Justin: HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI
Justin•HISTORIARVM PHILIPPICARVM T. POMPEII TROGI LIBRI XLIV IN EPITOMEN REDACTI
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I. Mortuo Ptolomeo Philopatore, rege Aegypti, contemptaque parvuli filii eius aetate, qui in spem regni relictus praeda etiam domesticis erat, Antiochus, rex Syriae, occupare Aegyptum statuit.
1. With Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt, dead, and the age of his very small son despised—who, though left in hope of the kingdom, was even a prey to his domestics—Antiochus, king of Syria, decided to seize Egypt.
II. Denique senatus metu perculsus ad speculandos actus Hannibalis legatum in Africam Cn. Servilium mittit eique tacitis mandatis praecipit, ut, si posset, eum per aemulos eius interficeret metuque invisi nominis tandem populum Romanum liberaret.
2. Finally, the senate, struck with fear, sends Gnaeus Servilius as an envoy to Africa to spy out Hannibal’s actions, and gives him secret instructions that, if he could, he should have him killed through his rivals and should at last free the Roman people from the fear of that hated name.
3 Igitur cum tota die in oculis principum legatique Romani in foro Karthaginiensium obversatus in supremum fuisset, adpropinquante vespere equum conscendit et rus urbanum, quod propter litus maris habebat, ignaris servis iussisque ad portam revertentem opperiri, contendit.
3 Therefore, since for the whole day he had kept presenting himself in the eyes of the leading men and of the Roman legate in the forum of the Carthaginians, right up to the very end, with evening approaching he mounted a horse and hastened to his suburban estate, which he had by the sea-shore, the slaves being unaware and having been ordered to wait for him, as he returned, at the gate.
III. Interim in Graecia Flamininus iuncta cum quibusdam civitatibus societate Nabidem tyrannum duobus continuis proeliis subigit et gravibus pacis legibus fractum velut exsanguem in regno reliquit.
3. Meanwhile in Greece, Flamininus, having formed an alliance with certain cities, subdued the tyrant Nabis in two consecutive battles, and, broken by the severe terms of peace, left him, as if bloodless, in his kingdom.
IV. Cum regi consilia placuisset, mittitur Karthaginem unus ex comitibus Hannibalis, qui in bellum cupidos hortetur Hannibalemque cum copiis adfuturum nuntiet; nihil dicat partibus nisi animos Karthaginiensium deesse: Asiam et vires belli et sumptum praebituram.
4. When the counsels had pleased the king, one of Hannibal’s companions is sent to Carthage, to exhort those eager for war and to announce that Hannibal will be present with his forces; let him say nothing to the parties except that the Carthaginians lack spirit: that Asia would furnish both the forces of war and the expense.
2 Haec cum relata Karthaginem essent, nuntius ipse ab inimicis Hannibalis conprehenditur perductusque in senatum cum interrogaretur, ad quem missus esset, Punico ingenio respondit se ad universum senatum missum; nec enim opus hoc singulorum, sed universorum esse.
2 When these things had been reported to Carthage, the messenger himself was seized by the enemies of Hannibal and led into the senate; and when he was asked to whom he had been sent, with Punic ingenuity he replied that he had been sent to the whole senate; for this work is not the concern of individuals, but of all.
9 Quippe Antiochus tam adsiduo conloquio reconciliatam eius cum Romanis gratiam existimans nihil ad eum, sicuti solebat, referre, expertemque totius consilii et veluti hostem proditoremque suum odisse coepit. Quae res tantum apparatum belli cessante imperatoria arte corrupit.
9 Indeed, Antiochus, supposing from his so assiduous colloquy that his favor with the Romans had been reconciled, reported nothing to him, as he used to, and, keeping him outside the whole counsel, began to hate him as though an enemy and his own betrayer. This circumstance, with the art of command standing idle, ruined so great an apparatus of war.
V. Dicitur, cum frequenter de bello consilium remoto Hannibale habuisset, tandem eum vocari iussisse, non ut ex sententia eius aliquid ageret, sed ne per omnia sprevisse videretur, omnibusque perrogatis postremum interrogasse.
V. It is said that, when he had frequently held counsel about the war with Hannibal removed, he finally ordered him to be summoned—not in order to do anything according to his opinion, but lest he should seem to have scorned him in every respect—and, after all had been asked, he questioned him last.
2 Quo ille animadverso intellegere se professus est, non quia egeat consilio, sed ad supplendum numerum sententiarum se vocatum; tamen et odio Romanorum et amore regis, apud quem solum tutum exilium sibi relictum sit, se viam gerendi belli edisserturum.
2 With this observed, he professed that he understood that he had been summoned, not because he needed counsel, but to supplement the number of opinions; nevertheless, both from hatred of the Romans and love of the king, with whom alone a safe exile had been left to him, he would expound the way of conducting the war.
5 Aliis bellis plurimum momenti habere priorem aliquam cepisse occasionem loci temporisque, agros rapuisse, urbes aliquas expugnasse; cum Romano, seu occupaveris prior aliqua seu viceris, tamen etiam cum victo et iacente luctandum esse.
5 In other wars, it is of the greatest moment to have previously seized some occasion of place and time, to have plundered the fields, to have taken certain cities by storm; with the Roman, whether you have preoccupied something first or have conquered, nevertheless one must also wrestle even with him conquered and prostrate.
8 Haec et secreto se censuisse ultroque ministerium consilii sui obtulisse, et nunc praesentibus amicis ideo repetisse, ut scirent omnes rationem gerendi cum Romanis belli, eosque foris invictos, domi fragiles esse.
8 These things too—that in secret he had determined and of his own accord had offered the ministry of his counsel, and that now, with his friends present, he had for that reason repeated them—so that all might know the rationale of waging war with the Romans, and that they are unconquered abroad, fragile at home.
9 Nam prius illos urbe quam imperio, prius Italia quam provinciis exui posse; quippe et a Gallis captos et a se prope deletos esse; neque umquam se victum prius quam terris eorum cesserit; reverso Karthaginem statim cum loco fortunam belli mutatam.
9 For that they could be stripped of their city sooner than of their imperium, sooner of Italy than of their provinces; indeed that they had been captured by the Gauls and by himself almost obliterated; and that he had never been conquered before he had withdrawn from their lands; upon his return to Carthage, immediately, with the place the fortune of the war was changed.
VI. Huic sententiae obtrectatores amici regis erant, non utilitatem rei cogitantes, sed verentes. ne probato consilio eius primum apud regem locum gratiae occuparet.
6. The detractors of this opinion were the king's friends, not considering the utility of the matter, but fearing. lest, his counsel having been approved, he might occupy the first place of favor with the king.
4 Contra Acilius, Romanus consul, qui ad hoc bellum missus erat, copias, arma ceteraque bello necessaria summa industria parabat, civitates socias confirmabat, dubias inliciebat; nec alius exitus belli quam adparatus utriusque partis fuit.
4 By contrast Acilius, the Roman consul, who had been sent to this war, with the utmost industry was preparing forces, arms, and the other things necessary for war, was confirming the allied states, was enticing the wavering; and there was no other issue of the war than the preparations of each party.
VII. Sed adversus Hannibalem ducem quis melius quam Africani frater crearetur, cum vincere Poenos opus Scipionum esset?
7. But against Hannibal the leader, who would be elected better than the brother of Africanus, since to conquer the Carthaginians was the work of the Scipios?
VIII. Igitur cum ab utrisque bellum pararetur ingressique Asiam Romani Ilium venissent, mutua gratulatio Iliensium ac Romanorum fuit, Iliensibus Aenean ceterosque cum eo duces a se profectos, Romanis se ab his procreatos referentibus;
8. Therefore, when war was being prepared by both sides and the Romans, having entered Asia, had come to Ilium, there was mutual congratulation of the Ilians and the Romans, the Ilians recounting that Aeneas and the other leaders with him had set out from them, the Romans that they had been begotten from these;
6 Cum in dexteriore cornu pulsa legio Romana maiore dedecore quam periculo ad castra fugeret, M. Aemilius, tribunus militum, ad tutelam castrorum relictus armare se milites suos et extra vallum progredi iubet strictisque gladiis fugientibus minari, morituros dicens, ni in proelium revertantur, infestioraque sua quam hostium castra inventuros.
6 When on the right wing the Roman legion, routed, was fleeing back to the camp with greater disgrace than danger, M. Aemilius, a military tribune left for the protection of the camp, orders his own soldiers to arm themselves and to advance beyond the rampart, and, with swords drawn, to threaten the fugitives—saying that they would die unless they return into the battle, and that they would find their own camp more hostile than the enemy’s.