vanitate atque imperitia legati subdole eius augere amentiam, missitare supplicantis legatos, ipse quasi vitabundus per saltuosa loca et tramites exercitum ductare. Denique Aulum spe pactionis perpulit, uti relicto Suthule in abditas regiones sese veluti cedentem insequeretur: ita delicta occultiora fuere. Interea per homines callidos diu noctuque exercitum temptabat, centuriones ducesque turmarum, partim uti transfugerent, corrumpere, alii signo dato locum uti desererent.

[38] But Jugurtha, once the vanity and inexperience of the legate were known, craftily to augment his madness, kept sending envoys as suppliants again and again, while he himself, as if shunning pursuit, led the army through rugged wooded places and bypaths. Finally he drove Aulus, by the hope of a pact, to pursue him, Suthul being left behind, into hidden regions, as though he were ceding: thus the offenses were more concealed. Meanwhile, by means of shrewd men he was tampering with the army night and day, seeking to corrupt the centurions and the leaders of the squadrons, some to desert, others, when a signal was given, to abandon their post.

Quae postquam ex sententia instruit, intempesta nocte de improviso multitudine Numidarum Auli castra circumvenit. Milites Romani, perculsi tumultu insolito, arma capere alii, alii se abdere, pars territos confirmare, trepidare omnibus locis. Vis magna hostium, caelum nocte atque nubibus obscuratum, periculum anceps; postremo fugere an manere tutius foret, in incerto erat.

After he had arranged these things according to plan, in the dead of night he unexpectedly surrounded Aulus’s camp with a multitude of Numidians. The Roman soldiers, smitten by the unusual tumult, some seize arms, others hide themselves, a part confirm the terrified, there is trepidation in all places. A great force of the enemy, the sky obscured by night and clouds, a peril double-edged; finally, whether it would be safer to flee or to remain was uncertain.

Sed ex eo numero, quos paulo ante corruptos diximus, cohors una Ligurum cum duabus turmis Thracum et paucis gregariis militibus transiere ad regem, et centurio primi pili tertiae legionis per munitionem, quam uti defenderet acceperat, locum hostibus introeundi dedit, eaque Numidae cuncti irrupere. Nostri foeda fuga, plerique abiectis armis, proximum collem occupaverunt. Nox atque praeda castrorum hostis, quo minus victoria uterentur, remorata sunt.

But from that number whom we said a little before had been corrupted, one cohort of Ligurians with two squadrons of Thracians and a few rank‑and‑file soldiers crossed over to the king; and the centurion of the first spear (primipilus) of the 3rd legion, through the fortification which he had received to defend, gave the enemy a point of entry, and by it all the Numidians burst in. Our men, in foul flight—most after casting away their arms—seized the nearest hill. Night and the plunder of the camp delayed the enemy, keeping them from making use of their victory.

Deinde Iugurtha postero die cum Aulo in colloquio verba facit: tametsi ipsum cum exercitu fame et ferro clausum teneret, tamen se memorem humanarum rerum, si secum foedus faceret, incolumis omnis sub iugum missurum; praeterea uti diebus decem Numidia decederet. Quae quamquam gravia et flagiti plena erant, tamen, quia mortis metu mutabantur, sicuti regi libuerat, pax convenit.

Then, on the next day, Jugurtha speaks with Aulus in a colloquy: although he was holding him himself, with his army, shut in by hunger and iron, nevertheless, mindful of human affairs, if he should make a treaty with him, he would send them all unharmed under the yoke; besides, that he should depart from Numidia within ten days. Although these terms were grievous and full of disgrace, yet, because they were altered by fear of death, a peace, just as it pleased the king, was agreed.

[39] Sed ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, metus atque maeror civitatem invasere: pars dolere pro gloria imperi, pars insolita rerum bellicarum timere libertati; Aulo omnes infesti, ac maxime qui bello saepe praeclari fuerant, quod armatus dedecore potius quam manu salutem quaesiverat. Ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fratris invidiam ac deinde periculum timens senatum de foedere consulebat, et tamen interim exercitui supplementum scribere, ab sociis et nomine Latino auxilia arcessere, denique omnibus modis festinare. Senatus ita, uti par fuerat, decernit suo atque populi iniussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri.

[39] But when these things were discovered at Rome, fear and mourning seized the state: some grieved for the glory of the empire, some, unaccustomed to matters of war, feared for liberty; all were hostile to Aulus, and most of all those who had often been distinguished in war, because, being under arms, he had sought safety by disgrace rather than by hand. On account of these things the consul Albinus, fearing odium from his brother’s offense and then danger, was consulting the Senate about the treaty, and yet in the meantime to the army he began to enroll a supplement, to summon auxiliaries from the allies and the Latin name, and, in fine, to hasten in all ways. The Senate, thus as was fitting, decrees that no treaty could have been made without its own and the people’s order.

Consul impeditus a tribunis plebis, ne quas paraverat copias secum portaret, paucis diebus in Africam proficiscitur; nam omnis exercitus, uti convenerat, Numidia deductus in provincia hiemabat. Postquam eo venit, quamquam persequi Iugurtham et mederi fraternae invidiae animo ardebat, cognitis militibus, quos praeter fugam soluto imperio licentia atque lascivia corruperat, ex copia rerum statuit sibi nihil agitandum.

Impeded by the tribunes of the plebs, lest he carry with him any forces he had prepared, the consul within a few days sets out to Africa; for the whole army, as had been agreed, having been led out of Numidia, was wintering in the province. After he came there, although he burned in spirit to pursue Jugurtha and to remedy the fraternal ill-will, once he learned the condition of the soldiers—whom, besides their rout, a relaxed command had corrupted by license and wantonness—he decided from a survey of the circumstances that nothing ought to be undertaken by himself.

[40] Interim Romae C. Mamilius Limetanus tribunus plebis rogationem ad populum promulgat, uti quaereretur in eos, quorum consilio Iugurtha senati decreta neglegisset, quique ab eo in legationibus aut imperiis pecunias accepissent, qui elephantos quique perfugas tradidissent, item qui de pace aut bello cum hostibus pactiones fecissent. Huic rogationi partim conscii sibi, alii ex partium invidia pericula metuentes, quoniam aperte resistere non poterant, quin illa et alia talia placere sibi faterentur, occulte per amicos ac maxime per homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos impedimenta parabant. Sed plebes incredibile memoratu est quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi rogationem iusserit, magis odio nobilitatis, cui mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae: tanta libido in partibus erat.

[40] Meanwhile at Rome Gaius Mamilius Limetanus, tribune of the plebs, promulgates a rogation to the people, that inquiry be made against those by whose counsel Jugurtha had neglected the decrees of the senate, and who had accepted monies from him in legations or commands, who had delivered elephants and who had delivered deserters, likewise who had made pactions with the enemies concerning peace or war. To this rogation some, conscious to themselves, others fearing dangers from the hostility of parties, since they could not resist openly without confessing that those and other such things were pleasing to them, secretly through friends and especially through men of the Latin name and the Italian allies were preparing impediments. But the plebs—it is incredible to relate how intent it was and with how great force it ordered the rogation—rather from hatred of the nobility, for whom those evils were being prepared, than from care for the commonwealth: so great was the passion in the parties.

Igitur ceteris metu perculsis M. Scaurus, quem legatum Bestiae fuisse supra docuimus, inter laetitiam plebis et suorum fugam, trepida etiam tum civitate, cum ex Mamilia rogatione tres quaesitores rogarentur, effecerat, uti ipse in eo numero crearetur. Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex rumore et libidine plebis: uti saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.

Therefore, with the others struck by fear, M. Scaurus—whom we have shown above to have been Bestia’s legate—amid the rejoicing of the plebs and the flight of his own, the state even then in a panic, when under the Mamilian rogation three quaesitors were being asked for, had brought it about that he himself should be appointed in that number. But the inquest was carried on harshly and violently, on rumor and the plebs’ libido: as it often seizes the nobility, so at that time insolence, from prosperous circumstances, had seized the plebs.

[41] Ceterum mos partium et factionum ac deinde omnium malarum artium paucis ante annis Romae ortus est otio atque abundantia earum rerum, quae prima mortales ducunt. Nam ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque inter se rem publicam tractabant, neque gloriae neque dominationis certamen inter civis erat: metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. Sed ubi illa formido mentibus decessit, scilicet ea, quae res secundae amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere.

[41] But the custom of parties and factions, and then of all evil arts, a few years before arose at Rome from leisure and the abundance of those things which mortals count as of first importance. For before Carthage was destroyed, the Roman people and senate handled the commonwealth calmly and modestly among themselves, and there was no contest for glory or for domination among the citizens: fear of the enemy kept the state in good practices. But when that dread departed from minds, naturally those things which prosperity loves—wantonness and pride—set in.

Ita quod in adversis rebus optaverant otium, postquam adepti sunt, asperius acerbiusque fuit. Namque coepere nobilitas dignitatem, populus libertatem in libidinem vertere, sibi quisque ducere trahere rapere. Ita omnia in duas partis abstracta sunt, res publica, quae media fuerat, dilacerata.

Thus the leisure which in adverse affairs they had desired, after they had obtained it, proved harsher and more bitter. For the nobility began to turn dignity, and the people liberty, into libidinous license; each man for himself to lead, to draw, to snatch. Thus all things were drawn off into two parties, and the commonwealth, which had been the middle, was torn to pieces.

Ceterum nobilitas factione magis pollebat, plebis vis soluta atque dispersa in multitudine minus poterat. Paucorum arbitrio belli domique agitabatur; penes eosdem aerarium provinciae magistratus gloriae triumphique erant; populus militia atque inopia urgebatur; praedas bellicas imperatores cum paucis diripiebant: interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur. Ita cum potentia avaritia sine modo modestiaque invadere, polluere et vastare omnia, nihil pensi neque sancti habere, quoad semet ipsa praecipitavit.

Moreover, the nobility prevailed more by faction, the force of the plebs, loosened and dispersed in the multitude, was less able. At the arbitrament of a few, matters in war and at home were agitated; in the hands of those same men were the treasury, the provinces, the magistracies, glories and triumphs; the people were pressed by military service and by want; the commanders with a few were plundering the war-booty: meanwhile the parents or small children of the soldiers, as each was contiguous to some more powerful man, were driven from their seats. Thus, as power and avarice, without measure and modesty, invaded, polluted, and laid waste all things, holding nothing as of weight nor as sacred, until it precipitated itself headlong.

Nam ubi primum ex nobilitate reperti sunt, qui veram gloriam iniustae potentiae anteponerent, moveri civitas et dissensio civilis quasi permixtio terrae oriri coepit.

For as soon as there were found out of the nobility those who would put true glory before unjust power, the state began to be set in motion, and civil dissension began to arise, as if an upheaval of the earth.

[42] Nam postquam Ti. et C. Gracchus, quorum maiores Punico atque aliis bellis multum rei publicae addiderant, vindicare plebem in libertatem et paucorum scelera patefacere coepere, nobilitas noxia atque eo perculsa modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum per equites Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimoverat, Gracchorum actionibus obviam ierat; et primo Tiberium, dein paucos post annos eadem ingredientem Gaium, tribunum alterum, alterum triumuirum coloniis deducendis, cum M. Fulvio Flacco ferro necaverat. Et sane Gracchis cupidine victoriae haud satis moderatus animus fuit. Sed bono vinci satius est quam malo more iniuriam vincere.

[42] For after Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus, whose forefathers had added much to the commonwealth in the Punic and other wars, began to vindicate the plebs into liberty and to lay open the crimes of the few, the nobility, guilty and thereby stricken, in this way opposed the measures of the Gracchi—now through the allies and the Latin name, at times through the Roman equestrians, whom the hope of partnership had removed from the plebs; and first it slew Tiberius, then, a few years later, Gaius, entering upon the same course—the one a tribune, the other a triumvir for leading out colonies—together with M. (Marcus) Fulvius Flaccus, with the sword. And indeed, in the Gracchi the spirit was not sufficiently moderate because of a desire for victory. But to be overcome by good is preferable to overcoming wrong by an evil custom.

Igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex libidine sua usa multos mortalis ferro aut fuga extinxit plusque in relicuum sibi timoris quam potentiae addidit. Quae res plerumque magnas civitatis pessum dedit, dum alteri alteros vincere quovis modo et victos acerbius ulcisci volunt. Sed de studiis partium et omnis civitatis moribus si singillatim aut pro magnitudine parem disserere, tempus quam res maturius me deseret.

Therefore with that victory the nobility, using it according to their own lust, extinguished many mortals by the sword or by flight, and for what remained added to themselves more of fear than of power. This thing has for the most part cast great commonwealths to ruin, while the one party wishes to conquer the other by whatever mode and to avenge themselves more bitterly upon the conquered. But about the pursuits of the parties and the mores of the whole city, if I were to discourse either item by item or in a manner equal to their magnitude, time would more quickly desert me than the subject.

Quam ob rem ad inceptum redeo.

Wherefore I return to the inception of my undertaking.

[43] Post Auli foedus exercitusque nostri foedam fugam Metellus et Silanus consules designati provincias inter se partiverant, Metelloque Numidia evenerat, acri viro et, quamquam adverso populi partium, fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. Is ubi primum magistratum ingressus est, alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus, ad bellum, quod gesturus erat, animum intendit. Igitur diffidens veteri exercitui milites scribere, praesidia undique arcessere, arma tela equos et cetera instrumenta militiae parare, ad hoc commeatum affatim, denique omnia, quae in bello vario et multarum rerum egenti usui esse solent.

[43] After Aulus’s treaty and our army’s foul flight, Metellus and Silanus, consuls-designate, had divided the provinces between themselves, and Numidia had fallen to Metellus, a keen man and, although adverse to the factions of the people, yet with a reputation even and inviolate. He, when he first entered upon his magistracy, believing all other matters to be shared with his colleague, directed his mind to the war which he was going to wage. Therefore, distrusting the old army, he began to enroll soldiers, to call in garrisons from every quarter, to prepare arms, missiles, horses, and the other instruments of soldiery; in addition, provisions in abundance; finally, everything which in a war various and needy of many things is wont to be of use.

Ceterum ad ea patranda senatus auctoritate, socii nomenque Latinum et reges ultro auxilia mittendo, postremo omnis civitas summo studio annitebatur. Itaque ex sententia omnibus rebus paratis compositisque in Numidiam proficiscitur, magna spe civium cum propter artis bonas tum maxime quod adversum divitias invictum animum gerebat et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Numidia nostrae opes contusae hostiumque auctae erant.

But for the accomplishing of these things, by the authority of the senate, the allies and the Latin name and kings, by sending aid of their own accord, and finally the whole commonwealth with the highest zeal were striving. Therefore, with everything prepared and arranged according to plan, he sets out into Numidia, with great hope of the citizens, both because of his good arts (qualities), and most of all because he bore a spirit unconquered against riches; and by the avarice of magistrates before that time in Numidia our resources had been battered and the enemies’ increased.

[44] Sed ubi in Africam venit, exercitus [ei] traditus a Sp. Albino proconsule iners inbellis, neque periculi neque laboris patiens, lingua quam manu promptior, praedator ex sociis et ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et modestia habitus. Ita imperatori novo plus ex malis moribus sollicitudinis quam ex copia militum auxili aut spei bonae accedebat. Statuit tamen Metellus, quamquam et aestivorum tempus comitiorum mora imminuerat et expectatione eventus civium animos intentos putabat, non prius bellum attingere, quam maiorum disciplina milites laborare coegisset.

[44] But when he came into Africa, the army handed over to him by Sp. Albinus the proconsul was inert and unwarlike, patient of neither danger nor toil, readier with the tongue than with the hand, a predator upon the allies and himself the prey of the enemies, held without command and moderation. Thus for the new imperator there accrued more anxiety from bad morals than help from the number of soldiers or good hope. Metellus nevertheless resolved, although the estival season had been diminished by the delay of the elections and he thought the minds of the citizens intent in expectation of the event, not to touch the war before he had compelled the soldiers to work by the discipline of the ancestors.

Nam Albinus, Auli fratris exercitusque clade perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi provincia, quantum temporis aestivorum in imperio fuit, plerumque milites stativis castris habebat, nisi cum odor aut pabuli egestas locum mutare subegerat. Sed neque muniebatur, neque more militari vigiliae deducebantur; uti cuique libebat, ab signis aberat; lixae permixti cum militibus diu noctuque vagabantur, et palantes agros vastare, villas expugnare, pecoris et mancipiorum praedas certantes agere eaque mutare cum mercatoribus vino advecticio et aliis talibus; praeterea frumentum publice datum vendere, panem in dies mercari; postremo quaecumque dici aut fingi queunt ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, ea in illo exercitu cuncta fuere et alia amplius.

For Albinus, shaken by the disaster of his brother Aulus and of the army, after he had resolved not to go out from the province, for as much of the summer-time as he was in command he for the most part kept the soldiers in stationary camps, unless the stench or want of fodder compelled him to change the place. But neither were fortifications made, nor were watches set after the military manner; each man, as he pleased, was away from the standards; sutlers, mixed with the soldiers, wandered day and night, and, straggling, they laid waste the fields, stormed country houses, drove off booty in cattle and slaves in rivalry, and bartered these with merchants for imported wine and other such things; besides, they sold the grain given out publicly and bought bread day by day; in fine, whatever reproaches of sloth and luxury can be said or imagined, all those were in that army—and more besides.

[45] Sed in ea difficultate Metellum nec minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse comperior: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevitiamque moderatum. Namque edicto primum adiumenta ignaviae sustulisse: ne quisquam in castris panem aut quem alium cibum coctum venderet, ne lixae exercitum insequerentur, ne miles hastatus aut gregarius in castris neve in agmine servum aut iumentum haberet; ceteris arte modum statuisse. Praeterea transversis itineribus cottidie castra movere, iuxta ac si hostes adessent vallo atque fossa munire, vigilias crebras ponere et eas ipse cum legatis circumire; item in agmine in primis modo, modo [in] postremis, saepe in medio adesse, ne quispiam ordine egrederetur, ut cum signis frequentes incederent, miles cibum et arma portaret.

[45] But in that difficulty I find that Metellus was a great and wise man no less than in matters of the enemy: so moderated with such temperance between ambition and savagery. For by an edict he first removed the aids of sloth: that no one in the camp should sell bread or any other cooked food, that camp-followers should not follow the army, that a spearman or a rank-and-file soldier should have neither a slave nor a beast of burden in the camp nor on the march; for the rest he set a measure by strict regulation. Moreover, by cross-ways to move camp every day, to fortify with rampart and ditch just as if enemies were at hand, to set frequent watches and to make the rounds of them himself with the legates; likewise on the march to be present now at the very front, now at the rear, often in the middle, so that no one might step out of line, that they might advance with the standards in close order, and that the soldier carry food and arms.

Ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit.

Thus, by forbidding offenses rather than by punishing, he quickly strengthened the army.

[46] Interea Iugurtha, ubi quae Metellus agebat ex nuntiis accepit, simul de innocentia eius certior Roma[e] factus, diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus est. Igitur legatos ad consulem cum suppliciis mittit, qui tantummodo ipsi liberisque vitam peterent, alia omnia dederent populo Romano. Sed Metello iam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avidum esse.

[46] Meanwhile Jugurtha, when he learned from messengers what Metellus was doing, and at the same time, having been made more certain at Rome of his innocence, began to distrust his own fortunes and then at last attempted a true surrender. Accordingly he sends envoys to the consul with supplications, to ask only life for himself and his children, but to give all other things to the Roman people. But to Metellus it had already before been known by experiments that the race of the Numidians is faithless, with a mobile disposition, greedy for new things.

Itaque legatos alium ab alio diversos aggreditur ac paulatim temptando, postquam opportunos sibi cognovit, multa pollicendo persuadet, uti Iugurtham maxime vivum, sin id parum procedat, necatum sibi traderent. Ceterum palam quae ex voluntate forent regi nuntiari iubet.

Therefore he approaches the legates, one separated from another, and by trying them little by little, after he recognized those opportune for himself, by making many promises he persuades them to hand over Jugurtha, preferably alive; but if that should not succeed sufficiently, to deliver him to himself slain. Moreover, he orders that, openly, whatever would be according to his will be reported to the king.

Deinde ipse paucis diebus intento atque infesto exercitu in Numidiam procedit, ubi contra belli faciem tuguria plena hominum, pecora cultoresque in agris erant. Ex oppidis et mapalibus praefecti regis obvii procedebant parati frumentum dare, commeatum portare, postremo omnia quae imperarentur facere. Neque Metellus idcirco minus, sed pariter ac si hostes adessent munito agmine incedere, late explorare omnia, illa deditionis signa ostentui credere et insidiis locum temptari.

Then he himself within a few days, with an intent and hostile army, advances into Numidia, where, contrary to the face of war, the huts were full of people, and in the fields were herds and cultivators. From the towns and mapalia the king’s prefects came to meet him, ready to give grain, to carry provisions, in fine to do everything that might be commanded. Nor for that reason did Metellus any the less, but just as if enemies were at hand, advance in a fortified marching order, reconnoiter everything far and wide, believe those signs of surrender to be for ostentation, and that a place for an ambush was being tried.

Itaque ipse cum expeditis cohortibus, item funditorum et sagittariorum delecta manu apud primos erat, in postremo C. Marius legatus cum equitibus curabat, in utrumque latus auxiliarios equites tribunis legionum et praefectis cohortium dispertiverat, ut cum iis permixti velites, quocumque accederent, equitatus hostium propulsarent. Nam in Iugurtha tantus dolus tantaque peritia locorum et militiae erat, ut, absens an praesens, pacem an bellum gerens perniciosior esset, in incerto haberetur.

And so he himself, with the light-armed cohorts, likewise with a chosen band of slingers and archers, was among the foremost; in the rear C. Marius, the legate, attended with the horse; to both flanks he had distributed auxiliary horsemen to the tribunes of the legions and the prefects of the cohorts, so that, with velites mixed in among them, wherever they approached they might drive back the enemy’s cavalry. For in Iugurtha there was such guile and such expertise of the locales and of soldiery that it was held uncertain whether, absent or present, conducting peace or war, he was the more pernicious.

[47] Erat haud longe ab eo itinere, quo Metellus pergebat, oppidum Numidarum nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxime celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. Huc consul, simul temptandi gratia, [et] si paterentur, et ob opportunitates loci, praesidium imposuit. Praeterea imperavit frumentum et alia, quae bello usui forent, comportare, ratus, id quod res monebat, frequentiam negotiatorum et commeatu[m] iuvaturum exercitum et iam paratis rebus munimento fore.

[47] Not far from the route along which Metellus was proceeding, there was a town of the Numidians by name Vaga, the forum of things-for-sale of the whole kingdom most renowned, where many mortals of Italian stock had been accustomed both to dwell and to trade. Hither the consul, both for the sake of making a trial, [and], if they should allow it, and on account of the advantages of the place, imposed a garrison. Moreover, he commanded that grain and other things which would be of use in war be brought in, thinking—as the situation advised—that the throng of negotiators and the supply [convoy] would aid the army, and that, with things now made ready, it would serve as a bulwark.

Inter haec negotia Iugurtha impensius modo legatos supplices mittere, pacem orare, praeter suam liberorumque vitam omnia Metello dedere. Quos item uti priores consul illectos ad proditionem domum dimittebat, regi pacem, quam postulabat, neque abnuere neque polliceri et inter eas moras promissa legatorum expectare.

Meanwhile, amid these negotiations, Jugurtha now more earnestly kept sending suppliant legates, to beg for peace, to surrender to Metellus everything except his own life and that of his children. The consul, likewise as with the former ones, sent them home, enticed to treason, to the king neither refusing nor promising the peace that he demanded, and amid these delays he awaited the legates’ promises.

[48] Iugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis composuit ac se suis artibus temptari animadvertit, quippe cui verbis pax nuntiabatur, ceterum re bellum asperrimum erat, urbs maxima alienata, ager hostibus cognitus, animi popularium temptati, coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare. Igitur explorato hostium itinere, in spem victoriae adductus ex opportunitate loci, quam maximas potest copias omnium generum parat ac per tramites occultos exercitum Metelli antevenit.

[48] When Jugurtha set Metellus’s words together with his deeds and noticed that he was being tested by his own arts—for to him by words peace was announced, but in reality the war was most bitter; the greatest city estranged, the countryside known to the enemies, the spirits of the commons tampered with—compelled by the necessity of affairs he resolved to contend by arms. Therefore, having reconnoitered the enemy’s route, brought into hope of victory from the opportuneness of the place, he prepares the greatest forces he can of every kind and, by hidden by‑paths, outstrips Metellus’s army.

Erat in ea parte Numidiae, quam Adherbal in divisione possederat, flumen oriens a meridie nomine Muthul, a quo aberat mons ferme milia viginti tractu pari, vastus ab natura et humano cultu. Sed ex eo medio quasi collis oriebatur, in immensum pertingens, vestitus oleastro ac murtetis aliisque generibus arborum, quae humi arido atque harenoso gignuntur. Media autem planities deserta penuria aquae praeter flumini propinqua loca; ea consita arbustis pecore atque cultoribus frequentabantur.

In that part of Numidia which Adherbal had possessed in the division, there was a river rising from the south by the name Muthul, from which a mountain was distant about twenty miles with a parallel tract, waste by nature and by human cultivation. But from the midst of that, as it were, a hill arose, reaching to a vast extent, clothed with wild-olive and myrtle-groves and other kinds of trees which are produced on dry and sandy ground. The middle plain, however, was deserted because of penury of water, except for the places near the river; these, planted with brushwood, were frequented by cattle and cultivators.

[49] Igitur in eo colle, quem transverso itinere porrectum docuimus, Iugurtha extenuata suorum acie consedit. Elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium Bomilcarem praefecit eumque edocet quae ageret. Ipse propior montem cum omni equitatu et peditibus delectis suos collocat.

[49] Therefore on that hill, which we have shown as extended by a transverse route, Jugurtha took up position with the battle line of his own attenuated. He put Bomilcar in command of the elephants and of a part of the infantry forces and instructs him what he should do. He himself, nearer to the mountain, positions his men with all the cavalry and chosen infantry.

Dein singulas turmas et manipulos circumiens monet atque obtestatur, uti memores pristinae virtutis et victoriae sese regnumque suum ab Romanorum avaritia defendant: cum iis certamen fore, quos antea victos sub iugum miserint; ducem illis, non animum mutatum; quae ab imperatore decuerint omnia suis provisa, locum superiorem, ut prudentes cum imperitis, ne pauciores cum pluribus aut rudes cum belli melioribus manum consererent. Proinde parati intentique essent signo dato Romanos invadere: illum diem aut omnis labores et victorias confirmaturum aut maximarum aerumnarum initium fore. Ad hoc viritim, uti quemque ob militare facinus pecunia aut honore extulerat, commonefacere benefici sui et eum ipsum aliis ostentare, postremo pro cuiusque ingenio pollicendo minitando obtestando alium alio modo excitare, cum interim Metellus ignarus hostium monte degrediens cum exercitu conspicatur.

Then, going around to each troop and maniple, he warns and adjures them to remember their former virtue and victory and to defend themselves and his kingdom from the avarice of the Romans: that there will be a contest with those whom they had previously conquered and sent beneath the yoke; that their leader has been changed, not their spirit; that everything which was fitting for a commander has been provided for his men—the higher ground—so that the prudent with the unskilled, and not the fewer with the more numerous, nor the raw with those better at war, should join battle. Therefore they should be ready and intent to fall upon the Romans when the signal is given: that day will either confirm all their labors and victories, or be the beginning of the greatest hardships. In addition, man by man, as each one he had exalted for some military exploit with money or honor, he reminds them of his beneficence and displays that very man to the others; finally, according to each man’s disposition, by promising, by threatening, by adjuring, he arouses one in one way, another in another—while meanwhile Metellus, unaware of the enemy, descending from the mountain, catches sight of him with his army.

Primo dubius, quidnam insolita facies ostenderet — nam inter virgulta equi Numidaeque consederant, neque plane occultati humilitate arborum et tamen incerti, quidnam esset, cum natura loci tum dolo ipsi atque signa militaria obscurati —, dein brevi cognitis insidiis paulisper agmen constituit. Ibi commutatis ordinibus in dextro latere, quod proximum hostis erat, triplicibus subsidiis aciem instruxit, inter manipulos funditores et sagittarios dispertit, equitatum omnem in cornibus locat, ac pauca pro tempore milites hortatus aciem, sicuti instruxerat, transversis principiis in planum deducit.

At first doubtful what the unusual aspect might be showing—for amid the brushwood the horses and the Numidians had taken up position, and they were not completely hidden by the shortness of the trees and yet it was uncertain what exactly it was, since both by the nature of the place and by stratagem the men themselves and the military standards were obscured—then, the ambush being shortly recognized, he halted the column for a little. There, with the ranks rearranged, on the right side, which was nearest the enemy, he arrayed the line with triple reserves; he distributed slingers and archers among the maniples; he places all the cavalry on the wings; and, after briefly exhorting the soldiers in words suited to the moment, he leads the line, just as he had drawn it up, with the front set transversely, down into the plain.

[50] Sed ubi Numidas quietos neque colli degredi animadvertit, veritus ex anni tempore et inopia aquae, ne siti conficeretur exercitus, Rutilium legatum cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitum praemisit ad flumen, uti locum castris antecaperet, existimans hostis crebro impetu et transversis proeliis iter suum remoraturos et, quoniam armis diffiderent, lassitudinem et sitim militum temptaturos. Deinde ipse pro re atque loco, sicuti monte descenderat, paulatim procedere, Marium post principia habere, ipse cum sinistrae alae equitibus esse, qui in agmine principes facti erant.

[50] But when he observed the Numidians quiet and not descending from the hill, fearing from the season of the year and the scarcity of water lest the army be worn out by thirst, he sent forward Rutilius the legate with light-armed cohorts and a part of the cavalry to the river, in order that he might pre‑occupy a place for a camp, thinking the enemies would delay his march by frequent onsets and crosswise engagements, and, since they distrusted arms, would try the soldiers’ weariness and thirst. Then he himself, according to the circumstance and the place, just as he had descended from the mountain, to proceed little by little, to have Marius behind the front ranks, he himself to be with the horsemen of the left wing, who in the marching column had been made the leaders.

At Iugurtha, ubi extremum agmen Metelli primos suos praetergressum videt, praesidio quasi duum milium peditum montem occupat, qua Metellus descenderat, ne forte cedentibus adversariis receptui ac post munimento foret. Dein repente signo dato hostis invadit. Numidae alii postremos caedere, pars a sinistra ac dextra temptare, infensi adesse atque instare, omnibus locis Romanorum ordines conturbare.

But Jugurtha, when he sees that Metellus’s rear column had passed his own foremost, occupies with a garrison, as it were, of 2,000 foot-soldiers the hill by which Metellus had descended, lest perchance, if the adversaries should give way, it be for retreat and as a bulwark in their rear. Then suddenly, the signal having been given, he invades the enemy. The Numidians—some to cut down the hindmost, part to try them from the left and the right—come up in hostility and press hard, throwing the ranks of the Romans into confusion in every place.

Quorum etiam qui firmioribus animis obvii hostibus fuerant, ludificati incerto proelio ipsi modo eminus sauciabantur, neque contra feriendi aut conserendi manum copia erat. Ante iam docti ab Iugurtha equites, ubi Romanorum turma insequi coeperat, non confertim neque in unum sese recipiebant, sed alius alio quam maxime diversi. Ita numero priores, si ab persequendo hostis deterrere nequiverant, disiectos ab tergo aut lateribus circumveniebant; sin opportunior fugae collis quam campi fuerat, ea vero consueti Numidarum equi facile inter virgulta evadere, nostros asperitas et insolentia loci retinebat.

Even those who, with firmer spirits, had met the enemy, being made sport of by the uncertain engagement, were themselves only being wounded from afar, nor was there opportunity for striking back or for joining hand to hand. The horsemen, already beforehand taught by Jugurtha, whenever a squadron of Romans began to pursue, did not retire in close order nor into one place, but each to a different quarter, as widely scattered as possible. Thus, superior in number, if they had been unable to deter the foe from pursuing, they would encircle the scattered men from the rear or the flanks; but if a hill had been more opportune for flight than the plains, then indeed the accustomed Numidian horses would easily make their way out through the brushwood, while our men were held back by the asperity and the unfamiliarity of the ground.

[51] Ceterum facies totius negoti varia, incerta, foeda atque miserabilis: dispersi a suis pars cedere, alii insequi; neque signa neque ordines observare; ubi quemque periculum ceperat, ibi resistere ac propulsare; arma tela, equi viri, hostes atque cives permixti; nihil consilio neque imperio agi, fors omnia regere.

[51] But the aspect of the whole business was variegated, uncertain, foul and miserable: scattered from their own, some yielding, others pursuing; neither standards nor ranks observed; where danger had seized each one, there to stand and to repel; arms, missiles, horses, men, enemies and fellow-citizens intermingled; nothing done by counsel nor by command, chance governing all.

Itaque multum diei processerat, cum etiam tum eventus in incerto erat. Denique omnibus labore et aestu languidis Metellus, ubi videt Numidas minus instare, paulatim milites in unum conducit, ordines restituit et cohortis legionarias quattuor adversum pedites hostium collocat. Eorum magna pars superioribus locis fessa consederat.

And so much of the day had advanced, when even then the outcome was in uncertainty. Finally, with all languid from labor and heat, Metellus, when he sees the Numidians press less, little by little brings the soldiers together into one, restores the ranks, and stations four legionary cohorts against the enemy foot-soldiers. A great part of them, exhausted, had settled down on the higher ground.

Simul orare et hortari milites, ne deficerent neu paterentur hostis fugientis vincere: neque illis castra esse neque munimentum ullum, quo cedentes tenderent; in armis omnia sita. Sed ne Iugurtha quidem interea quietus erat: circumire, hortari; renovare proelium et ipse cum delectis temptare omnia; subvenire suis, hostibus dubiis instare, quos firmos cognoverat, eminus pugnando retinere.

At the same time he was entreating and exhorting the soldiers not to fail and not to permit the fleeing enemy to win: that there was for them neither camp nor any muniment to which, if retreating, they might direct themselves; that all things were situated in arms. But not even Jugurtha meanwhile was quiet: to go around, to exhort; to renew the battle, and he himself with the select to attempt everything; to come to the aid of his own, to press upon wavering foes, those whom he had recognized as firm to hold back by fighting from afar.

[52] Eo modo inter se duo imperatores, summi viri, certabant, ipsi pares, ceterum opibus disparibus. Nam Metello virtus militum erat, locus adversus; Iugurthae alia omnia praeter milites opportuna. Denique Romani, ubi intellegunt neque sibi perfugium esse neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri — et iam die vesper erat —, adverso colle, sicuti praeceptum fuerat, evadunt.

[52] In that manner the two commanders, men of the highest rank, were contending with each other—equal themselves, but unequal in resources. For Metellus had the valor of his soldiers, the ground adverse; to Iugurtha all things other than the soldiers were opportune. Finally the Romans, when they understand that there is for them neither a refuge nor any granting by the enemy of an opportunity to fight—and now it was evening—climb the opposing hill, just as had been prescribed.

Amisso loco Numidae fusi fugatique; pauci interiere, plerosque velocitas et regio hostibus ignara tutata sunt.

With the position lost, the Numidians were routed and put to flight; few perished; velocity and a region unknown to the enemies safeguarded most of them.

Interea Bomilcar, quem elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium praefectum ab Iugurtha supra diximus, ubi eum Rutilius praetergressus est, paulatim suos in aequum locum deducit ac, dum legatus ad flumen, quo praemissus erat, festinans pergit, quietus, uti res postulabat, aciem exornat neque remittit, quid ubique hostis ageret, explorare. Postquam Rutilium consedisse iam et animo vacuum accepit, simulque ex Iugurthae proelio clamorem augeri, veritus, ne legatus cognita re laborantibus suis auxilio foret, aciem, quam diffidens virtuti militum arte statuerat, quo hostium itineri officeret, latius porrigit eoque modo ad Rutili castra procedit.

Meanwhile Bomilcar, whom we said above had been appointed by Jugurtha commander over the elephants and part of the infantry forces, when Rutilius had passed by him, gradually leads his own men down into level ground and, while the legate, hastening, continues on to the river to which he had been sent ahead, calmly, as the situation demanded, arrays the battle-line and does not relax in exploring what the enemy was doing everywhere. After he learned that Rutilius had now encamped and was at ease in mind, and at the same time that the clamor from Jugurtha’s battle was increasing, fearing lest the legate, once the matter was known, should be a help to his men in distress, the line, which, distrusting the virtue (valor) of his soldiers, he had set by artifice so as to obstruct the enemy’s march, he extends more widely, and in that way advances to the camp of Rutilius.

[53] Romani ex improviso pulveris vim magnam animadvertunt; nam prospectum ager arbustis consitus prohibebat. Et primo rati humum aridam vento agitari, post ubi aequabilem manere et, sicuti acies movebatur, magis magisque appropinquare vident, cognita re properantes arma capiunt ac pro castris, sicuti imperabatur, consistunt. Deinde ubi propius ventum est, utrimque magno clamore concurritur.

[53] The Romans, unexpectedly, notice a great mass of dust; for the prospect was being hindered by a field planted with trees. And at first they supposed the dry soil to be driven by the wind; afterward, when they see it remain uniform and, just as the battle-line was being moved, to draw nearer and nearer, the matter recognized, they hastening seize their arms and take their stand in front of the camp, just as was being ordered. Then, when they had come closer, on both sides with a great shout they charge.

Numidae tantummodo remorati, dum in elephantis auxilium putant, postquam eos impeditos ramis arborum atque ita disiectos circumveniri vident, fugam faciunt, ac plerique abiectis armis collis aut noctis, quae iam aderat, auxilio integri abeunt. Elephanti quattuor capti, relicui omnes numero quadraginta interfecti.

The Numidians only lingered, while they supposed there was aid in the elephants; after they see that these, impeded by the branches of the trees and thus scattered, are being surrounded, they take to flight, and most, with their arms cast away, go off unharmed by the aid of the hills or of the night, which was now at hand. Four elephants were captured; all the rest, to the number of forty, were slain.

At Romani, quamquam itinere atque opere castrorum et proelio fessi lassique erant, tamen, quod Metellus amplius opinione morabatur, instructi intentique obviam procedunt; nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi patiebatur. Ac primo obscura nocte, postquam haud procul inter se erant, strepitu velut hostes adventare, alteri apud alteros formidinem simul et tumultum facere; et paene imprudentia admissum facinus miserabile, ni utrimque praemissi equites rem exploravissent. Igitur pro metu repente gaudium mutatur: milites alius alium laeti appellant, acta edocent atque audiunt, sua quisque fortia facta ad caelum fert.

But the Romans, although by the march and the work of the camp and by battle they were wearied and exhausted, nevertheless, because Metellus was delaying beyond expectation, drawn up and intent they advance to meet him; for the guile of the Numidians allowed nothing languid nor remiss. And at first, in the dark night, after they were not far from one another, by the noise as if enemies were approaching, the one side among the other caused fear and tumult at once; and by imprudence a pitiable deed was nearly committed, if horsemen sent ahead from both sides had not explored the matter. Accordingly, fear is suddenly changed into joy: the soldiers, glad, call one to another, they inform and they hear the things done, each man extols his brave deeds to the sky.

Quippe res humanae ita sese habent: in victoria vel ignavis gloriari licet, adversae res etiam bonos detrectant.

Indeed, human affairs are thus: in victory even the ignoble are permitted to glory, adverse circumstances even detract from good men.

[54] Metellus in isdem castris quatriduo moratus saucios cum cura reficit, meritos in proeliis more militiae donat, universos in contione laudat atque agit gratias, hortatur, ad cetera, quae levia sunt, parem animum gerant: pro victoria satis iam pugnatum, relicuos labores pro praeda fore. Tamen interim transfugas et alios opportunos, Iugurtha ubi gentium aut quid agitaret, cum paucisne esset an exercitum haberet, ut sese victus gereret, exploratum misit. At ille sese in loca saltuosa et natura munita receperat ibique cogebat exercitum numero hominum ampliorem, sed hebetem infirmumque, agri ac pecoris magis quam belli cultorem.

[54] Metellus, having stayed in the same camp for four days, with care restores the wounded, rewards those who had merited in the battles according to military custom, praises all in an assembly and gives thanks, exhorts them to carry an equal spirit for the rest, which are light: enough has already been fought for victory; the remaining labors will be for booty. Yet in the meantime he sent deserters and other suitable persons to find out where in the world Jugurtha was or what he was contriving, whether he was with a few or had an army, how he conducted himself as one conquered. But he had withdrawn into places wooded and fortified by nature, and there he was mustering an army larger in number of men, but dull and feeble, a cultivator of field and flock rather than of war.

Id ea gratia eveniebat, quod praeter regios equites nemo omnium Numida ex fuga regem sequitur. Quo cuiusque animus fert, eo discedunt, neque id flagitium militiae ducitur: ita se mores habent.

This was coming to pass for this reason: that, except for the royal horsemen, no Numidian of them all follows the king in flight. Each goes where his own mind bears him, and this is not deemed a disgrace in military service: such are their customs.

Igitur Metellus, ubi videt etiam tum regis animum ferocem esse, bellum renovari, quod nisi ex illius libidine geri non posset, praeterea inicum certamen sibi cum hostibus, minore detrimento illos vinci quam suos vincere, statuit non proeliis neque in acie sed alio more bellum gerendum. Itaque in loca Numidiae opulentissima pergit, agros vastat, multa castella et oppida temere munita aut sine praesidio capit incenditque, puberes interfici iubet, alia omnia militum praedam esse. Ea formidine multi mortales Romanis dediti obsides; frumentum et alia, quae usui forent, affatim praebita; ubicumque res postulabat, praesidium impositum.

Therefore Metellus, when he sees that even then the king’s spirit is ferocious, that the war is being renewed, which could not be conducted except by that man’s caprice, and moreover that the contest for him with the enemies was unequal— with less detriment for them to be conquered than for his own to conquer— decided that the war must be waged not by battles nor in the battle-line, but in another manner. And so he proceeds into the most opulent regions of Numidia, devastates the fields, seizes and burns many forts and towns rashly fortified or without garrison, orders the grown men to be slain, and that all other things be the soldiers’ booty. By that fear many people, surrendered to the Romans, gave hostages; grain and other things which would be for use were provided in abundance; wherever the situation demanded, a garrison was imposed.

Quae negotia multo magis quam proelium male pugnatum ab suis regem terrebant; quippe, cuius spes omnis in fuga sita erat, sequi cogebatur et, qui sua loca defendere nequiverat, in alienis bellum gerere. Tamen ex copia quod optimum videbatur consilium capit: exercitum plerumque in isdem locis opperiri iubet, ipse cum delectis equitibus Metellum sequitur, nocturnis et aviis itineribus ignoratus Romanos palantis repente aggreditur. Eorum plerique inermes cadunt, multi capiuntur, nemo omnium intactus profugit, et Numidae, prius quam ex castris subveniretur, sicuti iussi erant, in proximos collis discedunt.

These operations were frightening the king much more than a badly fought battle by his own men; indeed, for whom all hope was placed in flight, he was compelled to pursue, and he who had been unable to defend his own places had to wage war in another’s. Nevertheless, out of his resources he adopts the plan which seemed best: he orders the army for the most part to wait in the same places, he himself with chosen horsemen follows Metellus, by night-marches and trackless routes, undetected, he suddenly attacks the Romans who were straggling. Of them the greater part fall unarmed, many are captured, no one at all escapes unscathed, and the Numidians, before help could be brought from the camp, just as they had been ordered, withdraw to the nearest hills.

[55] Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum cognitis Metelli rebus, ut seque et exercitum more maiorum gereret, in adverso loco victor tamen virtute fuisset, hostium agro potiretur, Iugurtham magnificum ex Albini socordia spem salutis in solitudine aut fuga coegisset habere. Itaque senatus ob ea feliciter acta dis immortalibus supplicia decernere; civitas, trepida antea et sollicita de belli eventu, laeta agere; de Metello fama praeclara esse. Igitur eo intentior ad victoriam niti, omnibus modis festinare, cavere tamen, necubi hosti opportunus fieret, meminisse post gloriam invidiam sequi.

[55] Meanwhile at Rome a huge joy arose when Metellus’s affairs were known, that he both conducted himself and the army in the manner of the ancestors, that in an adverse place he had nevertheless been a victor by virtue, that he was gaining possession of the enemies’ territory, that he had forced Jugurtha, made magnificent by Albinus’s sloth, to have his hope of safety in solitude or in flight. Accordingly the senate, on account of these things successfully done, decreed supplications to the immortal gods; the citizen-body, previously trembling and solicitous about the outcome of the war, acted joyfully; about Metellus the fame was very illustrious. Therefore he, all the more intent to strive for victory, hastened in every way, yet took care lest anywhere he become opportune to the enemy, remembering that after glory envy follows.

Ita, quo clarior erat, eo magis anxius erat, neque post insidias Iugurthae effuso exercitu praedari; ubi frumento aut pabulo opus erat, cohortes cum omni equitatu praesidium agitabant; exercitus partem ipse, relicuos Marius ducebat. Sed igni magis quam praeda ager vastabatur. Duobus locis haud longe inter se castra faciebant; ubi vi opus erat, cuncti aderant; ceterum, quo fuga atque formido latius cresceret, diversi agebant.

Thus, the more renowned he was, the more anxious he was, and he did not, after Jugurtha’s ambuscades, permit the army, poured out, to plunder; where there was need of grain or fodder, the cohorts with all the cavalry provided a guard; he himself led a part of the army, Marius the remaining. But the countryside was being laid waste by fire rather than for booty. They were making camp in two places not far from one another; where force was needed, all were present; otherwise, in order that flight and dread might grow the more widely, they operated in different directions.

Eo tempore Iugurtha per collis sequi, tempus aut locum pugnae quaerere, qua venturum hostem audierat, pabulum et aquarum fontis, quorum penuria erat, corrumpere, modo se Metello interdum Mario ostendere, postremos in agmine temptare ac statim in collis regredi, rursus aliis, post aliis minitari, neque proelium facere neque otium pati, tantummodo hostem ab incepto retinere.

At that time Jugurtha to follow through the hills, to seek a time or place of battle, where he had heard the enemy would come, to spoil the fodder and the springs of waters, of which there was a scarcity, now to show himself to Metellus, at times to Marius, to try the rearmost in the column and straightway to return into the hills, again to menace some, then others after them, to make neither battle nor suffer leisure, only to hold the enemy back from his undertaking.

[56] Romanus imperator ubi se dolis fatigari videt neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri, urbem magnam et in ea parte, qua sita erat, arcem regni nomine Zamam statuit oppugnare, ratus, id quod negotium poscebat, Iugurtham laborantibus suis auxilio venturum ibique proelium fore. At ille, quae parabantur a perfugis edoctus, magnis itineribus Metellum antevenit. Oppidanos hortatur, moenia defendant, additis auxilio perfugis, quod genus ex copiis regis, quia fallere nequibat, firmissimum erat; praeterea pollicetur in tempore semet cum exercitu affore.

[56] When the Roman imperator sees that he is being wearied by wiles and that no opportunity of fighting is being afforded by the enemy, he resolves to assault a great city and, in that quarter where it lay, the citadel of the realm, by name Zama, thinking that, as the business demanded, Jugurtha would come to the aid of his men when they were hard-pressed, and that there the battle would be. But he, instructed by defectors as to what was being prepared, outstripped Metellus by great marches. He exhorts the townspeople to defend the walls, with defectors added as a support— which class, from the king’s forces, because it could not play false, was the most steadfast; moreover, he promises that in due time he himself will be present with the army.

Ita compositis rebus in loca quam maxime occulta discedit, ac post paulo cognoscit Marium ex itinere frumentatum cum paucis cohortibus Siccam missum, quod oppidum primum omnium post malam pugnam ab rege defecerat. Eo cum delectis equitibus noctu pergit et iam egredientibus Romanis in porta pugnam facit, simul magna voce Siccensis hortatur, uti cohortis ab tergo circumveniant: fortunam illis praeclari facinoris casum dare; si id fecerint, postea sese in regno, illos in libertate sine metu aetatem acturos. Ac ni Marius signa inferre atque evadere oppido properavisset, profecto cuncti aut magna pars Siccensium fidem mutavissent: tanta mobilitate sese Numidae gerunt.

Thus, with matters composed, he withdrew into places as hidden as possible, and after a short while he learns that Marius, from the march, had been sent to get grain with a few cohorts to Sicca, which town, first of all after the bad battle, had defected from the king. Thither with chosen cavalry he goes by night, and, as the Romans were already going out at the gate, he makes a fight; at the same time, with a great voice, he exhorts the Siccenses to surround the cohorts from the rear: that Fortune was giving them the occasion of a splendid exploit; if they should do this, thereafter he himself would live in kingship, they in liberty without fear. And had not Marius hastened to bring up the standards and to get out of the town, surely all, or a great part, of the Siccenses would have changed their allegiance: with such mobility do the Numidians conduct themselves.

Sed milites Iugurthini, paulisper ab rege sustentati, postquam maiore vi hostes urgent, paucis amissis profugi discedunt.

But Jugurtha’s soldiers, sustained for a little while by the king, after the enemies press with greater force, with a few lost, depart in flight.

[57] Marius ad Zamam pervenit. Id oppidum, in campo situm, magis opere quam natura munitum erat, nullius idoneae rei egens, armis virisque opulentum. Igitur Metellus pro tempore atque loco paratis rebus cuncta moenia exercitu circumvenit, legatis imperat, ubi quisque curaret.

[57] Marius arrived at Zama. That town, set on a plain, was fortified more by work than by nature, wanting in nothing requisite, opulent in arms and men. Therefore Metellus, with matters prepared for the time and the place, encompassed all the walls with the army, and orders the legates what each should oversee.

Deinde signo dato undique simul clamor ingens oritur, neque ea res Numidas terret: infensi intentique sine tumultu manent, proelium incipitur. Romani, pro ingenio quisque, pars eminus glande aut lapidibus pugnare, alii succedere ac murum modo subfodere modo scalis aggredi, cupere proelium in manibus facere. Contra ea oppidani in proximos saxa volvere, sudis, pila, praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere.

Then, the signal having been given, on all sides at once a huge clamor arises, nor does this thing terrify the Numidians: hostile and intent they remain without tumult; the battle is begun. The Romans, each according to his ingenium, some fight from afar with sling-bullets or stones, others advance and now undermine the wall, now assault it with ladders, eager to bring the battle to close quarters. In reply, the townsmen roll rocks upon those nearest, and hurl stakes and javelins; besides this they send blazing pitch mixed with sulphur and torch-wood.

Sed ne illos quidem, qui procul manserant, timor animi satis muniverat; nam plerosque iacula tormentis aut manu emissa vulnerabant, parique periculo, sed fama impari boni atque ignavi erant.

But not even those who had remained afar were sufficiently fortified in spirit by fear; for missiles, launched by engines or by hand, were wounding very many, and the brave and the craven alike were in equal danger, but of unequal renown.

[58] Dum apud Zamam sic certatur, Iugurtha ex improviso castra hostium cum magna manu invadit; remissis qui in praesidio erant et omnia magis quam proelium expectantibus portam irrumpit. At nostri repentino metu perculsi sibi quisque pro moribus consulunt; alii fugere, alii arma capere; magna pars vulnerati aut occisi. Ceterum ex omni multitudine non amplius quadraginta memores nominis Romani grege facto locum cepere paulo quam alii editiorem, neque inde maxima vi depelli quiverunt, sed tela eminus missa remittere, pauci in pluribus minus frustrari; sin Numidae propius accessissent, ibi vero virtutem ostendere et eos maxima vi caedere, fundere atque fugare.

[58] While at Zama they were contending thus, Jugurtha unexpectedly assaults the enemy’s camp with a great force; since those who were on guard were remiss and were expecting anything rather than battle, he bursts through the gate. But our men, stricken by sudden fear, each, according to his character, looks to himself: some to flee, others to take up arms; a great part were wounded or slain. However, out of the whole multitude no more than forty, mindful of the Roman name, forming a band, seized a position a little more elevated than the others, nor could they be driven from there by the utmost force; but they sent back the missiles hurled from afar, the few among many making fewer misses; and if the Numidians approached nearer, there indeed they showed valor and cut them down with the greatest force, rout them and put them to flight.

Interim Metellus cum acerrime rem gereret, clamorem hostilem a tergo accepit, dein converso equo animadvertit fugam ad se versum fieri, quae res indicabat popularis esse. Igitur equitatum omnem ad castra propere misit ac statim C. Marium cum cohortibus sociorum, eumque lacrimans per amicitiam perque rem publicam obsecrat, ne quam contumeliam remanere in exercitu victore neve hostis inultos abire sinat. Ille brevi mandata efficit.

Meanwhile, while Metellus was managing the affair most keenly, he received the hostile clamor at his back; then, having turned his horse, he noticed that the flight was being directed toward himself—a thing which indicated they were his own countrymen. Therefore he hastily sent all the cavalry to the camp and at once Gaius Marius with cohorts of the allies; and, weeping, he beseeches him by friendship and by the Republic not to allow any contumely to remain upon a victorious army nor to suffer the enemy to depart unavenged. He in a short time brings the orders to effect.

At Iugurtha munimento castrorum impeditus, cum alii super vallum praecipitarentur, alii in angustiis ipsi sibi properantes officerent, multis amissis in loca munita sese recepit. Metellus infecto negotio, postquam nox aderat, in castra cum exercitu revertitur.

But Jugurtha, hindered by the fortification of the camp—while some were being thrown headlong over the rampart, and others, in the narrow places, by hurrying were obstructing one another—after many were lost, withdrew into fortified positions. Metellus, the business unfinished, when night was at hand, returns to the camp with the army.

[59] Igitur postero die, prius quam ad oppugnandum egrederetur, equitatum omnem in ea parte, qua regis adventus erat, pro castris agitare iubet, portas et proxima loca tribunis dispertit, deinde ipse pergit ad oppidum atque uti superiore die murum aggreditur. Interim Iugurtha ex occulto repente nostros invadit: qui in proximo locati fuerant, paulisper territi perturbantur, relicui cito subveniunt. Neque diutius Numidae resistere quivissent, ni pedites cum equitibus permixti magnam cladem in congressu facerent.

[59] Therefore, on the following day, before he should go out to assail, he orders all the cavalry to maneuver on that side where the king’s approach was before the camp; he parcels out the gates and the nearest posts to the tribunes; then he himself proceeds to the town and, as on the previous day, attacks the wall. Meanwhile Jugurtha, from concealment, suddenly falls upon our men: those who had been stationed nearest, terrified for a little while, are thrown into confusion; the rest quickly come to the rescue. Nor would the Numidians have been able to resist longer, had not infantry intermixed with the cavalry inflicted great slaughter in the encounter.

Quibus illi freti non, uti equestri proelio solet, sequi, dein cedere, sed adversis equis concurrere, implicare ac perturbare aciem : ita expeditis peditibus suis hostis paene victos dare.

Relying on these, they did not, as is customary in a cavalry engagement, pursue and then yield, but collided head‑on with opposing horses, entangling and throwing the battle‑line into disorder: thus, with their infantry unencumbered, they delivered the enemy almost conquered.

[60] Eodem tempore apud Zamam magna vi certabatur. Ubi quisque legatus aut tribunus curabat, eo acerrime niti, neque alius in alio magis quam in sese spem habere; pariterque oppidani agere: oppugnare aut parare omnibus locis, avidius alteri alteros sauciare quam semet tegere, clamor permixtus hortatione laetitia gemitu, item strepitus armorum ad caelum ferri, tela utrimque volare. Sed illi, qui moenia defensabant, ubi hostes paulum modo pugnam remiserant, intenti proelium equestre prospectabant.

[60] At the same time at Zama a contest was being waged with great force. Wherever each legate or tribune had charge, there he strove most keenly, and no one placed hope in another more than in himself; and the townsmen acted likewise: to attack or to prepare in every place, more eagerly to wound one another than to cover themselves, a clamor mixed with exhortation, joy, and groaning, likewise the clatter of arms being borne to the sky, missiles flying from both sides. But those who were defending the walls, when the enemies had only a little relaxed the fight, intent, were prospecting the cavalry battle.

Eos, uti quaeque Iugurthae res erant, laetos modo, modo pavidos animadverteres; ac, sicuti audiri a suis aut cerni possent, monere alii, alii hortari, aut manu significare aut niti corporibus, et ea huc et illuc quasi vitabundi aut iacientes tela agitare.

You might observe them, as Jugurtha’s affairs stood, now glad, now panicked; and, inasmuch as they could be heard or seen by their own men, some to warn, others to exhort, either to signify with the hand or to strain with their bodies, and to move these hither and thither, as if dodging or hurling missiles.

Quod ubi Mario cognitum est — nam is in ea parte curabat —, consulto lenius agere ac diffidentiam rei simulare, pati Numidas sine tumultu regis proelium visere. Ita illis studio suorum asstrictis repente magna vi murum aggreditur. Et iam scalis egressi milites prope summa ceperant, cum oppidani concurrunt; lapides ignem alia praeterea tela ingerunt.

When this was known to Marius — for he was in charge in that sector — he deliberately proceeded more mildly and feigned diffidence in the matter, allowing the Numidians to view the battle without the king’s tumult. Thus, with them constrained by zeal for their own men, he suddenly assaults the wall with great force. And now the soldiers, having mounted by ladders, had nearly seized the top, when the townsmen run together; they pour in stones, fire, and other missiles besides.

Nostri primo resistere; deinde ubi unae atque alterae scalae comminutae, qui supersteterant afflicti sunt, ceteri, quoquo modo potuere, pauci integri, magna pars vulneribus confecti abeunt. Denique utrimque proelium nox diremit.

Our men at first resisted; then, when one set of ladders and then another were shattered, those who had stood upon them were cast down, the rest, however they could, a few unscathed, the greater part worn out with wounds, withdrew. At last night broke off the battle on both sides.

[61] Metellus postquam videt frustra inceptum neque oppidum capi neque Iugurtham nisi ex insidiis aut suo loco pugnam facere et iam aestatem exactam esse, ab Zama discedit et in iis urbibus, quae ad se defecerant satisque munitae loco aut moenibus erant, praesidia imponit. Ceterum exercitum in provinciam, quae proxima est Numidiae, hiemandi gratia collocat. Neque id tempus ex aliorum more quieti aut luxuriae concedit, sed, quoniam armis bellum parum procedebat, insidias regi per amicos tendere et eorum perfidia pro armis uti parat.

[61] Metellus, after he sees the attempt to be in vain, that neither could the town be taken nor could Jugurtha fight except from ambush or on ground of his own choosing, and that summer was now spent, withdraws from Zama; and in those cities which had defected to him and were sufficiently fortified by position or by walls, he places garrisons. Moreover, he stations the army in the province that is nearest to Numidia for the sake of wintering. Nor does he, after the manner of others, concede that time to repose or luxury; but, since by arms the war was advancing too little, he prepares to set snares for the king through his friends and to use their perfidy in place of arms.

Igitur Bomilcarem, qui Romae cum Iugurtha fuerat et inde vadibus datis clam de Massivae nece iudicium fugerat, quod ei per maximam amicitiam maxima copia fallendi erat, multis pollicitationibus aggreditur. Ac primo efficit, uti ad se colloquendi gratia occultus veniat; deinde fide data, si Iugurtham vivum aut necatum sibi tradidisset, fore ut illi senatus impunitatem et sua omnia concederet, facile Numidae persuadet, cum ingenio infido tum metuenti, ne, si pax cum Romanis fieret, ipse per condiciones ad supplicium traderetur.

Therefore he approaches Bomilcar, who had been at Rome with Jugurtha and, after sureties had been given there, had secretly fled the trial for the murder of Massiva, because through the greatest friendship he had the greatest opportunity of deceiving him. And at first he brings it about that he come to him secretly for the sake of a conference; then, a pledge having been given, that if he should deliver Jugurtha to him alive or slain, it would come to pass that the senate would grant to him impunity and all his goods, he easily persuades the Numidian, both because of his faithless disposition and because he feared lest, if peace were made with the Romans, he himself, by the terms, would be handed over to punishment.

[62] Is, ubi primum opportunum fuit, Iugurtham anxium ac miserantem fortunas suas accedit, monet atque lacrimans obtestatur, uti aliquando sibi liberisque et genti Numidarum optime meritae provideat: omnibus proeliis sese victos, agrum vastatum, multos mortalis captos occisos, regni opes comminutas esse; satis saepe iam et virtutem militum et fortunam temptatam; caveat, ne illo cunctante Numidae sibi consulant. His atque talibus aliis ad deditionem regis animum impellit. Mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Iugurtham imperata facturum dicerent ac sine ulla pactione sese regnumque suum in illius fidem tradere.

[62] He, when first it was opportune, approaches Jugurtha anxious and pitying his fortunes, warns and, weeping, adjures him to at last provide for himself, his children, and the nation of the Numidians, most well-deserving: that in all the battles they themselves have been defeated, the land laid waste, many mortals captured and slain, the resources of the kingdom lessened; that already often enough both the valor of the soldiers and fortune had been tested; let him beware, lest, while he delays, the Numidians take counsel for themselves. By these and other such words he impels the king’s spirit toward surrender. Envoys are sent to the commander, to say that Jugurtha would do the things commanded and, without any pact, would surrender himself and his kingdom into his good faith.

Metellus propere cunctos senatorii ordinis ex hibernis accersi iubet; eorum et aliorum, quos idoneos ducebat, consilium habet. Ita more maiorum ex consili decreto per legatos Iugurthae imperat argenti pondo ducenta milia, elephantos omnis, equorum et armorum aliquantum. Quae postquam sine mora facta sunt, iubet omnis perfugas vinctos adduci.

Metellus promptly orders all of the senatorial order to be summoned from their winter quarters; he holds a council of them and of others whom he judged suitable. Thus, in the manner of the ancestors, by decree of the council, he commands through envoys that Jugurtha hand over two hundred thousand pounds-weight of silver, all the elephants, and some quantity of horses and arms. After these things were done without delay, he orders that all the defectors be brought in bound.

Eorum magna pars, uti iussum erat, adducti; pauci, cum primum deditio coepit, ad regem Bocchum in Mauretaniam abierant.

A great part of them, as it had been ordered, were brought in; a few, when first the surrender began, had gone away to King Bocchus into Mauretania.

Igitur Iugurtha, ubi armis virisque et pecunia spoliatus est, cum ipse ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur, rursus coepit flectere animum suum et ex mala conscientia digna timere. Denique multis deibus per dubitationem consumptis, cum modo taedio rerum adversarum omnia bello potiora duceret, interdum secum ipse reputaret, quam gravis casus in servitium ex regno foret, multis magnisque praesidiis nequiquam perditis de integro bellum sumit.

Therefore Jugurtha, when he had been despoiled of arms, men, and money, while he himself was being summoned to Tisidium to receive commands, again began to bend his spirit and, from a bad conscience, to fear things worthy to be feared. Finally, with many days consumed in hesitation, since at one moment from the tedium of adverse affairs he deemed all things preferable to war, at times he would reckon with himself how heavy a downfall from kingship into servitude would be; with many and great defenses lost in vain, he takes up the war anew.

Et Romae senatus de provinciis consultus Numidiam Metello decreverat.

And at Rome the senate, consulted concerning the provinces, had decreed Numidia to Metellus.

[63] Per idem tempus Uticae forte C. Mario per hostias dis supplicanti magna atque mirabilia portendi haruspex dixerat: proinde quae animo agitabat, fretus dis ageret, fortunam quam saepissime experiretur; cuncta prospere eventura. At illum iam antea consulatus ingens cupido exagitabat, ad quem capiendum praeter vetustatem familiae alia omnia abunde erant: industria, probitas, militiae magna scientia, animus belli ingens domi modicus, libidinis et divitiarum victor, tantummodo gloriae avidus.

[63] At the same time, at Utica, by chance, while Gaius Marius was supplicating the gods by means of sacrificial victims, the haruspex said that great and marvelous things were being portended: accordingly, relying on the gods, he should do what he was turning over in his mind, he should test fortune as very often as possible; all would turn out prosperously. But already before this a vast desire for the consulship was goading him on, for the seizing of which, apart from the antiquity of his family, all other things were present in abundance: industry, probity, great science of soldiery, a spirit vast for war, moderate at home, a victor over lust and riches, hungry only for glory.

Sed is natus et omnem pueritiam Arpini altus, ubi primum aetas militiae patiens fuit, stipendiis faciendis, non Graeca facundia neque urbanis munditiis sese exercuit: ita inter artis bonas integrum ingenium brevi adolevit. Ergo, ubi primum tribunatum militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem eius ignorantibus facile factis notus per omnis tribus declaratur. Deinde ab eo magistratu alium, post alium sibi peperit, semperque in potestatibus eo modo agitabat, ut ampliore quam gerebat dignus haberetur.

But he, born and all his boyhood raised at Arpinum, when first his age was patient of soldiery, exercised himself by doing his campaigns, not with Greek eloquence nor with urban elegancies: thus, among the good arts, his intact native talent quickly grew. Therefore, when first he sought the military tribunate from the People, most being ignorant of his face, he—easy to recognize by his deeds—was declared through all the tribes. Then from that magistracy he won for himself another, after another, and always in offices he so conducted himself that he was held worthy of a greater one than he was bearing.

Tamen is ad id locorum talis vir — nam postea ambitione praeceps datus est — consulatum appetere non audebat. Etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, consulatum nobilitas inter se per manus tradebat. Novos nemo tam clarus neque tam egregiis factis erat, quin indignus illo honore et is quasi pollutus haberetur.

Nevertheless he, up to that time such a man — for afterwards he was given headlong by ambition — did not dare to seek the consulship. Even then the plebs handed the other magistracies among themselves, while the nobility passed the consulship from hand to hand among themselves. No new men were so renowned nor so distinguished by deeds that they were not held unworthy of that honor, and as if polluted.

[64] Igitur ubi Marius haruspicis dicta eodem intendere videt, quo cupido animi hortabatur, ab Metello petendi gratia missionem rogat. Cui quamquam virtus, gloria atque alia optanda bonis superabant, tamen inerat contemptor animus et superbia, commune nobilitatis malum. Itaque primum commotus insolita re mirari eius consilium et quasi per amicitiam monere, ne tam prava inciperet neu super fortunam animum gereret: non omnia omnibus cupienda esse, debere illi res suas satis placere; postremo caveret id petere a populo Romano, quod illi iure negaretur.

[64] Therefore, when Marius sees the words of the haruspex aim to the same point to which the desire of his spirit was urging him, he asks from Metellus a discharge for the sake of canvassing. In him, although virtue, glory, and other things to be desired by good men abounded, nevertheless there was a contemning spirit and superbia, the common malady of the nobility. And so at first, disturbed by the unusual matter, he marvels at his plan and, as if through friendship, warns him not to embark on such perverse measures and not to carry a mind above his fortune: that not all things are to be desired by all; that his own circumstances ought to please him enough; finally, he should beware of asking from the Roman people that which by right would be denied to him.

Postquam haec atque alia talia dixit neque animus Mari flectitur, respondit, ubi primum potuisset per negotia publica, facturum sese quae peteret. Ac postea saepius eadem postulanti fertur dixisse, ne festinaret abire: satis mature illum cum filio suo consulatum petiturum. Is eo tempore contubernio patris ibidem militabat.

After he said these things and others like them, and Marius’s spirit was not bent, he replied that, as soon as he could amid public business, he would do what he was asking. And afterward, to him more often pressing the same demand, he is said to have told him not to hasten to depart: soon enough he would seek the consulship together with his son. That son at that time was serving there in his father’s contubernium.

Annos natus circiter viginti. Quae res Marium cum pro honore, quem affectabat, tum contra Metellum vehementer accenderat. Ita cupidine atque ira, pessimis consultoribus, grassari; neque facto ullo neque dicto abstinere, quod modo ambitiosum foret; milites, quibus in hibernis praeerat, laxiore imperio quam antea habere; apud negotiatores, quorum magna multitudo Uticae erat, criminose simul et magnifice de bello loqui: dimidia pars exercitus si sibi permitteretur, paucis diebus Iugurtham in catenis habiturum; ab imperatore consulto trahi, quod homo inanis et regiae superbiae imperio nimis gauderet.

About twenty years old. This circumstance had vehemently inflamed Marius both in pursuit of the honor which he was affecting and against Metellus. Thus, with cupidity and anger—the worst counselors—he ran riot; he refrained from no deed and no word, provided only it was ambitious (i.e., for canvassing); he held the soldiers over whom he commanded in winter-quarters with a laxer imperium than before; among the negotiators (traders), of whom there was a great multitude at Utica, he spoke about the war both in a criminatory tone and magnificently: if half the army were permitted to him, in a few days he would have Jugurtha in chains; the campaign was being drawn out purposely by the commander, because the man, empty and of regal arrogance, took too much delight in command.

Quae omnia illis eo firmiora videbantur, quia diuturnitate belli res familiaris corruperant et animo cupienti nihil satis festinatur.

All these things seemed to them the more firm for this reason, because by the long duration of the war they had ruined their family estate, and for a desiring mind nothing is hurried enough.

[65] Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Numida quidam nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa testamento secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum imminuta. Cui Metellus petenti, more regum ut sellam iuxta poneret, item postea custodiae causa turmam equitum Romanorum, utrumque negaverat: honorem, quod eorum modo foret, quos populus Romanus reges appellavisset; praesidium, quod contumeliosum in eos foret, si equites Romani satellites Numidae traderentur. Hunc Marius anxium aggreditur atque hortatur, ut contumeliarum in imperatorem cum suo auxilio poenas petat.

[65] There was moreover in our army a certain Numidian named Gauda, son of Mastanabal, grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa had written in his testament as second heir, worn out by diseases and for that reason with his mind somewhat diminished. To him, when he asked that, in the manner of kings, he set a chair next to him, and likewise afterward a troop of Roman cavalry for the sake of guard, Metellus had denied both: the honor, because it belonged only to those whom the Roman people had addressed as kings; the protection, because it would be contumelious toward them, if Roman horsemen were delivered as satellites to a Numidian. This man Marius, seeing him anxious, approaches and exhorts him to seek penalties for the affronts against the commander, with his (Marius’s) assistance.

Hominem ob morbos animo parum valido secunda oratione extollit: illum regem, ingentem virum, Masinissae nepotem esse; si Iugurtha captus aut occisus foret, imperium Numidiae sine mora habiturum; id adeo mature posse evenire, si ipse consul ad id bellum missus foret.

The man, his spirit too little strong on account of illnesses, he extols with a favorable oration: that he is a king, a mighty man, the grandson of Masinissa; that if Jugurtha were captured or killed, he would hold the imperium of Numidia without delay; that this could indeed come to pass promptly, if he himself, as consul, were sent to that war.

Itaque et illum et equites Romanos, milites et negotiatores, alios ipse, plerosque pacis spes impellit, uti Romam ad suos necessarios aspere in Metellum de bello scribant, Marium imperatorem poscant. Sic illi a multis mortalibus honestissima suffragatione consulatus petebatur. Simul ea tempestate plebs nobilitate fusa per legem Mamiliam novos extollebat.

Accordingly both him and the Roman equestrians, soldiers and negotiators, some he himself impelled, most the hope of peace impelled, to write to their intimates at Rome sharply against Metellus about the war, and to demand Marius as commander. Thus for that man the consulship was being sought by many mortals with the most honorable suffrage. At the same time, at that season, the plebs, the nobility routed through the Mamilian law, was exalting “new men.”

Ita Mario cuncta procedere.

Thus everything was proceeding for Marius.

[66] Interim Iugurtha, postquam omissa deditione bellum incipit, cum magna cura parare omnia, festinare: cogere exercitum; civitatis, quae ab se defecerant, formidine aut ostentando praemia affectare; communire suos locos, arma tela aliaque, quae spe pacis amiserat, reficere aut commercari; servitia Romanorum allicere et eos ipsos, qui in praesidiis erant, pecunia temptare; prorsus nihil intactum neque quietum pati, cuncta agitare. Igitur Vagenses, quo Metellus initio Iugurtha pacificante praesidium imposuerat, fatigati regis suppliciis neque antea voluntate alienati, principes civitatis inter se coniurant. Nam vulgus, uti plerumque solet et maxime Numidarum, ingenio mobili, seditiosum atque discordiosum erat, cupidum novarum rerum, quieti et otio adversum.

[66] Meanwhile, after Jugurtha, with surrender laid aside, begins war, he with great care starts to prepare everything, to make haste: to muster the army; the communities which had defected from him, to court by fear or by the ostentation of rewards; to fortify his own positions, to refit arms, missiles, and other things which he had lost in the hope of peace, or to procure them by commerce; to allure the slaves of the Romans, and to tempt with money those very men who were in the garrisons; in short to allow nothing untouched nor at rest, to agitate all things. Therefore the Vagenses, in which town Metellus at the outset, with Jugurtha pacifying, had placed a garrison, wearied by the punishments of the king and not before alienated in goodwill, the leading men of the state conspire among themselves. For the common crowd, as it very often is wont and especially that of the Numidians, with a mobile disposition, was seditious and discordious, desirous of new things, hostile to quiet and leisure.

Dein compositis inter se rebus in diem tertium constituunt, quod is festus celebratusque per omnem Africam ludum et lasciviam magis quam formidinem ostentabat. Sed ubi tempus fuit, centuriones tribunosque militaris et ipsum praefectum oppidi T. Turpilium Silanum alius alium domos suas invitant. Eos omnis praeter Turpilium inter epulas obtruncant, postea milites palantis inermos, quippe in tali die ac sine imperio, aggrediuntur.

Then, their matters arranged among themselves, they fix upon the third day, because that day, a festival celebrated through all Africa, displayed play and wantonness rather than fear. But when the time was, they invite the centurions and the military tribunes and the prefect of the town himself, T. Turpilius Silanus, each one another to their own houses. All of them, except Turpilius, they butcher amid the banquet; afterward they attack the soldiers, straggling and unarmed—indeed, on such a day and without command.

Idem plebes facit, pars edocti ab nobilitate, alii studio talium rerum incitati, quis acta consiliumque ignorantibus tumultus ipse et res novae satis placebant.

The same does the plebs: some taught by the nobility, others incited by zeal for such matters; to those ignorant of the acts and the counsel, the tumult itself and novelties were pleasing enough.

[67] Romani milites, improviso metu incerti ignarique, quid potissimum facerent, trepidare. Arce oppidi, ubi signa et scuta erant, praesidium hostium, portae ante clausae fuga prohibebant; ad hoc mulieres puerique pro tectis aedificiorum saxa et alia, quae locus praebebat, certatim mittere. Ita neque caveri anceps malum neque a fortissimis infirmissimo generi resisti posse: iuxta boni malique, strenui et inbelles inulti obtruncari.

[67] The Roman soldiers, in an unforeseen fear, uncertain and ignorant what they should rather do, began to panic. The citadel of the town, where the standards and shields were, a garrison of the enemy, and the gates closed beforehand were prohibiting flight; in addition, women and boys, from the roofs of the buildings, were hurling stones and other things which the place supplied, vying with one another. Thus neither could the twofold peril be guarded against nor could resistance be made by the bravest to the most infirm kind: alike the good and the bad, the strenuous and the unwarlike were cut down unavenged.

In ea tanta asperitate saevissimis Numidis et oppido undique clauso Turpilius praefectus unus ex omnibus Italicis intactus profugit. Id misericordiane hospitis an pactione aut casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus, nisi, quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, improbus intestabilisque videtur.

In that so great an asperity, with the most savage Numidians and the town closed on every side, Turpilius the prefect, alone out of all the Italians, fled away untouched. Whether this thus came about by the mercy of a host, or by a pact, or by chance, we have too little ascertained, except that—because to him, in so great an evil, a base life was preferable to an intact reputation—he appears wicked and intestable.

[68] Metellus postquam de rebus Vagae actis comperit, paulisper maestus ex conspectu abit. Deinde ubi ira et aegritudo permixta sunt, cum maxima cura ultum ire iniurias festinat. Legionem, cum qua hiemabat, et quam plurimos potest Numidas equites pariter cum occasu solis expeditos educit et postera die circiter hora tertia pervenit in quandam planitiem locis paulo superioribus circumventam.

[68] Metellus, after he learned about the things done at Vaga, for a little while, sad, goes away from sight. Then, when anger and grief were commingled, with the greatest care he hastens to go to avenge the injuries. The legion with which he was wintering, and as many Numidian horsemen as he can, he leads out unencumbered at the setting of the sun alike; and on the following day, around the third hour, he arrives into a certain plain, surrounded by places a little higher.

Ibi milites fessos itineris magnitudine et iam abnuentis omnia docet oppidum Vagam non amplius mille passuum abesse, decere illos relicuum laborem aequo animo pati, dum pro civibus suis, viris fortissimis atque miserrimis, poenas caperent; praeterea praedam benigne ostentat. Sic animis eorum arrectis equites in primo late, pedites quam artissime ire et signa occultare iubet.

There he shows the soldiers, weary from the magnitude of the march and now refusing everything, that the town of Vaga is not more than 1,000 paces away; that it is fitting for them to endure the remaining labor with equanimity, while they exact penalties on behalf of their fellow citizens, men most brave and most wretched; moreover, he generously holds out the prospect of booty. Thus, with their spirits raised, he orders the cavalry in the van to spread widely, the infantry to march as compactly as possible, and to conceal the standards.

[69] Vagenses ubi animum advertere ad se versum exercitum pergere, primo, uti erat res, Metellum esse rati portas clausere; deinde ubi neque agros vastari et eos, qui primi aderant, Numidas equites vident, rursum Iugurtham arbitrati cum magno gaudio obvii procedunt. Equites peditesque repente signo dato alii vulgum effusum oppido caedere, alii ad portas festinare, pars turris capere: ira atque praedae spes amplius quam lassitudo posse. Ita Vagenses biduum modo ex perfidia laetati; civitas magna et opulens cuncta poenae aut praedae fuit.

[69] When the people of Vaga noticed that the army was turning and advancing toward them, at first—just as the situation suggested—thinking it was Metellus, they shut the gates; then, when neither the fields were being ravaged and they saw that those who were arriving first were Numidian horsemen, supposing again that it was Jugurtha, they went out to meet them with great joy. The cavalry and infantry, suddenly, when the signal was given, some began to cut down the common crowd poured forth from the town, others to hasten to the gates, a part to seize the towers: anger and the hope of plunder had more power than weariness. Thus the Vagenses rejoiced from their perfidy for only two days; a great and opulent city was wholly for punishment or for prey.

Turpilius, quem praefectum oppidi unum ex omnibus profugisse supra ostendimus, iussus a Metello causam dicere, postquam sese parum expurgat, condemnatus verberatusque capite poenas solvit; nam is civis ex Latio erat.

Turpilius, whom we have shown above to have fled, the prefect of the town, the only one out of all, having been ordered by Metellus to plead his cause, after he clears himself too little, condemned and scourged, paid the penalty with his head; for he was a citizen from Latium.

[70] Per idem tempus Bomilcar, cuius impulsu Iugurtha deditionem, quam metu deseruit, inceperat, suspectus regi et [ipse] eum suspiciens novas res cupere, ad perniciem eius dolum quaerere, die noctuque fatigare animum. Denique omnia temptando socium sibi adiungit Nabdalsam, hominem nobilem, magnis opibus, clarum acceptumque popularibus suis, qui plerumque seorsum ab rege exercitum ductare et omnis res exequi solitus erat, quae Iugurthae fesso aut maioribus asstricto superaverant; ex quo illi gloria opesque inventae. Igitur utriusque consilio dies insidiis statuitur; cetera, uti res posceret, ex tempore parari placuit.

[70] At the same time Bomilcar, at whose impulse Jugurtha had begun the surrender which he deserted through fear, being suspected by the king and he himself suspecting him, eager for new measures, began to seek a stratagem for his destruction, and to fatigue his mind day and night. At length, by trying everything, he adjoins to himself as an associate Nabdalsa, a noble man, of great resources, renowned and acceptable to his compatriots, who for the most part was accustomed to lead the army apart from the king and to execute all affairs which, Jugurtha being weary or tied down to greater matters, had remained over; whence there accrued to him glory and wealth. Accordingly, by the counsel of both, a day is fixed for the ambush; the rest, as the situation should demand, it was decided to prepare extemporaneously.

Nabdalsa ad exercitum profectus, quem inter hiberna Romanorum iussus habebat, ne ager inultis hostibus vastaretur. Is postquam magnitudine facinoris perculsus ad tempus non venit metusque rem impediebat, Bomilcar, simul cupidus incepta patrandi et timore soci anxius, ne omisso vetere consilio novum quaereret, litteras ad eum per homines fidelis mittit, in quis mollitiam socordiamque viri accusare, testari deos, per quos iuravisset, monere, ne praemia Metelli in pestem converteret: Iugurthae exitium adesse, ceterum suane an Metelli virtute periret, id modo agitari; proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum mallet.

Nabdalsa set out to the army, which he had been ordered to keep among the winter-quarters of the Romans, lest the countryside be laid waste by unpunished enemies. He, after he, stricken by the magnitude of the deed, did not come at the appointed time and fear was hindering the matter, Bomilcar, at once desirous of accomplishing the undertakings and anxious with fear for his ally, lest, the old counsel having been dropped, he should seek a new one, sends letters to him through faithful men, in which he accused the softness and sloth of the man, called the gods—by whom he had sworn—to witness, warned him not to turn Metellus’s rewards into destruction: that Jugurtha’s destruction was at hand, but that only this was being debated, whether it should perish by his own or by Metellus’s valor; accordingly, let him reckon with his mind whether he preferred rewards or torture.

[71] Sed cum eae litterae allatae, forte Nabdalsa exercito corpore fessus in lecto quiescebat, ubi cognitis Bomilcaris verbis primo cura, deinde, uti aegrum animum solet, somnus cepit. Erat ei Numida quidam negotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque et omnium consiliorum nisi novissimi particeps. Qui postquam allatas litteras audivit et ex consuetudine ratus opera aut ingenio suo opus esse in tabernaculum introiit, dormiente illo epistulam super caput in pulvino temere positam sumit ac perlegit, dein propere cognitis insidiis ad regem pergit.

[71] But when those letters were brought, by chance Nabdalsa, with his body exercised and weary, was resting in bed; where, the words of Bomilcar having been learned, first care, then, as a sick mind is wont, sleep seized him. He had a certain Numidian, a curator of affairs, faithful and accepted, and a participant in all counsels except the newest. Who, after he heard that letters had been brought and, from consuetude, thinking there was need of his service or ingenuity, entered the tent; with him sleeping, he takes the epistle, carelessly placed above his head on the pillow, and reads it through, then, the plot having been recognized, he proceeds in haste to the king.

Nabdalsa paulo post experrectus ubi neque epistulam repperit et rem omnem, uti acta erat, [ex perfugis] cognovit, primo indicem persequi conatus, postquam id frustra fuit, Iugurtham placandi gratia accedit; dicit, quae ipse paravisset facere, perfidia clientis sui praeventa; lacrimans obtestatur per amicitiam perque sua antea fideliter acta, ne super tali scelere suspectum sese haberet.

Nabdalsa, a little later, having been roused, when he neither found the letter and learned the whole affair, as it had been done, [from deserters], at first tried to pursue the informer; after that was in vain, he approaches Jugurtha for the sake of placating him; he says that what he himself had prepared to do had been forestalled by the perfidy of his client; in tears he adjures, by their friendship and by his previously faithful acts, that he not hold him suspect on account of such a crime.

[72] Ad ea rex, aliter atque animo gerebat, placide respondit. Bomilcare aliisque multis, quos socios insidiarum cognoverat, interfectis iram oppresserat, ne qua ex eo negotio seditio oreretur. Neque post id locorum Iugurthae dies aut nox ulla quieta fuit: neque loco neque mortali cuiquam aut tempori satis credere, civis hostisque iuxta metuere, circumspectare omnia et omni strepitu pavescere, alio atque alio loco, saepe contra decus regium, noctu requiescere, interdum somno excitus arreptis armis tumultum facere: ita formidine quasi vecordia exagitari.

[72] To this the king, other than he was bearing in his mind, responded placidly. Bomilcar and many others, whom he had recognized as partners in the ambush, having been slain, he had suppressed his wrath, lest any sedition should arise from that affair. Nor after that time was any day or night of Jugurtha quiet: he trusted sufficiently neither place, nor any mortal, nor time; he feared citizens and enemies alike; he kept looking around at everything and was terrified at every noise; now in one place, now in another, often contrary to royal decorum, he would rest by night; sometimes, roused from sleep, with arms snatched up, he made a tumult: thus by fear, as if by madness, he was driven about.

[73] Igitur Metellus, ubi de casu Bomilcaris et indicio patefacto ex perfugis cognovit, rursus tamquam ad integrum bellum cuncta parat festinatque. Marium fatigantem de profectione, simul et invitum et offensum sibi parum idoneum ratus, domum dimittit. Et Romae plebes litteris, qua de Metello ac Mario missae erant, cognitis volenti animo de ambobus acceperant.

[73] Therefore Metellus, when he learned from deserters about the downfall of Bomilcar and that the disclosure had been laid bare, again prepares everything as if for a fresh war and hastens. Marius, pressing him hard about the departure, he, judging him both unwilling and offended toward himself and scarcely suitable, sends home. And at Rome the plebs, once the letters which had been sent about Metellus and Marius were learned, had received the news about both with a willing mind.

Imperatori nobilitas, quae antea decori fuit, invidiae esse; at illi alteri generis humilitas favorem addiderat. Ceterum in utroque magis studia partium quam bona aut mala sua moderata. Praeterea seditiosi magistratus vulgum exagitare, Metellum omnibus contionibus capitis arcessere, Mari virtutem in maius celebrare.

To the general, his nobility, which earlier had been for adornment, was now a matter of envy; but to that other, the humility of birth had added favor. Moreover, in the case of both, the zeal of parties rather than their own merits or faults was the governing factor. Besides, seditious magistrates kept harrying the crowd, prosecuted Metellus on a capital charge at every assembly, and magnified Marius’s virtue to excess.

Denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent. Ita perculsa nobilitate post multas tempestates novo homini consulatus mandatur. Et postea populus a tribuno plebis T. Manlio Mancino rogatus, quem vellet cum Iugurtha bellum gerere, frequens Marium iussit.

Finally the plebs was so inflamed, that all the artificers and countryfolk, whose means and faith (credit) were placed in their hands, with their works left aside thronged to Marius and reckoned their own necessaries after that man's honor. Thus, the nobility being struck down, after many tempests the consulship is entrusted to a new man. And afterwards the people, asked by the tribune of the plebs T. Manlius Mancinus whom they wished to wage war with Jugurtha, in full numbers ordered Marius.

Sed paulo . . . decreverat: ea res frustra fuit.

But a little . . . he had decreed: that matter was in vain.

[74] Eodem tempore Iugurtha amissis amicis, quorum plerosque ipse necaverat, ceteri formidine pars ad Romanos, alii ad regem Bocchum profugerant, cum neque bellum geri sine administris posset et novorum fidem in tanta perfidia veterum experiri periculosum duceret, varius incertusque agitabat. Neque illi res neque consilium aut quisquam hominum satis placebat: itinera praefectosque in dies mutare; modo adversum hostis, interdum in solitudines pergere; saepe in fuga ac post paulo in armis spem habere; dubitare, virtuti an fidei popularium minus crederet: ita quocumque intenderat, res adversae erant.

[74] At the same time, with Jugurtha’s friends lost—most of whom he himself had killed—the rest had fled, some to the Romans, others to King Bocchus; since neither could war be waged without assistants, and he deemed it perilous to test the fidelity of new men amid so great a perfidy of the old, he was agitated, wavering and uncertain. Neither his situation nor his counsel nor any man satisfied him enough: to change routes and commanders day by day; now to march against the enemies, at times to go into solitudes; often to place hope in flight, and a little later in arms; to hesitate whether he should trust less to the valor or to the loyalty of his partisans: thus, whichever way he had directed himself, things were adverse.

Sed inter eas moras repente sese Metellus cum exercitu ostendit. Numidae ab Iugurtha pro tempore parati instructique, dein proelium incipitur. Qua in parte rex pugnae affuit, ibi aliquamdiu certatum, ceteri eius omnes milites primo congressu pulsi fugatique.

But amid these delays, suddenly Metellus showed himself with the army. The Numidians, prepared and arrayed by Jugurtha as the occasion required, then the battle is begun. In the sector where the king was present at the fight, there it was contested for some time; all his other soldiers at the first encounter were driven back and put to flight.

Romani signorum et armorum [et] aliquanto numero, hostium paucorum potiti; nam ferme Numidis in omnibus proeliis magis pedes quam arma tuta sunt.

The Romans gained possession of the standards and the arms [and] in a somewhat considerable number, but of the enemy only a few; for to the Numidians, in almost all battles, their feet are safer than their arms.

[75] Ea fuga Iugurtha impensius modo rebus suis diffidens cum perfugis et parte equitatus in solitudines, dein Thalam pervenit, in oppidum magnum atque opulentum, ubi plerique thesauri filiorumque eius multus pueritiae cultus erat. Quae postquam Metello comperta sunt, quamquam inter Thalam flumenque proximum in spatio milium quinquaginta loca arida atque vasta esse cognoverat, tamen spe patrandi belli, si eius oppidi potitus foret, omnis asperitates supervadere ac naturam etiam vincere aggreditur. Igitur omnia iumenta sarcinis levari iubet nisi frumento dierum decem, ceterum utris modo et alia aquae idonea portari.

[75] That flight made Jugurtha, now all the more diffident of his own affairs, with deserters and a part of the cavalry, betake himself into the solitudes, then he reached Thala, a great and opulent town, where were most of the treasures and, for his sons, much cultivation of boyhood. After these things were discovered by Metellus, although he had learned that between Thala and the nearest river, over a span of fifty miles, the places were arid and waste, nevertheless, in the hope of consummating the war, if he should get possession of that town, he undertakes to overpass all asperities and even to conquer nature. Therefore he orders all the beasts of burden to be lightened of their packs except grain for ten days; the rest, that only water-skins and other things suitable for water be carried.

Praeterea conquirit ex agris quam plurimum potest domiti pecoris eoque imponit vasa cuiusque modi, sed pleraque lignea collecta ex tuguriis Numidarum. Ad hoc finitimis imperat, qui se post regis fugam Metello dederant, quam plurimum quisque aquae portaret; diem locumque, ubi praesto forent, praedicit; ipse ex flumine, quam proximam oppido aquam esse supra diximus, iumenta onerat: eo modo instructus ad Thalam proficiscitur. Deinde ubi ad id loci ventum, quo Numidis praeceperat, et castra posita munitaque sunt, tanta repente caelo missa vis aquae dicitur, ut ea modo exercitui satis superque foret.

Besides, he gathers from the fields as much domesticated cattle as he can and lays upon them vessels of every sort, but for the most part wooden ones collected from the huts of the Numidians. In addition, he commands the neighbors, who after the king’s flight had surrendered themselves to Metellus, that each should carry as much water as possible; he foretells the day and the place where they would be on hand; he himself, from the river which we said above was nearest to the town, loads the beasts of burden: in that manner equipped he sets out to Thala. Then, when they had come to the place which he had prescribed to the Numidians, and the camp was pitched and fortified, so great a force of water is said to have been sent from the sky, that that alone was enough and more than enough for the army.

Praeterea commeatus spe amplior, quia Numidae, sicuti plerique in nova deditione, officia intenderant. Ceterum milites religione pluvia magis usi, eaque res multum animis eorum addidit, nam rati sese dis immortalibus curae esse.

Moreover, the commissariat was more ample than hoped, because the Numidians, as most in a new surrender, had bent their services. Besides, the soldiers made more of the rain on religious grounds, and this matter added much to their spirits, for they reckoned themselves to be a care to the immortal gods.

Deinde postero die contra opinionem Iugurthae ad Thalam perveniunt. Oppidani, qui se locorum asperitate munitos crediderant, magna atque insolita re perculsi, nihilo segnius bellum parare; idem nostri facere.

Then on the following day, contrary to Jugurtha’s expectation, they arrive at Thala. The townsmen, who had believed themselves fortified by the asperity of the places, struck by a great and unusual matter, nevertheless prepare for war none the less; our men do the same.

[76] Sed rex, nihil iam infectum Metello credens — quippe qui omnia, arma, tela, locos, tempora, denique naturam ipsam ceteris imperitantem industria vicerat — cum liberis et magna parte pecuniae ex oppido noctu profugit. Neque postea in ullo loco amplius uno die aut una nocte moratus, simulabat sese negoti gratia properare, ceterum proditionem timebat, quam vitare posse celeritate putabat: nam talia consilia per otium et ex opportunitate capi.

[76] But the king, now believing nothing left unaccomplished by Metellus — indeed, he had conquered everything, arms, missiles, places, times, and finally nature herself, commanding the rest, by industry — fled from the town by night with his children and a great part of his money. And thereafter, having delayed in no place more than one day or one night, he pretended that he was hurrying for the sake of business; but in fact he feared treason, which he thought he could avoid by celerity: for such counsels are taken in leisure and out of opportunity.

At Metellus, ubi oppidanos proelio intentos, simul oppidum et operibus et loco munitum videt, vallo fossaque moenia circumvenit. Dein duobus locis ex copia maxime idoneis vineas agere, [superque eas] aggerem iacere et super aggerem impositis turribus opus et administros tutari; contra haec oppidani festinare, parare; prorsus ab utrisque nihil relicuum fieri. Denique Romani, multo ante labore proeliisque fatigati, post dies quadraginta quam eo ventum erat, oppido modo potiti; praeda omnis ab perfugis corrupta.

But Metellus, when he sees the townsmen intent upon battle, and at the same time the town fortified both by works and by its site, encircled the walls with rampart and ditch. Then in two places, the most suitable out of those available, he began to drive forward the vineae, [superque eas] to cast up an agger, and, with towers set upon the agger, to protect the work and the workmen; against these measures the townsmen hasten and make ready; in short, on both sides nothing is left undone. Finally the Romans, long before wearied by toil and battles, after forty days from their arrival there, gained only possession of the town; all the booty had been spoiled by deserters.

Ii postquam murum arietibus feriri resque suas afflictas vident, aurum atque argentum et alia, quae prima ducuntur, domum regiam comportant. Ibi vino et epulis onerati illaque et domum et semet igni corrumpunt, et quas victi ab hostibus poenas metuerant, eas ipsi volentes pependere.

They, after they see the wall being struck by battering rams and their affairs afflicted, carry gold and silver and the other things that are reckoned of first rank into the royal house. There, laden with wine and banquets, they destroy both the house and themselves with fire, and the penalties which, as vanquished by the enemies, they had feared, those they themselves willingly paid.

[77] Sed pariter cum capta Thala legati ex oppido Lepti ad Metellum venerant orantes, uti praesidium praefectumque eo mitteret: Hamilcarem quendam, hominem nobilem factiosum, novis rebus studere, adversum quem neque imperia magistratuum neque leges valerent; ni id festinaret, in summo periculo suam salutem, illorum socios fore. Nam Leptitani iam inde a principio belli Iugurthini ad Bestiam consulem et postea Romam miserant amicitiam societatemque rogatum. Deinde ubi ea impetrata, semper boni fidelesque mansere et cuncta a Bestia, Albino Metelloque imperata nave fecerant.

[77] But at the same time as Thala was captured, legates from the town Leptis had come to Metellus, begging that he send a garrison and a prefect there: that a certain Hamilcar, a noble and factious man, was striving after revolutionary measures, against whom neither the commands of the magistrates nor the laws availed; unless he hurried to do this, their own safety would be in the utmost peril, and they would be associates of those men. For the Leptitani, already from the beginning of the Jugurthine war, had sent to Bestia the consul, and afterwards to Rome, to ask for friendship and alliance. Then, when these had been obtained, they always remained good and faithful, and had zealously carried out everything ordered by Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus.

Itaque ab imperatore facile quae petebant adepti. Emissae eo cohortes Ligurum quattuor et C. Annius praefectus.

Accordingly, they easily obtained from the general what they were seeking. Four cohorts of Ligurians were sent there, and Gaius Annius as prefect.

[78] Id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum est, quos accepimus profugos ob discordias civilis navibus in eos locos venisse, ceterum situm inter duas Syrtis, quibus nomen ex re inditum. Nam duo sunt sinus prope in extrema Africa, impares magnitudine, pari natura; quorum proxima terrae praealta sunt, cetera uti fors tulit alta alia, alia in tempestate vadosa. Nam ubi mare magnum esse et saevire ventis coepit, limum harenamque et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt: ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutatur.

[78] That town was founded by the Sidonians, whom we are told came by ship as refugees, on account of civil discords, to those places; however, it is situated between the two Syrtes, to which a name was given from the thing itself. For there are two bays near the furthest part of Africa, unequal in magnitude, equal in nature; of which the parts nearest the land are very deep, the rest, as chance has borne it, deep in some places, in a tempest shoaly in others. For when the sea begins to be great and to rage with winds, the waves drag slime, sand, and huge rocks: thus the aspect of the places is changed together with the winds.

Syrtes ab tractu nominatae. Eius civitatis lingua modo conversa conubio Numidarum, legum cultusque pleraque Sidonica; quae eo facilius retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis aetatem agebant. Inter illos et frequentem Numidiam multi vastique loci erant.

The Syrtes were named from the dragging. The language of that city, only lately altered by intermarriage with the Numidians, but most of its laws and cultivation were Sidonian; which they the more easily retained, because they spent their life far from the king’s imperium. Between them and populous Numidia there were many and vast tracts.

[79] Sed quoniam in eas regiones per Leptitanorum negotia venimus, non indignum videtur egregium atque mirabile facinus duorum Carthaginiensium memorare; eam rem nos locus admonuit. Qua tempestate Carthaginienses pleraque Africa imperitabant, Cyrenenses quoque magni atque opulenti fuere. Ager in medio harenosus, una specie; neque flumen neque mons erat, qui finis eorum discerneret.

[79] But since into those regions we have come through the business of the Leptitanians, it does not seem unworthy to recall the distinguished and marvelous deed of two Carthaginians; that matter the place admonished us of. At that time when the Carthaginians held command over most of Africa, the Cyrenaeans too were great and opulent. The land in the middle was sandy, of one aspect; there was neither river nor mountain to discern their boundaries.

Quae res eos in magno diuturnoque bello inter se habuit.

This matter kept them in a great and long-enduring war with each other.

Postquam utrimque legiones, item classes saepe fusae fugataeque et alteri alteros aliquantum attriveret, veriti, ne mox victos victoresque defessos alius aggrederetur, per indutias sponsionem faciunt, uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur: quo in loco inter se obvii fuissent, is communis utriusque populi finis haberetur. Igitur Carthagine duo fratres missi, quibus nomen Philaenis erat, maturavere iter pergere, Cyrenenses tardius iere. Id socordiane an casu acciderit, parum cognovi.

After on both sides the legions, likewise the fleets, had often been routed and put to flight, and the one had somewhat worn down the other, fearing lest soon another should attack both the vanquished and the victors, exhausted, they, under a truce, make a sponsio: that on a fixed day envoys should set out from home; in whatever place they had met one another, that should be held the common boundary of both peoples. Therefore from Carthage two brothers were sent, whose name was Philaeni; they hastened to proceed with the journey, the Cyrenaeans went more slowly. Whether this happened through sloth or by chance, I have not sufficiently learned.

Ceterum solet in illis locis tempestas haud secus atque in mari retinere. Nam ubi per loca aequalia et nuda gignentium ventus coortus harenam humo excitavit, ea magna vi agitata ora oculosque implere solet: ita prospectu impedito morari iter. Postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se esse vident et ob rem corruptam domi poenas metuont, criminari Carthaginiensis ante tempus domo digressos, conturbare rem, denique omnia malle quam victi abire.

Ceterum it is accustomed in those places for a tempest to detain one no differently than on the sea. For when, over level places and naked of things that grow, a wind has arisen and has stirred the sand from the ground, that, driven with great force, is wont to fill mouths and eyes; thus, with the view hindered, to delay the journey. After the Cyrenaeans see that they are somewhat behind and, on account of the spoiled affair, fear penalties at home, they charge that the Carthaginians departed from home before the time, that they are throwing the matter into confusion, and, in fine, that they prefer anything rather than to depart as the vanquished.

Sed cum Poeni aliam condicionem, tantummodo aequam, peterent, Graeci optionem Carthaginiensium faciunt, ut vel illi, quos finis populo suo peterent, ibi vivi obruerentur, vel eadem condicione sese quem in locum vellent processuros. Philaeni condicione probata seque vitamque suam rei publicae condonavere: ita vivi obruti. Carthaginienses in eo loco Philaenis fratribus aras consecravere, aliique illis domi honores instituti.

Soon as the Carthaginians sought another condition, only an equal one, the Greeks make an option for the Carthaginians: either that they, at the place which they sought as the boundary for their people, be buried alive there; or that they themselves, under the same condition, would advance to whatever place they wished. The Philaeni, the condition having been approved, devoted themselves and their life to the commonwealth: thus they were buried alive. The Carthaginians in that place consecrated altars to the Philaenian brothers, and other honors for them were instituted at home.

Nunc ad rem redeo.

Now I return to the matter.

[80] Iugurtha postquam amissa Thala nihil satis firmum contra Metellum putat, per magnas solitudines cum paucis profectus pervenit ad Gaetulos, genus hominum ferum incultumque et eo tempore ignarum nominis Romani. Eorum multitudinem in unum cogit ac paulatim consuefacit ordines habere, signa sequi, imperium observare, item alia militaria facere. Praeterea regis Bocchi proximos magnis muneribus et maioribus promissis ad studium sui perducit, quis adiutoribus regem aggressus impellit, uti adversus Romanos bellum incipiat.

[80] After Thala was lost, Jugurtha, since he thought nothing sufficiently firm against Metellus, set out with a few through great solitudes and came to the Gaetulians, a race of men savage and uncultivated and at that time ignorant of the Roman name. He gathers their multitude into one and gradually accustoms them to have ranks, to follow the standards, to observe command, and likewise to do other military things. Besides, he brings over the intimates of King Bocchus by great gifts and still greater promises to a zeal for himself; and with these as helpers, having approached the king, he impels him to begin a war against the Romans.

Id ea gratia facilius proniusque fuit, quod Bocchus initio huiusce belli legatos Romam miserat foedus et amicitiam petitum, quam rem opportunissimam incepto bello pauci impediverant caeci avaritia, quis omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. Et iam antea Iugurthae filia Boccho nupserat, verum ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurimas uxores, denas alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. Ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nulla pro socia obtinet, pariter omnes viles sunt.

For this reason that was more easy and more ready, because Bocchus at the beginning of this war had sent legates to Rome to seek a treaty and friendship, a matter most opportune with the war undertaken, which a few, blind with avarice, had obstructed—men whose custom was to sell all things, honorable and dishonorable alike. And already before, Jugurtha’s daughter had married Bocchus; but that affinity among the Numidians and the Moors is held light, because individuals, in proportion to their resources, each have as many wives as possible—some ten apiece, others more—but kings so much the more. Thus the mind is torn by the multitude: none obtains the place of consort; alike all are vile.

[81] Igitur in locum ambobus placitum exercitus conveniunt. Ibi fide data et accepta Iugurtha Bocchi animum oratione accendit: Romanos iniustos, profunda avaritia, communis omnium hostis esse; eandem illos causam belli cum Boccho habere, quam secum et cum aliis gentibus, libidinem imperitandi, quis omnia regna adversa sint; tum sese, paulo ante Carthaginiensis, item regem Persen, post uti quisque opulentissimus videatur, ita Romanis hostem fore. His atque aliis talibus dictis ad Cirtam oppidum iter constituunt, quod . . . ibique Metellus praedam captivosque et impedimenta locaverat.

[81] Therefore, at a place pleasing to both, the armies assemble. There, pledge given and received, Jugurtha kindles the spirit of Bocchus with an oration: that the Romans are unjust, of deep avarice, the common enemy of all; that they have the same cause of war with Bocchus as with himself and with other nations—the lust of commanding—to whom every kingdom is opposed; then that he himself would be, just as a little before the Carthaginians and likewise King Perseus, and afterward, as whoever shall seem most opulent, so an enemy to the Romans. With these and other such words said, they set their march toward the town of Cirta, which . . . and there Metellus had placed the booty, the captives, and the baggage.

Ita Iugurtha ratus aut capta urbe operae pretium fore aut, si Romanus auxilio suis venisset, proelio sese certaturos. Nam callidus id modo festinabat, Bocchi pacem imminuere, ne moras agitando aliud quam bellum mallet.

Thus Jugurtha supposed that either, if the city were taken, it would be worth the effort, or, if the Roman should come with aid to his own, they would contend in battle. For the cunning man was only hastening this, to diminish Bocchus’s peace, lest, by agitating delays, he should prefer anything other than war.

[82] Imperator postquam de regum societate cognovit, non temere neque, uti saepe iam victo Iugurtha consueverat, omnibus locis pugnandi copiam facit. Ceterum haud procul ab Cirta castris munitis reges opperitur, melius esse ratus cognitis Mauris, quoniam is novos hostis accesserat, ex commodo pugnam facere.

[82] After the commander learned of the alliance of the kings, he does not act rashly nor, as he had been accustomed when Iugurtha was already often beaten, offer the opportunity of fighting in every place. Moreover, not far from Cirta, with a camp fortified, he waits for the kings, judging it better, once the Moors had been reconnoitered—since new enemies had been added to him—to make battle from advantage.

Interim Roma per litteras certior fit provinciam Numidiam Mario datam; nam consulem factum ante acceperat. Quibus rebus supra bonum aut honestum perculsus neque lacrimas tenere neque moderari linguam, vir egregius in aliis artibus nimis molliter aegritudinem pati. Quam rem alii in superbiam vertebant, alii bonum ingenium contumelia accensum esse, multi quod iam parta victoria ex manibus eriperetur.

Meanwhile Rome is made aware by letters that the province of Numidia had been given to Marius; for she had previously received that he had been made consul. By these matters, struck beyond what is good or honorable, he could neither hold back his tears nor moderate his tongue—a man outstanding in other arts, suffering grief too softly. Some were turning this matter into arrogance; others, that his good nature had been inflamed by an insult; many, that a victory already won was being snatched from his hands.

Nobis satis cognitum est illum magis honore Mari quam iniuria sua excruciatum, neque tam anxie laturum fuisse, si adempta provincia alii quam Mario traderetur.

It is sufficiently known to us that he was excruciated more by Marius’s honor than by his own injury, and that he would not have borne it so anxiously, if the province, once taken away, were handed over to someone other than Marius.

[83] Igitur eo dolore impeditus et quia stultitiae videbatur alienam rem periculo suo curare, legatos ad Bocchum mittit postulatum, ne sine causa hostis populo Romano fieret: habere tum magnam copiam societatis amicitiaeque coniungendae, quae potior bello esset, et, quamquam opibus suis confideret, tamen non debere incerta pro certis mutare. Omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum aegerrime desinere; non in eiusdem potestate initium eius et finem esse; incipere cuivis etiam ignavo licere, deponi cum victores velint. Proinde sibi regnoque suo consuleret neu florentis res suas cum Iugurthae perditis misceret.

[83] Therefore, hampered by that grief, and because it seemed an act of stupidity to tend another’s affair at his own peril, he sends legates to Bocchus to demand that he not without cause become an enemy to the Roman people: that there was then ample means of joining in alliance and amity, which was preferable to war; and although he trusted in his own resources, nevertheless he ought not to trade the certain for the uncertain. Every war is easy to take up, but most arduous to cease; its beginning and its end are not in the power of the same party; to begin is permitted to anyone, even a coward, but to be laid down when the victors wish. Accordingly, let him look to himself and to his kingdom, and not mix his flourishing affairs with Jugurtha’s ruined ones.

Ad ea rex satis placide verba facit: sese pacem cupere, sed Iugurthae fortunarum misereri; si eadem illi copia fieret, omnia conventura. Rursus imperator contra postulata Bocchi nuntios mittit; ille probare partim, alia abnuere. Eo modo saepe ab utroque missis remissisque nuntiis tempus procedere, et ex Metelli voluntate bellum intactum trahi.

To these things the king speaks quite placidly: that he desires peace, but has compassion for Jugurtha’s fortunes; if the same opportunity were afforded to him, everything would come together. In turn the commander sends messengers in reply to the demands of Bocchus; he approves some things, refuses others. In this way, with messengers often sent and sent back by both sides, time proceeded, and, in accordance with Metellus’s will, the war, untouched, was drawn out.

[84] At Marius, ut supra diximus, cupientissima plebe consul factus, postquam ei provinciam Numidiam populus iussit, antea iam infestus nobilitati, tum vero multus atque ferox instare; singulos modo, modo universos laedere; dictitare sese consulatum ex victis illis spolia cepisse, alia praeterea magnifica pro se et illis dolentia. Interim quae bello opus erant, prima habere: postulare legionibus supplementum, auxilia a populis et regibus arcessere, praeterea ex Latio sociisque fortissimum quemque, plerosque militiae, paucos fama cognitos, accire et ambiendo cogere homines emeritis stipendiis secum proficisci.

[84] But Marius, as we said above, made consul by a most eager plebs, after the people assigned to him the province of Numidia—already before hostile to the nobility, then indeed abundant and ferocious in pressing on—now individuals, now all together to injure; to keep saying that he had taken the spoils of his consulship from those defeated men, and besides other magnificent things in his own favor and painful to them. Meanwhile, the things that were needed for war he held as first: to demand a supplement for the legions, to summon auxilia from peoples and kings, and furthermore from Latium and the allies to call up each bravest man, the majority known for soldiery, a few known by fame, and by canvassing to compel men with their stipends earned, veterans, to set out with him.

Neque illi senatus, quamquam adversus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere audebat. Ceterum supplementum etiam laetus decreverat, quia neque plebi militia volenti putabatur et Marius aut belli usum aut studia vulgi amissurus. Sed ea res frustra sperata: tanta libido cum Mario eundi plerosque invaserat.

Nor did the senate, although it was opposed to him, dare to refuse him in any business. Moreover, it had even gladly decreed the reinforcement, since the plebs were not thought willing for military service and Marius was going to lose either the practice of war or the enthusiasms of the crowd. But that hope was vain: so great a desire of going with Marius had seized most.

Sese quisque praeda locupletem fore, victorem domum rediturum, alia huiusce modi animis trahebant, et eos non paulum oratione sua Marius arrexerat. Nam postquam omnibus quae postulaverat decretis milites scribere vult, hortandi causa simul et nobilitatem, uti consueverat, exagitandi contionem populi advocavit. Deinde hoc modo disseruit:

Each man was drawing into his mind that he would be rich with booty, that as victor he would return home, and other things of this sort; and Marius had not a little aroused them by his oration. For after, when decrees had been passed for all that he had demanded, he wished to enroll soldiers, he convened a contio of the people for the sake of exhorting and, as he was accustomed, of exagitating the nobility. Then in this manner he discoursed:

[85] "Scio ego, Quirites, plerosque non isdem artibus imperium a vobis petere et, postquam adepti sunt, gerere: primo industrios supplices modicos esse, dein per ignaviam et superbiam aetatem agere. Sed mihi contra ea videtur: nam quo pluris est universa res publica quam consulatus aut praetura, eo maiore cura illam administrari quam haec peti debere. Neque me fallit, quantum cum maximo vestro beneficio negoti sustineam.

[85] "I know, Quirites, that many do not seek command from you by the same arts by which, after they have attained it, they conduct it: at first they are industrious, suppliant, moderate; then through sloth and superbness they pass their life. But to me the contrary of these things seems right: for the more the whole commonwealth is of value than a consulship or a praetorship, by so much the greater care ought that to be administered than these to be sought. Nor does it escape me how much business I sustain along with your very great benefaction.

Bellum parare simul et aerario parcere, cogere ad militiam eos quos nolis offendere, domi forisque omnia curare et ea agere inter invidos occursantis factiosos opinione, Quirites, asperius est. Ad hoc, alii si deliquere, vetus nobilitas, maiorum fortia facta, cognatorum et affinium opes, multae clientelae, omnia haec praesidio assunt; mihi spes omnes in memet sitae, quas necesse est virtute et innocentia tutari; nam alia infirma sunt.

To prepare war and at the same time spare the aerarium (treasury), to compel to militia (military service) those whom you would not wish to offend, to take care of everything at home and abroad, and to do these things amid the envious, encountering factionists who waylay one with opinion, Quirites, is more asperous. In addition, if others have done wrong, old nobility, the brave deeds of their maiores, the resources of cognates and affines, many clienteles—all these are present as a protection; for me, all hopes are placed in my own self, which it is necessary to guard by virtus and innocence; for other supports are infirm.

"Et illud intellego, Quirites, omnium ora in me conversa esse, aequos bonosque favere — quippe mea bene facta rei publicae procedunt —, nobilitatem locum invadendi quaerere. Quo mihi acrius annitendum est, uti neque vos capiamini et illi frustra sint. Ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui, uti omnis labores et pericula consueta habeam.

"And I understand this, Quirites, that all faces are turned toward me, the fair and the good favoring—for indeed my good deeds advance the republic—, the nobility seeking an opening for an inroad. Wherefore I must strive the more keenly, that neither you be taken in and that they be thwarted. Thus, up to this age, from boyhood, I have been such as to reckon all labors and dangers as customary."

Quae ante vestra beneficia gratuito faciebam, ea uti accepta mercede deseram, non est consilium, Quirites. Illis difficile est in potestatibus temperare, qui per ambitionem sese probos simulavere; mihi, qui omnem aetatem in optimis artibus egi, bene facere iam ex consuetudine in naturam vertit.

The things which I used to do gratuitously before your benefactions, to desert those now that a wage has been accepted, is not my plan, Quirites. For those men find it difficult to be temperate in powers, who through ambition have feigned themselves upright; for me, who have passed my whole life in the best arts, to do well has now, from custom, turned into nature.

"Bellum me gerere cum Iugurtha iussistis, quam rem nobilitas aegerrime tulit. Quaeso, reputate cum animis vestris, num id mutare melius sit, si quem ex illo globo nobilitatis ad hoc aut aliud tale negotium mittatis, hominem veteris prosapiae ac multarum imaginum et nullius stipendi: scilicet ut in tanta re ignarus omnium trepidet, festinet, sumat aliquem ex populo monitorem offici sui. Ita plerumque evenit, ut, quem vos imperare iussistis, is sibi imperatorem alium quaerat.

"You ordered me to wage war with Jugurtha, a matter which the nobility took most grievously. I beg you, reckon with your minds whether it is better to change that, if you should send someone from that clique of the nobility to this or some other such business, a man of ancient progeny and of many images and of no stipend-service: namely, so that, in so great a matter, ignorant of everything, he should panic, hurry, and take someone from the people as a monitor of his duty. Thus it mostly happens that the man whom you have ordered to command looks for another commander for himself.

Atque ego scio, Quirites, qui, postquam consules facti sunt, et acta maiorum et Graecorum militaria praecepta legere coeperint: praeposteri homines, nam gerere quam fieri tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est.

And I know, Quirites, the sort who, after they have been made consuls, then begin to read both the deeds of the ancestors and the military precepts of the Greeks: preposterous men; for action comes later in time than being made, yet earlier in reality and in practice.

"Comparate nunc, Quirites, cum illorum superbia me hominem novum. Quae illi audire aut legere solent, eorum partem vidi, alia egomet gessi; quae illi litteris, ea ego militando didici. Nunc vos existimate, facta an dicta pluris sint.

"Compare now, Quirites, me, a new man, with their arrogance. The things which they are accustomed to hear or to read, a part of those I have seen; other things I myself have done; what they learn by letters, I have learned by soldiering. Now you estimate whether deeds or words are worth more.

Contemnunt novitatem meam, ego illorum ignaviam; mihi fortuna, illis probra obiectantur. Quamquam ego naturam unam et communem omnium existimo, sed fortissimum quemque generosissimum. Ac si iam ex patribus Albini aut Bestiae quaeri posset, mene an illos ex se gigni maluerint, quid responsuros creditis nisi sese liberos quam optimos voluisse?

They contemn my newness; I contemn their ignavia: to me Fortune, to them reproaches are objected. Although I deem nature one and common to all, yet whoever is bravest is most noble. And if now it were possible to ask it of the fathers of Albinus or Bestia, whether they would have preferred that I or they be begotten from themselves, what do you think they would answer, except that they wished their children to be as excellent as possible?

"Quod si iure me despiciunt, faciant item maioribus suis, quibus, uti mihi, ex virtute nobilitas coepit. Invident honori meo: ergo invideant labori, innocentiae, periculis etiam meis, quoniam per haec illum cepi. Verum homines corrupti superbia ita aetatem agunt, quasi vestros honores contemnant; ita hos petunt, quasi honeste vixerint.

"But if they despise me by right, let them likewise do so to their ancestors, for whom, as for me, nobility began from virtue. They envy my honor: therefore let them envy my labor, my innocence, my very perils too, since through these I captured it. But men corrupted by pride spend their life as though they scorn your honors; in the same way they seek these, as though they had lived honorably.

Ne illi falsi sunt, qui diversissimas res pariter expectant, ignaviae voluptatem et praemia virtutis. Atque etiam, cum apud vos aut in senatu verba faciunt, pleraque oratione maiores suos extollunt: eorum fortia facta memorando clariores sese putant. Quod contra est.

Indeed, those are deceived who at the same time expect most diverse things, the pleasure of idleness and the prizes of virtue. And moreover, when they make speeches before you or in the senate, they extol their ancestors with most of their oration: by commemorating their brave deeds they think themselves more illustrious. The contrary is the case.

Nam quanto vita illorum praeclarior, tanto horum socordia flagitiosior. Et profecto ita se res habet: maiorum gloria posteris quasi lumen est, neque bona neque mala eorum in occulto patitur. Huiusce rei ego inopiam fateor, Quirites, verum, id quod multo praeclarius est, meamet facta mihi dicere licet.

For the more illustrious the life of those men, by so much the more flagitious is the sloth of these. And assuredly the matter stands thus: the glory of the ancestors is as a light to posterity, nor does it suffer either their good or their bad to be in concealment. Of this thing I confess a lack, Quirites; but—what is much more illustrious—I am allowed to speak my very own deeds on my own behalf.

Nunc videte, quam iniqui sint. Quod ex aliena virtute sibi arrogant, id mihi ex mea non concedunt, scilicet quia imagines non habeo et quia mihi nova nobilitas est, quam certe peperisse melius est quam acceptam corrupisse.

Now see how unjust they are. What they arrogate to themselves from another’s virtue, that they do not concede to me from my own—namely, because I have no ancestral images and because my nobility is new, which, assuredly, it is better to have engendered than to have received and corrupted.

"Equidem ego non ignoro, si iam mihi respondere velint, abunde illis facundam et compositam orationem fore. Sed in maximo vestro beneficio cum omnibus locis meque vosque maledictis lacerent, non placuit reticere, ne quis modestiam in conscientiam duceret. Nam me quidem ex animi mei sententia nulla oratio laedere potest: quippe vera necesse est bene praedicent, falsa vita moresque mei superant.

"Indeed I am not unaware that, if they should now wish to respond to me, there will be for them an abundant, eloquent and composed oration. But amid your greatest benefaction, while in all places they lacerate with maledictions both me and you, it did not please me to keep silent, lest anyone take modesty for conscience. For, as for me, in accordance with the sentiment of my mind, no oration can wound: since the true things must needs speak well, and the false my life and morals surpass.

Sed quoniam vestra consilia accusantur, qui mihi summum honorem et maximum negotium imposuistis, etiam atque etiam reputate, num eorum paenitendum sit. Non possum fidei causa imagines neque triumphos aut consulatus maiorum meorum ostentare, at, si res postulet, hastas, vexillum, phaleras, alia militaria dona, praeterea cicatrices adverso corpore. Hae sunt meae imagines, haec nobilitas, non hereditate relicta, ut illa illis, sed quae ego meis plurimis laboribus et periculis quaesivi.

But since your counsels are being accused, you who have imposed upon me the highest honor and the greatest business, consider again and again whether you ought to repent of them. I cannot, for the sake of credibility, parade images nor the triumphs or consulships of my ancestors; but, if the matter shall require, (I can display) spears, a vexillum, phalerae, other military gifts, and besides, scars on the front of my body. These are my images, this is my nobility, not left by inheritance, as theirs to them, but such as I myself have acquired by my very many labors and dangers.

"Non sunt composita verba mea: parvi id facio. Ipsa se virtus satis ostendit; illis artificio opus est, ut turpia facta oratione tegant. Neque litteras Graecas didici: parum placebat eas discere, quippe quae ad virtutem doctoribus nihil profuerant.

"My words are not composed: I make little of that. Virtue itself shows itself enough; they have need of artifice, to cover shameful deeds with oration. Nor did I learn Greek letters: it pleased me too little to learn them, since they had profited their teachers nothing toward virtue.

At illa multo optima rei publicae doctus sum: hostem ferire, praesidia agitare, nihil metuere nisi turpem famam, hiemem et aestatem iuxta pati, humi requiescere, eodem tempore inopiam et laborem tolerare. His ego praeceptis milites hortabor, neque illos arte colam, me opulenter, neque gloriam meam, laborem illorum faciam. Hoc est utile, hoc civile imperium.

But in those things by far the best for the Republic I have been trained: to strike the enemy, to harry the outposts, to fear nothing except a disgraceful reputation, to endure winter and summer alike, to rest on the ground, to tolerate want and toil at the same time. With these precepts I will exhort the soldiers, nor will I court them by artifice while I live opulently, nor will I make my glory out of their labor. This is useful; this is a civil command.

Namque cum tute per mollitiem agas, exercitum supplicio cogere, id est dominum, non imperatorem esse. Haec atque alia talia maiores vestri faciendo seque remque publicam celebravere. Quis nobilitas freta, ipsa dissimilis moribus, nos illorum aemulos contemnit et omnis honores non ex merito, sed quasi debitos a vobis repetit.

For indeed, when you yourself live through softness, to drive the army by punishment is to be a master, not a commander. By doing these and other such things, your ancestors celebrated both themselves and the commonwealth. Relying on them, the nobility—being itself unlike in morals—despises us, rivals of those men, and demands all honors from you not from merit, but as if owed.

Ceterum homines superbissimi procul errant. Maiores eorum omnia quae licebat illis reliquere: divitias, imagines, memoriam sui praeclaram; virtutem non reliquere, neque poterant: ea sola neque datur dono neque accipitur. Sordidum me et incultis moribus aiunt, quia parum scite convivium exorno neque histrionem ullum neque pluris preti coquum quam vilicum habeo.

But the most arrogant men are far mistaken. Their ancestors left behind everything which they were allowed to: riches, images, a very illustrious memory of themselves; virtue they did not leave, nor could they: that alone is neither given as a gift nor received. They call me sordid and of uncultivated manners, because I do not too cleverly deck out a banquet and I keep neither any actor nor a cook at a higher price than a farm-steward.

Quae mihi libet confiteri, Quirites. Nam ex parente meo et ex aliis sanctis viris ita accepi, munditias mulieribus, viris laborem convenire, omnibusque bonis oportere plus gloriae quam divitiarum esse; arma, non supellectilem decori esse.

These things it pleases me to confess, Quirites. For from my father and from other venerable men I have thus received: that refinements befit women, labor befits men; and that for all good men there ought to be more of glory than of riches; that arms, not furnishings, are for decor.

"Quin ergo, quod iuvat, quod carum aestimant, id semper faciant: ament, potent; ubi adulescentiam habuere, ibi senectutem agant, in conviviis, dediti ventri et turpissimae parti corporis; sudorem, pulverem et alia talia relinquant nobis, quibus illa epulis iucundiora sunt. Verum non ita est. Nam ubi se flagitiis dedecoravere turpissimi viri, bonorum praemia ereptum eunt.

"Why then, let them always do what pleases, what they esteem dear: let them love, let them be potent; where they have had their adolescence, there let them pass their senescence, at banquets, devoted to the belly and to the most shameful part of the body; let them leave sweat, dust, and other such things to us, for whom those are more pleasant than feasts. But it is not so. For when most disgraceful men have discredited themselves with flagitious deeds, they go to snatch away the rewards of the good.

Ita iniustissime luxuria et ignavia, pessimae artes, illis, qui coluere eas, nihil officiunt, rei publicae innoxiae cladi sunt.

Thus, most unjustly, luxury and sloth, the worst arts, do nothing to hinder those who have cultivated them; to the harmless commonwealth they are a calamity.

"Nunc quoniam illis, quantum mei mores, non illorum flagitia poscebant, respondi, pauca de re publica loquar. Primum omnium de Numidia bonum habete animum, Quirites. Nam quae ad hoc tempus Iugurtham tutata sunt, omnia removistis: avaritiam, imperitiam atque superbiam.

"Now, since to those men I have replied as much as my own morals, not their disgraces, demanded, I will speak a few things about the Republic. First of all, concerning Numidia, take good heart, Quirites. For the things which up to this time have protected Jugurtha, you have removed them all: avarice, inexperience, and arrogance.

Deinde exercitus ibi est locorum sciens, sed mehercule magis strenuos quam felix. Nam magna pars eius avaritia aut temeritate ducum attrita est. Quam ob rem vos, quibus militaris aetas est, annitimini mecum et capessite rem publicam, neque quemquam ex calamitate aliorum aut imperatorum superbia metus ceperit.

Then the army there is knowledgeable of the localities, but, by Hercules, more strenuous than fortunate. For a great part of it has been worn down by the avarice or the temerity of the leaders. Wherefore you, whose age is military, strive with me and take up the Republic, and let fear seize no one from the calamity of others or from the haughtiness of commanders.

Egomet in agmine [a]ut in proelio consultor idem et socius periculi vobiscum adero, meque vosque in omnibus rebus iuxta geram. Et profecto dis iuvantibus omnia matura sunt: victoria, praeda, laus. Quae si dubia aut procul essent, tamen omnis bonos rei publicae subvenire decebat.

I myself, in the column or in battle, the same counselor and partner in peril, will be present with you, and I will conduct myself and you alike in all things. And assuredly, with the gods aiding, all things are mature: victory, booty, praise. Which things, even if they were doubtful or far off, nevertheless it was fitting for all good men to come to the aid of the Republic.

Etenim nemo ignavia immortalis factus est, neque quisquam parens liberis, uti aeterni forent, optavit, magis uti boni honestique vitam exigerent. Plura dicerem, Quirites, si timidis virtutem verba adderent; nam strenuis abunde dictum puto."

For indeed no one has been made immortal by ignavia, nor has any parent wished for his children that they should be eternal, but rather that they should live out a good and honest life. I would say more, Quirites, if words could add virtue to the timid; for to the strenuous I think enough has been said."

[86] Huiusce modi oratione habita Marius, postquam plebis animos arrectos videt, propere commeatu, stipendio, armis aliisque utilibus navis onerat, cum his A. Manlium legatum proficisci iubet. Ipse interea milites scribere, non more maiorum neque ex classibus, sed uti libido cuiusque erat, capite censos plerosque. Id factum alii inopia bonorum, alii per ambitionem consulis memorabant, quod ab eo genere celebratus auctusque erat et homini potentiam quaerenti egentissimus quisque opportunissimus, cui neque sua cara, quippe quae nulla sunt, et omnia cum pretio honesta videntur.

[86] With an oration of this kind delivered, Marius, after he sees the spirits of the plebs aroused, promptly loads the ships with commissariat, stipend, arms, and other useful things, and he orders A. Manlius, his legate, to set out with these. Meanwhile he himself begins to enroll soldiers, not in the manner of the ancestors nor from the classes, but as each man’s desire was, the greater part from the head-count (capite censī). Some recounted that this was done through a lack of good men, others through the consul’s ambition, because by that sort he had been celebrated and advanced; and for a man seeking power, the most needy is the most opportune, to whom his own possessions are not dear—for indeed they are none—and to whom all things seem honorable for a price.

Igitur Marius cum aliquanto maiore numero, quam decretum erat, in Africam profectus paucis diebus Uticam advehitur. Exercitus ei traditur a P. Rutilio legato; nam Metellus conspectum Mari fugerat, ne videret ea, quae audita animus tolerare nequiverat.

Therefore Marius, having set out to Africa with a somewhat greater number than had been decreed, in a few days is conveyed to Utica. The army is handed over to him by P. Rutilius, legate; for Metellus had fled the sight of Marius, lest he should see those things which, when heard, his mind had not been able to tolerate.

[87] Sed consul expletis legionibus cohortibusque auxiliariis in agrum fertilem et praeda onustum proficiscitur, omnia ibi capta militibus donat; dein castella et oppida natura et viris parum munita aggreditur, proelia multa, ceterum levia, alia aliis locis facere. Interim novi milites sine metu pugnae adesse, videre fugientis capi aut occidi, fortissimum quemque tutissimum, armis libertatem patriam parentisque et alia omnia tegi, gloriam atque divitias quaeri. Sic brevi spatio novi veteresque coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta.

[87] But the consul, his legions and auxiliary cohorts filled up, sets out into a fertile countryside laden with booty, and he grants to the soldiers all the things taken there; then he attacks forts and towns ill-fortified by nature and by men, engaging in many battles, but light ones, here and there in various places. Meanwhile the new soldiers are present without fear of battle, seeing that those who flee are captured or killed, that each bravest man is the safest, that by arms liberty, fatherland, parents, and all other things are covered, that glory and riches are sought. Thus in a short span the new and the old coalesced, and the virtue of all was made equal.

At reges, ubi de adventu Mari cognoverunt, diversi in locos difficilis abeunt. Ita Iugurthae placuerat, speranti mox effusos hostis invadi posse, Romanos sicuti plerosque remoto metu laxius licentiusque futuros.

But the kings, when they learned of Marius’s advent, withdrew in different directions into difficult places. Thus it had pleased Jugurtha, hoping that soon, with the enemy poured out, they could be invaded, and that the Romans—just as most men, with fear removed—would become laxer and more licentious.

[88] Metellus interea Romam profectus contra spem suam laetissimis animis accipitur, plebi patribusque, postquam invidia decesserat, iuxta carus. Sed Marius impigre prudenterque suorum et hostium res pariter attendere: cognoscere, quid boni utrisque aut contra esset, explorare itinera regum, consilia et insidias eorum antevenire, nihil apud se remissum neque apud illos tutum pati. Itaque et Gaetulos et Iugurtham ex sociis nostris praedas agentis saepe aggressus in itinere fuderat ipsumque regem haud procul ab oppido Cirta armis exuerat.

[88] Meanwhile Metellus, having set out for Rome, is received, contrary to his expectation, with the most joyful spirits, equally dear to the plebs and to the Fathers, after envy had subsided. But Marius, energetically and prudently, was attending equally to the affairs of his own and of the enemy: to learn what good there was for either side, or, on the contrary, what was against them; to explore the routes of the kings; to anticipate their counsels and ambushes; to allow nothing among his own to be remiss, nor anything among those men to be safe. And so, both the Gaetuli and Jugurtha, as they were driving off plunder from our allies, he had often, having attacked them on the march, routed; and he had stripped the king himself of arms not far from the town of Cirta.

Quae postquam gloriosa modo neque belli patrandi cognovit, statuit urbis, quae viris aut loco pro hostibus et adversum se opportunissimae erant, singulas circumvenire: ita Iugurtham aut praesidiis nudatum iri, si ea pateretur, aut proelio certaturum. Nam Bocchus nuntios ad eum saepe miserat: velle populi Romani amicitiam; ne quid ab se hostile timeret. Id simulaveritne, quo improvisus gravior accideret, an mobilitate ingeni pacem atque bellum mutare solitus, parum exploratum est.

After he realized that these things were only glorious and not for bringing the war to completion, he resolved to hem in one by one the cities which, by their men or by their site, were most opportune for the enemies and adverse to himself: thus Jugurtha would either be laid bare of garrisons, if he allowed these measures, or would contend in battle. For Bocchus had often sent messengers to him, saying that he desired the friendship of the Roman people; that he should fear nothing hostile from himself. Whether he simulated this, in order that, unexpected, he might fall upon him with heavier weight, or, by the mobility of his nature, was wont to change peace and war, is insufficiently ascertained.

[89] Sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avertere ab hostibus. Ac primo mediocria gerebat, existimans Iugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus venturum. Sed ubi illum procul abesse et aliis negotiis intentum accepit, maiora et magis aspera aggredi tempus visum est.

[89] But the consul, as he had resolved, set about approaching the fortified towns and strongholds, to turn some away from the enemy partly by force, others by fear or by holding out rewards. And at first he was conducting moderate operations, thinking that Jugurtha, for the sake of protecting his own people, would come into his hands. But when he learned that he was far away and intent on other business, it seemed time to undertake greater and more arduous enterprises.

Erat inter ingentis solitudines oppidum magnum atque valens nomine Capsa, cuius conditor Hercules Libys memorabatur. Eius cives apud Iugurtham immunes, levi imperio et ob ea fidelissimi habebantur, muniti adversum hostis non moenibus modo et armis atque viris, verum etiam multo magis locorum asperitate. Nam praeter oppido propinqua alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior.

There was, amid enormous solitudes, a great and strong town by the name Capsa, whose founder Hercules the Libyan was remembered. Its citizens, in Jugurtha’s eyes, were immune, under a light command, and on account of these things were held most faithful, fortified against enemies not only by walls and arms and men, but indeed much more by the asperity of the places. For, except for the tracts near the town, all else is waste, uncultivated, needy of water, infested with serpents, whose force, as that of all wild beasts, is the keener through want of food.

Ad hoc natura serpentium ipsa perniciosa siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Eius potiendi Marium maxima cupido invaserat, cum propter usum belli tum quia res aspera videbatur et Metellus oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter situm munitumque, nisi quod apud Thalam non longe a moenibus aliquot fontes erant, Capsenses una modo atque ea intra oppidum iugi aqua, cetera pluvia utebantur. Id ibique et in omni Africa, quae procul a mari incultius agebat, eo facilius tolerabatur, quia Numidae plerumque lacte et ferina carne vescebantur et neque salem neque alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant: cibus illis adversum famem atque sitim, non libidini neque luxuriae erat.

Moreover, the very nature of serpents itself is kindled perniciously by thirst more than by any other cause. A very great desire of getting possession of it had invaded Marius, both because of its utility for war and because the matter seemed rugged, and Metellus had taken the town Thala with great glory, situated and fortified not unlike it—save that at Thala there were several springs not far from the walls, while the Capsans used only one, and that within the town, of perennial water; for the rest they used rainwater. That both there and in all Africa, which, far from the sea, lived more uncultivated, was the more easily endured, because the Numidians for the most part fed on milk and wild flesh, and sought neither salt nor other irritants of the palate: for them food was against hunger and thirst, not for lust nor for luxury.

[90] Igitur consul omnibus exploratis, credo dis fretus — nam contra tantas difficultates consilio satis providere non poterat, quippe etiam frumenti inopia temptabatur, quia Numidae pabulo pecoris magis quam arvo student et, quodcumque natum fuerat, iussu regis in loca munita contulerant, ager autem aridus et frugum vacuos ea tempestate, nam aestatis extremum erat —, tamen pro rei copia satis providenter exornat. Pecus omne, quod superioribus diebus praedae fuerat, equitibus auxiliariis agendum attribuit, A. Manlium legatum cum cohortibus expeditis ad oppidum Laris, ubi stipendium et commeatum locaverat, ire iubet dicitque se praedabundum post paucos dies eodem venturum. Sic incepto suo occultato pergit ad flumen Tanain.

[90] Therefore the consul, with everything reconnoitered, I think relying on the gods—for against such great difficulties he could not by counsel provide sufficiently, indeed he was also being tried by a scarcity of grain, because the Numidae study fodder for their herds rather than tilled field, and whatever had sprung up they had, by the king’s order, carried into fortified places; moreover the land was arid and at that season empty of crops, for it was the end of summer—yet, in proportion to the resources of the case, arranges matters quite providently. All the cattle which in the preceding days had been booty he assigns to the auxiliary cavalry to drive; he orders A. Manlius, the legate, to go with light cohorts to the town of Laris, where he had placed the pay and the supplies, and says that he himself, plundering, after a few days will come to the same place. Thus, his undertaking concealed, he proceeds to the river Tana.

[91] Ceterum in itinere cottidie pecus exercitui per centurias, item turmas aequaliter distribuerat et, ex coriis utres uti fierent, curabat; simul inopiam frumenti lenire et ignaris omnibus parare quae mox usui forent. Denique sexto die, cum ad flumen ventum est, maxima vis utrium effecta. Ibi castris levi munimento positis milites cibum capere atque, uti simul cum occasu solis egrederentur, paratos esse iubet, omnibus sarcinis abiectis aqua modo seque et iumenta onerare.

[91] Moreover, on the march each day he had distributed the cattle to the army by centuries and likewise to the squadrons equally, and he took care that from hides wine-skins be made; at once to lessen the scarcity of grain and, unknown to all, to prepare those things which soon would be for use. Finally, on the sixth day, when they came to the river, a very great quantity of skins had been produced. There, the camp having been pitched with a light fortification, he orders the soldiers to take food and to be ready to go out at the setting of the sun, all packs thrown aside, to burden only with water themselves and the pack-animals.

Dein postquam tempus visum, castris egreditur, noctemque totam itinere facto consedit; idem proxima facit; dein tertia multo ante lucis adventum pervenit in locum tumulosum ab Capsa non amplius duum milium intervallo, ibique quam occultissime potest cum omnibus copiis opperitur. Sed ubi dies coepit et Numidae nihil hostile metuentes multi oppido egressi, repente omnem equitatum et cum iis velocissimos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam et portas obsidere iubet; deinde ipse intentus propere sequi neque milites praedari sinere. Quae postquam oppidani cognovere, res trepidae, metus ingens, malum improvisum, ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium potestate coegere, uti deditionem facerent.

Then, after the time seemed right, he goes out from the camp, and, a march having been made the whole night, he encamped; he does the same on the next; then on the third, long before the advent of light, he arrives at a hilly place at an interval of no more than two miles from Capsa, and there he awaits with all his forces as secretly as he can. But when day began and many Numidians, fearing nothing hostile, had gone out of the town, suddenly he orders all the cavalry, and with them the most rapid foot-soldiers, to hasten at a run toward Capsa and to occupy the gates; then he himself, intent, to follow promptly and not to allow the soldiers to prey. After the townspeople learned these things—the panic-stricken state, the huge fear, the unforeseen mischief, and, in addition, that part of the citizens were outside the walls in the power of the enemy—they were compelled to make a surrender.

Ceterum oppidum incensum, Numidae puberes interfecti, alii omnes venumdati, praeda militibus divisa. Id facinus contra ius belli non avaritia neque scelere consulis admissum, sed quia locus Iugurthae opportunus, nobis aditu difficilis, genus hominum mobile, infidum, ante neque beneficio neque metu coercitum.

Moreover, the town was burned, the Numidian adults were slain, all the rest sold, the booty divided among the soldiers. This deed, against the law of war, was committed not through the consul’s avarice nor crime, but because the location was opportune for Jugurtha, difficult of access for us, the kind of men fickle, faithless, previously restrained neither by benefit nor by fear.

[92] Postquam tantam rem Marius sine ullo suorum incommodo peregit, magnus et clarus antea, maior atque clarior haberi coepit. Omnia non bene consulta in virtutem trahebantur: milites, modesto imperio habiti simul et locupletes, ad caelum ferre; Numidae magis quam mortalem timere; postremo omnes, socii atque hostes, credere illi aut mentem divinam esse aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi. Sed consul, ubi ea res bene evenit, ad alia oppida pergit, pauca repugnantibus Numidis capit, plura deserta propter Capsensium miserias igni corrumpit: luctu atque caede omnia complentur.

[92] After Marius accomplished so great a deed without any disadvantage to his own men, great and renowned before, he began to be held greater and more renowned. All things, even those not well considered, were being construed as valor: the soldiers, governed with a moderate command and at the same time enriched, were extolling him to the sky; the Numidians were fearing him as more than mortal; finally all, allies and enemies alike, were believing that he either had a divine mind or that everything was portended at the nod of the gods. But the consul, when that affair turned out well, proceeds to other towns, takes a few with the Numidians resisting, more—deserted on account of the miseries of the Capsians—he consumes with fire: all places are filled with mourning and slaughter.

Denique multis locis potitus ac plerisque exercitu incruento aliam rem aggreditur, non eadem asperitate qua Capsensium, ceterum haud secus difficilem.

Finally, having gotten possession of many places and, in most, with the army unbloodied, he undertakes another affair, not with the same asperity as that of the Capsenses, yet nevertheless no less difficult.

Namque haud longe a flumine Muluccha, quod Iugurthae Bocchique regnum diiungebat, erat inter ceteram planitiem mons saxeus, mediocri castello satis patens, in immensum editus, uno perangusto aditu relicto; nam omnis natura velut opere atque consulto praeceps. Quem locum Marius, quod ibi regis thesauri erant, summa vi capere intendit. Sed ea res forte quam consilio melius gesta.

For not far from the river Muluccha, which separated the kingdom of Jugurtha and of Bocchus, there was, amid the rest of the plain, a rocky mountain, sufficiently spacious for a moderate-sized stronghold, raised to an immense height, with only one very narrow approach left; for on every side nature was precipitous, as if by workmanship and design. That place Marius intended to seize with the utmost force, because the king’s treasuries were there. But that affair was carried out better by chance than by counsel.

Nam castello virorum atque armorum satis et magna vis [et] frumenti et fons aquae; aggeribus turribusque et aliis machinationibus locus importunus; iter castellanorum angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum. Ea vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agebantur; nam cum eae paulo processerant, igni aut lapidibus corrumpebantur. Milites neque pro opere consistere propter iniquitatem loci neque inter vineas sine periculo administrare: optimus quisque cadere aut sauciari, ceteris metus augeri.

For the stronghold had men and arms enough, and a great quantity of grain and a spring of water; the place was ill-suited to ramparts, towers, and other machinations; the way of the garrison was very narrow, cut off on both sides. The vineae were driven forward with enormous danger, and in vain; for when they had advanced a little, they were ruined by fire or stones. The soldiers could neither take their stand for the work because of the unfairness of the ground, nor manage operations among the vineae without danger: every bravest man was falling or being wounded, and fear was increased in the rest.

[93] At Marius multis diebus et laboribus consumptis anxius trahere cum animo suo, omitteretne inceptum, quoniam frustra erat, an fortunam opperiretur, qua saepe prospere usus fuerat. Quae cum multos dies noctisque aestuans agitaret, forte quidam Ligus, ex cohortibus auxiliariis miles gregarius, castris aquatum egressus haud procul ab latere castelli, quod aversum proeliantibus erat, animum advertit inter saxa repentis cocleas, quarum cum unam atque alteram, dein plures peteret, studio legendi paulatim prope ad summum montis egressus est. Ubi postquam solitudinem intellexit, more ingeni humani cupido difficilia faciendi animum alio vertit.

[93] But Marius, after many days and labors had been consumed, anxious, was drawing it back and forth within his mind whether he should abandon the undertaking, since it was in vain, or wait upon Fortune, with whom he had often prospered. And as he, seething, was agitating these things for many days and nights, by chance a certain Ligurian, a rank-and-file soldier from the auxiliary cohorts, having gone out from the camp to fetch water, not far from the side of the little fort, which was turned away from the combatants, took notice of snails creeping among the rocks; and when he sought one and another of them, then more, by zeal for gathering he gradually went out up near to the summit of the mountain. Where, after he perceived solitude, by the wont of the human disposition, the desire of doing difficult things turned his mind to another aim.

Et forte in eo loco grandis ilex coaluerat inter saxa, paulum modo prona, deinde inflexa atque aucta in altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium natura fert. Cuius ramis modo, modo eminentibus saxis nisus Ligus in castelli planitiem pervenit, quod cuncti Numidae intenti proeliantibus aderant. Exploratis omnibus, quae mox usui fore ducebat, eadem regreditur, non temere, uti ascenderat, sed temptans omnia et circumspiciens.

And by chance in that place a grand holm-oak had coalesced among the rocks, only a little inclined forward at first, then bent and increased in altitude, as the nature of all things that grow bears them. On its branches at one time, at another on the eminent rocks, leaning in support, the Ligurian reached the level ground of the little fort, since all the Numidians were present, intent upon the combatants. With everything explored, which he judged would soon be for use, he returns by the same path, not rashly, as he had ascended, but testing everything and looking all around.

Itaque Marium propere adit, acta edocet, hortatur, ab ea parte qua ipse ascenderat castellum temptet, pollicetur sese itineris periculique ducem. Marius cum Ligure promissa eius cognitum ex praesentibus misit. Quorum uti cuiusque ingenium erat, ita rem difficilem aut facilem nuntiavere; consulis animus tamen paulum arrectus.

Accordingly he goes quickly to Marius, fully informs him of what had been done, exhorts him to try the fort from that side by which he himself had climbed, and promises that he himself will be the guide of the journey and the danger. Marius, with the Ligurian, sent men from among those present to ascertain his promises. And as each man’s temperament was, so they announced the matter as difficult or easy; the consul’s spirit, however, was a little uplifted.

Itaque ex copia tubicinum et cornicinum numero quinque quam velocissimos delegit et cum iis, praesidio qui forent, quattuor centuriones, omnisque Liguri parere iubet et ei negotio proximum diem constituit.

Therefore, out of the company of trumpeters and cornicines he chose five in number, the swiftest possible, and with them—who were to be a guard—four centurions; and he orders all to obey the Ligurian, and appointed the next day for that business.

[94] Sed ubi ex praecepto tempus visum, paratis compositisque omnibus ad locum pergit. Ceterum illi, qui escensuri erant, praedocti ab duce arma ornatumque mutaverant: capite atque pedibus nudis, uti prospectus nisusque per saxa facilius foret; super terga gladii et scuta, verum ea Numidica ex coriis, ponderis gratia simul et offensa quo levius streperent. Igitur praegrediens Ligus saxa et si quae vetustate radices eminebant, laqueis vinciebat, quibus allevati milites facilius escenderent, interdum timidos insolentia itineris levare manu; ubi paulo asperior ascensus erat, singulos prae se inermos mittere, deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi; quae dubia nisui videbantur, potissimus temptare ac saepius eadem ascendens descendensque, dein statim digrediens ceteris audaciam addere.

[94] But when, according to the instruction, the time seemed right, with everything prepared and composed he proceeds to the place. Moreover, those who were about to climb, pre-taught by the leader, had altered their arms and equipment: with head and feet bare, so that prospect and purchase over the rocks might be easier; swords and shields upon their backs—indeed Numidian ones made of hides—both for reasons of weight and so that, upon collision, they might rattle more lightly. Therefore the Ligurian, going ahead, was fastening with nooses the rocks and any roots which by age were projecting, by which the soldiers, alleviated, might climb more easily, sometimes lifting with his hand those timid from the unfamiliarity of the route; where the ascent was a little rougher, to send individuals unarmed before him, then he himself to follow with their arms; the places that seemed doubtful for footing he, as the most capable, would test, and by more often going up and down the same spots, then at once stepping aside, he gave the others boldness.

Igitur diu multumque fatigati tandem in castellum perveniunt, desertum ab ea parte, quod omnes sicut aliis diebus adversum hostis aderant.

Therefore, long and much fatigued, they at length arrive at the fort, deserted on that side, because all, just as on other days, were present against the enemy.

Marius ubi ex nuntiis quae Ligus egerat cognovit, quamquam toto die intentos proelio Numidas habuerat, tum vero cohortatus milites et ipse extra vineas egressus, testudine acta succedere et simul hostem tormentis sagittariisque et funditoribus eminus terrere. At Numidae, saepe antea vineis Romanorum subversis, item incensis, non castelli moenibus sese tutabantur, sed pro muro dies noctisque agitare, male dicere Romanis ac Mario vecordiam obiectare, militibus nostris Iugurthae servitium minari, secundis rebus feroces esse.

Marius, when from the messengers he learned what the Ligurian had done, although for the whole day he had kept the Numidians intent on battle, then indeed, after exhorting the soldiers and himself going out beyond the vines, urged them, with a testudo driven forward, to come up and at the same time to terrify the enemy from afar with engines, archers, and slingers. But the Numidians, having often before overthrown the Romans’ vines and likewise burned them, did not protect themselves by the castle’s ramparts, but, in front of the wall, spent day and night bustling about, speaking ill of the Romans and throwing at Marius the charge of witlessness, threatening our soldiers with servitude to Jugurtha, being fierce in prosperous circumstances.

Interim omnibus, Romanis hostibusque, proelio intentis, magna utrimque vi pro gloria atque imperio his illis pro salute certantibus, repente a tergo signa canere; ac primo mulieres et pueri, qui visum processerant, fugere, deinde uti quisque muro proximus erat, postremo cuncti, armati inermesque. Quod ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani instare, fundere ac plerosque tantummodo sauciare, dein super occisorum corpora vadere, avidi gloriae certantes murum petere, neque quemquam omnium praeda morari. Sic forte correcta Mari temeritas gloriam ex culpa invenit.

Meanwhile, with all, Romans and enemies, intent on the battle, with great force on both sides, these for glory and command, those for safety contending, suddenly from the rear the signals sounded; and at first the women and boys, who had come forth to see, fled, then each as he was nearest to the wall, finally all, armed and unarmed. When this happened, the Romans pressed on all the more keenly, routed and for the most part only wounded many, then went over the bodies of the slain, eager for glory, competing, they made for the wall, nor did booty delay any one of them. Thus by chance Marius’s rashness, corrected, found glory out of fault.

[95] Ceterum, dum ea res geritur, L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat. Sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admonuit, idoneum visum est de natura cultuque eius paucis dicere. Neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus et L. Sisenna, optime et diligentissime omnium, qui eas res dixere, persecutus, parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur.

[95] Meanwhile, while that affair is being carried on, L. Sulla, quaestor, came into the camp with a great cavalry contingent, he having been left at Rome to gather them from Latium and from the allies. But since the deeds of so great a man have reminded us, it seemed suitable to say a few things about his nature and culture. For we shall not speak elsewhere about Sulla’s affairs; and L. Sisenna, who, best and most diligently of all who recounted those matters, has pursued them, seems to me to have spoken with too little freedom.

Igitur Sulla gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope iam extincta maiorum ignavia, litteris Graecis atque Latinis iuxta [atque doctissime] eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed gloriae cupidior; otio luxuriose esse, tamen ab negotiis numquam voluptas remorata, nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli; facundus, callidus et amicitia facilis, ad simulanda negotia altitudo ingeni incredibilis, multarum rerum ac maxime pecuniae largitor. Atque illi felicissimo omnium ante civilem victoriam numquam super industriam fortuna fuit, multique dubitavere, fortior an felicior esset. Nam postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo pudeat an pigeat magis disserere.

Therefore Sulla was of a noble patrician clan, a family by now almost extinct through the sloth of his elders; equally erudite in Greek and Latin letters [and most learned], of a vast spirit, desirous of pleasures, but more desirous of glory; luxurious in leisure, yet pleasure never delayed him from business affairs, except that in the matter of his wife he could have taken counsel more honorably; eloquent, crafty, and easy in friendship; for the feigning of undertakings, the depth of his ingenuity was incredible; a lavish giver of many things and especially of money. And to him, the most fortunate of all, before the civil victory fortune never surpassed his industry, and many doubted whether he was braver or luckier. For what he did afterward, I am uncertain whether it shames me or irks me more to discuss.

[96] Igitur Sulla, uti supra dictum est, postquam in Africam atque in castra Mari cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ignarus belli, sollertissimus omnium in paucis tempestatibus factus est. Ad hoc milites benigne appellare, multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, invitus accipere, sed ea properantius quam aes mutuum reddere, ipse ab nullo repetere, magis id laborare, ut illi quam plurimi deberent, ioca atque seria cum humillimis agere, in operibus, in agmine atque ad vigilias multus adesse, neque interim, quod prava ambitio solet, consulis aut cuiusquam boni famam laedere, tantummodo neque consilio neque manu priorem alium pati, plerosque antevenire. Quibus rebus et artibus brevi Mario militibusque carissimus factus.

[96] Therefore Sulla, as was said above, after he came into Africa and into Marius’s camp with the cavalry, previously raw and ignorant of war, became the most adroit of all in a few short seasons. In addition, he would address the soldiers kindly, to many who asked he gave benefactions, to others of his own accord; he was unwilling to receive favors, but those he paid back more promptly than a loan of money, and he himself demanded repayment from no one, striving rather that as many as possible should owe to him; he dealt in jokes and in serious matters with the very lowliest; in labors, on the march, and at the watches he was much in attendance; nor meanwhile, as crooked ambition is wont, did he injure the reputation of the consul or of any good man—only, he allowed no other to be before him either in counsel or in hand, and he outstripped most. By these means and arts he quickly became most dear to Marius and to the soldiers.

[97] At Iugurtha, postquam oppidum Capsam aliosque locos munitos et sibi utilis simul et magnam pecuniam amiserat, ad Bocchum nuntios mittit: quam primum in Numidiam copias adduceret; proeli faciendi tempus adesse. Quem ubi cunctari accepit et dubium belli atque pacis rationes trahere, rursus uti antea proximos eius donis corrupit, ipsique Mauro pollicetur Numidiae partem tertiam, si aut Romani Africa expulsi aut integris suis finibus bellum compositum foret. Eo praemio illectus Bocchus cum magna multitudine Iugurtham accedit.

[97] But Jugurtha, after he had lost the town of Capsa and other places fortified and at once useful to himself, as well as a great sum of money, sends envoys to Bocchus: that he should as soon as possible lead forces into Numidia; the time for making battle was at hand. When he learned that he was delaying and, wavering, was dragging out the deliberations of war and peace, again as before he corrupted his nearest associates with gifts, and to the Moor himself he promises a third part of Numidia, if either the Romans were expelled from Africa, or, with his own borders intact, the war were composed. Enticed by that reward, Bocchus with a great multitude approaches Jugurtha.

Ita amborum exercitu coniuncto Marium, iam in hiberna proficiscentem, vix decima parte die relicua invadunt, rati noctem, quae iam aderat, et victis sibi munimento fore et, si vicissent, nullo impedimento, quia locorum scientes erant, contra Romanis utrumque casum in tenebris difficiliorem fore. Igitur simul consul ex multis de hostium adventu cognovit, et ipsi hostes aderant, et prius quam exercitus aut instrui aut sarcinas colligere, denique ante quam signum aut imperium ullum accipere quivit, equites Mauri atque Gaetuli, non acie neque ullo more proeli sed catervatim, uti quosque fors conglobaverat, in nostros incurrunt. Qui omnes trepidi improviso metu ac tamen virtutis memores aut arma capiebant aut capientis alios ab hostibus defensabant; pars equos escendere, obviam ire hostibus; pugna latrocinio magis quam proelio similis fieri.

Thus, with the army of both joined, they assault Marius, now setting out to the winter-quarters, with scarcely a tenth part of the day remaining, thinking that the night, which was already at hand, would be both a muniment for themselves if defeated and, if they should have conquered, no impediment, because they were knowledgeable of the places; whereas for the Romans either outcome would be more difficult in the darkness. Therefore, the moment the consul learned from many about the arrival of the enemies, the enemies themselves were present; and before the army could either be drawn up or gather the baggage, finally before it could receive any signal or command, the Moorish and Gaetulian cavalry, not in a battle line nor by any manner of combat but in bands, as chance had massed them, rush upon our men. They all, alarmed by the unlooked-for fear and yet mindful of virtue, either were taking up arms or were defending from the enemies others who were taking them up; part were mounting their horses, going to meet the enemies; the fight was becoming more like brigandage than a pitched battle.

Sine signis, sine ordinibus equites peditesque permixti cedere alius, alius obtruncari, multi contra adversos acerrime pugnantes ab tergo circumveniri; neque virtus neque arma satis tegere, quia hostes numero plures et undique circumfusi erant. Denique Romani veteres novique . . . et ob ea scientes belli, si quos locus aut casus coniunxerat, orbis facere atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.

Without standards, without orders, the cavalry and infantry intermixed—one yielding, another being cut down, many, on the contrary, though fighting most fiercely against those in front, being surrounded from the rear; neither valor nor arms protected enough, because the enemies were more numerous and were poured around on every side. Finally the Romans, old and new . . . and for these reasons knowledgeable of war, if place or chance had joined any together, would make orbs, and thus, covered and arrayed at once from all parts, they sustained the force of the enemies.

[98] Neque in eo tam aspero negotio Marius territus aut magis quam antea demisso animo fuit, sed cum turma sua, quam ex fortissimis magis quam familiarissimis paraverat, vagari passim ac modo laborantibus suis succurrere, modo hostis, ubi confertissimi obstiterant, invadere; manu consulere militibus, quoniam imperare conturbatis omnibus non poterat. Iamque dies consumptus erat, cum tamen barbari nihil remittere atque, uti reges praeceperant, noctem pro se rati acrius instare. Tum Marius ex copia rerum consilium trahit atque, uti suis receptui locus esset, collis duos propinquos inter se occupat, quorum in uno castris parum amplo fons aquae magnus erat, alter usui opportunus, quia magna parte editus et praeceps pauca munimenta quaerebat.

[98] Nor in that affair so rough was Marius terrified or more than before of a downcast spirit; rather, with his squadron, which he had prepared from the bravest rather than the most familiar, he allowed himself to roam everywhere and at one moment to succor his men who were laboring, at another to attack the enemy where they had stood in the thickest masses; to render manual assistance to the soldiers, since he could not issue commands with everything thrown into confusion. And now the day had been consumed, yet the barbarians relaxed nothing and, as the kings had prescribed, thinking the night to be in their favor, pressed on more sharply. Then Marius draws a plan from the abundance of circumstances and, so that there might be a place of retreat for his men, seizes two hills close to each other, on one of which—too small for a camp—there was a great spring of water, the other suitable for use, because being for the most part elevated and precipitous it required few defenses.

Ceterum apud aquam Sullam cum equitibus noctem agitare iubet, ipse paulatim dispersos milites neque minus hostibus conturbatis in unum contrahit, dein cunctos pleno gradu in collem subducit. Ita reges loci difficultate coacti proelio deterrentur, neque tamen suos longius abire sinunt, sed utroque colle multitudine circumdato effusi consedere. Dein crebris ignibus factis plerumque noctis barbari more suo laetari, exultare, strepere vocibus; et ipsi duces feroces, quia non fugerant, pro victoribus agere.

Moreover, he orders Sulla to spend the night with the cavalry by the water; he himself gradually draws together into one the scattered soldiers, and, the enemies being no less thrown into confusion, then leads them all at a full pace up onto a hill. Thus the kings, compelled by the difficulty of the place, are deterred from battle, yet they do not allow their men to go farther away; rather, with both hills surrounded by a multitude, they sat down spread out. Then, with frequent fires made, for most of the night the barbarians, after their own fashion, rejoiced, exulted, and clamored with voices; and the leaders themselves, fierce because they had not fled, conducted themselves as victors.

Sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editioribus locis facilia visu magnoque hortamento erant.

But all those things were, for the Romans, from the darkness and the more elevated places, easy to see and a great encouragement.

[99] Plurimum vero Marius imperitia hostium confirmatus quam maximum silentium haberi iubet, ne signa quidem, uti per vigilias solebant, canere. Deinde ubi lux adventabat, defessis iam hostibus ac paulo ante somno captis, de improviso vigiles, item cohortium turmarum legionum tubicines simul omnis signa canere, milites clamorem tollere atque portis erumpere iubet. Mauri atque Gaetuli, ignoto et horribili sonitu repente exciti, neque fugere neque arma capere neque omnino facere aut providere quicquam poterant: ita cunctos strepitu clamore, nullo subveniente, nostris instantibus, tumultu formidine [terrore] quasi vecordia ceperat.

[99] Very much indeed, Marius, confirmed by the inexperience of the enemy, orders the greatest possible silence to be kept, and not even the signals to sound, as they were accustomed during the watches. Then, when light was approaching, the enemy now weary and a little before taken by sleep, he suddenly orders the sentries—and likewise the trumpeters of the cohorts, squadrons, and legions—all at once to sound the signals, the soldiers to raise a clamor and to burst out through the gates. The Mauri and Gaetuli, suddenly roused by a sound unknown and horrible, could neither flee nor take up arms nor at all do or foresee anything: so, by the racket and the shouting, with no one coming to their aid, as our men pressed on, a kind of madness had seized them in tumult and fear [terror].

Denique omnes fusi fugatique arma et signa militaria pleraque capta, pluresque eo proelio quam omnibus superioribus interempti. Nam somno et metu insolito impedita fuga.

Finally all were poured out and put to flight, and most of the arms and military standards were captured, and more were slain in that battle than in all the previous ones. For the flight was impeded by sleep and by an unaccustomed fear.

[100] Dein Marius, uti coeperat, in hiberna pergit, nam propter commeatum in oppidis maritimis agere decreverat. Neque tamen victoria socors aut insolens factus, sed pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere. Sulla cum equitatu apud dextimos, in sinistra parte [A.] Manlius cum funditoribus et sagittariis, praeterea cohortis Ligurum curabat.

[100] Then Marius, as he had begun, proceeds into winter quarters, for on account of the supply he had decided to spend time in the maritime towns. Nor, however, was he made slothful or insolent by victory, but equally as if in the sight of the enemy he advanced in a square formation. Sulla, with the cavalry, was on the extreme right; on the left side [A.] Manlius had charge of the slingers and archers, and in addition the cohorts of the Ligurians.

Primos et extremos cum expeditis manipulis tribunos locaverat. Perfugae, minime cari et regionum scientissimi, hostium iter explorabant. Simul consul quasi nullo imposito omnia providere, apud omnis adesse, laudare et increpare merentis.

He had stationed the tribunes with the foremost and the hindmost unencumbered maniples. The deserters, held in little affection and most knowledgeable about the regions, were reconnoitering the enemy’s route. At the same time the consul, as if with no burden imposed, provided for everything, was present among all, and praised and rebuked those who merited it.

Ipse armatus intentusque, item milites cogebat. Neque secus atque iter facere, castra munire, excubitum in porta cohortis ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere, praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias ipse circumire, non tam diffidentia futurum quae imperavisset, quam uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labor volentibus esset. Et sane Marius illoque aliisque temporibus Iugurthini belli pudore magis quam malo exercitum coercebat.

He himself, armed and intent, likewise was compelling the soldiers. Nor otherwise than to make the march, to fortify the camp, to set on watch at the gate cohorts from the legions, to send auxiliary cavalry in front of the camp, moreover to station others upon the rampart in the fortifications, to go the rounds of the watches himself—not so much from distrust that what he had commanded would come to pass, as in order that, being made equal to the soldiers, the toil, with the commander, might be undertaken by willing men. And indeed Marius, at that and at other times of the Jugurthine war, coerced the army more by shame than by punishment.

Quod multi per ambitionem fieri aiebant: [quod] a pueritia consuetam duritiam et alia, quae ceteri miserias vocant, voluptati habuisse; nisi tamen res publica pariter atque saevissimo imperio bene atque decore gesta.

Which many said was done through ambition: [which] that from boyhood he had held habitual durity and other things which the rest call miseries as a pleasure; yet the commonwealth was carried on equally as well and with decorum as under the most savage command.

[101] Igitur quarto denique die haud longe ab oppido Cirta undique simul speculatores citi sese ostendunt, qua re hostis adesse intellegitur. Sed quia diversi redeuntes alius ab alia parte atque omnes idem significabant, consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo ordine commutato adversum omnia paratus ibidem opperitur. Ita Iugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quattuor partis distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus aeque aliquos ab tergo hostibus venturos.

[101] Therefore on the fourth day at last, not far from the town of Cirta, on every side at once the scouts, hastened, show themselves, whereby it is understood that the enemy is at hand. But because, returning separately, one from one quarter and another from another, and all signified the same thing, the consul, uncertain in what manner he should array the battle line, with no order changed, ready against everything, waits in the same place. Thus Jugurtha’s hope was frustrated, who had distributed his forces into four parts, thinking that from all of them alike some would come upon the enemy from the rear.

Interim Sulla, quem primum hostes attigerant, cohortatus suos turmatim et quam maxime confertis equis ipse aliique Mauros invadunt, ceteri in loco manentes ab iaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere et, si qui in manus venerant, obtruncare.

Meanwhile Sulla, whom the enemies had first come upon, after exhorting his men, he himself and others assail the Moors by troops and with the horses packed as tightly as possible; the rest, remaining in place, were shielding their bodies from javelins hurled from afar and, if any had come into their hands, were cutting them down.

Dum eo modo equites proeliantur, Bocchus cum peditibus, quos Volux, filius eius, adduxerat neque in priore pugna, in itinere morati, affuerant, postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. Tum Marius apud primos agebat, quod ibi Iugurtha cum plurimis erat. Dein Numida cognito Bocchi adventu clam cum paucis ad pedites convertit.

While the cavalry were fighting in that manner, Bocchus, with the infantry whom Volux, his son, had brought up—and who, delayed on the march, had not been present in the prior battle—assail the rearmost battle-line of the Romans. Then Marius was acting among the foremost, because there Jugurtha was with very many. Then the Numidian, on learning of Bocchus’s advent, secretly with a few turned toward the infantry.

Ibi Latine — nam apud Numantiam loqui didicerat — exclamat nostros frustra pugnare, paulo ante Marium sua manu interfectum, simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostentans, quem in pugna satis impigre occiso pedite nostro cruentaverat. Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur, simulque barbari animos tollere et in perculsos Romanos acrius incedere. Iamque paulum a fuga aberant, cum Sulla profligatis iis, quos adversum ierat, rediens ab latere Mauris incurrit.

There in Latin — for at Numantia he had learned to speak — he shouts that our men are fighting in vain, that a little before Marius had been slain by his own hand, at the same time displaying a sword smeared with blood, which in the battle he had stained quite briskly by killing our foot-soldier. When the soldiers received this, they are terrified more by the atrocity of the matter than by the credibility of the message, and at the same time the barbarians raise their spirits and advance more keenly against the stricken Romans. And now they were a little short of flight, when Sulla, after routing those against whom he had gone, returning ran in on the Moors from the flank.

Bocchus statim avertitur. At Iugurtha, dum sustentare suos et prope iam adeptam victoriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus, dextra sinistraque omnibus occisis solus inter tela hostium vitabundus erumpit. Atque interim Marius fugatis equitibus accurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli iam acceperat.

Bocchus immediately turns aside. But Jugurtha, while he desires to sustain his men and to retain the victory now nearly attained, surrounded by horsemen, with all on the right and left slain, alone bursts out, evading amid the missiles of the enemy. And meanwhile Marius, the horsemen having been put to flight, runs up to the aid of his men, whom he had already learned were being driven back.

Denique hostes iam undique fusi. Tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus: sequi fugere, occidi capi; equi atque viri afflicti, ac multi vulneribus acceptis neque fugere posse neque quietem pati, niti modo ac statim concidere; postremo omnia, qua visus erat, constrata telis armis cadaveribus, et inter ea humus infecta sanguine.

At last the enemies were now routed on every side. Then a horrible spectacle on the open plains: to pursue and to flee, to be slain and to be taken; horses and men cast down, and many, having received wounds, neither able to flee nor to endure rest, straining for a moment and immediately collapsing; finally, everywhere that sight ranged, all things were strewn with missiles, arms, and corpses, and among them the ground stained with blood.

[102] Post ea loci consul haud dubie iam victor pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat. Eo post diem quintum, quam iterum barbari male pugnaverant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario petivere, duos quam fidissimos ad eum mitteret, velle de suo et de populi Romani commodo cum iis disserere. Ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire iubet.

[102] After these events, the consul, now without a doubt the victor, arrived at the town Cirta, which from the beginning, when he had set out, he had aimed to reach. There, on the fifth day after the barbarians had again fought badly, legates from Bocchus come, who, in the king’s words, asked from Marius that he send to him two men of the greatest trustworthiness; he wished to discourse with them about his own advantage and that of the Roman people. He immediately orders Lucius Sulla and Aulus Manlius to go.

Qui quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit verba apud regem facere, ut ingenium aut aversum flecterent aut cupidum pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla, cuius facundiae, non aetati a Manlio concessum, pauca verba huiusce modi locutus:

Although they, accited, were going, nevertheless it seemed good to make words before the king, so that they might either bend a disposition turned away, or, if eager for peace, inflame it more vehemently. And so Sulla, to whose eloquence, not to his age, concession had been made by Manlius, spoke a few words of this sort:

"Rex Bocche, magna laetitia nobis est, cum te talem virum di monuere, uti aliquando pacem quam bellum malles neu te optimum cum pessimo omnium Iugurtha miscendo commaculares, simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pariter te errantem atque illum sceleratissimum persequi. Ad hoc populo Romano iam a principio imperi melius visum amicos quam servos quaerere, tutiusque rati volentibus quam coactis imperitare. Tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia, primum quia procul absumus, in quo offensae minimum, gratia par ac si prope adessemus; dein quia parentis abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis neque cuiquam omnium satis fuit.

"King Bocchus, it is to us a great joy, since the gods have admonished you, such a man, to prefer at last peace rather than war, and not to maculate yourself, a best man, by mixing yourself with the worst of all, Jugurtha; and at the same time you remove from us the bitter necessitude of pursuing on equal terms you, erring, and that most criminal man. Besides, to the Roman people already from the beginning of their imperium it has seemed better to seek friends rather than slaves, and safer to imperitate over the willing than the coerced. For you indeed no friendship is more opportune than ours, first because we are far away—where there is the least occasion for offense, yet goodwill equal as if we were close by; then because we have parents in abundance, but of friends neither we nor anyone of all men has had enough.

Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuisset: profecto ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses, quam mala perpessus es[ses]. Sed quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pleraque regit, cui scilicet placuit et vim et gratiam nostram te experiri, nunc, quando per illam licet, festina atque, uti coepisti, perge. Multa atque opportuna habes, quo facilius errata officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus tuum demitte, numquam populum Romanum beneficiis victum esse.

And would that this had pleased you from the beginning: surely by this time you would have received from the Roman people many more good things than the evils you would have endured. But since the fortune of human affairs governs most things, to whom, plainly, it has pleased that you experience both our force and our favor, now, since through her it is permitted, make haste and, as you have begun, proceed. You have many and opportune advantages, whereby you may the more easily overcome your errors by services. Finally, let this sink into your breast: that the Roman People has never been conquered by benefits.

Nam bello quid valeat, tute scis."

For what it can do in war, you yourself know."

Ad ea Bocchus placide et benigne, simul pauca pro delicto suo verba facit: se non hostili animo, sed ob regnum tutandum arma cepisse. Nam Numidiae partem, unde vi Iugurtham expulerit, iure belli suam factam; eam vastari a Mario pati nequivisse. Praeterea missis antea Romam legatis repulsum ab amicitia.

To this Bocchus calmly and benignly replies, and at the same time speaks a few words in defense of his own offense: that he had taken up arms not with a hostile spirit, but for the safeguarding of his kingdom. For a part of Numidia, from which he had by force expelled Jugurtha, had been made his by the right of war; he had not been able to permit that to be ravaged by Marius. Moreover, though envoys had earlier been sent to Rome, he had been repulsed from friendship.

Ceterum vetera omittere ac tum, si per Marium liceret, legatos ad senatum missurum. Dein copia facta animus barbari ab amicis flexus, quos Iugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae et Manli metuens id, quod parabatur, donis corruperat.

But to omit the old matters, and then, if it were allowed by Marius, he would send legates to the Senate. Then, leave having been granted, the barbarian’s spirit was bent by his friends, whom Jugurtha—once the embassy of Sulla and Manlius was known, and fearing that which was being prepared—had corrupted with gifts.

[103] Marius interea exercitu in hibernaculis composito cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur in loca sola obsessum turrim regiam, quo Iugurtha perfugas omnis praesidium imposuerat. Tum rursus Bocchus, seu reputando quae sibi duobus proeliis venerant, seu admonitus ab aliis amicis, quos incorruptos Iugurtha reliquerat, ex omni copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et fides cognita et ingenia validissima erant. Eos ad Marium ac deinde, si placeat, Romam legatos ire iubet, agendarum rerum et quocumque modo belli componendi licentiam ipsis permittit.

[103] Meanwhile Marius, with the army arranged in winter-quarters, sets out with the unencumbered cohorts and part of the cavalry into solitary places to besiege a royal tower, where Jugurtha had imposed as a garrison all the deserters. Then again Bocchus, whether by reckoning over what had befallen him in the two battles, or admonished by other friends whom Jugurtha had left uncorrupted, chose from the whole company of his intimates five men, whose loyalty was known and whose talents were most robust. He bids them go as legates to Marius and then, if it should please, to Rome; he grants to them license for transacting affairs and for composing the war in whatever way.

Illi mature ad hiberna Romanorum proficiscuntur, deinde in itinere a Gaetulis latronibus circumventi spoliatique pavidi sine decore ad Sullam profugiunt, quem consul in expeditionem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro vanis hostibus, uti meriti erant, sed accurate ac liberaliter habuit. Qua re barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam et Sullam ob munificentiam in sese amicum rati.

They promptly set out for the Romans’ winter-quarters; then, on the journey, surrounded by Gaetulian bandits and despoiled, panic-stricken and without honor, they flee for refuge to Sulla, whom the consul, setting out on an expedition, had left as pro-praetor. He treated them not as worthless enemies, as they had deserved, but carefully and liberally. For which reason the barbarians deemed both the reputation of Roman avarice false, and Sulla, on account of his munificence toward themselves, a friend.

Nam etiam tum largitio multis ignota erat; munificus nemo putabatur nisi pariter volens; dona omnia in benignitate habebantur. Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt; simul ab eo petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi assit; copias fidem magnitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut benevolentiae esse credebant, oratione extollunt. Dein Sulla omnia pollicito docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur.

For even then largess was unknown to many; no one was thought munificent unless equally willing; all gifts were held to be in benignity. Therefore they disclose to the quaestor Bocchus’s mandates; at the same time they ask of him that he be a supporter and counselor to them; they extol in speech the forces, the good faith, the magnitude of their king, and other things which they believed would be either useful or conducive to goodwill. Then, Sulla having promised everything, and having instructed them how they should speak before Marius and likewise before the senate, they wait there for about 40 days.

[104] Marius postquam infecto quo intenderat negotio Cirtam redit et de adventu legatorum certior factus est, illosque et Sullam [ab Utica] venire iubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Utica, praeterea omnis undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit. Legatis potestas Romam eundi fit, et ab consule interea indutiae postulabantur. Ea Sullae et plerisque placuere; pauci ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in adversa mutantur.

[104] After Marius, with the business toward which he had aimed left unfinished, returned to Cirta and was informed of the arrival of the legates, he orders them and Sulla [from Utica] to come, likewise L. Bellienus, the praetor, at Utica, and, besides, all from every quarter of the senatorial order, with whom he becomes acquainted with Bocchus’s mandates. To the legates leave to go to Rome is granted, and from the consul in the meantime a truce was requested. These measures pleased Sulla and the majority; a few decide more fiercely—clearly ignorant of human affairs, which, being flux and mobile, are always changed into the adverse.

Ceterum Mauri impetratis omnibus rebus tres Romam profecti duce Cn. Octavio Rusone, qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat, duo ad regem redeunt. Ex iis Bocchus cum cetera tum maxime benignitatem et studium Sullae libens accepit. Romaeque legatis eius, postquam errasse regem et Iugurthae scelere lapsum deprecati sunt, amicitiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo respondetur:

But the Moors, with all their requests obtained, three set out to Rome under the leadership of Gnaeus Octavius Ruso, who, as quaestor, had carried the stipend into Africa; two return to the king. Of these matters Bocchus gladly accepted the rest, but most especially the benignity and zeal of Sulla. And at Rome, to his envoys—after they had pleaded that the king had erred and had fallen by Jugurtha’s crime—when they were seeking friendship and a treaty, answer is given in this manner:

"Senatus et populus Romanus benefici et iniuriae memor esse solet. Ceterum Boccho, quoniam paenitet, delicta gratiae facit: foedus et amicitia dabuntur, cum meruerit."

"The Senate and the Roman People are accustomed to be mindful of benefit and injury. Moreover, to Bocchus, since he is penitent, it makes his offenses a matter of grace: a treaty and friendship will be given, when he has deserved it."

[105] Quis rebus cognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mario petivit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret, cuius arbitratu communibus negotiis consuleretur. Is missus cum praesidio equitum atque [peditum] funditorum Baliarium. Praeterea iere sagittarii et cohors Paeligna cum velitaribus armis, itineris properandi causa, neque his secus atque aliis armis adversum tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt, muniti.

[105] These matters being learned, Bocchus by letters asked of Marius that he send Sulla to him, by whose arbitration their common affairs might be consulted. He was sent with an escort of cavalry and of (foot) Balearic slingers. Moreover, archers went, and the Paelignian cohort with velitary arms, for the sake of hastening the march; and with these they were defended no less than with other arms against the enemy’s missiles, because those are light.

Sed in itinere quinto denique die Volux, filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non amplius equitibus sese ostendit, qui temere et effuse euntes Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efficiebant. Igitur se quisque expedire, arma atque tela temptare, intendere; timor aliquantus, sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus et adversum eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites exploratum praemissi rem, uti erat, quietam nuntiant.

But on the march, on the fifth day at last, Volux, the son of Bocchus, suddenly showed himself on the open plains with not more than a thousand horsemen, who, proceeding rashly and in a scattered outpour, made for Sulla and all the others both an estimate of numbers greater than the reality and a hostile fear. Therefore each man began to get himself ready, to test his arms and missiles, to strain them for use; there was some fear, but greater hope, seeing they were victors and against those whom they had often conquered. Meanwhile the horsemen sent ahead to explore report the situation, as it was, to be quiet.

[106] Volux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho obviam illis simul et praesidio missum. Deinde eum et proximum diem sine metu coniuncti eunt. Post ubi castra locata et diei vesper erat, repente Maurus incerto vultu pavens ad Sullam accurrit dicitque sibi ex speculatoribus cognitum Iugurtham haud procul abesse.

[106] Volux, arriving, addresses the quaestor and says that he has been sent by his father Bocchus to meet them and at the same time as a guard. Then, that day and the next, they go together without fear. Afterward, when the camp had been pitched and it was the day’s evening, suddenly the Moor, with an uncertain countenance and quaking, runs up to Sulla and says that he has learned from his scouts that Jugurtha is not far off.

Simul, uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. Ille animo feroci negat se totiens fusum Numidam pertimescere: virtuti suorum satis credere; etiam si certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam, proditis quos ducebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paulo morbo interiturae vitae parceret. Ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu proficisceretur, consilium approbat; ac statim milites cenatos esse in castris ignisque quam creberrimos fieri, dein prima vigilia silentio egredi iubet.

At the same time, he asks and exhorts him to flee away with him secretly by night. He, with a ferocious spirit, says that he does not thoroughly fear the Numidian so often routed: that he trusts sufficiently in the virtue of his own men; even if a sure ruin were at hand, he would rather remain than, with those whom he led betrayed, by a disgraceful flight spare a life uncertain and perhaps shortly to perish by disease. However, being admonished by the same man to set out by night, he approves the counsel; and immediately he orders the soldiers to have taken supper in the camp and that fires be made as very numerous as possible, then at the first watch to go out in silence.

Iamque nocturno itinere fessis omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur, cum equites Mauri nuntiant Iugurtham circiter duum milium intervallo ante consedisse. Quod postquam auditum est, tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit; credere se proditos a Voluce et insidiis circumventos. Ac fuere qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum.

And now, with all wearied by the nocturnal journey, Sulla, together with the rising of the sun, was staking out the camp, when Moorish horsemen announce that Jugurtha has encamped in front at an interval of about two miles. After this was heard, then indeed a huge fear seizes our men; they believe themselves betrayed by Volux and surrounded by ambushes. And there were those who said that it must be vindicated by force, nor should so great a crime be left unavenged in that man’s case.

[107] At Sulla, quamquam eadem existimabat, tamen ab iniuria Maurum prohibet. Suos hortatur, uti fortem animum gererent: saepe antea a paucis strenuis adversum multitudinem bene pugnatum; quanto sibi in proelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore; nec quemquam decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis pedibus auxilium petere, in maximo metu nudum et caecum corpus ad hostis vertere.

[107] But Sulla, although he was thinking the same, nevertheless restrains the Moor from wrongdoing. He exhorts his men to carry a brave spirit: often before it has been well fought by a few strenuous men against a multitude; the less they should spare themselves in battle, by that much the safer they would be; nor does it befit anyone who has armed his hands to seek help from unarmed feet, and, in greatest fear, to turn a naked and blind body toward the enemies.

Dein Volucem, quoniam hostilia faceret, Iovem maximum obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfidiae Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abire iubet. Ille lacrimans orare, ne ea crederet: nihil dolo factum, ac magis calliditate Iugurthae, cui videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. Ceterum quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet et spes opesque eius ex patre suo penderent, credere illum nihil palam ausurum, cum ipse filius testis adesset.

Then, since Volux was doing hostile acts, having called upon Jupiter the Greatest that he be present as witness of Bocchus’s crime and perfidy, he orders him to depart from the camp. He, weeping, begs that he not believe these things: nothing had been done by trickery, but rather by the cunning of Jugurtha, to whom, evidently, while on the lookout, his march had become known. Moreover, since he did not have an enormous multitude and his hopes and resources depended on his father, he believed that that man would dare nothing openly, since he himself, the son, was present as a witness.

Qua re optimum factu videri per media eius castra palam transire; sese vel praemissis vel ibidem relictis Mauris solum cum Sulla iturum.

For this reason it seemed the optimal thing to do to pass openly through the midst of his camp; that he, with the Moors either sent ahead or left there, would go alone with Sulla.

Ea res, uti in tali negotio, probata; ac statim profecti, quia de improviso acciderant, dubio atque haesitante Iugurtha incolumes transeunt. Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum est.

That plan, as in such a business, was approved; and at once they set out, and, because they had come unexpectedly, with Jugurtha doubtful and hesitating, they pass through unscathed. Then within a few days they arrived at the place where they had intended to go.

[108] Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam Aspar nomine multum et familiariter agebat, praemissus ab Iugurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, orator et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia; praeterea Dabar, Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere impar — nam pater eius ex concubina ortus erat —, Mauro ob ingeni multa bona carus acceptusque. Quem Bocchus fidum esse Romanis multis ante tempestatibus expertus ilico ad Sullam nuntiatum mittit: paratum sese facere quae populus Romanus vellet; colloquio diem locum tempus ipse deligeret, neu Iugurthae legatum pertimesceret; consulto sese omnia cum illo integra habere, quo res communis licentius gereretur; nam ab insidiis eius aliter caveri nequivisse.

[108] There a certain Numidian, by name Aspar, was dealing much and familiarly with Bocchus, having been sent ahead by Jugurtha, after he had heard that Sulla had been summoned, as an orator and, underhandedly, to speculate upon (spy out) Bocchus’s counsels; furthermore Dabar, the son of Massugrada, from the clan of Masinissa, yet unequal on his mother’s side — for his father had been born from a concubine —, dear and acceptable to the Moor on account of many good qualities of wit. Whom Bocchus, having proved him faithful to the Romans in many prior times, immediately sends to Sulla to announce: that he was prepared to do what the Roman People should will; that he himself should choose the day, place, and time for a colloquy, and that he should not be over-afraid of Jugurtha’s legate; that by design he was keeping all matters with him intact, in order that the common affair might be managed more freely; for against his ambushes it had not been possible to guard otherwise.

Sed ego comperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Iugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; libidinem adversum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.

But I find out that Bocchus, more by Punic faith than on account of the things he was proclaiming, simultaneously held both the Romans and the Numidian by the hope of peace, and was wont to turn over much with his mind whether he should hand over Jugurtha to the Romans or Sulla to him; passion urged against us, fear argued for us.

[109] Igitur Sulla respondit se pauca coram Aspare locuturum, cetera occulte nullo aut quam paucissimis praesentibus. Simul edocet, quae sibi responderentur. Postquam, sicuti voluerat, congressi, dicit se missum a consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem an bellum agitaturus foret.

[109] Therefore Sulla replied that he would speak a few things in Aspar’s presence, but the rest secretly, with no one or with the fewest possible present. At the same time he instructs what should be answered to him. After they had met, just as he had wished, he says that he had been sent by the consul and had come to inquire from him whether he intended to prosecute peace or war.

Tum rex, uti praeceptum fuerat, post diem decimum redire iubet, ac nihil etiam nunc decrevisse, sed illo die reponsurum. Deinde ambo in sua castra digressi. Sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho occulte accersitur.

Then the king, as had been prescribed, orders them to return after the tenth day, and that he had as yet decreed nothing, but would give an answer on that day. Then both withdrew to their own camps. But when the greater part of the night had advanced, Sulla is secretly summoned by Bocchus.

Ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes adhibentur, praeterea Dabar internuntius, sanctus vir et ex sententia ambobus. Ac statim sic rex incipit:

By either side only trusty interpreters are employed; besides, Dabar the internuncio, a holy man and, in the judgment of both, acceptable. And straightway thus the king begins:

[110] "Numquam ego ratus sum fore uti rex maximus in hac terra et omnium, quos novi, privato homini gratiam deberem. Et mehercule, Sulla, ante te cognitum multis orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indiguus. Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor.

[110] "Never did I think it would come to pass that I, the greatest king in this land and—of all those I know—would owe favor to a private man. And, by Hercules, Sulla, before I knew you, I myself brought help to many who begged, to others unasked, needing no one. That being diminished—which the rest are accustomed to grieve over—I rejoice.

Fuerit mihi eguisse aliquando pretium tuae amicitiae, qua apud meum animum nihil carius est. Id adeo experiri licet. Arma viros pecuniam, postremo quicquid animo libet, sume utere, et, quoad vives, numquam tibi redditam gratiam putaveris: semper apud me integra erit; denique nihil me sciente frustra voles.

Let it be that to have been in need at some time has been the price of your friendship, than which nothing is dearer to my heart. This indeed you may put to the test. Arms, men, money—finally, whatever your spirit pleases—take and use; and, so long as you live, never think the favor repaid to you: with me it will always remain intact; in fine, with my knowledge, you will desire nothing in vain.

Nam, ut ego aestimo, regem armis quam munificentia vince minus flagitiosum est. Ceterum de re publica vestra, cuius curator huc missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo Romano neque feci neque factum umquam volui; at finis meos adversum armatos armis tutatus sum.

For, as I estimate, to conquer a king by arms rather than by munificence is less disgraceful. Moreover, concerning your republic, of which you have been sent hither as curator, receive a few words. I have neither made war upon the Roman people nor ever wished it to be made; but I have defended my borders with arms against armed men.

Id omitto, quando vobis ita placet. Gerite quod vultis cum Iugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Muluccham, quod inter me et Micipsam fuit, non egrediar neque id intrare Iugurtham sinam.

I omit that, since it so pleases you. Wage whatever war you wish with Jugurtha. I will not go beyond the river Muluccha, which was between me and Micipsa, nor will I allow Jugurtha to enter it.

Praeterea si quid meque vobisque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis."

"Furthermore, if you ask for anything worthy of me and of you, you will not depart repulsed."

[111] Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et communibus rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi patefacit, quod polliceatur, senatum et populum Romanum, quoniam armis amplius valuissent, non in gratiam habituros; faciendum ei aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua rettulisse videretur. Id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam copiam Iugurthae haberet.

[111] To this Sulla, for his part, briefly and with moderation, discoursed about peace and many common matters. Finally he lays open to the king that what he promises, the Senate and the Roman People, since they had prevailed more by arms, will not hold in the account of favor; he must do something which would seem to have redounded to their interests rather than his own. This indeed is ready to hand, since he has Jugurtha in his power.

Quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore ut illi plurimum deberetur; amicitiam foedus Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, tum ultro adventuram. Rex primo negitare: cognationem, affinitatem, praeterea foedus intervenisse; ad hoc metuere, ne fluxa fide usus popularium animos averteret, quis et Iugurtha carus et Romani invisi erant. Denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum promittit.

If he should hand him over to the Romans, it would come about that very great gratitude would be owed to him; friendship, a treaty, and the part of Numidia which he was now seeking would then come of their own accord. The king at first kept refusing: kinship, affinity, and moreover a treaty had intervened; in addition he feared that, having employed a fickle faith, he would turn aside the minds of his fellow-countrymen, to whom Jugurtha was dear and the Romans detested. Finally, wearied by repeated importunity, he is softened and promises that he will do everything according to Sulla’s will.

Ceterum ad simulandam pacem, cuius Numida defessus bello avidissimus erat, quae utilia visa constituunt. Ita composito dolo digrediuntur.

However, for the sake of simulating peace, for which the Numidian, wearied by war, was most avid, they constitute whatever things seemed useful. Thus, the stratagem having been composed, they depart.

[112] At rex postero die Asparem, Iugurthae legatum, appellat dicitque sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum posse condicionibus bellum poni: quam ob rem regis sui sententiam exquireret. Ille laetus in castra Iugurthae proficiscitur. Deinde ab illo cuncta edoctus properato itinere post diem octavum redit ad Bocchum et ei nuntiat Iugurtham cupere omnia quae imperarentur facere, sed Mario parum confidere; saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam frustra fuisse.

[112] But the king on the next day addresses Aspar, Jugurtha’s legate, and says that it had become known to him, through Dabar, from Sulla, that the war could be ended on conditions; for which reason he should ascertain his king’s opinion. He, joyful, sets out to Jugurtha’s camp. Then, having been instructed in all things by him, with a hastened journey, on the eighth day thereafter he returns to Bocchus and announces to him that Jugurtha desires to do everything that might be commanded, but has too little confidence in Marius; that often before, with Roman commanders, a peace agreed upon had proved in vain.

Ceterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut una ab omnibus quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, ibique sibi Sullam traderet. Cum talem virum in potestatem habuisset, tum fore uti iussu senatus aut populi foedus fieret; neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam in hostium potestate relictum iri.

But if Bocchus wished provision to be made for both parties and for a ratified peace, he should take pains that there be a colloquy, to which all would come together as if about peace, and there deliver Sulla to him. When he had such a man in his power, then it would come to pass that, by order of the Senate or of the People, a treaty would be made; nor would a noble man—left in the enemies’ power not by his own cowardice but on account of the Republic—be abandoned.

[113] Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit; ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus, parum comperimus. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates ut vehementes sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi adversae. Postea tempore et loco constituto, in colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Iugurthae legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus polliceri.

[113] The Moor, long revolving these things with himself alone, at length promised; but whether he delayed by deceit or truly, we have too little ascertained. Yet for the most part royal wills, as vehement so mobile, are often adverse to themselves. Afterwards, a time and place having been appointed, that there might be a coming into a colloquy about peace, Bocchus now addressed Sulla, now Jugurtha’s legate, treated them kindly, promised the same to both.

Illi pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse. Sed nocte ea, quae proxima fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim immutata voluntate remotis ceteris dicitur secum ipse multum agitavisse, vultu colore motu corporis pariter atque animo varius; quae scilicet ita tacente ipso occulta pectoris patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam accersi iubet et ex illius sententia Numidae insidias tendit.

They alike were glad and full of good hope. But on that night, which was the one immediately before the day appointed for the colloquy, the Moor, his friends having been admitted and, his purpose straightway changed, the rest removed, is said to have much debated with himself—varying equally in face, color, and motion of body as in spirit; which, of course, with himself silent, thus disclosed the hidden things of his breast. Nevertheless at last he orders Sulla to be summoned, and, according to his counsel, lays an ambush for the Numidian.

Deinde ubi dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Iugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum facillimum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis suis inermis, uti dictum erat, accedit, ac statim signo dato undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati, Iugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur et ab eo ad Marium deductus est.

Then when day arrived and it was announced to him that Jugurtha was not far off, with a few friends and our quaestor, as if to meet him for the sake of honor, he proceeds to a mound most easy of view for those lying in ambush. To the same place the Numidian, with many of his close associates, unarmed, as had been said, approaches, and immediately, the signal having been given, from ambush on all sides at once he is assailed. The rest were cut down; Jugurtha, bound, is handed over to Sulla and by him was led to Marius.

[114] Per idem tempus adversum Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione et Cn. Manlio male pugnatum. Quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat. Illincque [et inde] usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere, alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse, cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria certare.

[114] At the same time, against the Gauls it was badly fought by our commanders Q. Caepio and Cn. Manlius. At this fear all Italy had quaked. And from that point [and from there] down to our own memory the Romans have thus held: that all other things are prone to their virtue, but with the Gauls they contend for safety, not for glory.

Sed postquam bellum in Numidia confectum et Iugurtham Romam vinctum adduci nuntiatum est, Marius consul absens factus est, et ei decreta provincia Gallia, isque Kalendis Ianuariis magna gloria consul triumphavit. Et ea tempestate spes atque opes civitatis in illo sitae.

But after it was announced that the war in Numidia had been completed and that Jugurtha was being brought to Rome bound, Marius was made consul in his absence, and the province of Gaul was decreed to him; and on the Kalends of January, with great glory, the consul triumphed. And at that time the hopes and resources of the state were placed in him.