William of Tyre•HISTORIA RERUM IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS GESTARUM
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Vocato igitur ex hac luce domino Balduino, Hierosolymorum ex Latinis rege secundo, qui cognominatus est de Burgo, successit in regno dominus Fulco gener ejus, comes Turonensium, Caenomanensium et Andegavensium, cui praedictus dominus rex filiam suam primogenitam Milisendem nomine dederat uxorem, ut praemisimus. Erat autem idem Fulco vir rufus, sed instar David, quem invenit Dominus juxta cor suum; fidelis, mansuetus, et contra leges illius coloris affabilis, benignus et misericors; in operibus pietatis et eleemosynarum largitione liberalis admodum; secundum carnem princeps potens, et apud suos felicissimus, priusquam etiam ad regni vocaretur gubernacula; rei militaris experientissimus, et in bellicis sudoribus patiens et providus plurimum; statura mediocri, sed jam grandaevus, et plus quam sexagesimum agens annum. Inter alios vero, quos lege mortalitatis patiebatur defectus, fluidam et labilem eatenus habebat memoriam, ut suorum domesticorum etiam non teneret nomina, nec vultus nisi paucorum agnosceret: ita ut de eo cui paulo ante supremum impenderat honorem et familiaritatis gratiam, diligenter postmodum quaereret, quisnam esset si ex improviso se praesentem daret.
Accordingly, when Lord Baldwin, the second king of Jerusalem from among the Latins, who was surnamed “of Bourcq,” had been called out of this light, his son‑in‑law Lord Fulk, count of Touraine, Maine, and Anjou, succeeded to the kingdom, to whom the aforesaid lord king had given as wife his firstborn daughter, by name Melisende, as we have premised. Now this same Fulk was a ruddy‑haired man, yet after the fashion of David, whom the Lord found according to His heart; faithful, meek, and—contrary to the laws of that complexion—affable, kindly, and merciful; very liberal in works of piety and in the largess of alms; according to the flesh a powerful prince, and among his own most fortunate, even before he was called to the helm of the kingdom; most experienced in the military art, and in the toils of war very enduring and exceedingly provident; of medium stature, but already well‑advanced in years, and passing his sixtieth year. Among other defects, however, which he suffered by the law of mortality, he had a memory so fluid and slippery that he did not even retain the names of his household, nor recognize faces save of a few: so that concerning a man upon whom he had shortly before conferred the highest honor and the favor of intimacy, he would afterwards diligently inquire who he was, if by chance he presented himself unexpectedly.
Whence he drove many, presuming upon his familiarity, into confusion, since they themselves had proposed to offer themselves as defenders to others, and they themselves stood in need of a patron with him. The father of this man, count of the Turonians and the Angevins, was also named Fulk and surnamed Rechin, who took to wife the sister of lord Amaury of Montfort, by name Berthelea: whence he received two sons—this Fulk, of whom we speak; and Geoffrey Martel—and one daughter, named Hermingerda, who was formerly the wife of William, count of the Poitevins; by whom, spurned and cast off against the laws of marriage, she betook herself to the count of Brittany, and to him she adhered with marital affection: of whom was born Conan, count of that same Brittany, who was surnamed the Gross. Therefore, these three children having been born to the aforesaid elder Fulk, the mother, her husband spurned, betook herself to Philip, king of the Franks; who likewise, his own lawful wife cast aside, received her as a partner of his bed, a companion of his cares, and thereafter, treating her with marital affection, against ecclesiastical laws—while the bishops of his realm and the princes as well were unwilling and greatly resisting—he kept her with him: and from her he had children, Flore, Philip, and Cecilia, of whom we have made mention above, who was formerly the wife of Tancred, prince of the Antiochenes, and afterward, he having died, she adhered to lord Pons, count of Tripoli, entering into second vows.
But the aforesaid Fulco, son of Fulco the elder, his father now deceased, took to wife the daughter of Helias, count of the Cenomani, by name Guiburga, from whom he received two sons and as many daughters. Now the cause of this marriage was his mother; for while that same youth, in the court of the count of the Poitevins, his lord, was discharging the office of pincerna (cupbearer), on hearing of the death of his firstborn brother he was seized by that same count and delivered into bonds, on the pretext of certain castles which he strove to wrest from him by force, which his father and brother had long possessed within the borders of the aforesaid count by hereditary right, yet as a fief of the said count. Hearing this, his mother—who had long before separated from his father and had betaken herself to the lord king of the Franks—moved by maternal bowels, pleaded as a suppliant before the lord king and obtained that her son, released from bonds, should be restored to the paternal inheritance; moreover she also brought it about that the lord king should grant to her son as wife the only daughter of the above‑named Count Helias, together with all her inheritance; from whom, as we said above, he begot two sons and daughters in the same number.
The firstborn’s name was Geoffrey, who succeeded his father in the same county, to whom Henry the elder, the most powerful king of the English, gave his only daughter, by name Maud, widow of lord Henry, emperor of the Romans, as wife; from whom the same Geoffrey received three sons: namely Henry, who now vigorously and prudently administers the kingdom of England; and Geoffrey, who was surnamed Plantagenet; and William, who was called by the cognomen Longsword. But the name of the second, the son of this same lord Fulk, bearing his maternal grandfather’s name, was Helias; to whom Rotoldus, count of Perche, gave his only daughter as wife, pledging that thereafter he would not take a wife, but, dying, would transfer all his inheritance with all integrity to him. Yet, forgetful of his pacts and prodigal of his promises, he took a wife, the sister of Count Patrick, a nobleman from England; from whom he received several children: whence the aforesaid Helias was, contrary to hope, made alien to his inheritance.
Now the names of the daughters: the one, Sibylla, who wed the renowned and noble man, lord Theoderic, Count of the Flemings, from whom was born Philip, who today administers the county of the Flemings; the name of the second, Mahaldis, who had been betrothed to the son of the aforesaid king of the English, Henry; but, before they might come together, the bridegroom, sailing to England, having suffered shipwreck, was submerged in the deep; his betrothed, however, vowing perpetual celibacy, in a very religious cloister of maidens, at Fontevraud, led a perpetual life as a nun.
Praedictus igitur Fulco uxore defuncta, Hierosolymam orationis gratia, priusquam a domino rege vocaretur, petierat: ubi magnifice plurimum in Dei servitio se habens, populi universi gratiam et domini regis, et universorum principum familiaritatem plurimam, meritis exigentibus acquisivit; quippe qui centum equites per annum integrum in regno suis habuit impensis; tandemque sospes ad propria regressus, filias nuptui, filios autem matrimonio collocans, comitatum suum optimo statu composuit; dumque strenue et prudenter annos aliquot post suum reditum suis incumbit negotiis, ecce dominus rex Hierosolymorum de successione sollicitus, videlicet apud quem primogenitam suam nuptui collocaret, post multam deliberationem, de communi universorum principum consilio, sed et de populi favore, quosdam de principibus suis, dominum videlicet Villelmum de Buris, dominum Guidonem Brisebarre, ad praedictum dirigit comitem, invitans eum ad filiae nuptias et regni successionem; qui compositis rebus et ordinato comitatu, data benedictione liberis suis, assumens sibi de honestis proceribus suis, iter veniendi ad domini regis vocationem arripuit; cui postquam in regnum ingressus est, statim infra paucos dies, sicut ex pacto tenebatur, primogenitam suam, ei matrimonio copulavit, conferens eidem dotis nomine, duas civitates maritimas, Tyrum et Ptolemaidam; quam quasi triennio possidens, continuo comes sicut ante quasi vocabatur. Defuncto igitur domino rege XI Kal. Septemb.
Accordingly the aforesaid Fulk, his wife having died, had sought Jerusalem for the sake of prayer, before he was called by the lord king: where, comporting himself most magnificently in the service of God, he acquired—his merits demanding it—the favor of all the people and very great familiarity with the lord king and all the princes; indeed, as he maintained one hundred knights for a whole year in the kingdom at his own expenses; and at length, safe, having returned to his own domains, settling his daughters in wedlock and his sons likewise in marriage, he set his county in most excellent order; and while vigorously and prudently, for several years after his return, he applied himself to his affairs, behold, the lord king of Jerusalem, anxious about the succession—namely, with whom he might place his firstborn daughter in marriage—after much deliberation, by the common counsel of all the princes and also by the favor of the people, dispatches certain of his princes, namely Lord William of Bures, Lord Guy Brisebarre, to the aforesaid count, inviting him to the daughter’s nuptials and to the succession of the kingdom; who, his affairs arranged and his county set in order, having given a blessing to his children, and taking with him some of his honorable nobles, undertook the journey to come at the lord king’s summons; and when he had entered the kingdom, straightway within a few days, as he was bound by the pact, he joined his firstborn daughter to him in marriage, conferring upon him, in the name of dowry, two maritime cities, Tyre and Ptolemais; which, possessing for almost three years, he was continually called “count,” as before, as it were. The lord king therefore having died on the 11th before the Kalends of September.
in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation, 1131, the same count, with his aforesaid wife, on the 18th day before the Kalends of October, on the day of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, in the church of the Lord’s Sepulcher, by Lord William, patriarch of Jerusalem, of good memory, was solemnly and according to custom crowned and consecrated.
Per idem tempus, dominus Joscelinus comes Edessanus, longa aegritudine fatigatus, lecto decubans, mortis imminentem exspectabat diem. Ceciderat enim anno proxime praeterito circa partes Halapiae, super eum turris ex crudis lateribus compacta; quam cum hostibus in ea inclusis ut facilius caperet, suffodi fecerat; subfossa subito corruens, incautum oppresserat; unde eum sui cum multo labore, quasi sepultum et contritis artubus, vix eruerunt: quo languore multo tempore maceratus, adhuc egredi nitentem detinebat animam; cum ecce nuntius advolans, Soldanum Iconiensem obsedisse quoddam ejus castrum, cui nomen Cressum, nuntiat. Quo audito, vir magnanimus, sicut erat corpore debilis et prorsus impotens, sed mente validus, filium praecepit ad se evocari, injungens ut, assumpta secum universa regionis illius militia, hosti supra nominato viriliter occurreret et locum patris suppleret impotentis.
At the same time, lord Joscelinus, count of Edessa, worn out by a long sickness, lying on his bed, was awaiting the imminent day of death. For in the year immediately past, around the parts of Aleppo, a tower put together of raw bricks had fallen upon him; which, since he had caused to be undermined that he might more easily take it with the enemies shut up in it, when under-dug it suddenly collapsed and overwhelmed him off guard; whence his own men, with much labor, as though he were buried and with his joints crushed, scarcely dug him out: wasted by which languor for a long time, he was still detaining a spirit striving to depart; when, lo, a messenger flying in announces that the Sultan of Iconium has besieged a certain castle of his, by name Cressum. On hearing this, the magnanimous man—as he was weak in body and utterly powerless, but strong in mind—ordered his son to be summoned to him, enjoining that, having taken with him the entire militia of that region, he should manfully go to meet the above-named enemy and fill the place of his father who was powerless.
He, however, objecting that the aforesaid Soldan was said to be coming in a heavy multitude, and that in respect of such forces he had but few, began to excuse himself; whereupon the father, weighing the faint-heartedness of his son and gathering from that word what he would be hereafter, orders the military forces to be convoked, and the whole people of the region. These being made ready, he commands a litter to be fitted for himself; and ascending into it, he goes to meet the enemy, forgetful of pain and impotence; and when he had advanced a little with the army, one of the magnates of the region, Geoffrey, surnamed the Monk, announces to him that the Soldan, on hearing of his approach, had removed the siege from the aforesaid castle and had hastened his journey for return. This being known, the count ordered the litter in which he was being carried to be set down upon the ground; and with hands raised to heaven and with a devout spirit, giving thanks to the Lord with sighs and weeping, because in his last moments the kindly and merciful Lord had visited him with such grace, that half-dead and set upon the very thresholds of death he was still formidable to the enemies of the Christian faith, in acts of thanksgiving he yielded his last breath to heaven, leaving to his son, his namesake, but very much degenerate from the father’s glory, and the same appointed the heir of all goods in full.
Now this same Joscelin the younger was born of the sister of Leo the Armenian, a man most powerful among his own; small in stature, but with fuller limbs, very robust, dark in complexion and hair, having a broad face, but spattered with the scars of the disease which is commonly called smallpox; with bulging eyes and a prominent nose; a liberal man and conspicuous in military actions; but given beyond measure to carousals, serving the works of Venus and the uncleannesses of the flesh, up to the mark of infamy. He took to wife Beatrice by name, the widow of William of Saone, noble in body but more noble in morals; by whom he received a son, the third Joscelin; and a daughter, who was formerly the wife of Renaud of Mares, afterward of lord Amalric, count of Joppa, who afterwards was king of Jerusalem: whence was born Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, the sixth, and his sister Sibylla. However, as will be said below, through sloth, and his sins requiring it, he lost the whole region which his father had ruled with fitting moderation.
Anno igitur primo regni domini Fulconis, cum esset tam civitas, quam tota regio Antiochena principis destituta solatio; mortuus enim fuerat ante dominum regem dominus Boamundus junior, unica filia haerede relicta, timentes magnates illius regionis, ne protectoris defectu provincia illa hostium pateret insidiis, dominum regem ad se vocant, ut partium illarum curam gereret, et omnia ad suam revocaret sollicitudinem. Uxor enim principis praedefuncti, domini regis Balduini filia, dominae Milisendis soror, mulier callida supra modum, et malitiosa nimis, quosdam habebat suorum commentorum fautores, quibus cooperantibus, circa principatum malignari studebat; volens sibi universam regionem, filia quam ex marito susceperat, exhaerede facta, vindicare; et sic demum obtento principatu, pro arbitrio suo ad secunda vota migrare. Pater autem ejus, dum viveret, statim defuncto marito, haec eadem machinantem industrie satis praevenerat; et eam vi ejectam ab Antiochia, jusserat esse contentam eo quod maritus nomine donationis propter nuptias in eam contulerat, duabus videlicet urbibus maritimis, Gabulo et Laodicia.
In the first year, therefore, of the reign of lord Fulk, when both the city and the whole Antiochene region were deprived of the solace of a prince—for lord Bohemond the younger had died before the lord king, a single daughter left as heiress—the magnates of that region, fearing lest by the lack of a protector that province should lie open to the snares of the enemy, call the lord king to themselves, that he might take care of those parts, and recall everything to his solicitude. For the wife of the predeceased prince, the daughter of lord King Baldwin, sister of lady Melisende, a woman crafty beyond measure and excessively malicious, had certain abettors of her contrivances, with whose cooperation she strove to play the malefactor in regard to the principality; wishing to vindicate for herself the whole region, her daughter whom she had received from her husband being made disinherited; and thus at last, the principality obtained, to migrate to second vows at her own discretion. Her father, however, while he lived, immediately upon her husband’s death, had quite diligently forestalled her as she was contriving these same things; and, having expelled her by force from Antioch, had ordered her to be content with that which her husband had conferred upon her under the name of a donation on account of the nuptials, namely with two maritime cities, Gabulo and Laodicea.
She, moreover, her father deceased, thinking she had found a congruent opportunity, aspired again to the previously conceived purpose. The accomplices of these pursuits, by largess of gifts and by promises more than super-ample, she had made some of them more powerful—namely William of Sehunna, brother of Guarento, and Pons, count of Tripoli, and likewise Joscelin the Younger, count of Edessa. Fearing this, the magnates of that region, with as much zeal as they could, strove to set themselves in the way of her impious machinations.
Audita igitur Antiochenorum legatione; et super regionis illius turba quam periculosam nimis metuebat, motus dominus rex vehementer, ad illorum vocationem properans, usque Berythum pervenit. Sed comite Tripolitano per terras suas illi transitum prohibente, assumpto sibi Anselmo de Bria, nobili viro et fideli suo, usque ad portum Sancti Simeonis navigio pervenit: ubi ei occurrentes nobiles et potentes Antiochenorum proceres, in urbem eum introduxerunt, ejus imperio subjicientes universam regionem. Comes autem Tripolitanus, licet domini regis sororem haberet uxorem, ut saepe dictum est, tamen festinus post regem, ad partes se contulit Antiochenas, ut gratia principissae, cujus muneribus corruptus dicebatur, ejus actibus se opponeret.
Therefore, when the embassy of the Antiochenes had been heard, and because of the turmoil of that region, which he greatly feared as most perilous, the lord king was moved vehemently; hastening at their summons, he reached as far as Berytus. But as the Count of Tripoli, forbidding him passage through his lands, opposed him, he, taking to himself Anselm of Bria, a noble man and his loyal follower, came by ship as far as the port of Saint Simeon; where the noble and powerful magnates of the Antiochenes, meeting him, led him into the city, subjecting the whole region to his command. The Count of Tripoli, however, although he had the lord king’s sister as his wife, as has often been said, nevertheless, hastening after the king, betook himself to the Antiochene parts, so that, by the favor of the princess—by whose gifts he was said to have been corrupted—he might oppose his actions.
Now the same count had in those parts two strongholds, namely Arcicanum and Rugia, which he held in right of his wife. For Lord Tancred, of pious remembrance in Christ, as he was dying, had given them to his wife as a nuptial donation. These, the count, fortifying with arms and soldiery, began from there to molest the lord king and his men.
Which the Antiochenes, bearing most grievously, impel the king by persuasions to meet him, that, encountering him, he might rein back his presumptuous assaults. He, acquiescing in their words, mindful of the injuries which he had suffered when coming, with him forbidding passage, hastened thither with all the forces he could have. Now it came to pass that, assembling around the afore-named Rugia, with the battle-lines drawn up on both sides, they engaged in hostile fashion, and for a long time they joined battle with one another with a doubtful issue.
At length the king, having become superior, turned the count with his men to flight; and with the ranks cut down he seized many of his soldiery, whom, having cast into chains, he led to Antioch. At last, through industrious men and faithful interpreters of peace, the king and the count being reconciled to one another, and the count having been restored those of his soldiers whom the king had taken, the state of the region seems to have come into a better condition. Yet the more prudent of that province, fearing lest, when the lord king returned to his own, the region be shaken by internal seditions and thus a wider occasion for harming be laid open to the enemies, beseech the king with outpoured prayers that he make a longer delay among them. The king, however, considering that by the Lord’s mercy his own kingdom had been placed in safety, rejoiced in full tranquility; and that the region in which he was stood in great need of a ruler’s patronage, he kindly assented; and ordering both the city and the adjacent areas by the common counsel of the magnates with fitting governance, he bestowed a concern as great, and even more exact, than for his own affairs, in order to bring all things forward to the best state.
Whence he had won for himself the favor of all the citizens, and even of the princes who persevered in the duty of fidelity, in more heaped measure. Therefore, with their affairs placed in safety, and their business set in suitable order, when now for some time, as their necessity seemed to demand, he had made the necessary stay, the care of domestic matters recalling him, he returned to the kingdom; the care of the principality being entrusted to the noble and industrious man Rainald, by-name Mansuer.
Procedente autem tempore, dum idem rex in regni a Deo sibi commissi viriliter desudaret necessitatibus, et Marthae more, circa frequens ministerium ejus negotia sedula provisione procuraret, adest nuntius ex parte Antiochenorum, referens infinitam Turcorum manum e sinu Persico, et universo Orientali tractu, flumine magno Euphrate transito, circa partes Antiochenas in multitudine gravi consedisse. Quo audito, de statu sibi commissi principatus, et salute in eo degentium, plurimum anxius; eoque maxime, quia omnem spem suam in eum projecerant: nihilominus etiam et inde sollicitus, quod proverbialiter dici solet: Tua res agitur paries dum proximus ardet; intelligens finitimorum defectum in suum redundare periculum: decernens, fratribus auxilio indigentibus subsidia ministrare, opus esse honestum; accitis sibi de regno universo equitum peditumque auxiliis, ad iter accingitur, illuc cum omni celeritate contendens. Dumque in proficiscendo cum suis agminibus Sidonem usque pervenisset, ecce soror ejus, domina Cecilia, comitissa, Pontii Tripolitani comitis uxor, flebilia nuntiat, dicens: Sanguinum Halapiae principem, Turcorum potentissimum satrapam, in multitudine virtutis suae in praesidio quodam suo, cui Mons Ferrandus nomen, maritum suum obsedisse.
As time went on, while that same king was sweating manfully over the needs of the kingdom committed to him by God, and, in Martha’s manner, by diligent provision was attending to its affairs amid frequent ministry, there arrives a messenger on behalf of the Antiochenes, reporting that an immeasurable host of Turks, from the Persian Gulf and the whole Oriental tract, the great river Euphrates having been crossed, had settled in heavy multitude around the Antiochene parts. On hearing this, he was exceedingly anxious about the state of the principate committed to him and the safety of those dwelling in it; and all the more, because they had cast all their hope upon him: nonetheless also anxious on that account which is proverbially said: Your affair is at stake while the nearest wall is burning; understanding that the collapse of neighbors redounds to his own peril: deciding that to minister helps to brothers in need of aid is an honorable work; having called to himself from the whole kingdom the supports of horse and foot, he girds himself for the journey, hastening thither with all speed. And while, in setting out with his columns, he had come as far as Sidon, lo, his sister, Lady Cecilia, the countess, wife of Pons, count of Tripoli, announces tearfully, saying that Sanguinus, prince of Aleppo, the most powerful satrap of the Turks, with the multitude of his might, had besieged her husband in a certain stronghold of his, which has the name Mons Ferrandus.
Therefore she entreats and, most urgent, in womanly fashion, begs with insistence, that, the other business—which did not demand so much diligence—being deferred for a time, he would promptly come to the aid of her husband, set in straits. The king, moved by her excessive insistence, the earlier undertaking being put off for a little, directs his battle-lines thither, having taken from the retinue some soldiers who had been left behind from the count’s expedition. Therefore Sanguinus, hearing that the lord king was hastening to raise the siege, after holding counsel with his own as to what might seem more useful, freely raised the siege, returning to his own with his legions.
Hinc itaque, domino comite interim expedito, rex ista sollicitudine liber, ad coeptum redit opus, et Antiochiam, sicut prius proposuerat, maturatis festinat itineribus. Audito ejus adventu, Antiocheni ei obviam exeuntes, cum omni gaudio tantum hospitem suscipiunt, spem habentes quod per ejus industriam, nostium, qui advenire dicebantur, violentiam tolerare possent sine periculo. Non multum enim proficere consuevit, licet ingens fuerit sine duce multitudo; et cohortes numerosae sine rectore, quasi arena sine calce, vix solent sibi cohaerere.
Hence therefore, the lord Count meanwhile having been dispatched, the king, freed from that solicitude, returns to the work begun, and hastens to Antioch, as he had previously proposed, with journeys made swift. Hearing of his arrival, the Antiochenes go out to meet him, and with all joy receive so great a guest, having the hope that by his industry they might be able to tolerate the violence of the enemies who were said to be coming, without peril. For it is not accustomed to profit much, although the multitude be immense, when it is without a duke/leader; and numerous cohorts without a director, like sand without lime, scarcely are wont to cohere to themselves.
Meanwhile it is announced by concordant rumors and a most celebrated report that those who were said to have crossed the Euphrates with a robust force and an exceedingly copious array, having joined to themselves those whom they had found around the river, skilled in the localities, had pitched camp on the borders of Aleppo, about to lay waste the whole region with unforeseen incursions. Moreover, they had assembled from all the adjoining borders into one place, whose name is Canestrivum; thence, with all the multitude gathered, by the counsel of those who possessed expertise of the places, they were to make sudden inruptions throughout the whole province; which being discovered, the lord king, having convoked from every principality the military forces, with his familiars whom he had with him, going out from Antioch, encamped around the castle of Harenc, and halted after the manner of a prudent man, because . . . . . ill minister of all things Impulse, STAT. for several days, so that the enemies, who were said to have greater forces, might provoke his men to battle, or in some other way lay open their conceived purpose. But seeing that they were contriving nothing of the sort, but, secure in their camp, were spending a quiet delay, perhaps still awaiting greater reinforcements, he rushes upon them suddenly; and finding them off their guard, before they could seize their arms, he presses with swords, pierces with lances; scarce is it granted to a few, by the benefit of their horses, the rest being slain, to evade death by flight.
Accordingly, after leaving the camps, filled with every convenience and varied furnishings, and with countless of them cut down—about 3,000—our victors, laden with the spoils of the enemy even to satiety and now unwilling for more, dragging along with them horses, slaves, herds of cattle, flocks, tents, every kind of plunder and a manifold variety of spoils, returned to Antioch with the highest joy and with the insignia of trophies. From then on the lord king began to have the hearts of all the Antiochenes without distinction—both nobles and commons—more fully reconciled, and to have everyone’s favor. For previously, on account of the princess, to whom the presence of the lord king was unwelcome and suspect, certain of the greater men had been opposed to him, favoring the princess with an eye to the gifts which she was dispensing with profuse munificence.
Interea, dum dominus rex in partibus Antiochenis ita detineretur occupatus, et illius regionis negotia ad suam revocaret sollicitudinem, tanquam propria, quousque ibi de communi consilio princeps ordinaretur, nostri qui in regno remanserant, dominus videlicet patriarcha, et cives Hierosolymitae, in domino habentes fiduciam, collectis in unum viribus, juxta locum antiquissimum, Nobe, qui hodie vulgari appellatione dicitur Bettenuble, in descensu montium, in primis auspiciis campestrium, via qua itur Liddam, et qua pervenitur ad mare, praesidium solido fundant opere, ad tutelam transeuntium peregrinorum; ibi enim in faucibus montium inter angustias inevitabiles, maximum iter agentibus solebat imminere periculum, Ascalonitis subitas irruptiones illic facere consuetis. Consummato itaque feliciter opere, nomen indicunt, castellum Arnaldi locum dicentes: factumque est per gratiam Domini, etiam praedicti castelli beneficium, quod adire volentibus Hierosolymam, aut ab ea redire, minus periculosus factus est transitus, et via multo securior.
Meanwhile, while the lord king was thus detained, occupied in the Antiochene parts, and was recalling the business of that region to his own solicitude, as if it were his own, until by common counsel a prince should be appointed there, our people who had remained in the kingdom, to wit the lord patriarch and the citizens of Jerusalem, having confidence in the Lord, their forces gathered into one, near the most ancient place Nob, which today in the vulgar appellation is called Bettenuble, on the descent of the mountains, at the first approaches of the plains, on the road by which one goes to Lydda and by which one reaches the sea, found a presidium with solid workmanship, for the protection of passing pilgrims; for there, in the jaws of the mountains amid unavoidable narrows, the greatest danger used to threaten those making the journey, the Ascalonites being accustomed to make sudden irruptions there. The work therefore having been happily completed, they impose a name, calling the place the Castle of Arnald; and it came to pass by the grace of the Lord, also by the beneficium of the aforesaid castle, that for those wishing to go to Jerusalem, or to return from it, the passage was made less dangerous, and the way much more secure.
Adepta itaque dominus rex tam insigni victoria, Antiocheni principatus pro libero arbitrio disponens negotia, clarus habebatur admodum, duorum regnorum moderamina divina provisione sortitus, in utroque prosperis affluens, populum cum plena tranquillitate tuebatur. Accedentes porro ad eum illius regionis primores, specialiter autem quibus domino Boamundo, principi jam defuncto, et filiae ejus adhuc pupillae fidelitatem observare cordi erat, dominum regem familiariter adeunt, orantes intime, ut qui plenius nobilium virorum et illustrium adolescentium, in partibus ultramontanis habebat notitiam, eos edoceret, quem de tot principibus evocarent, apud quem domini sui filiam, bonorum paternorum haeredem, nuptui commodius collocarent. Qui gratanter suscipiens verbum, et fidem simul et sollicitudinem commendans, in partes cum eis hujus deliberationis ingressus, transcursis plurimis, de communi omnium consilio placuit, ut nobilis quidam et praecipuae indolis adolescens, Raimundus nomine, domini Willelmi Pictaviensium comitis filius, ad hoc vocaretur.
Accordingly, the lord king, having obtained so notable a victory, disposing at his free judgment the affairs of the principality of Antioch, was held very illustrious, having by divine providence obtained the governance of two kingdoms; abounding in prosperities in each, he protected the people with full tranquility. Moreover, approaching him were the chief men of that region, and especially those to whom it was at heart to observe fealty to Lord Bohemond, the prince now deceased, and to his daughter still a ward: they come to the lord king in friendly wise, beseeching intimately, that he—who had fuller acquaintance with noble men and illustrious youths in the Ultramontane parts—would instruct them whom, out of so many princes, they should summon, with whom they might more suitably place in marriage their lord’s daughter, heir of her paternal goods. He, gladly receiving the proposal, and commending both their faith and solicitude, entered with them into the particulars of this deliberation; and after running through many, it pleased by the common counsel of all that a certain noble youth of preeminent disposition, named Raymond, son of Lord William, Count of Poitou, be called to this.
He was said to be making a stay in the court of Lord Henry the elder, king of the English, with whom he had assumed the military arms, while Lord William, his firstborn brother, was governing Aquitaine by hereditary right. Therefore, the parts of the deliberation having been weighed, judging that to be more expedient, they secretly dispatch envoys, namely a certain Gerald by the cognomen Jeberrus, a brother of the Hospital, with letters of the lord patriarch and of all the nobles: fearing lest, if he were cited solemnly and by greater persons, the princess, since she was a woman excessively malicious, would contrive impediments. For it was easy for anyone to hinder the arrival; for Roger, then duke of Apulia, but afterwards king, was claiming Antioch with all its appurtenances, as if owed to him by hereditary right, wishing to succeed as kinsman of Lord Bohemond.
For Robert Guiscard, father of Bohemond the elder, and Roger, count of Sicily, who was surnamed Borsa, the father of this king Roger, were brothers by both parents. But the younger Bohemond, the son of the elder, was the father of that young maiden, to whose nuptials the aforesaid adolescent Raymond was being invited. It was therefore needful to summon him cautiously, lest, once his arrival were discovered, either by force or by ambush his rivals should impede his approach.
Per idem tempus, Bernardus vir grandaevus, plurimum bonae memoriae, simplex ac timens Deum, primus Latinorum apud Antiochiam patriarcha, tricesimo sexto sui pontificatus anno, viam universae carnis ingressus est. Post cujus obitum, cum universi illius amplissimae sedis suffraganei, tam archiepiscopi quam episcopi, de more convenissent, ut ecclesiae pastoris destitutae solatio utiliter providerent; et super eo ipso tam salubri negotio in palatio patriarchali, diligentiores mutuo (sicut in talibus fieri solet) haberentur tractatus, Radulphus quidam Mamistanus archiepiscopus, de castro Danfrunt oriundus, quod in confinio Normanniae et Cenomanensis dioeceseos situm est, vir militaris, magnificus et liberalis plurimum, plebi et equestri admodum acceptus ordini, absque fratrum et coepiscoporum conscientia, solo populi, ut dicitur, suffragio electus est, et in cathedram Principis apostolorum inthronizatus. Quod audientes qui ad hoc, ut sibi patriarcham, auctore Domino, praeficerent, convenerant, timentes furentis et vociferantis populi indiscretos impetus, divisi sunt ab invicem, ei quem non elegerant obedientiam exhibere recusantes.
At the same time, Bernard, an aged man, of very good memory, simple and fearing God, the first patriarch of the Latins at Antioch, in the thirty-sixth year of his pontificate, went the way of all flesh. After whose death, when all the suffragans of that most ample see, both archbishops and bishops, had met according to custom, that they might usefully provide the solace for the church bereft of a shepherd; and when more diligent mutual discussions (as is wont to be done in such matters) were being held in the patriarchal palace on that most healthful business itself, a certain Radulph, archbishop of Mamistra, from the castle of Danfrunt, which is situated on the border of Normandy and the diocese of the Cenomani (Le Mans), a military man, very magnificent and most liberal, exceedingly acceptable to the plebs and to the equestrian order, without the knowledge of the brothers and fellow-bishops, by the sole suffrage of the people, as it is said, was elected, and was enthroned in the cathedra of the Prince of the Apostles. Hearing this, those who had come together for this purpose, that, with the Lord as author, they might set a patriarch over themselves, fearing the indiscreet onrushes of the raging and clamoring people, were divided from one another, refusing to exhibit obedience to him whom they had not elected.
He, nevertheless, occupying the church and the palace, immediately without delay took for himself the pallium from the altar of blessed Peter, no reverence having been paid to the Roman Church. In the progress of time he also drew some of the suffragans of the church into his communion. And, as we have learned by the relation of many, if he had embraced the peace of the canons of the church, and had not, led by a spirit of superbia, presumed to disturb their possessions, he could have passed his life there in a tranquil state.
But because it is true, as is wont proverbially to be said: It is difficult that things which have been begun with an evil beginning be closed with a good end; his own sins demanding it, by reason of the multitude of riches he became so insolent, and preferring no man before himself, that he showed himself rather the successor of Antiochus than of Peter or Ignatius. For the greater men of the church, some he ejected violently, others he consigned to chains and prison, as though guilty of capital crimes. Among whom a certain Arnulf by name, a Calabrian by nation, a man assuredly noble and lettered, likewise Lambert, a man of wondrous simplicity and of honorable conversation, also lettered, archdeacon of the same church, he thrust down into prison in a certain stronghold, as men of blood, into a guest-chamber full of lime, and afflicted them for many days, saying that they had conspired for his death.
Inflicting these and the like upon his subjects with a savage mind, he provoked the hatred of all against himself. And scarcely even among intimates and domestics, driven by the goads of a depraved conscience, did any place seem safe to him. But so much of these matters for now; for in what follows, at an opportune time, we will speak in its proper place about his end.
Dum haec in Oriente geruntur, dominus Honorius papa extremum diem claudens, fatale debitum solvit; dumque de substituendo ei successore inter cardinales tractaretur, divisa sunt eorum desideria: ita quod, non valentes in idem consonare, sub contentione duos elegerunt, Gregorium videlicet, diaconum cardinalem Sancti Angeli, quem consecrantes vocaverunt Innocentium; et Petrum, qui cognominatus est Leonis, presbyterum cardinalem, tituli Sanctae Mariae Transtiberim, quae dicitur Fundens oleum, quem etiam consecrantes, qui eum elegerant, Anacletum vocaverunt. Ortum est igitur schisma periculosum nimis, ita ut non solum quae infra Urbem erant periclitarentur ecclesiae, et populus mutua caede periret; verum etiam pene orbis concuteretur universus, regnaque diversis accensa studiis inter se colliderentur. Obtinuit tandem, post multos labores et immensa pericula, dominus Innocentius, praedicto Petro, papatus aemulo, prius vita defungente.
While these things were being done in the East, Lord Pope Honorius, closing his last day, paid the fatal debt; and while among the cardinals there was discussion about appointing a successor for him, their desires were divided: so that, not being able to harmonize on the same choice, under contention they elected two—namely Gregory, cardinal deacon of Saint Angel, whom, consecrating, they called Innocent; and Peter, surnamed “of Leo,” cardinal presbyter of the title of Saint Mary Across-the-Tiber, which is called “Pouring Oil,” whom likewise, consecrating, those who had elected him called Anacletus. Therefore there arose a schism most perilous, such that not only the churches within the City were endangered, and the people perished by mutual slaughter, but also almost the whole world was shaken, and kingdoms, inflamed by diverse parties, collided among themselves. At length, after many labors and immense perils, Lord Innocent prevailed, the aforesaid Peter, rival in the papacy, having first departed this life.
In those same days our aforesaid predecessor William, the first of the Latins, archbishop of Tyre after the liberation of the city, migrated to the Lord, the burden of the flesh laid aside. For while it was still held by the enemies, a certain Odo had been ordained to the title of that same church, who, before the liberation of that same city, had departed this life, as has been set forth above; in whose place there was substituted lord Fulcher of good memory, by nation an Aquitanian, by homeland an Angoulêmian, a religious man and one who fears God, moderately lettered, but steadfast and a lover of discipline. He among his own had been abbot of the canons regular in the monastery whose name is Cella; but afterward, at the time of the aforesaid schism, which arose between lord Pope Innocent and Peter, the son of Peter Leonis, Gerard, bishop of Angoulême, legate of the Apostolic See, favoring the aforesaid Peter, was wearying with many vexations those who were granting assent to the other party.
Which the man of venerable life not bearing, having obtained leave from the brethren, for the sake of prayer he came to Jerusalem, and at length, in the cloister of the church of the Lord’s Sepulchre, having professed the regular life and assiduity, he was called to the church of Tyre. Moreover, he ruled that same church strenuously and felicitously for twelve years, the fourth before us—we who now preside over the same church, not by an election of merit, but by the Lord’s sole deigning and patience. Who, after he had received from lord William, the Jerusalemite patriarch, the office of his consecration, wishing, after the example of his predecessor, to hasten to the Roman Church to obtain the pallium, suffered plots and violence from the same patriarch and his accomplices, so that scarcely and with much difficulty could he escape their hands and reach the Roman Church for the aforesaid cause, as is manifestly discovered from the tenor of the letters of lord Pope Innocent.
Miramur autem, quoniam cum Romana Ecclesia pro liberatione orientalis Ecclesiae tantopere laboraverit, et filiorum multorum sanguinem effundendo, corda tam ecclesiasticorum quam saecularium ad ejus servitium excitaverit, nequaquam, prout convenit, eidem matri suae hac vice respondere curasti; parum enim tibi visum fuerat, quod venerabilem fratrem nostrum Fulcherum Tyrensem archiepiscopum, more praedecessorum suorum pro susceptione pallii ad Romanam Ecclesiam venientem, disturbare praesumpseras, nisi et erga eum a nobis redeuntem te inhumanum difficilemque, et nimis asperum exhiberes: adeo quod nec antiquam dignitatem Tyrensis Ecclesiae sibi restituere; nec de damnis ibi illatis, aut etiam de Caypha, sive Porphyria, juxta mandatum nostrum infra tres menses, post acceptionem nostrarum litterarum ei justitiam facere volueris; cum utique satis indignum sit ut honor qui sibi, si ei obediret, ab Antiochena exhiberetur Ecclesia, a te vel tuis successoribus subtrahatur. Praeterea in subjectos illius nimis potestative diceris te habere. Quocirca auctoritate apostolica mandando tibi praecipimus, sicut ejusdem matris tuae piis optas studiis atque solatiis confoveri, sicut in tuis necessitatibus ejus patrociniis desideras adjuvari, jam dictum archiepiscopum diligas et honores, et in nullo perturbare praesumas: quin potius de omnibus, de quibus apud te querimoniam deposuerit, sibi plenam justitiam infra quadraginta dies, postquam praesentia scripta susceperis, exhibere non differas, nec aliquid in subditos suos contra statuta canonum praesumas.
We marvel, moreover, since the Roman Church has labored so greatly for the liberation of the Eastern Church, and by shedding the blood of many sons has stirred up the hearts both of ecclesiastics and of seculars to its service, that you have by no means cared, as was fitting, on this occasion to make answer to that same your mother; for it had seemed too little to you that you had presumed to disturb our venerable brother Fulcher, archbishop of Tyre, coming to the Roman Church for the reception of the pallium after the custom of his predecessors, unless you also toward him, as he returned from us, displayed yourself inhumane, difficult, and too harsh: to such a degree that you were unwilling either to restore to the Church of Tyre its ancient dignity, or to render him justice concerning the damages inflicted there, or even concerning Caypha or Porphyria, according to our mandate within three months after the receipt of our letters; since assuredly it is quite unworthy that the honor which would be shown to him by the Church of Antioch, if he obeyed it, should be withdrawn by you or your successors. Moreover, you are said to comport yourself too imperiously toward his subjects. Wherefore, by apostolic authority, by mandating we enjoin you: just as you wish to be cherished by the pious studies and consolations of that same your mother, just as in your necessities you desire to be aided by her patronages, love and honor the aforesaid archbishop, and presume to disturb him in nothing; rather, concerning all the matters about which he shall have laid complaint before you, do not delay to render to him full justice within forty days after you shall have received these present writings, nor presume anything against his subjects contrary to the statutes of the canons.
Reversus ab Ecclesia Romana mandatum accepit, ut quousque deliberaretur, utri duorum patriarcharum perpetuo cederet, interim sicuti et praedecessori ejus dictum fuerat, Hierosolymitano obediret; eamque dignitatem in Hierosolymitana obtineret Ecclesia, quam ejus praedecessores in Antiochena, quandiu ei obedierunt, obtinuerant. Certum est autem, quod inter tredecim archiepiscopos qui a diebus apostolorum sedi Antiochenae subditi fuerunt, Tyrensis quidem primum locum obtinuit, ita ut in Oriente Protothronos appelletur, sicuti in Catalogo pontificum suffraganeorum, qui ad Ecclesiam Antiochenam respiciunt continetur. In quo sic legitur: Sedes prima, Tyrus, sub qua sunt episcopatusXIII.
Having returned from the Roman Church he received a mandate, that, until it should be deliberated to which of the two patriarchs he ought perpetually to yield, in the meantime, just as it had been said also to his predecessor, he should obey the Hierosolymitan; and that he should obtain in the Hierosolymitan Church that dignity which his predecessors, so long as they obeyed it, had obtained in the Antiochene. It is certain, moreover, that among the thirteen archbishops who from the days of the apostles were subject to the Antiochene See, the Tyrian indeed held the first place, so that in the East he is appellated Protothronos, as is contained in the Catalog of suffragan pontiffs, who have regard to the Church of Antioch. In which it is read thus: The first see, Tyre, under which are the bishoprics13.
Seventh see, Anavarza, under which are bishoprics9.Eighth see, Seleucia, under which are bishoprics24.Ninth see, Damascus, under which are bishoprics10.Tenth see, Amida, under which are bishoprics7.Eleventh see, Sergiopolis, under which are bishoprics4.Twelfth see, Theodosiopolis, under which are bishoprics7.
Quod ergo primum locum inter suffraganeos Hierosolymitanae Ecclesiae [obtineret] quodque de solo domini papae mandato eidem obediat Ecclesia Tyrensis, ex rescripto litterarum domini Innocentii, ad eumdem Willelmum Hierosolymitanum directarum, manifeste colligitur; quod sic habet:
Therefore that it [held] the first place among the suffragans of the Church of Jerusalem, and that the Church of Tyre obeys the same by the sole mandate of the lord Pope, is plainly gathered from the rescript of the letters of lord Innocent, addressed to that same William of Jerusalem; which runs thus:
Quanto munificentiae supernae benignitas Hierosolymitanam Ecclesiam tuis temporibus altius sublimavit, tanto magis expedit personam tuam erga fratres suos humaniorem existere, et eos qui tibi obedientiam exhibent, charitate mutua honorare. Proinde fraternitati tuae mandamus, quatenus venerabilem fratrem nostrum Fulcherium Tyrensem archiepiscopum, qui ex mandato sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae tibi obedit, fraterni amoris intuitu diligas et honores: sollicite providens, ne sibi gravamen aliquod inferas; vel sub obtentu hujuscemodi subjectionis, quae utique ex beneficentia apostolicae sedis, tibi et Ecclesiae Hierosolymitanae impenditur, Tyrensis Ecclesia, nobilis et famosa, suae justitiae aut dignitatis patiatur aliquod detrimentum. Indignum est enim ut honor qui sibi, si ei obediret, ab Antiochia exhiberetur, a te vel tuis successoribus subtrahatur.
The more the benignity of supernal munificence has exalted the Church of Jerusalem in your times, so much the more it is expedient that your person be more humane toward your brothers, and that you honor those who exhibit obedience to you with mutual charity. Accordingly we command your fraternity that you love and honor our venerable brother Fulcher, archbishop of Tyre, who by mandate of the holy Roman Church obeys you, in view of fraternal love: carefully providing that you not inflict any burden upon him; nor, under the pretext of a subjection of this sort, which assuredly, by the beneficence of the apostolic see, is extended to you and to the Church of Jerusalem, should the Church of Tyre, noble and famous, suffer any detriment to its right or dignity. For it is unworthy that the honor which would be shown to it by Antioch, if it obeyed it, be withdrawn by you or by your successors.
Redeunti igitur, licet cum molestia, restituti sunt ei de suffraganeis ejus, qui in manu Hierosolymita ni patriarchae usque ad illam diem fuerant, Acconensis, Sidoniensis et Berythensis; reliquos autem, id est Biblitanum, Tripolitanum, Antaradensem, qui alios episcopatus ejusdem Ecclesiae, in manu sua velut proprios possidebant, Antiochenus patriarcha violenter detinebat, eam solam praetendens occasionem, quod ei non obediret, non quod ad ejus jurisdictionem eos respicere denegaret; quod ne fieret, sed ad matrem suam Tyrensem Ecclesiam redirent, idem dominus Innocentius papa praeceperat, scribens tam praedictis episcopis, quam Antiocheno patriarchae, in hunc modum:
Therefore, on his returning, albeit with vexation, there were restored to him from among his suffragans—who had been in the hand of the Patriarch of Jerusalem up to that day—the bishops of Acre, Sidon, and Beirut; but the rest, that is, the Byblian, the Tripolitan, and the Antaradenian, who held other bishoprics of the same Church in his hand as though his own, the Patriarch of Antioch was forcibly detaining, alleging this pretext alone, that he did not obey him, not that he denied that they pertained to his jurisdiction; in order that this might not be so, but that they might return to their mother the Church of Tyre, that same lord Pope Innocent had commanded, writing both to the aforesaid bishops and to the Patriarch of Antioch, in this wise:
Scire debet vestra fraternitas quoniam status Ecclesiae tunc clarius elucescit, cum gradus in ea constituti illaesi servantur; et quae debetur praelatis singulis, absque contentione seu contradictione, reverentia exhibetur. Unumquemque etenim ex his qui sibi subjecti sunt, considerare convenit, quanta suos praelatos si quos habeat, reverentia et honorificentia debeat honorare; quae si injuste et immerito subtrahantur, unitatis status profecto nutabit, ad quem ecclesiastica doctrina, ob majorem firmitatem, diligenti consideratione omnia in se ordinando reduxit. Ne igitur ecclesiarum vestrarum honor vel dignitas ob contentionem seu rebellionem indebitam minuatur vel annulletur, per apostolica vobis scripta mandamus atque praecipimus, quatenus venerabili fratri nostro Fulcherio, Tyrensi archiepiscopo, tanquam metropolitano vestro debitam obedientiam et reverentiam deferatis.
Your fraternity ought to know that the status of the Church shines forth more clearly when the ranks constituted in it are preserved inviolate, and the reverence which is owed to each of the prelates is exhibited without contention or contradiction. For it is fitting that each one of those who are subject to him consider with how great reverence and honorificence he ought to honor his own prelates, if he have any; which things, if they are unjustly and undeservedly withdrawn, the status of unity will indeed totter—unto which the ecclesiastical doctrine, for greater firmness, by arranging all things within itself with diligent consideration, has led them back. Therefore, lest the honor or dignity of your churches be diminished or annulled by undue contention or rebellion, by apostolic writings we command and enjoin you, that you render to our venerable brother Fulcherius, archbishop of Tyre, as your metropolitan, the due obedience and reverence.
For we restore you and your Churches, by apostolic authority, to the Tyrian Church, which is your metropolis, and in like manner we absolve you from the oath or fealty by which you are bound to the Antiochene patriarch. But if you should neglect to obey our mandates, and within three months after the receipt of these letters to return to the obedience of our aforesaid brother, the sentence which he shall canonically promulgate against you we, with God as author, will hold ratified.
Sanctorum canonum institutionibus continetur, ut unusquisque suis terminis contentus existat, nec in aliena jura irrepat. Ea etiam quae nobis fieri nolumus, tam divinis quam humanis legibus, proximis nostris facere prohibemur. Quae cum ita sint, fraternitati tuae mandamus, quatenus suffraganeos Tyrensis Ecclesiae non impedias quin venerabili fratri nostro Fulcherio archiepiscopo, metropolitano suo, debitam obedientiam et reverentiam deferant: alioquin canonicis sanctionibus contraitur, si metropolitanis a suis suffraganeis obedientia subtrahatur.
It is contained in the institutions of the holy canons that each should remain content with his own boundaries, nor intrude upon another’s rights. Those things also which we do not wish to be done to us we are forbidden, by divine as well as human laws, to do to our neighbors. Since these things are so, we command your fraternity that you not impede the suffragans of the Tyrian Church from rendering due obedience and reverence to our venerable brother Fulcherius, the archbishop, their metropolitan: otherwise the canonical sanctions are contravened, if obedience is withdrawn from metropolitans by their suffragans.
Nec solum his ita scripsit dominus papa, verum etiam et illis qui a patriarcha Hierosolymitano detenti fuerant; qui ejus timore, mandatis apostolicis obedire detrectabant, eodem modo praecipiens injunxit, ut omni occasione postposita, domino Tyrensi obedientiam exhiberent, in hunc modum:
Nor did the lord pope write thus only to these, but also to those who had been detained by the Patriarch of Jerusalem; who, out of fear of him, were refusing to obey the apostolic mandates: commanding in the same manner he enjoined that, with every occasion put aside, they should render obedience to the lord of Tyre, in this manner:
Ad hoc sancti Patres diversos esse in Ecclesia gradus et ordines voluerunt, ut dum subjectionem et reverentiam minores majoribus exhibent, una fieret ex diversitate connexio, et recte officiorum gereretur administratio singulorum. Gravat autem nos, et valde miramur, quod cum vobis jampridem litteris apostolicis praeceperimus ut venerabili fratri nostro Fulcherio Tyrensi archiepiscopo, metropolitano vestro, obedientiam et reverentiam exhiberetis, quasdam occasiones et interpretationes minus idoneas praetendendo, id facere contempsistis; cum utique quasi peccatum ariolandi, sit repugnare; et quasi scelus idololatriae, nolle acquiescere (I Reg. XV). Mandamus itaque vobis, et auctoritate apostolica iterato praecipimus, quatenus omni occasione submota eidem fratri nostro de caetero pareatis, nec sub obtentu obedientiae, quam alicui primati dependitis, sibi subjectionem et reverentiam metropolitano vestro debitam aliquatenus subtrahatis.
To this end the holy Fathers willed that there be diverse grades and orders in the Church, so that while the lesser exhibit subjection and reverence to the greater, one connexion might be made out of diversity, and the administration of the offices of individuals might be rightly carried on. It weighs upon us, and we greatly marvel, that whereas we long since by apostolic letters enjoined you that you should exhibit obedience and reverence to our venerable brother Fulcherius, archbishop of Tyre, your metropolitan, by pretending certain occasions and less suitable interpretations you have scorned to do this; since indeed it is as the sin of divination to resist, and as the crime of idolatry to be unwilling to acquiesce (1 Kings 15). We therefore command you, and by apostolic authority we again enjoin, that, every occasion removed, you henceforth obey that our brother, and that under the pretext of the obedience which you render to some primate, you do not in any respect withdraw from him the subjection and reverence due to your metropolitan.
But if you persist further as contemners, the sentence which that same archbishop has canonically pronounced against you, or shall pronounce, we, with the Lord as author, will hold ratified. But if, for the very reason that you have obeyed that same brother of ours, anything has been decreed against you by the patriarch of Jerusalem, we determine that that same sentence lacks force and judge it to be of no moment.
Ne autem in admirationem cuiquam veniat, quod cum prius Tyrensem archiepiscopum quatuordecim de jure suffraganeos habere diximus, dominus autem papa non nisi sex scribit; sciendum est, quod Paneadensis civitas, quae est Caesarea Philippi, nondum habebat episcopum, et isti sex reliquos detinebant episcopatus. Sidoniensis enim detinebat, sicut et nunc etiam detinet, Sareptanum; Tripolitanus vero Botriensem, Archensem, Artuscensem; Antaradensis vero, qui et Tortosanus dicitur, Aradiensem et Maracleensem. Ex his autem sex, Antiochenus patriarcha tres sibi habebat obedientes, Antaradensem videlicet, Tripolitanum et Bibliensem.
And lest it come into admiration for anyone, that although earlier we said the Tyrian archbishop had fourteen suffragans by right, yet the lord pope writes only six; it must be known that the Paneadean city, which is Caesarea Philippi, did not yet have a bishop, and these six were holding the remaining bishoprics. For the Sidonian was holding, as even now he also holds, the Sareptan; but the Tripolitan the Botryene, the Archene, the Artuscene; and the Antaradan, who is also called Tortosan, the Aradian and the Maracleene. Of these six, moreover, the Antiochene patriarch had three obedient to himself, namely the Antaradan, the Tripolitan, and the Byblian.
For when the aforesaid cities were captured, he consecrated bishops in them with this intention: that, once the Tyrian metropolis was set free, and the archbishop, according to the ancient constitutions, showed to him the obedience owed, he would without difficulty restore them to him, just as by right he was bound to do. Now those aforesaid cities were in the County of Tripoli, whence, the lord king not hindering, the patriarch of Antioch could more freely do this; but in the other three, Berytus, Sidon, and Ptolemaïs, which is Akko, the lord patriarch of Jerusalem consecrated bishops with the intention that, when the city of the Tyrians was taken, and an archbishop there was consecrated by that same patriarch, he would restore them to him; for he presumed—contrary to ancient custom—that Tyre ought at some time to owe obedience to him, having confidence in the letters of Lord Pope Paschal, by which he seemed to have granted to Lord Baldwin, the first king of Jerusalem, and to Lord Gibelin, the third patriarch of Jerusalem, that whatever cities the lord king or his army had already acquired or were going to acquire, the bishops of all of them should be subject to the patriarch of Jerusalem; as was said above, when we were treating of the reign of Lord Baldwin, the first king of Jerusalem. Thus, then, with the whole Tyrian province recovered—before the metropolis itself was set free—the aforesaid two patriarchs divided the diocese between themselves; and what was outside the kingdom, from the place which is called the Pass of the Pagan downward, the Church of Antioch had and has; but what is on this side and contained within the bounds of the kingdom, the patriarch of Jerusalem possessed.
At length indeed, with the city of Tyre set free by the Lord’s mercy, in the fourth year after its liberation, the Jerusalemite there, as we have said above, consecrated an archbishop, and restored to him as suffragans those whom he had been detaining for himself. Meanwhile, while the Jerusalem patriarch held it in his own care, it was so attenuated and reduced to nothing that even of the churches which were within the circuit of that same city they reserved for the future archbishop only one. And it came to pass, as is wont to be said in the vulgar proverb, that for those asking and undeserving, large thongs were made out of another’s hide; the aforesaid two lords also contend even to this day, strong to our injury, made wealthier from our poverty, wrangling over our very vitals; and with the limbs torn apart—by whose integrity from ancient days, from the times of the apostles, with the holy and universal seven synods consenting—it had flourished far and wide, she lies mangled, and, mutilated in her better members, awaits consolation, and there is no one to console her; she stretches out her hand, and there is no one to help; we have been made like those of whom it is said: Whatever the kings rave, the Achaeans are punished. (HORACE, Ep. 1, 2, 14). They are sated with our flesh; would that for them it might sometime come to a vomit!
Nevertheless we not without cause impute the reason of so great an evil to the Roman Church; which, while it commands us to obey the Hierosolymitan, suffers us to be unduly curtailed by the Antiochene; for we, if our integrity were restored to us, with a ready mind, as we are sons of obedience, would be prepared, without contradiction, without annoyance, to be subject to either of them. Nor let it seem alien to our purpose, we who have professed to compose a history, that we have interwoven these things about the state of our church; for it does not befit us to handle others’ matters and to become forgetful of our own business. Just as proverbially it is wont to be said, He pleads ill who forgets himself. But now let us return to the history.
Reverso itaque domino rege a partibus, ut praemisimus, Antiochenis, ecce iterum turba periculosa nimis suboritur. Nam ex causis quibusdam, quidam in dominum regem, de majoribus regni principibus conjurasse dicuntur, Hugo videlicet comes Joppensis, et Romanus de Podio, dominus regionis illius quae est trans Jordanem. Quod ut evidentius pateat, altius aliquantulum repetenda est historia.
Accordingly, when the lord king had returned, as we have stated, from the Antiochene parts, behold, again a disturbance exceedingly perilous arises. For, from certain causes, some from among the greater princes of the kingdom are said to have conspired against the lord king—namely Hugh, Count of Joppa, and Romanus de Podio, lord of that region which is beyond the Jordan. That this may be made more evident, the history must be taken up again a little further back.
In the time of lord Baldwin of Bourcq, who had preceded this Fulk in the kingdom, a certain noble man, and powerful among his own, Hugh of Le Puiset, from the bishopric of Orléans, with his wife Mamilia, daughter of lord Hugh Cholet, count of Roussy, seeking Jerusalem for the sake of prayer, had a son in Apulia. For his wife, being pregnant, had undertaken the journey; whom, since he was too tender and could not be carried with safety, she left there with lord Bohemond, her kinsman; and, crossing over, she came to lord king Baldwin, likewise a kinsman according to the flesh. To whom the king, immediately upon that person’s entry, gave the city of Joppa, with its appurtenances, to be held by hereditary right for him and his heirs; and there, not long after, the aforesaid noble man finished his life by death.
The lord king, in the aforesaid city, granted his wife to a certain noble man in turn, namely to Count Albert, brother of the count of Namur, a most powerful man of the Empire, of the episcopate of Liège. But when within a short time both had departed this life, both the aforesaid count and his wife, the aforesaid Hugh, who as a boy had remained in Apulia, now grown of age, asked of the lord king, and obtained, his father’s inheritance, which, by the custom of his parents, had devolved upon himself by hereditary right; this obtained, he took to wife Lady Emelota, niece of Patriarch Arnulf, and widow of the magnificent man Lord Eustace Grenier, from whom the aforesaid Lord Eustace had received twin sons, Eustace the Younger, lord of the city of Sidon, and Walter, who presided over Caesarea. However, with Lord Baldwin deceased and Lord Fulk exalted upon the throne of the kingdom, it befell that between that same lord king and the aforementioned count, from hidden causes, grave enmities arose.
It was said by some that the lord king held the count in excessive suspicion, lest he should mingle overly familiar colloquies with the lady queen; and many indications seemed to exist of this matter. Wherefore, inflamed also with marital zeal, he was said to have conceived an inexorable hatred against him. Now the same count was an adolescent, tall of body, comely in form, distinguished for military deeds, gracious in the eyes of all, in whom the gifts of nature seemed to have converged with full liberality; so that in the kingdom, whether for elegance of body, or for the title of generosity (nobility), or for experience of the military art, he had, without doubt, no peer; also very near to the lady queen on his father’s side; for their fathers had been cousins-german, that is, sons of two sisters.
Certain men, wishing to palliate the matter with a word of this sort, said that this alone had been the fuel of the hatreds: that the count, as if arrogant and presuming of himself more than was right, was unwilling, after the manner of the other princes of the kingdom, to subject himself to the lord king; and he too stiff‑neckedly refused to obey his commands.
Exsurgens interea Galterus Caesariensis, ejusdem comitis privignus, vir toto corpore elegantissimus, viribus insignis, aetate integer, a domino rege, ut dicitur, subornatus, in coetu procerum, praesente domino rege, ubi curia erat frequentissima, publice, et more accusatoris objicit comiti quod majestatis crimine reus erat, et quod contra domini regis salutem, cum quibusdam factionis ejusdem complicibus, contra bonos mores et contra nostrorum disciplinam temporum conspirasset. Comes vero inficiatus crimen, se ipsum obtulit, quod judicium curiae super objectis, tanquam in hac parte innocens, paratus erat subire. His ita se habentibus verbis, de consuetudine Francorum, decernitur inter eos pugna singularis, et ad exsequendam pugnam dies competens designatur.
Meanwhile Galterus of Caesarea, the same count’s stepson, a man most elegant in his whole person, distinguished for strength, sound in age, suborned, as it is said, by the lord king, in an assembly of the magnates, the lord king being present, where the court was most thronged, publicly, and in the manner of an accuser, charges the count that he was guilty of the crime of majesty, and that against the safety of the lord king, with certain accomplices of the same faction, against good morals and against the discipline of our times, he had conspired. The count, however, denying the charge, offered himself, declaring that he was ready to undergo the judgment of the court concerning the matters objected, as in this part innocent. With the words standing thus, by the custom of the Franks, a single combat is decreed between them, and a suitable day is appointed to execute the combat.
But the count, the curia having been dissolved, having returned to Joppa, it is doubtful whether, fearing his conscience and recognizing himself as guilty of the imputed crime, or holding the curia suspect, did not present himself on the appointed day; whence he deservedly incurred greater suspicion of the imputed crime, even among his own supporters. The curia, however, and the convocation of the nobles, attending to his contumacy, condemned him, although absent, as guilty of the imputed crime. Understanding this, the count undertook a deed unheard-of up to that day, worthy of the people’s hatred and of all indignation: for he entered the city of Ascalon—hateful to the Christian name and familiar to our enemies—hastening by ship, to request aid from the enemies against the lord king.
But they, seeing that our internal battles and domestic seditions accrue to their own increments, and that our people are the cause of the dangers, lavish a gratuitous assent; and, hostages having been taken from him and the pacts on both sides reduced to consonance, he returned to Joppen. Moreover, the Ascalonites, led by a pertinacious and obstinate hatred against us, and made the more secure by the count’s foedus and favor, invading our borders more insolently than usual and more confidently, with free raids, with no one forbidding, did not fear to run as far as Arsur, which by another name is called Antipatrida, driving off booty. The king, hearing this, with military forces convoked from the whole kingdom, and with a great immensity of people, besieges Joppen.
Seeing these things, certain of his faithful who were with him in the same city—namely Balian the elder, and certain others fearing God—that the count had thus resolved to go headlong altogether; and that by the salutary admonitions of his faithful and his friends he could not be recalled from the pernicious undertaking, but would not fear pertinaciously to handle the causes of a greater danger, abandoning the benefices which they had from him, having followed the better party, they betook themselves to the lord king.
Interea dominus patriarcha Willelmus, vir mitissimus et pacis amator, et quidam de regni principibus, videntes intestina haec praelia regno nimis esse periculosa, attendentes illud evangelicum: Omne regnum in se ipsum divisum desolabitur, et domus supra domum cadet (Matth. XII, 25); timentes, sicut et merito timere poterant, ne hac occasione hostibus Christiani nominis damni inferendi major pateret occasio et opportunitas, medios se constituunt, et de bono pacis inter dominum regem, et saepe dictum comitem conantur utiles invenire tractatus. Tandem vero post multas altercationes, sicut in hujusmodi fieri solet, placet pacis compositoribus, ut pro bono pacis, et ut domino regi aliquid amplioris impenderetur honoris, comes per triennium extra regnum fieret: quo peracto, cum domini regis gratia in regnum iterum, sine calumnia quam pro eodem negotio de caetero pateretur, cum suis quos eduxerat ei liceret introire; interim vero de redditibus possessionum suarum, omne ejus debitum, et quod undecunque contraxerat aes alienum, persolveretur.
Meanwhile the lord Patriarch William, a most mild man and a lover of peace, and certain of the princes of the kingdom, seeing that these intestine battles were too perilous for the kingdom, attending to that evangelical saying: Every kingdom divided against itself will be laid waste, and house upon house will fall (Matt. 12, 25); fearing, as indeed they might with good reason fear, lest on this occasion a greater opening and opportunity should lie open to the enemies of the Christian name for inflicting harm, place themselves as mediators, and strive to find useful negotiations for the good of peace between the lord king and the oft‑mentioned count. At length, however, after many altercations, as is wont to happen in matters of this kind, it pleases the composers of peace that, for the good of peace, and that somewhat greater honor might be imparted to the lord king, the count should be outside the kingdom for three years: when this was completed, with the favor of the lord king he might again enter the kingdom, without the vexation which for this same business thereafter he would suffer, with his own men whom he had led out; meanwhile, from the revenues of his possessions, all his debt, and the debt which from wherever he had contracted, should be paid in full.
At the same time, while the lord king was thus occupied around Joppa, and lord Rainerius, surnamed Brus, was making a stay there with other princes of the realm, the city of Pancadensis, besieged by Tegelmeluch, king of the Damascenes, before the king could furnish succor to the besieged—which he was striving to procure with great urgency—having been broken open by force, fell into the hands of the enemy. With the citizens captured, and the stipendiaries who were in it, of both orders, horse and foot alike, the wife of the aforesaid noble and strenuous man, together with others, suffered deportation as a captive.
Interea comes Joppensis transitum exspectans, dum Hierosolymis prout consueverat moram faceret, accidit quod in eo vico, qui dicitur Pellipariorum, ante meritorium unius negotiatorum, Alfani nomine, dum super mensam ejus alea luderet, quidam miles natione Brito, super comitem nihil tale verentem, sed pro ludo sollicitum, ex improviso educens gladium, multis eum, et hostiliter nimis confodit vulneribus, in facie universorum astantium. Fit ergo repentinus statim populorum concursus, et civitas omnis, audita facti acerbitate immanissimi, concussa est et infremuit vehementer. Sermo publice unus in omnium ore vertebatur, non sine regis conscientia hoc fieri potuisse; nec maleficum, nisi de regis favore confisum, talia praesumpsisse moliri; spargitur per vulgus universum, comitem innocentem injustas pati calumnias; et regem odii quod adversus eum gratis, et praeter merita comitis, conceperat, nimis evidens argumentum dedisse.
Meanwhile, the count of Jaffa, awaiting the crossing, while he was making a stay at Jerusalem as he was accustomed, it happened that in that quarter which is called the Skinners’ (Pellipariorum), before the hostelry of one of the merchants, by the name Alfano, while he was playing dice upon his table, a certain knight, a Briton by nation, upon the count, who feared nothing of the sort but was intent upon the game, unexpectedly drawing a sword, stabbed him with many wounds, and all too hostilely, in the face of all who stood by. Therefore there is straightway a sudden concourse of the peoples, and the whole city, when the acerbity of the most monstrous deed was heard, was shaken and roared vehemently. One talk was turning publicly on the lips of all: that this could not have been done without the king’s consciousness; nor would the malefactor, unless confident of the king’s favor, have presumed to contrive such things; it is spread through the whole commonalty that the innocent count is suffering unjust calumnies; and that the king, of the hatred which he had conceived against him gratuitously and beyond the count’s deserts, had given an all too evident argument.
Accordingly, the favor of the plebs accrues to the count, and popular grace; and whatever had been alleged against him seemed to have proceeded wholly from malice. Which, indeed, after it had become known to the lord king, wishing to purge the deed and to establish himself innocent by manifest indicia, he orders the malefactor to be set before judgment; and, for the committed outrage, notorious to all—needing neither accuser nor witnesses, where the order of law was not necessary—he commands that he receive a sentence worthy according to his deserts. The court therefore having been convoked, by common consent the aforesaid sicarius is adjudged to undergo the penalty of mutilation of the limbs.
When this was reported to the king, he orders the sentence to be consigned to execution, with this alone excepted: that the tongue not be reckoned among the members to be mutilated; he made that exception, lest perhaps it should be said it was done studiously, that his tongue be cut off, so that he could not confess that he had been sent by the king and the verity of the matter. In which deed, the king most prudently looked ahead to his own estimation, and greatly checked the indignation conceived against himself; for from that man, neither in secret nor in public, either before or after the loss of his members, could it be extorted that he had proceeded to that so enormous deed by the lord king’s mandate or conscience, but of his own motion: and, hoping by it that he could merit the lord king’s favor, he confessed that he had presumed such a thing. The count, however, making delay for the sake of having care of his own body and to procure health, when full convalescence had been recovered, very mournful, both on account of the injury recently inflicted and because he was being compelled to beg through unknown places, exiled from his own inheritance, departed from the kingdom according to the agreement, and betook himself to Apulia, where lord Roger, who already had subjugated that whole region to himself, received him benignly, supposing that by reason of envy they had driven a strenuous and noble man from his rival’s kingdom; and, having compassion on him, he conferred upon him the Garganese county. There, forestalled by untimely death, a man to be mourned by posterity, he did not thereafter return to the kingdom.
From that day, whoever had been the count’s delators and incentors of hatred before the lord king fell under the indignation of Lady Milisendis the queen—upon whom, too, the infamy of the imputed crime seemed in some wise to spatter—and a most immense dolor for the expelled count was macerating her inmost heart; incurring indignation, they had to maintain exact diligence for the protection of their own person. Most of all Roard the elder, afterward called “of Naples,” who had especially brought the lord king into matter for hatreds against her, the lady queen pursued by whatever modes she could. It was not safe for them to approach into her presence; and it was more advisable to withdraw themselves from the gatherings of public assemblies; but not even for the lord king, among the favorers and kinsmen of the queen, was there any place wholly safe.
At length, his indignation having been appeased through the intervention of certain of their familiars, the king, with much and scarcely effective urgency, reconciled also the others who were participants in the same rancor, only to this extent: that it was permitted them to enter before her presence along with others. Moreover, from that day the king became so uxorious that he softened the indignation of her which he had previously exacerbated, to the point that he would not attempt to proceed, even in light causes, in any measure without her knowledge.
Per idem tempus, petentibus Damascenis a domino rege pacem temporalem, praeter alia quae gratia obtinendi foederis contulerunt, omnes captivos, quos in urbe Paneadense ceperant, simulque et praedicti strenui viri, cujus erat civitas, domini videlicet Rainerii Brus uxorem ex compacto restituerunt. Quam vir egregius et insignis post biennio reversam, ad maritalis amplexus participium de votus admisit. Cognoscens autem postmodum quod non satis prudenter se apud hostes habuerat, et maritalis tori reverentiam non satis caute, matronarum more nobilium, observaverat, abjecit eam a se; illa vero culpam non inficiens, claustrum sacrarum virginum Hierosolymis ingressa, voto se obligans perpetuae continentiae, sanctimonialis effecta est.
At the same time, the Damascenes asking from the lord king for a temporal peace, besides other things which they contributed for the sake of obtaining the treaty, restored by agreement all the captives whom they had taken in the city of Paneas, and likewise the wife of the aforesaid valiant man, to whom the city belonged, namely Lord Rainerius Brus. Her, when after a biennium she had returned, the eminent and distinguished husband devoutly admitted to participation in the marital embrace. Learning, however, thereafter that she had not borne herself quite prudently among the enemies, and had not quite cautiously observed the reverence of the marital bed, in the manner of noble matrons, he cast her off from himself; but she, not denying the fault, having entered the cloister of the sacred virgins at Jerusalem, binding herself by a vow to perpetual continence, became a sanctimonial nun.
At length she being deceased, the aforesaid renowned man took Agnes, the niece of lord William of Bures; whom, after the same man had likewise died, Girardus of Sidon received as wife: whence was born Rainaldus, who now presides over that city of the Sidonians. But the aforesaid city of the Paneadae, which we said was thus overcome by the absence of its lord, a certain magistrate of the Assassins, by name Emir Ali, long possessed by his people, having accepted an agreed compensation for it, had but a little before resigned and delivered to our men to hold; which, without interval, the king had granted to the aforesaid man to possess by hereditary right. Now who the people of the Assassins may be, and what frivolous and God-hateful traditions they follow, we shall teach in the following, in due place and time; meanwhile let it suffice to know this about them, that they are a people very much suspected by Christians and by nations of other sects, and especially by princes exceedingly—and deservedly—formidable.
Interea qui ab Antiochenis pro domino Raimundo, Pictaviensium comitis filio missi erant, ut praemisimus, prout eis injunctum fuerat sollicite investigantes, ubi compendiosius eum invenire possent, certis didicerunt relationibus, eum apud dominum Henricum seniorem Anglorum regem, a quo et arma sumpserat militaria, moram facere. Unde recto itinere in Angliam abeuntes, praedictum ibi reperiunt adolescentem; cui causa viae secretius patefacta, de consilio domini regis benefactoris sui, verbum oblatum devotus amplectitur, et viae necessaria praeparans, iter nemini notus ingreditur. Praesenserat porro dux Apuliae Rogerus, quae de illius vocatione apud Antiochiam concepta fuerant; unde in singulis Apuliae urbibus maritimis praetenderat insidias, ut eum comprehenderet, sperans quod si ejus posset transitum praepedire, facilius ad petitam haereditatem, redemptis pecunia illius regionis magnatibus, posset obtinere compendium.
Meanwhile, those who had been sent by the Antiochenes on behalf of lord Raymond, son of the count of Poitiers, as we have premised, diligently investigating, as had been enjoined upon them, where they might most expediently find him, learned by sure reports that he was staying with lord Henry, the elder king of the English, from whom also he had taken up military arms. Whence, going by a direct route into England, they there find the aforesaid adolescent; to whom, the cause of the journey having been more secretly disclosed, on the counsel of the lord king, his benefactor, he devoutly embraces the proffered proposal, and, preparing the necessaries of the journey, sets out unknown to anyone. Moreover Duke Roger of Apulia had had a presentiment of the plans conceived at Antioch concerning his summoning; wherefore in each of the maritime cities of Apulia he had laid ambushes to seize him, hoping that, if he could hinder his passage, he might more easily attain the sought inheritance by buying with money the magnates of that region, and so obtain the desired advantage.
But Lord Raymond, prudently concealing his plan, with all pomp laid aside, as though one of the common folk, now on foot, now sitting astride cheap beasts of burden, was pursuing the journey he had undertaken among plebeians, never presenting to anyone even the slightest indication of nobility or of resources. His companions, however, divided into squads, and likewise his household, some went on three or four day-stages ahead, while others followed, as though having no regard to him. Thus then, clad in a pilgrim’s and humble habit, and for the most part undertaking the duties of servants, by his appearance deceiving all, he evaded the snares of a prudent and most powerful enemy.
Accordingly arriving at Antioch, he gladdened his friends by his advent; yet he brought no small fear to certain men, who, being supporters of the princess, were striving to resist this promotion. Moreover, a little time before—after, however, the aforesaid envoys had been sent to summon lord Raymond—Aaliza the princess, widow of lord Boamund, and sister also of Lady Queen Milisendis, whom her father, with her excluded from the city of Antioch, had ordered to be content with Laodicea and Gabula, with her sister interceding with the king that he might not oppose her actions, supported by the patronage of certain grandees, again entered Antioch, conducting herself as lady, and was recalling everything to her own solicitude. Meanwhile Ralph, patriarch of the Antiochenes—sly and manifold in all his ways—had persuaded the princess that in the meantime she should perform favor and services for him against his own clerics, who were persecuting him, on the plea that he who had been called, and was said to have come, lord Raymond, had been destined for her and would be her future husband; and he was deluding her, all too credulous, with this empty hope.
Raymond, however, foreseeing that without the favor and counsel of the lord patriarch he could not attain to the desired goal, through interpreters familiar to both he seeks access, how he might procure for himself the lord patriarch’s favor and more fully conciliate his affection. It is therefore required of lord Raymond that, an oath bodily rendered, he exhibit fealty to the lord patriarch; in turn, he would receive without difficulty the girl as wife, and the principate with all quiet; it is also inserted in the pacts that, if lord Raymond’s brother, Henry by name, should descend into the Antiochene parts, the lord patriarch would faithfully contrive how he might have to wife the girl’s mother, the widow of lord Bohemond, with two maritime cities and their boundaries. Thus then, the pacts interposed and corroborated by oath upon oath, he was admitted into the city, the mother still expecting that all that apparatus of nuptials would be made for herself; and forthwith, led to the basilica of the Prince of the Apostles, he took to wife lady Constance, still abiding within nubile years, the lord patriarch declaring her years, and all the magnates together requesting that this be done.
But the princess, hearing that she had been deluded, suddenly went out from Antioch and betook herself to her own region, thereafter persecuting the prince with inexorable hatred. From that day, therefore, being elated, made more elated, the lord patriarch—hoping that he had received all-too-solid bases in the lord prince—was showing himself more arrogant than his wont, presuming beyond what is equitable upon the lord prince, and plainly deceived; for the prince, counting it a great ignominy that he had extorted fealty from him, unmindful of the benefaction, began to pursue him in hostile fashion; and, prodigal of the oath, he joined himself to his adversaries.
Erat autem idem dominus Raimundus, egregii sanguinis prisca generositate insignis, corporis eximia proceritate et tota ejusdem gratissima compositione praestantissimus; adolescens, vix prima malas vestitus lanugine, speciosus forma prae regibus et principibus orbis terrae, verbo et affabilitate commendabilis, tota sui habitudine venustam principis eximii praetendens elegantiam; armorum usu et rei militaris experientia, omnibus qui eum praecesserunt, vel secuti sunt, anteponendus; litteratorum, licet ipse illiteratus esset, cultor; in divinis assiduus, ecclesiasticorum officiorum et maxime in diebus solemnibus avidus auditor; conjugalis integritatis, postquam duxit uxorem, sollicitus custos et servator; in cibo et potu sobrius, munificus et liberalis supra modum; sed parum providus, aleae et damnosis talorum ludis plus aequo insistens. Erat praeterea inter caeteros quos patiebatur defectus, animo praeceps, in agendis impetuosus, in ira modi nescius, rationis expers, parum felix; in ea fidelitate quam domino patriarchae promiserat juramenti immemor, et fidei interpositae prodigus.
Now that same lord Raymond was marked by the ancient generosity of distinguished blood, most excellent for the outstanding tallness of his body and the most pleasing whole composition of the same; a youth, his cheeks scarcely clothed with the first down, fair in form beyond the kings and princes of the orb of the earth, commendable for word and affability, in the whole habit of himself presenting the charming elegance of an exceptional prince; in the use of arms and experience of the military art, to be set before all who preceded him or followed him; a cultivator of men of letters, though he himself was unlettered; assiduous in divine things, an eager hearer of ecclesiastical offices and especially on solemn days; after he took a wife, a careful guardian and preserver of conjugal integrity; sober in food and drink, munificent and liberal beyond measure; but little provident, insisting more than is meet on dice-play and the ruinous games of knucklebones. There was, moreover, among the other defects which he suffered, that he was headlong in spirit, impetuous in his doings, in anger ignorant of measure, devoid of reason, rather unlucky; in that fidelity which he had promised to the lord patriarch forgetful of his oath, and prodigal of the faith he had pledged.
Porro Ascalonitae illis diebus insolentiores solito, et successibus facti animosiores, universam regionem liberis nimium discursibus percurrebant. Erat autem eadem civitas principi Aegyptiorum subjecta potentissimo, qui timens ne, ea subacta, Christianorum exercitus in Aegyptum irrumperent, et ejus turbarent quietem, omni sollicitudine et sumptibus infinitis dabat operam, ut eam quasi pro muro inter se et nostram haberet regionem; formidansque ne continuis laboribus et bellorum indeficientibus periculis, suorum virtus succumberet, singulis trium mensium spatiis, novos populos recentesque legiones in subsidium civium, cum victu necessario, et armorum copia sollicitus dirigebat. Hi autem qui de novo accedebant, volentes tirocinii sui vires experiri, et animositatis certa dare insignia, plerumque invitis veteranis, discursus et expeditiones, experimenti frequenter moliebantur gratia.
Moreover, the Ascalonites in those days, more insolent than usual and made bolder by successes, were scouring the whole region with raids that were far too unrestrained. Now that same city was subject to the most powerful prince of the Egyptians, who, fearing lest, if it were subdued, the army of the Christians should break into Egypt and disturb its quiet, with every solicitude and infinite expenses took pains to hold it as, so to speak, a wall between himself and our region; and fearing lest, under continual labors and the unfailing perils of wars, the valor of his men should succumb, at intervals of every three months he anxiously sent new peoples and fresh legions to the aid of the citizens, with necessary victuals and a store of arms. But those who came up anew, wishing to test the forces of their tyrociny and to give sure insignia of their mettle, for the most part with the veterans unwilling, frequently undertook raids and expeditions for the sake of experiment.
But our men, seeing that their presumption did not cease, and that their forces were being repaired without failing, and that, by the death of citizens, after the manner of a hydra, the citizen-body was taking on greater and unceasing increase; after many counsels, judge it best, against this most savage hydra, made wealthier by the loss of heads, and so often worn down, grievously, yet being reborn to our peril, that municipal towns be built round about in a ring, whence a militia gathered more easily, and from nearby more conveniently the impetus of enemies running about might be reined in, and the city attacked more frequently. Therefore, a place being provided suitable for this, around the roots of the mountains at the beginning of the plains, which in a continuous tract are interposed between the mountains and the aforesaid city, in that part of Judea which came out by lot to the tribe of Simeon in the line of distribution, they prepare to rebuild an old and ruined city by the name Beersheba. Accordingly, with the people of the whole kingdom convoked, and the lord Patriarch William and the magnates as well, they set upon the conceived work; and, the undertaking, begun under good auguries, being brought to completion, with the Lord as author, they build a stronghold more happily, with an insuperable wall, antemurals and a rampart, and also most fortified with towers, at a distance of twelve miles from the aforesaid Ascalon.
This place, in the time of the sons of Israel, was the terminus of the land of promise on the south; and likewise Dan, which today is called Paneas, or Caesarea Philippi, was the terminus on the north, as is found more often in the Old Testament, from Dan unto Beersheba (Judges 20, 1; 2 Kings 3, 10). Here Abraham, as also elsewhere in many places, is said to have dug a well, to which he gave a name from the abundance of waters, “Abundance.”
Concerning these things also Josephus makes mention in the book of the Antiquities, saying: Abimelech therefore both allotted to him the land, and money, and they established that they would conduct themselves with one another without guile, making at a certain well a covenant which they call Beersheba, which can be called the Covenant of the Well; and thus up to now it is named by the fellow provincials. Moreover it is also called the Seventh Well, but in Arabic Bethgebrim, which is interpreted house of Gabriel. Therefore, the stronghold having been completed, and all parts finished, by common counsel it is handed over to the brothers of the House of the Hospital which is at Jerusalem, who up to the present have kept the deposit with due diligence, and the onsets of the enemy in that quarter have become weaker.
Post haec non multo temporis intervallo, dominus Pontius comes Tripolitanus, Bezeuge Damascenorum principe militiae in fines Tripolitanos ingresso, sub castro quod Mons peregrinus dicitur, hostibus cum omni suorum manu viriliter occurrens, dissolutis agminibus suis, et in fugam versis, captus est; et prodentibus eum Surianis, qui in Libanicis super eamdem civitatem habitant jugis, occisus est, Raimundo filio haerede relicto et in eodem comitatu successore. Captus est ibidem nihilominus dominus Giraldus, ejusdem civitatis episcopus; sed postquam apud hostes aliquandiu ignotus detentus est, dato pro se captivo uno, qui apud nostros detinebatur in vinculis, libertati pristinae restitutus est. Cecidit in eodem praelio nobilium praedictae urbis, sed et mediae manus hominum maxima multitudo.
After these things, not at a great interval of time, lord Pons, the Tripolitan count, when Bezeuge, prince of the soldiery of the Damascenes, had entered the Tripolitan borders, under the castle which is called Mount Pilgrim, meeting the enemies manfully with all his band of men, his ranks being broken and turned to flight, was captured; and, he being betrayed by the Syrians who dwell on the Libanic ridges above that same city, he was slain, his son Raymond being left as heir and successor in the same county. Captured there nonetheless was lord Gerald, bishop of the same city; but after he had for some time been held among the enemies unrecognized, with one captive given in exchange for himself, who among our people was being held in chains, he was restored to his former liberty. In the same battle there fell a very great multitude of the nobles of the aforesaid city, and also of men of the middle rank.
Raymond, however, his father deceased, having gathered from the residue of the soldiery the auxiliaries and having assembled a stout band of foot-soldiers, suddenly, with great might, ascended Lebanon, and all those men of blood who, by their persuasions, had led that aforesaid potent man into the Tripolitan territory, and whom he could discover to be guilty of his father’s murder and of public carnage, together with their wives and children, he led down to Tripoli, made over in bonds; where, in the presence of the people, in vengeance for the blood of those who had fallen in the battle-line, he afflicted them with various punishments, and compelled them to experience the most severe kinds of death, yet due for the enormity of the crime committed. These first rudiments of his virtue the aforesaid youthful count gave, drawing upon himself everyone’s affection and conciliating favor.
Nuntiatur interea, et multorum relatione divulgatur, quod dominus Joannes, Constantinopolitanus imperator, domini Alexii filius, convocatis de universi imperii finibus, populis, tribubus et linguis, in multitudine curruum et quadrigarum, et inauditis copiis equitum congregatis, in Syriam descendere maturabat; nec erat sermo fide vacuus. Statim enim ex quo fama comperit certiore quod Raimundo vocato cives ei Antiochiam tradidissent, et domini Boamundi filiam ei contulissent uxorem, disposuerat Antiochiam venire, multum indignans quod absque ejus conscientia et mandato, aut domini sui filiam nuptui collocare praesumpserant; aut civitatem alterius ditioni, eo inconsulto, ausi fuerant mancipare. Eam enim cum universis adjacentibus provinciis ad sui jurisdictionem revocans, sibi vindicare contendebat; asserens magnos illos principes, viros virtutum, et immortalis memoriae, et a Domino missos, qui in prima venerunt expeditione, quos longum nimis esset enumerare per singulos, cum patre suo et imperio antecessore domino Alexio convenisse, multa munerum et obsequiorum interventione, quod quascunque urbes vel castella in tota illa profectione quocunque casu comprehenderent, ejus sine contradictione subjicerent imperio, et mancipatas pro posse et viribus quousque ipse cum suis adesset copiis, fideliter conservarent.
Meanwhile it is announced, and by the report of many it is published, that lord John, the Constantinopolitan emperor, son of lord Alexius, with peoples, tribes, and tongues convoked from the bounds of the whole empire, in a multitude of chariots and quadrigae, and with unheard-of forces of horsemen assembled, was hastening to descend into Syria; nor was the report void of faith. For straightway, as soon as he learned by a surer rumor that, Raymond having been called, the citizens had handed over Antioch to him, and had bestowed on him as wife the daughter of lord Bohemond, he had arranged to come to Antioch, being much indignant that, without his knowledge and mandate, they had presumed either to bestow his liege’s daughter in marriage, or, he being unconsulted, had dared to mancipate the city to another’s dominion. For recalling it with all the adjacent provinces to his own jurisdiction, he strove to vindicate it to himself; asserting that those great princes, men of virtues and of immortal memory, and sent by the Lord, who came in the first expedition, whom it would be too long to enumerate one by one, had agreed with his father and predecessor in the empire, lord Alexius, through much intervention of gifts and services, that whatever cities or strongholds in all that expedition they should by any chance take, they would subject to his empire without contradiction, and, once made over, would faithfully preserve them, according to their ability and forces, until he himself should be present with his forces.
And he alleged that this had been inserted in the deeds and confirmed by the oaths of the aforesaid princes, bodily rendered. Yet it is certain that the aforesaid princes had entered into pacts with the lord emperor; and that he, in turn, had bound himself to the princes by certain conditions, from which it is certain that he first defected: whence those who had been present at the aforesaid conditions constantly asserted that they were not held to him as a violator of the pacts; and they rendered excused, nonetheless, those who had already departed this life, saying that he first, as a changeable and inconstant man, and dealing with them fraudulently, had come against his own pacts. Hence they said that by right of the law of pacts they were absolved: For it is inequitable that faith be kept with him who strives to act against the pacts. Therefore, a full year having been spent, with procurators sent through the whole kingdom for the journey, with an equipment necessary to imperial magnificence, in carriages and horses, with treasures knowing neither number nor weight nor measure, and with infinite forces, the Hellespont having been crossed by ships, which by common appellation is called the arm of Saint George, he directs his way toward Antioch, with a weighty multitude.
Having therefore traversed the middle provinces he came into Cilicia, where, making a delay, besieging Tarsus, the distinguished metropolis of First Cilicia, he seized it by force; and, casting out from it the faithful men of the lord Prince of Antioch, to whose trust he had committed the aforesaid city, he brought in his own. Moreover, he did not delay to do the same with Adana, and with Mamistra and Anazarbus, the most celebrated metropolis of Second Cilicia, and with all the cities of the same province, and with the municipalities and with whatever towns. And so the whole of Cilicia, for forty years possessed without cavil by the Prince of Antioch—since which time the aforesaid Tarsus, by the hand of Lord Baldwin, brother of the lord duke, and Mamistra, indeed, with all the remaining region, by the hand of Lord Tancred, a most illustrious man, before Antioch had come into our power, had been restored to Christian liberty—he was claiming for his own empire, contrary to right and piety: then also, advancing with all his armies in the multitude of his might, he hastens to Antioch; and arriving at it, immediately, in hostile fashion, he encircles it with a siege.
Dum haec circa Antiochiam aguntur, Sanguinus vir sceleratissimus, et Christiani nominis immanissimus persecutor, videns comitem Tripolitanum cum multa suorum manu paulo ante corruisse, regionem quoque universam militaribus destitutam auxiliis, in finibus Tripolitanis supra civitatem Raphaniam, in monte situm praesidium, cui nomen Mons-Ferrandus, de quo etiam superius praemisimus, potenter obsidet; et oppidanos intus obsessos acriter impugnat, urget indesinenter et multa molestat instantia. Hoc audiens comes Tripolitanus Raimundus, adolescens, Pontii praedefuncti filius, domini regis ex sorore nepos, missis sub omni celeritate nuntiis, dominum regem profusis anxie precibus rogat, ut in tanta necessitate, rebus pene desperatis non moretur subvenire, sed opem laturus acceleret. Dominus itaque rex paterno more pro universis Christiani populi necessitatibus debitam gerens sollicitudinem, convocatis subito universis regni principibus et militaribus tam equitum quam peditum auxiliis conglobatis, impiger advolat, et Tripolitanis se ex improviso exhibet finibus.
While these things are being done around Antioch, Sanguinus, a most criminal man and a most savage persecutor of the Christian name, seeing that the Count of Tripoli had a little before fallen with a great band of his men, and that the whole region was also bereft of military auxiliaries, in the Tripolitan borders above the city Raphania, a stronghold set on a mountain, whose name is Mons-Ferrandus—about which also we have made mention above—he powerfully besieges; and he vigorously assails the townsmen shut within, presses them incessantly, and harasses them with much urgency. Hearing this, Raymond, the Count of Tripoli, a youth, son of the late Pons, nephew of the lord king through his sister, with messengers sent with all speed, urgently with profuse anxious prayers begs the lord king that, in so great a necessity, with affairs almost despaired of, he not delay to bring succor, but hasten to bear aid. The lord king therefore, in a fatherly manner bearing the due solicitude for all the necessities of the Christian people, with all the princes of the realm suddenly convoked and the military auxiliaries both of horse and of foot massed together, flies thither untiringly, and presents himself unexpectedly in the Tripolitan borders.
Nevertheless, there also come up in the same place messengers of the lord Prince of Antioch, bringing sinister tidings, affirming by letters and by word of mouth—what indeed was true—that the lord emperor had besieged Antioch; warning and with much urgent entreaty requesting that he descend thither with all his forces, and promptly bring relief to the brothers placed in grave anxiety. Therefore, deliberation having been held as to what ought to be done in so doubtful a case; it pleased all that aid first be supplied to the Christians walled-in in the nearby castle, which seemed quite light; thereafter let all, with one mind, advance to bring succor to the Antiochenes. Accordingly, their forces joined mutually, both those of the lord king and of the count, and their strength pooled, they strive to advance to meet the enemies, destitute of divine grace.
When they began to approach the appointed place, Sanguinus, hearing of the arrival of our men, loosening the siege, with the columns ordered, came out to meet them. Our men also, with the battle-lines drawn up and disposed according to military discipline, no whit less, advancing unanimously, hasten toward the town to bring aid to the besieged, and so that they might fill the municipium, empty of provisions, with the necessaries having been carried in. But those who were the leaders of the march, going before our army—whether by error or by malice is doubtful—declining the more convenient and level road on the left, having followed the steep places of the mountain, lead our battle-lines through trackless and exceedingly narrow places, where the ground was not suitable for Martial encounters, nor fit for resisting, nor opportune for attacking.
Seeing this, Sanguinus—as he was a most sagacious man and having much experience in military affairs—and seeing that he held the better calculation, burning in spirit, summoned his men; and, foremost among the thousands of his own, by word uplifting his troops and challenging by example, he rushed into the midst of our battle-lines; and fighting manfully, he incites to the slaughter of our men, and casts down our foremost ranks, turned to flight. But our senior men of the army, seeing that the first lines had failed and that they had no hope at all of resisting, and that they were placed in a narrow pass and had no opportunity to bring aid to the afflicted, advise the lord king that, consulting for safety, he should betake himself to a neighboring stronghold. Which the lord king, seeing to be more expedient for the time, withdraws into the stronghold with a few, the foot-soldier forces almost all either delivered to death or cast into chains.
There was captured there the youthful Count of Tripoli, a young man of excellent disposition, and with him several of the equestrian order were taken. But a part, following the lord king, having entered into the municipium, looked to their life and safety however they could. Therefore on that day they lost the entire multitude of the baggage-train, the horses and the animals deputed to the packs, with which it had been proposed to restore the aforesaid town.
For those who, fleeing, had entered into the castle, empty-handed, and having with them only the arms with which they were equipped, had brought in no victuals. On that day there fell among the rest a magnificent man, distinguished by nobility and by the use of arms, Gaufridus Charpalu, brother of lord Joscelin the elder, count of Edessa, whose death, as that of a strenuous, valiant man, proved for many a cause of ampler grief, and his lugubrious mischance shook the whole army.
Sanguinus interea videns nostros nihil prorsus alimentorum intulisse in castrum, se eorum copias habere universas, et omnes regni vires attrivisse, comitem quoque se habere in vinculis, regem etiam in castro semiruto et alimentis vacuo, cum regni majoribus inclusum; apposuit iterum municipium obsidione claudere; sperans non esse qui possit obsessis subsidium ministrare; idque praesidium infra paucos dies non dubitans se posse evincere. Convocatis igitur in unum cuneis, redeunt nostrorum spoliis onusti, ampliorem praedam prae collectorum multitudine fastidientes; et castrum ordinatis in gyrum legionibus, obsidione vallat urgentissima. Porro intus cum domino rege se contulerant, de regni proceribus, Willelmus de Buris constabularius, Rainerus Brus miles insignis, Guido Brisebare, Balduinus de Ramis, Hemfredus de Torono, tyro et nimium adolescens; et alii plures, cum quibus rex habens consilium, deliberat quid in tanta, tamque angusta et urgente necessitate fieri oporteat.
Meanwhile Sanguinus, seeing that our men had brought absolutely nothing of provisions into the castle, that he held all their supplies, and had worn down all the strength of the realm, that he had the count too in chains, and the king also shut up in a half-ruined castle and void of provisions, enclosed with the magnates of the kingdom; he set himself again to close the municipality with a siege; hoping there was no one who could minister relief to the besieged; and not doubting that he could carry that garrison by force within a few days. Therefore, the wedges having been summoned together into one, they return laden with the spoils of our men, disdaining ampler plunder in view of the multitude of things already collected; and, the legions arrayed in a circle around the castle, they press it with a most urgent siege-ring. Moreover, inside with the lord king had betaken themselves, of the nobles of the realm, William of Bures the constable, Rainer Brus, a distinguished knight, Guy of Brisebarre, Baldwin of Ramla, Humphrey of Toron, a tyro and very much an adolescent; and many others, with whom the king, taking counsel, deliberates what ought to be done in so great, and so strait and urgent a necessity.
They therefore decree together, to solicit into their aid the prince of Antioch and Joscelin the younger, the Edessan count; and to invite the lord patriarch of Jerusalem with all the peoples of the kingdom; and in the meantime, by whatever means, to await their arrival. At the same time, while these things are being done around Mount Ferrand, Rainald, who was surnamed Episcopus, nephew of lord Roger, bishop of Lydda, primicerius of the militia of Saint George, a soldier stalwart in arms and distinguished in military acts, while he, after the usual fashion but incautiously, pursues the Ascalonites, by chance falling into the enemies’ laid ambushes, was taken. Meanwhile the messengers do not cease, but hasten with all speed.
Here he spurs the lord prince with due urgency; instructing him in the needs of the king and his own, he reproves delays, and more attentively urges to hasten: that one continually inflames the lord Count of Edessa with exhortations. A third, in haste, speeds to Jerusalem, and stirs up the whole people. But the prince of Antioch, doubtful what he should do, lingers somewhat; for, having the emperor at his very doors, he fears for the city if he should attempt to withdraw: again, with the lord king set in so great a necessity, he deems it too hard and inhuman not to succor.
At length, sympathizing with the molestations and anxieties of the lord king and of the Christian people, committing his city to the Lord, he judges it better to endure, with the brethren, adversities however great, than, while they thus fail, to abound in prosperities and rejoice in any sort of tranquility. Therefore he convokes the nobles and the greater men of the people; and his own conscience having been revealed to all, he invites everyone to the king’s subsidy, and easily persuades. For of their own accord all desires run together into the same thing, most pleasing to God; and, offering themselves ready at once, having gone out from the city, leaving the lord emperor around that same city, they set out unanimously to the lord king’s aid.
The Count of Edessa likewise girds himself with all his forces with an equal vow, and hastens to the same work with wondrous celerity. The lord patriarch of Jerusalem, William, too, having gathered all the forces he could find in the kingdom, taking to himself the venerable wood of the Lord’s Cross, briskly hastens thither; and, soliciting suffrages from every side, he presses on promptly to their aid.
His ita circa dominum regem se habentibus, Bezeuge regni Damascenorum procurator et princeps militiae de quo etiam superius fecimus mentionem, audiens regnum solito robore vacuum, regem in extremis regionibus obsidione clausum, principes et universum populum circa ejus liberationem sollicitum, ad illas partes unanimiter convolare; ratus ex tempore nocendi occasionem invenisse optatam, cum multa militia in regnum ingreditur; et Neapolim civitatem immunitam, muro et antemuralibus, et etiam vallo carentem, aggreditur ex improviso; et subito irruens, tanquam fur in nocte, in cives incautos gladiis, et toto desaevit spiritu, aetati non parcens, aut sexui; tandem serius admoniti, qui inventi sunt residui, in praesidium quod in medio civitatis est, cum uxoribus et liberis, se cum multo labore recipientes, vix a caede et incendiis elapsi sunt. Ille autem, nemine prohibente, discursibus liberis universam urbem obambulans, incendiis cuncta subjiciens, praedam et manubias, et quaecunque desiderabilia in urbe depopulatus, indemnis recessit.
With matters thus situated around the lord king, Bezeuge, procurator of the kingdom of the Damascenes and chief of the soldiery, of whom we also made mention above, hearing that the kingdom was void of its accustomed strength, the king shut up by a siege in the furthest regions, the princes and the whole people solicitous about his liberation and unanimously flocking to those parts, thinking that from the present juncture he had found the desired occasion of harming, enters the kingdom with much soldiery; and he assails the city of Neapolis, unfortified, lacking a wall and outworks, and even a rampart, unexpectedly; and suddenly rushing in, like a thief in the night, he rages with swords against the unwary citizens, and with his whole spirit, sparing neither age nor sex; at length, though warned too late, those who were found remaining, with wives and children, taking themselves with much toil into the stronghold which is in the middle of the city, hardly escaped from slaughter and burnings. He, however, with no one hindering, pacing with free circuits through the whole city, subjecting all things to fires, having despoiled booty and spoils, and whatever desirable things were in the city, withdrew unscathed.
Sanguinus interea obsessos continuis urgens molestiis, moenia tormentis quatiens, machinis molares et saxa ingentia jaculatoriis in medium contorquens praesidium, domos prosternit interius, non sine multa inclusorum formidine; tantis enim eos cautes violenter immissi, contorta omnimodorum telorum genera, opprimebant angustiis, ut jam intra muros nullus tutus ad occultandos saucios et debiles inveniretur locus. Ubique periculum, ubique discrimen, et mortis imago tremendae eorum se ingerebat oculis; et mentibus non deerat repentini timor interitus, et casuum praesentia sinistrorum. Ad hoc vir saevissimus, assultus ingeminat, et destinatis per vices agminibus, successionis quodam ordine vires reparat; et prioribus defatigatis, recentes subrogat, ut continuatum potius quam renovatum videretur praeliorum negotium.
Meanwhile Sanguinus, pressing the besieged with continual molestations, shaking the walls with engines, and with hurling machines whirling millstones and huge rocks into the midst of the garrison, lays low houses within, not without much fear among the enclosed; for such crags violently hurled, and every kind of missile discharged, were oppressing them with straits, so that now within the walls no safe place was found for hiding the wounded and the weak. Everywhere danger, everywhere peril, and the image of dreadful death thrust itself before their eyes; nor was there lacking in their minds the fear of sudden destruction, and the presence of sinister mishaps. Moreover the most savage man redoubles his assaults, and with battalions appointed by turns, in a certain order of succession he repairs his forces; and when the former are wearied, he subrogates fresh ones, so that the business of the battles might seem continued rather than renewed.
Our men, indeed, not having sufficient forces to induce this recreation by vicissitude (relief by rotation), themselves, the same men, sustain the onsets of the foremost and the hindmost with continuous labors. Moreover, their number was being diminished day by day, some succumbing to the bitterness of wounds, others to the variety of illnesses; but upon all there was one and the same defect, and an equal impotence for enduring perpetual hardship.
For the nights, those deputed to the watches dragged them through sleepless; but by day, wearied by continual congressions, the enemies granted no holidays for the taking of rest to restore the exinanition of their bodies. There was added also to the cumulus of evils that neither had those entering brought in any aliments, nor was there in the camp, from the prior siege, any remnant of victual; for that which they themselves had decreed to bring in had come into the hands of the enemies with all its integrity. Whence, immediately after their entry, having nothing else, they had eaten their own horses; and when these failed, all sustenance altogether failed.
Thus, on account of fasting, even the bodies of the brave and robust were being attenuated; and the leanness induced by inedia was stealing strength even from the strenuous. Moreover, so great was the multitude of the enclosed that the supplies of foods did not suffice even to this, that each one might receive a small portion: thus indeed, by the multitude of the besieged, all the hostelries of the municipality were crammed, so that the streets and squares, by the frequency of those lying down, seemed as if strewn with rushes; and missiles too, discharged incautiously, by chance and without the aim of the one directing, were inflicting lethal wounds. All these things Sanguinus knew more fully, and therefore the more insolently he drove his men to press on, because he did not doubt that our men could endure these things more grievously.
And besides this, around the town the enemy’s cohorts were posted in such numbers, and with such diligence they watched all the approaches, that no one could come to us, nor could any of ours go out, as if he were attempting a desperate thing. The molestation of the besieged was increasing day by day, and with victual utterly failing, there was no residue of hope; and by the facts themselves they were being taught how violent is the dominion of hunger, and how truly that saying has been uttered: Hunger alone takes cities. (LUCAN. 3, 56.)
Id tamen pereuntem quocunque modo adhuc fovebat populum, quod principis et comitis Edessani, necnon et Hierosolymorum praestolabatur subsidium; et, quia animo cupienti nihil satis festinatur, omnis habebatur mora suspectior, dilatione votum creverat, et hora pro anno computabatur.
That, however, still in whatever way kept the perishing people warmed/comforted, namely that they were awaiting the succor of the prince and the Count of Edessa, and also of Jerusalem; and, because for a desiring mind nothing is hastened enough, every delay was held the more suspect, the vow/wish had grown through postponement, and an hour was reckoned as a year.
Interea dum haec circa obsidionem sic aguntur, princeps Raimundus cum suis jam aderat legionibus, comes quoque Edessanus ingentia trahens agmina non longe aberat; sed et Hierosolymorum exercitus salutiferae lignum crucis sequentes unanimiter, maturato itinere accelerabant. Quo per nuntios fideles comperto, Sanguinus timens tantorum adventum principum; idque specialius reformidans, ne auditis obsessorum molestiis, eisque compatiens dominus imperator, quem circa Antiochiam esse cognoverat, cum suis intolerabilibus copiis super se iratus irruat, antequam ad obsessos hic rumor perveniat, de pace primus missis internuntiis dominum regem et principes suos alloquitur; dicens: Castrum jam semitutum, ante se diu non posse stare; populum jejunum et fame laborantem, resistendi vires et animos amisisse; suum vero econtra exercitum, necessariis abundare; tamen domini regis intuitu, qui magnus et eximius esset princeps in populo Christiano, dicit se universos captivos quos paulo ante ceperat, tam comitem quam alios restituturum, et domino regi cum omnibus suis liberum et tranquillum exitum, et ad propria reditum, indulturum si ei castrum omnibus vacuum restituere voluerint. Nostri porro nescientes tam praesens esse subsidium, praeterea fame, vigiliis, laboribus, angore attriti, vulneribus confossi lethalibus, imbelles facti et exhausti viribus, verbum oblatum cum omni aviditate suscipiunt, admirantes unde tanta hominis tam inclementis processerit humanitas: quacunque tamen occasione, porrectas gratanter suscipiunt conditiones. Pactis ergo hinc inde ad placitam utrinque redactis consonantiam, comes Tripolitanus restituitur, et cum eo captivorum maxima multitudo; statimque dominus rex cum suis egressus, ab hoste satis humane tractatus, praesidio Turcis resignato, confusus quidem, sed tamen de periculorum nimia perplexitate erutus, gaudens de montibus descendit in campestria Archis contermina, ubi audito domini principis et domini comitis adventu, approbans eorum sollicitudinem et fraternam charitatem, sed sero oblatam conquerens, eis occurrit devotus; solutisque ingentibus gratiarum actionibus, quod pro ejus negotio tam sollicitos se exhibuerant, et quantum in eis erat, optatum ministraverant subsidium; et mutuis collocutionibus recreati, divisi sunt ab invicem, ad propria redeuntes.
Meanwhile, while these things were thus being transacted around the siege, Prince Raymond was already present with his legions, and the Count of Edessa too, drawing along huge columns, was not far off; and the army of Jerusalem likewise, unanimously following the life-giving wood of the Cross, were hastening with a quickened march. Learning this through trustworthy messengers, Sanguinus, fearing the arrival of such great princes, and especially dreading this—that, the troubles of the besieged being heard, and the lord emperor, whom he knew to be around Antioch, taking pity on them, should rush upon him in anger with his intolerable forces—before this rumor might reach the besieged, is the first, after sending go-betweens, to address the lord king and his own princes, saying: The fortress, now half-ruined, cannot long stand before him; the people, fasting and suffering hunger, have lost the strength and spirit for resistance; whereas his own army, on the contrary, abounds in necessities; yet, out of regard for the lord king, who is a great and exceptional prince among the Christian people, he says that he will restore all the captives whom he had taken a little before, both the count and the others, and that he will grant to the lord king, with all his people, a free and tranquil departure and a return to their own, if they shall be willing to restore to him the fortress emptied of all. Our men, moreover, not knowing that relief was so near at hand, and besides being worn down by hunger, wakefulness, labors, and distress, pierced with deadly wounds, made unwarlike and drained of strength, receive with all avidity the word proffered, wondering whence such humanity has proceeded in so unmerciful a man: by whatever occasion, however, they gratefully accept the conditions extended. Therefore, the terms on this side and that having been reduced to a mutually agreed consonance, the Count of Tripoli is restored, and with him a very great multitude of captives; and straightway the lord king, going out with his own, having been treated quite humanely by the enemy, the garrison having been resigned to the Turks, embarrassed indeed, but yet rescued from the excessive perplexity of perils, rejoicing, descends from the mountains into the plains bordering upon Archis, where, on hearing of the arrival of the lord prince and the lord count, approving their solicitude and fraternal charity, but complaining that it had been offered late, he devoutly goes to meet them; and vast thanksgivings having been paid, because in his cause they had shown themselves so solicitous, and, as far as was in them, had furnished the desired subsidy; and, refreshed by mutual colloquies, they were divided from one another, returning to their own.
Dominus autem princeps, cujus res in arcto videbantur constitutae, quia potentissimum orbis terrae principem ante suam civitatem hostilia meditantem dimiserat, Antiochiam sub omni celeritate rediens, per portam superiorem, quae praesidio civitatis et arci contermina est, ingressus, imperatorem adhuc in eodem perseverantem proposito reperit: ubi per dies aliquot habitis congressibus, nonnullis Antiochenis in imperatoris exercitum clam saepe, palam saepius irruptiones faciendo, damna eis frequenter intulerunt enormia; et cum eis more hostili, non attenta fidei professione, versabantur. Imperator quoque versa vice tormentis ingentibus et machinis jaculatoriis, cautes immanissimos, et immensi ponderis contorquendo, a porta pontis moenia caedendo et turres, urbis claustra debilitare et effringere nitebatur. Dispositisque per gyrum legionibus, sagittis, et omnium missilium genere, necnon et fundibulariorum manu proterva, cives a muri propugnatione arcebant eminus; et ad suffodienda moenia aditum et opportunitatem nitebantur vindicare.
But the lord prince, whose affairs seemed to be set in a tight strait, because he had let go the most powerful prince of the world, meditating hostilities before his own city, returning to Antioch with all speed, entered through the upper gate, which is conterminous with the city’s garrison and the citadel, and found the emperor still persevering in the same purpose: where, encounters being held for several days, certain Antiochenes, by making inrushes into the emperor’s army—often in secret, more often openly—frequently inflicted enormous damages upon them; and they dealt with them in the manner of enemies, not paying heed to the profession of the faith. The emperor in turn, with huge siege-engines and jaculatory machines, by hurling most massive rocks of immense weight, and by hewing at the walls and towers from the Gate of the Bridge, strove to weaken and break open the barriers of the city. And with the legions drawn up all around, with arrows and every kind of missile, and also with the overbold hand of the slingers, they were keeping the citizens at a distance, from afar, from the defense of the wall; and they strove to secure approach and opportunity for undermining the walls.
With things thus standing, it was a matter of fear to the more prudent of both armies that, unless help were brought to the affair by a timely counsel, the business would be about to come into that case in which, dangers emerging, remedies could not easily be aptly fitted. Therefore God‑fearing men, arbiters of the parties, bearing sheaves of peace, interpose themselves; and, entering the lord emperor’s camp, by his pacific words, and with all humility held forth, they strove to mitigate his indignation; again approaching the lord prince, very prudently and circumspectly, as need required, they strive to find the way of peace. At length it seemed good to the arbiters and to the moderators of the sought covenant, that the lord prince, approaching imperial magnificence, in the presence of the illustrious and renowned of the imperial palace, with the whole assembly of his own nobles, should with due solemnity exhibit to him liege fidelity; and should swear, a corporal oath having been rendered, that to the lord emperor wishing to enter Antioch, or its fortress, whether wrathful or pacified, he will not deny a free and tranquil entrance.
And if the lord emperor should restore to him Aleppo, Caesarea, Hama, Emesa, as had been inserted in the pacts, in quiet possession, then that, content with these and the other surrounding cities, he restore Antioch to the lord emperor without difficulty, to be held by right of property; but that the lord emperor, in recompense for the fidelity exhibited, grant to the prince that if, by the Lord as author, it should befall him to acquire for himself Aleppo, Caesarea, and all the surrounding region, the whole accrue to the prince without molestation and diminution; and that he and his heirs possess it tranquilly in perpetual right, yet in beneficium, which is commonly called a fief. The lord prince, therefore, went out, according to the agreement, with the whole retinue of his nobles, to the imperial camp: where, received with due honor by the lord emperor, the agreements on both sides having been reviewed to satisfaction and consented to, he manually exhibited his fealty to the lord emperor; and immediately the lord emperor granted to him the investiture of the aforesaid cities with all their appurtenances, pledging most firmly that in the summer next to come, by the Lord’s enabling, he would deliver them, once taken into possession, in bodily form. Thus then, the compact completed, peace more fully restored, the imperial banner set upon the principal citadel of the stronghold, heaped with enormous gifts, the prince returned with his men into the city. But the lord emperor, on account of the pressing harshness of winter, returned with all his armies into Cilicia, and betook himself, for the sake of wintering, to the region around Tarsus on the seacoast.