Nepos: LIBER DE EXCELLENTIBUS DVCIBUS EXTERARVM GENTIVM

[1] EUMENES Cardianus. Huius si virtuti par data esset fortuna, non ille quidem maior exstitisset, sed multo illustrior atque etiam honoratior, quod magnos homines virtute metimur, non fortuna.

[1] EUMENES the Cardian. If a fortune equal to his virtue had been given, he would not indeed have been greater, but much more illustrious and even more honored, since we measure great men by virtue, not by fortune.

2 Nam cum aetas eius incidisset in ea tempora, quibus Macedones florerent, multum ei detraxit inter eos viventi, quod alienae erat civitatis, neque aliud huic defuit quam generosa stirps.

2 For since his age had fallen into those times in which the Macedonians were flourishing, it detracted much from him, living among them, that he belonged to a foreign city; nor was anything else lacking to this man except a generous (well-born) stock.

3 Etsi ille domestico summo genere erat, tamen Macedones eum sibi aliquando anteponi indigne ferebant, neque tamen non patiebantur. Vincebat enim omnes cura, vigilantia, patientia, calliditate et celeritate ingenii.

3 Although he was of the highest native lineage, nevertheless the Macedonians indignantly bore that he was sometimes set before themselves, and yet they did not fail to endure it. For he surpassed all in care, vigilance, patience, callidity, and celerity of wit.

4 Hic peradulescentulus ad amicitiam accessit Philippi, Amyntae filii, brevique tempore in intimam pervenit familiaritatem.

4 This very young man entered into the friendship of Philip, son of Amyntas, and in a short time reached intimate familiarity.

5 Fulgebat enim iam in adulescentulo indoles virtutis. Itaque eum habuit ad manum scribae loco, quod multo apud Graios honorificentius est quam apud Romanos. Namque apud nos re vera, sicut sunt, mercennarii scribae existimantur; at apud illos e contrario nemo ad id officium admittitur nisi honesto loco, et fide et industria cognita, quod necesse est omnium consiliorum eum esse participem.

5 For already in the very young man the native disposition of virtue was shining. Therefore he kept him at hand in the capacity of a scribe, which is far more honorific among the Greeks than among the Romans. For among us, in truth, as they are, scribes are considered mercenary; but among them, on the contrary, no one is admitted to that office unless of honorable station, with fidelity and industry known, since it is necessary that he be a participant in all counsels.

6 Hunc locum tenuit amicitiae apud Philippum annos septem. Illo interfecto eodem gradu fuit apud Alexandrum annos tredecim. Novissimo tempore praefuit etiam alterae equitum alae, quae Hetaerice appellabatur.

6 He held this place of friendship with Philip for seven years. After he was slain, he was in the same rank with Alexander for thirteen years. Most recently he also commanded another wing of cavalry, which was called the Hetaeric.

Utrique autem in consilio semper adfuit et omnium rerum habitus est particeps.

Moreover, he was always present in council with both, and was regarded as a participant in all matters.

[2] Alexandro Babylone mortuo cum regna singulis familiaribus dispertirentur et summa rerum tradita esset tuenda eidem, cui Alexander moriens anulum suum dederat,

[2] With Alexander dead at Babylon, when the kingdoms were being apportioned to each of his familiars, and the supreme control of affairs had been entrusted for safeguarding to that same man to whom Alexander, as he was dying, had given his ring,

2 Perdiccae - ex quo omnes coniecerant eum regnum ei commisisse, quoad liberi eius in suam tutelam pervenissent: aberat enim Crateros et Antipater, qui antecedere hunc videbantur; mortuus erat Hephaestio, quem unum Alexander, quod facile intellegi posset, plurimi fecerat -, hoc tempore data est Eumeni Cappadocia sive potius dicta: nam tum in hostium erat potestate.

2 To Perdiccas — whence all had conjectured that he had committed the kingdom to him until his children had come into his guardianship: for Craterus and Antipater were absent, who seemed to precede this man; Hephaestion had died, whom alone Alexander, as could easily be understood, had held in the highest esteem —, at this time Cappadocia was given to Eumenes, or rather so called: for then it was in the power of the enemies.

3 Hunc sibi Perdiccas adiunxerat magno studio, quod in homine iidem et industriam magnam videbat, non dubitans, si eum pellexisset, magno usui fore sibi in iis rebus, quas apparabat. Cogitabat enim, quod fere omnes in magnis imperiis concupiscunt, omnium partis corripere atque complecti.

3 Perdiccas had attached this man to himself with great zeal, because in the man he saw both like-mindedness and great industry, not doubting that, if he should allure him, he would be of great use to himself in those matters which he was preparing. For he was thinking—what almost all in great empires covet—to seize and to embrace all parties.

4 Neque vero hoc ille solus fecit, sed ceteri quoque omnes, qui Alexandri fuerant amici. Primus Leonnatus Macedoniam praeoccupare destinavit. Hic multis magnisque pollicitationibus persuadere Eumeni studuit, ut Perdiccam desereret ac secum faceret societatem.

4 Nor indeed did he do this alone, but all the others as well, who had been friends of Alexander. First Leonnatus resolved to pre-occupy Macedonia. He, by many and great pollicitationes, strove to persuade Eumenes to desert Perdiccas and to make an alliance with himself.

5 Cum perducere eum non posset, interficere conatus est; et fecisset, nisi ille clam noctu ex praesidiis eius effugisset.

5 Since he could not bring him over, he tried to kill him; and he would have done it, had not he secretly by night escaped from his garrisons.

[3] Interim conflata sunt illa bella, quae ad internecionem post Alexandri mortem gesta sunt, omnesque concurrerunt ad Perdiccam opprimendum. Quem etsi infirmum videbat, quod unus omnibus resistere cogebatur, tamen amicum non deseruit neque salutis quam fidei fuit cupidior.

[3] Meanwhile those internecine wars were kindled, which after Alexander’s death were waged to utter destruction, and all converged to crush Perdiccas. Although he saw him weak, because he alone was compelled to resist all, nevertheless he did not desert his friend, nor was he more desirous of safety than of fidelity.

2 Praefecerat hunc Perdiccas ei parti Asiae, quae inter Taurum montem iacet atque Hellespontum, et illum unum opposuerat Europaeis adversariis; ipse Aegyptum oppugnatum adversus Ptolemaeum erat profectus.

2 Perdiccas had placed him in command of that part of Asia which lies between Mount Taurus and the Hellespont, and had opposed him alone to the European adversaries; he himself had set out to besiege Egypt against Ptolemy.

3 Eumenes cum neque magnas copias neque firmas haberet, quod et inexercitatae et non multo ante erant contractae, adventare autem dicerentur Hellespontumque transisse Antipater et Crateros magno cum exercitu Macedonum, viri cum claritate tum usu belli praestantes -

3 Eumenes, since he had neither large forces nor reliable ones, because they were both untrained and had been assembled not long before, and since Antipater and Craterus were said to be approaching and to have crossed the Hellespont with a great army of Macedonians—men outstanding both in renown and in experience of war—

4 Macedones vero milites ea tum erant fama, qua nunc Romani feruntur: etenim semper habiti sunt fortissimi, qui summa imperii potirentur -: Eumenes intellegebat, si copiae suae cognossent, adversus quos ducerentur, non modo non ituras, sed simul cum nuntio dilapsuras.

4 But the Macedonian soldiers then enjoyed that fame with which now the Romans are reported: for indeed they have always been held the bravest, who obtained the supreme command of empire -: Eumenes understood that, if his forces should learn against whom they were being led, they would not only not go, but would disperse at the same time as the messenger.

5 Itaque hoc ei visum est prudentissimum, ut deviis itineribus milites duceret, in quibus vera audire non possent, et his persuaderet se contra quosdam barbaros proficisci.

5 Therefore this seemed to him the most prudent course: to lead the soldiers by devious routes, on which they could not hear the truth, and to persuade them that he was setting out against certain barbarians.

6 Itaque tenuit hoc propositum et prius in aciem exercitum eduxit proeliumque commisit, quam milites sui scirent, cum quibus arma conferrent. Effecit etiam illud locorum praeoccupatione, ut equitatu potius dimicaret, quo plus valebat, quam peditatu, quo erat deterior.

6 And so he kept to this plan and led the army out into the battle line and committed the battle before his soldiers knew with whom they were to join arms. He also brought it about, by pre-occupation of the ground, that he fought rather with cavalry, wherein he had greater strength, than with infantry, wherein he was inferior.

[4] Quorum acerrimo concursu cum magnam partem diei esset pugnatum, cadit Crateros dux et Neoptolemus, qui secundum locum imperii tenebat. Cum hoc concurrit ipse Eumenes.

[4] In their very fierce encounter, when fighting had gone on for a great part of the day, Craterus the commander falls, and Neoptolemus, who held the second place of command. With this man Eumenes himself engaged at close quarters.

2 Qui cum inter se complexi in terram ex equis decidissent, ut facile intellegi possent inimica mente contendisse animoque magis etiam pugnasse quam corpore, non prius distracti sunt, quam alterum anima relinqueret. Ab hoc aliquot plagis Eumenes vulneratur, neque eo magis ex proelio excessit, sed acrius hostis institit.

2 Who, when, having clasped one another, they had fallen to the ground from their horses, so that it could easily be understood that they had contended with an inimical mind and had fought even more with spirit than with body, were not separated before the soul left one of them. By him Eumenes is wounded with several blows; nor for that reason did he withdraw from the battle, but he pressed the enemy more fiercely.

3 Hic equitibus profligatis, interfecto duce Cratero, multis praeterea et maxime nobilibus captis pedester exercitus, quod in ea loca erat deductus, ut invito Eumene elabi non posset, pacem ab eo petit. Quam cum impetrasset, in fide non mansit et se, simulac potuit, ad Antipatrum recepit.

3 Hereupon, with the cavalry routed, the commander Craterus slain, and many moreover—especially nobles—captured, the infantry force, because it had been led into such places that it could not slip away against Eumenes’ will, sought peace from him. Having obtained it, it did not remain in good faith and, as soon as it could, betook itself back to Antipater.

4 Eumenes Craterum ex acie semivivum elatum recreare studuit; dum id non posset, pro hominis dignitate proque pristina amicitia - namque illo usus erat Alexandro vivo familiariter - amplo funere extulit ossaque in Macedoniam uxori eius ac liberis remisit.

4 Eumenes tried to revive Craterus, carried out from the battle line half-alive; when he could not do this, in keeping with the man’s dignity and with their former friendship - for with him he had been on familiar terms while Alexander was alive - he honored him with a grand funeral and sent the bones back to Macedonia to his wife and children.

[5] Haec dam apud Hellespontum geruntur, Perdiccas apud Nilum flumen interficitur a Seleuco et Antigene rerumque summa ad Antipatrum defertur. Hic, qui deseruerant, exercitu suffragium ferente, capitis absentes damnantur, in his Eumenes. Hae ille perculsus plaga non succubuit neque eo setius bellum administravit.

[5] While these things are being done near the Hellespont, Perdiccas is slain by the river Nile by Seleucus and Antigenes, and the supreme control of affairs is transferred to Antipater. Hereupon, those who had deserted, the army casting its suffrage, are condemned in absentia to capital punishment, among them Eumenes. By this blow he did not succumb, nor did he on that account administer the war any the less.

Sed exiles res animi magnitudinem, etsi non frangebant, tamen minuebant.

But exiguous resources, although they did not break his magnanimity, nevertheless diminished it.

2 Hunc persequens Antigonus, dum omni genere copiarum abundaret, saepe in itineribus vexabatur, neque umquam ad manum accedere licebat nisi iis locis, quibus pauci multis possent resistere.

2 Pursuing this man, Antigonus, while he abounded in every kind of forces, was often harassed on the marches, nor was it ever permitted to come to close quarters except in those places where few could resist many.

3 Sed extremo tempore, cum consilio capi non posset, multitudine circumitus est. Hinc tamen multis suis amissis se expedivit et in castellum Phrygiae, quod Nora appellatur, confugit.

3 But in the end, since he could not be taken by stratagem, he was encircled by a multitude. From this, however, with many of his own lost, he extricated himself and fled into a stronghold of Phrygia, which is called Nora.

4 In quo cum circumsederetur et vereretur, ne uno loco manens equos militares perderet, quod spatium non esset agitandi, callidum fuit eius inventum, quemadmodum stans iumentum concalfieri exercerique posset, quo libentius et cibo uteretur et a corporis motu non removeretur.

4 In which, while he was being besieged and feared lest by remaining in one place he would lose the military horses, because there was no space for exercising them, clever was his contrivance as to how a mount, while standing, could be warmed and exercised, whereby it would more readily both take its feed and not be removed from motion of the body.

5 Substringebat caput loro altius, quam ut prioribus pedibus plene terram posset attingere; deinde post verberibus cogebat exsultare et calces remittere. Qui motus non minus sudorem excutiebat, quam si in spatio decurreret.

5 He would draw up the head with a strap higher than that it could fully touch the ground with its forefeet; then from behind with lashes he forced it to leap and to let fly its heels. This movement shook out no less sweat than if it were running on the course.

6 Quo factum est, quod omnibus mirabile est visum, ut aeque iumenta nitida ex castello educeret, cum complures menses in obsidione fuisset, ac si in campestribus ea locis habuisset.

6 Whereby it came about—what seemed marvelous to all—that he led the beasts of burden out of the fort just as sleek, though he had been under siege for several months, as if he had kept them on the open plains.

7 In hac conclusione, quotienscumque voluit, apparatum et munitiones Antigoni alias incendit, alias disiecit. Tenuit autem se uno loco, quamdiu hiems fuit, quod castra sub divo habere non poterat. Ver appropinquabat: simulata deditione, dum de condicionibus tractat, praefectis Antigoni imposuit seque ac suos omnes extraxit incolumis.

7 In this confinement, whenever he wished, he set fire to at times the apparatus and munitions of Antigonus, at other times he threw them down. He kept himself, however, in one place as long as it was winter, because he could not hold a camp under the open sky. Spring was approaching: with a feigned surrender, while he is negotiating about the conditions, he imposed upon Antigonus’s prefects and drew out himself and all his men safe and sound.

[6] Ad hunc Olympias, mater quae fuerat Alexandri cum litteras et nuntios misisset in Asiam consultum, utrum regnum repetitum in Macedoniam veniret - nam tum in Epiro habitabat - et eas res occuparet,

[6] To him Olympias, who had been the mother of Alexander, when she had sent letters and messengers into Asia to consult whether she should come into Macedonia to recover the kingdom - for at that time she was dwelling in Epirus - and occupy those matters,

2 huic ille primum suasit, ne se moveret et exspectaret, quoad Alexandri filius regnum adipisceretur; sin aliqua cupiditate raperetur in Macedoniam, oblivisceretur omnium iniuriarum et in neminem acerbiore uteretur imperio.

2 to her he first advised not to move and to wait until Alexander’s son should obtain the kingdom; but if she were carried away by some desire into Macedonia, to forget all injuries and to exercise a harsher authority toward no one.

3 Horum illa nihil fecit. Nam et in Macedoniam profecta est et ibi crudelissime se gessit. Petit autem ab Eumene absente, ne pateretur Philippi domus ac familiae inimicissimos stirpem quoque interimere ferretque opem liberis Alexandri.

3 She did none of these things. For she both set out into Macedonia and there conducted herself most cruelly. Moreover, she petitioned Eumenes, in his absence, not to allow those most hostile to Philip’s house and family to exterminate the stock as well, and to bring aid to Alexander’s children.

4 Quam veniam si daret, quam primum exercitus a pararet, quos sibi subsidio adduceret. Id quo facilius faceret, se omnibus praefectis, qui in officio manebant, misisse litteras, ut ei parerent eiusque consiliis uterentur.

4 If he would grant this favor, that he should as soon as possible prepare armies, which he would bring to her as a support. In order that he might do this more easily, she had sent letters to all the prefects who remained in office, that they should obey him and make use of his counsels.

5 His rebus Eumenes permotus satius duxit, si ita tulisset fortuna, perire bene meritis referentem gratiam quam ingratum vivere.

5 Moved by these matters, Eumenes judged it preferable, if Fortune decreed it so, to perish while rendering gratitude to the well-deserving rather than to live as an ingrate.

[7] Itaque copias contraxit, bellum adversus Antigonum comparavit. Quod una erant Macedones complures nobiles, in his Peucestes, qui corporis custos fuerat Alexandri, tum autem obtinebat Persidem, et Antigenes, cuius sub imperio phalanx erat Macedonum, invidiam verens, quam tamen effugere non potuit, si potius ipse alienigena summi imperii potiretur quam alii Macedonum, quorum ibi erat multitudo,

[7] Therefore he drew his forces together and prepared war against Antigonus. Because together with him there were many noble Macedonians—among them Peucestes, who had been Alexander’s bodyguard and at that time held Persis, and Antigenes, under whose command was the phalanx of the Macedonians—he, fearing envy (which, however, he could not escape), if he, an alien-born, should obtain the supreme command rather than other Macedonians, of whom there was a multitude there,

2 in principiis Alexandri nomine tabernaculum statuit in eoque sellam auream cum sceptro ac diademate iussit poni eoque omnes cotidie convenire, ut ibi de summis rebus consilia caperentur, credens minore se invidia fore si specie imperii nominisque simulatione Alexandri bellum videretur administrare.

2 at headquarters he set up a tent in the name of Alexander, and in it he ordered a golden chair to be placed with scepter and diadem, and that all should assemble there daily, so that there counsels on matters of the highest moment might be taken, believing he would incur less envy if he seemed to administer the war under the appearance of imperial authority and the simulation of Alexander’s name.

3 Quod effecit. Nam cum non ad Eumenis principia, sed ad regia conveniretur atque ibi de rebus deliberaretur, quodam modo latebat, cum tamen per eum unum gererentur omnia.

3 This he effected. For since they assembled not at Eumenes’ headquarters, but at the royal quarters, and there deliberated about affairs, he was in a certain manner hidden, although nonetheless everything was transacted through him alone.

[8] Hic in Paraetacis cum Antigono conflixit, non acie instructa, sed in itinere, eumque male acceptum in Mediam hiematum coegit redire. Ipse in finitima regione Persidis hiematum copias divisit, non ut voluit, sed ut militum cogebat voluntas.

[8] Here in the Paraetacene he engaged with Antigonus, not with the battle-line drawn up, but on the march, and compelled him, badly handled, to return into Media to winter. He himself, in the neighboring region of Persis, distributed the forces for winter-quarters, not as he wished, but as the will of the soldiers compelled.

2 Namque illa phalanx Alexandri Magni, quae Asiam peragrarat deviceratque Persas, inveterata cum gloria tum etiam licentia, non parere se ducibus, sed imperare postulabat, ut nunc veterani faciunt nostri. Itaque periculum est, ne faciant, quod illi fecerunt, sua intemperantia nimiaque licentia ut omnia perdant neque minus eos, cum quibus steterint, quam adversus quos fecerint.

2 For that phalanx of Alexander the Great, which had traversed Asia and had conquered the Persians, grown inveterate both in glory and even in license, was demanding not to obey its leaders but to command, as our own veterans do now. Therefore there is danger lest they do what those men did—by their own intemperance and excessive license to ruin everything, and to harm no less those with whom they have stood than those against whom they have fought.

3 Quod si quis illorum veteranorum legat facta, paria horum cognoscat neque rem ullam nisi tempus interesse iudicet. Sed ad illos revertar. Hiberna sumpserant non ad usum belli, sed ad ipsorum luxuriam longeque inter se discesserant.

3 But if anyone of those veterans should read the deeds, he will recognize matching deeds among these men and judge that nothing differs except the time. But let me return to them. They had taken up winter-quarters not for the use of war, but for their own luxury, and had withdrawn far from one another.

4 Hoc Antigonus cum comperisset intellegeretque se parem non esse paratis adversariis, statuit aliquid sibi consilii novi esse capiendum. Duae erant viae, qua ex Medis, ubi ille hiemabat, ad adversariorum hibernacula posset perveniri.

4 When Antigonus had discovered this and understood that he was not a match for adversaries who were prepared, he decided that some new counsel must be adopted by him. There were two routes, by which from Media, where he was wintering, one could reach the adversaries’ winter quarters.

5 Quarum brevior per loca deserta, quae nemo incolebat propter aquae inopiam, ceterum dierum erat fere decem; illa autem, qua omnes commeabant, altero tanto longiorem habebat anfractum, sed erat copiosa omniumque rerum abundans.

5 Of which the shorter [route] led through desert places, which no one inhabited because of lack of water; as to days, it was nearly ten. But the other, by which all traveled, had a circuit longer by as much again, yet it was copious and abounding in all things.

6 Hac si proficisceretur, intellegebat prius adversarios rescituros de suo adventu, quam ipse tertiam partem confecisset itineris; sin per loca sola contenderet, sperabat se imprudentem hostem oppressurum.

6 By this way, if he should set out, he understood that the adversaries would learn of his advent before he himself had completed a third part of the journey; but if he should press on through lonely places, he hoped he would overwhelm the unwary enemy.

7 Ad hanc rem conficiendam imperavit quam plurimos utris atque etiam culleos comparari, post haec pabulum, praeterea cibaria cocta dierum decem, ut quam minime fieret ignis in castris. Iter quo habeat, omnis celat. Sic paratus, qua constituerat, proficiscitur.

7 To accomplish this matter he ordered that as many water-skins and even leather sacks as possible be procured; after this, fodder, and moreover cooked provisions for ten days, so that as little fire as possible would be made in the camp. The route he intended he conceals from everyone. Thus prepared, by the way he had determined, he sets out.

[9] Dimidium fere spatium confecerat, cum ex fumo castrorum eius suspicio allata est ad Eumenem hostem appropinquare. Conveniunt duces; quaeritur, quid opus sit facto. Intellegebant omnes tam celeriter copias ipsorum contrahi non posse, quam Antigonus adfuturus videbatur.

[9] He had completed almost half the distance, when from the smoke of his camp a suspicion was conveyed to Eumenes that the enemy was approaching. The leaders assemble; the question is raised what needs to be done. They all understood that their forces could not be contracted so quickly as Antigonus seemed about to be present.

2 Hic omnibus titubantibus et de rebus summis desperantibus Eumenes ait, si celeritatem velint adhibere et imperata facere, quod ante non fecerint, se rem expediturum. Nam quod diebus quinque hostis transisse posset, se effecturum, ut non minus totidem dierum spatio retardaretur. Quare circumirent, suas quisque contraheret copias.

2 With all wavering and despairing about matters of the highest moment, Eumenes said that, if they were willing to apply celerity and to execute the orders—which previously they had not done—he would expedite the affair. For the march which the enemy could traverse in five days, he would bring it about that he be delayed for not less than the same number of days. Wherefore they should make the rounds, and each man should contract his own forces.

3 Ad Antigoni autem refrenandum impetum tale capit consilium. Certos mittit homines ad infimos montes, qui obvii erant itineri adversariorum, hisque praecipit, ut prima nocte, quam latissime possint, ignis faciant quam maximos atque hos secunda vigilia minuant, tertia perexiguos reddant

3 But for the restraining of Antigonus’s impetus he adopts such a counsel. He sends certain men to the lowest hills that lay in the way of the adversaries, and he instructs them that on the first night they make fires as very great as possible as widely as they can, in the second watch they diminish these, and in the third they render them very scant.

4 et assimulata castrorum consuetudine suspicionem iniciant hostibus, his locis esse castra ac de eorum adventu esse praenuntiatum; idemque postera nocte faciant.

4 and, with the consuetude of a camp simulated, let them instill suspicion in the enemy that in these places there is a camp and that their arrival has been announced beforehand; and let them do the same on the following night.

5 Quibus imperatum erat, diligenter praeceptum curant. Antigonus tenebris obortis ignis conspicatur; credit de suo adventu esse auditum et adversarios illuc suas contraxisse copias.

5 Those who had been ordered diligently attend to the precept. With darkness arisen Antigonus beholds the fires; he believes that word has been heard of his advent and that the adversaries have concentrated their forces there.

6 Mutat consilium et, quoniam imprudentes adoriri non posset, flectit iter suum et illum anfractum longiorem copiosae viae capit ibique diem unum opperitur ad lassitudinem sedandam militum ac reficienda iumenta, quo integriore exercitu decerneret.

6 He changes his plan and, since he could not attack them unawares, he bends his route and takes that longer detour of the well-provisioned road; and there he waits one day to soothe the soldiers’ lassitude and to refresh the beasts of burden, so that he might decide the issue with a more intact army.

[10] Sic Eumenes callidum imperatorem vicit consilio celeritatemque impedivit eius, neque tamen multum profecit.

[10] Thus Eumenes defeated the crafty commander by counsel and impeded his celerity, yet nevertheless he did not make much progress.

2 Nam invidia ducum, cum quibus erat, perfidiaque Macedonum veteranorum, cum superior proelio discessisset, Antigono est deditus, cum exercitus ei ter ante separatis temporibus iurasset se eum defensuram neque umquam deserturum. Sed tanta fuit nonnullorum virtutis obtrectatio, ut fidem amittere mallent quam eum non perdere.

2 For through the envy of the commanders with whom he was, and the perfidy of the Macedonian veterans, though he had come off superior in the battle, he was delivered to Antigonus, although the army had three times before, at separate times, sworn that it would defend him and never desert him. But so great was the detraction of some men at his virtue that they preferred to forfeit their pledged faith rather than not destroy him.

3 Atque hunc Antigonus, cum ei fuisset infestissimus conservasset, si per suos esset licitum, quod ab nullo se plus adiuvari posse intellegebat in iis rebus, quas impendere iam apparebat omnibus. Imminebant enim Seleucus, Lysimachus, Ptolemaeus, opibus iam valentes, cum quibus ei de summis rebus erat dimicandum.

3 And Antigonus, although he had been most hostile to him, would have preserved him, if it had been permitted by his own men, because he understood that by no one could he be aided more in those matters which already appeared to be impending over all. For Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy were looming, now strong in resources, with whom he had to contend about affairs of the highest moment.

4 Sed non passi sunt ii, qui circa erant, quod videbant Eumene recepto omnis prae illo parvi futuros. Ipse autem Antigonus adeo erat incensus, ut nisi magna spe maximarum rerum leniri non posset.

4 But those who were around did not allow it, because they saw that, with Eumenes taken back, all would be of little account in comparison with him. Antigonus himself, moreover, was so incensed that he could not be mollified except by a great hope of the greatest things.

[11] Itaque cum eum in custodiam dedisset et praefectus custodum quaesisset, quemadmodum servari vellet, `Ut acerrimum' inquit `leonem aut ferocissimum elephantum'. Nondum enim statuerat, conservaret eum necne.

[11] And so, when he had consigned him to custody and the prefect of the guards had asked how he wished him to be kept, `As the fiercest' he said `lion or the most ferocious elephant'. For he had not yet decided whether to preserve him or not.

2 Veniebat autem ad Eumenem utrumque genus hominum, et qui propter odium fructum oculis ex eius casu capere vellent, et qui propter veterem amicitiam colloqui consolarique cuperent; multi etiam, qui eius formam cognoscere studebant, qualis esset, quem tam diu tamque valde timuissent, cuius in pernicie positam spem habuissent victoriae.

2 But to Eumenes there kept coming both kinds of men: those who, on account of hatred, wanted to reap with their eyes the fruit from his fall, and those who, on account of old friendship, desired to converse with and console him; many also who were eager to learn his form—what sort he was—whom they had feared so long and so greatly, and on whose ruin they had placed their hope of victory.

3 At Eumenes cum diutius in vinclis esset, ait Onomarcho, penes quem summa imperii erat custodiae, se mirari, quare iam tertium diem sic teneretur: non enim hoc convenire Antigoni prudentiae, ut sic deuteretur victo; quin aut interfici aut missum fieri iuberet.

3 But when Eumenes had been for a rather long time in chains, he said to Onomarchus, in whose power was the highest command of the guard, that he marveled why now for the third day he was being held thus: for this did not befit Antigonus’s prudence, that a conquered man be so dealt with; rather he would order either that he be killed or that he be sent away.

4 Hic cum ferocius Onomarcho loqui videretur, `Quid tu?' inquit `animo si isto eras, cur non in proelio cecidisti potius, quam in potestatem inimici venires?'

4 He, when he seemed to be speaking more ferociously to Onomarchus, `What about you?' he said, `if you had that spirit, why did you not fall in battle rather than come into the power of the enemy?'

5 Huic Eumenes `Utinam quidem istud evenisset! Sed eo non accidit, quod numquam cum fortiore sum congressus. Non enim cum quoquam arma contuli, quin is mihi succubuerit; non enim virtute hostium, sed amicorum perfidia decidi'. Neque id erat falsum.

5 To this Eumenes: `Would that indeed that had happened! But it did not occur for this reason, that I never engaged with one stronger. For I never matched arms with anyone without his succumbing to me; for I did not fall by the valor of enemies, but by the perfidy of friends'. Nor was that false.

*** Nam et dignitate fuit honesta et viribus ad laborem ferendum firmis neque tam magno corpore quam figura venusta.

*** For he was both honorable in dignity and firm in his powers for bearing toil, and notable not so much for a large body as for a comely figure.

[12] De hoc Antigonus cum solus constituere non auderet, ad consilium rettulit. Hic eum omnes primo perturbati admirarentur non iam de eo sumptum esse supplicium, a quo tot annos adeo essent male habiti, ut saepe ad desperationem forent adducti,

[12] Concerning this, since Antigonus did not dare to determine alone, he referred it to the council. There all, at first perturbed, marveled that punishment had not yet been exacted from him, by whom for so many years they had been so ill-treated that they had often been driven to desperation,

2 quique maximos duces interfecisset, denique in quo uno tantum esset, ut, quoad ille viveret, ipsi secari esse non possent, interfecto nihil habituri negotii essent, postremo, si illi redderet salutem, quaerebant, quibus amicis esset usurus: sese enim cum Eumene apud eum non futuros.

2 and who had slain the greatest commanders; finally, in whom alone there was such power that, so long as he lived, they themselves could not be secure; if he were killed, they would have no trouble at all; lastly, if he should restore safety to that man, they asked with what friends he would be going to make use: for they themselves would not be with him in the presence of Eumenes.

3 Hic cognita consilii voluntate tamen usque ad septimum diem deliberandi sibi spatium reliquit. Tum autem, cum iam vereretur, ne qua seditio exercitus oriretur, vetuit quemquam ad eum admitti et cotidianum victum removeri iussit. Nam negabat se ei vim allaturum, qui aliquando fuisset amicus.

3 Having learned the will of the council, he nevertheless left himself a space for deliberation up to the seventh day. Then, however, when he now feared lest some sedition of the army should arise, he forbade anyone to be admitted to him and ordered the daily victuals to be removed. For he denied that he would bring force against one who had once been a friend.

4 Hic tamen non amplius quam triduum fame fatigatus, cum castra moverentur, insciente Antigono iugulatus est a custodibus.

4 He, however, fatigued by hunger for no more than three days, when the camp was being moved, Antigonus being unaware, was slain by the guards.

[13] Sic Eumenes annorum V et XL, cum ab anno vicesimo, uti supra ostendimus, VII annos Philippo apparuisset, XIII apud Alexandrum eundem locum obtinuisset, in his unum equitum alae praefuisset, post autem Alexandri Magni mortem imperator exercitus duxisset summosque duces partim reppulisset, partim interfecisset, captus non Antigoni virtute, sed Macedonum periurio, talem habuit exitum vitae.

[13] Thus Eumenes, forty-five years old, since from his twentieth year, as we have shown above, he had served seven years under Philip, and for thirteen with Alexander had held the same position, in these had been commander of one wing of cavalry; but after the death of Alexander the Great he had led the army as general and had partly driven back, partly slain the foremost generals, was captured not by the valor of Antigonus but by the perjury of the Macedonians, and had such an end of life.

2 In quo quanta omnium fuerit opinio eorum, qui post Alexandrum Magnum reges sunt appellati, ex hoc facillime potest iudicari, quod nemo Eumene vivo rex appellatus est, sed praefectus,

2 Herein how great the opinion of all those who after Alexander the Great were appellated kings was can most easily be judged from this: that, with Eumenes alive, no one was appellated king, but rather prefect,

3 eidem post huius occasum statim regium ornatum nomenque sumpserunt neque, quod initio praedicarant, se Alexandri liberis regnum servare, praestare voluerunt et uno propugnatore sublato, quid sentirent, aperuerunt. Huius sceleris principes fuerunt Antigonus, Ptolemaeus, Seleucus, Lysimachus, Cassandrus.

3 the same men, after this man’s demise, immediately assumed the royal regalia and the royal name, nor were they willing to make good what at the beginning they had proclaimed, that they would preserve the kingdom for Alexander’s children; and, with the one champion removed, they disclosed what they had in mind. The chiefs of this crime were Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, Cassander.

4 Antigonus autem Eumenem mortuum propinquis eius sepeliundum tradidit. Hi militari honestoque funere, comitante toto exercitu, humaverunt ossaque eius in Cappadociam ad matrem atque uxorem liberosque eius deportanda curarunt.

4 Antigonus moreover handed over the dead Eumenes to his relatives to be buried. They inhumed him with a military and honorable funeral, the whole army accompanying, and saw to it that his bones be conveyed into Cappadocia to his mother and to his wife and children.