Jordanes: De origine actibusque Getarum

1 Volentem me parvo subvectum navigio oram tranquilli litoris stringere et minutos de priscorum, ut quidam ait, stagnis pisciculos legere, in altum, frater Castali, laxari vela compellis relictoque opusculo, quod intra manus habeo, id est, de adbreviatione chronicorum, suades, ut nostris verbis duodecem Senatoris volumina de origine actusque Getarum ab olim et usque nunc per generationes regesque descendentem in uno et hoc parvo libello choartem: 2 dura satis imperia et tamquam ab eo, qui pondus operis huius scire nollit, inposita. Nec illud aspicis, quod tenuis mihi est spiritus ad inplendam eius tam magnificam dicendi tubam: super omne autem pondus, quod nec facultas eorundem librorum nobis datur, quatenus eius sensui inserviamus, sed, ut non mentiar, ad triduanam lectionem dispensatoris eius beneficio libros ipsos antehac relegi. Quorum quamvis verba non recolo, sensus tamen et res actas credo me integre retinere.

1 While I was wishing, borne along in a small skiff, to skirt the shore of a tranquil coast and to pick little fishes from the pools, as someone says, of the ancients, you compel me, brother Castalius, to loosen the sails into the deep; and with the little work set aside which I have in hand, that is, On the Abbreviation of Chronicles, you advise that in our words I compress the twelve volumes of the Senator concerning the origin and acts of the Getae, from of old and up to now, descending through generations and kings, into one, and this small booklet: 2 a sufficiently hard command, and imposed as if by one who would not wish to know the weight of this work. Nor do you consider that my breath is slight for filling his trumpet of speech so magnificent; and, over and above every burden, that the access to those same books is not granted to us, so far as we might serve his meaning; but, so that I do not lie, I have reread the books themselves before now, for a three-day reading, by the favor of his steward. Although I do not recall their words, yet I believe I retain the sense and the deeds entire.

3 Ad quos et ex nonnullis historiis Grecis ac Latinis addedi convenientia, initium finemque et plura in medio mea dictione permiscens. Quare sine contumelia quod exigisti suscipe libens, libentissime lege; et si quid parum dictum est et tu, ut vicinus genti, commemoras, adde, orans pro me, frater carissime. Dominus tecum.

3 To which I also added congruent matters from some Greek and Latin histories, intermixing the beginning, the end, and many things in the middle with my own diction. Wherefore, without contumely, receive gladly what you have exacted; read most gladly; and if anything has been said too scantily, and you, as a neighbor to the nation, recall it, add it, praying for me, dearest brother. The Lord be with you.

Amen.

I.4 Maiores nostri, ut refert Orosius, totius terrae circulum Oceani limbo circumseptum triquadrum statuerunt eiusque tres partes Asiam, Eoropam et Africam vocaverunt. De quo trepertito orbis terrarum spatium innumerabiles pene scriptores existunt, qui non solum urbium locorumve positiones explanant, verum etiam et quod est liquidius, passuum miliariumque dimetiunt quantitatem, insulas quoque marinis fluctibus intermixtas, tam maiores quam etiam minores, quas Cycladas vel Sporadas cognominant, in inmenso maris magni pelagu sitas determinant. 5 Oceani vero intransmeabiles ulteriores fines non solum describere quis adgressus est, verum etiam nec cuiquam licuit transfretare, quia resistente ulva et ventorum spiramine quiescente inpermeabilis esse sentitur et nulli cognita nisi ei qui eam constituit.

1.4 Our ancestors, as Orosius reports, judged the circle of the whole earth, encircled by the hem of Ocean, to be three-quartered, and they called its three parts Asia, Europe, and Africa. About this tripartite expanse of the orb of lands there exist almost innumerable writers, who not only explain the positions of cities and places, but also—and what is more clear—measure the quantity of paces and miles, and likewise determine the islands intermixed with the sea’s waves, both greater and also lesser, which they surname the Cyclades or the Sporades, as situated in the immense deep of the great sea. 5 But the further intransmeable bounds of Ocean not only has no one undertaken to describe, but it has not even been permitted to anyone to cross, because, the seaweed resisting and the breathing of the winds being at rest, it is perceived to be impermeable, and known to no one except to him who constituted it.

6 Ceterior vero eius pelagi ripa, quam diximus totius mundi circulum, in modum coronae ambiens fines suos, curiosis hominibus et qui de hac re scribere voluerunt perquaquam innotuit, quia et terrae circulum ab incolis possidetur et nonnullae insule in eodem mare habitabiles sunt, ut in orientali plaga et Indico Oceano Hyppodem, Iamnesiam, Solis perustam quamvis inhabitabilem, tamen omnino sui spatio in longo latoque extensam; Taprobanem quoque, in qua (excepto oppida vel possessiones) decem munitissimas urbes decoram; 7 sed et aliam omnino gratissimam Silefantinam; nec non et Theron, licet non ab aliquo scriptore dilucidas, tamen suis possessoribus affatim refertas. Habet in parte occidua idem Oceanus aliquantas insulas et pene cunctis ob frequentiam euntium et redeuntium notas. Et sunt iuxta fretum Gaditanum haut procul una Beata et alia quae dicitur Fortunata.

6 But the remaining shore of that sea, which we said encircles the circle of the whole world, surrounding its bounds in the manner of a crown, has become very well known to curious men and to those who wished to write about this matter, because both the circle of the land is possessed by inhabitants and several islands in the same sea are habitable, as in the eastern quarter and the Indian Ocean: Hyppodem, Iamnesia, the Sun-burned one—although uninhabitable, nevertheless altogether extended in its own span in length and breadth; and Taprobane too, in which (towns or estates excepted) ten most strongly fortified cities are an adornment; 7 and also another, altogether most pleasing, Silefantina; and likewise Theron—though not made clear by any writer, yet for their possessors amply well-stocked. In the western part the same Ocean has several islands, and they are known to nearly all because of the frequency of those going and returning. And there are near the Gaditan strait, not far off, one called Blessed and another which is called Fortunate.

Quamvis nonnulli et illa gemina Galliciae et Lysitaniae promuntoria in Oceani insulas ponant, in quarum una templum Herculis, in alia monumentum adhuc conspicitur Scipiones, tamen, quia extremitatem Galiciae terrae continent, ad terram magnam Europae potius quam ad Oceani pertinent insulas. 8 Habet tamen et alias insulas interius in suo estu, quae dicuntur Baleares, habetque et alia Mevania, nec non Orcadas numero xxxiii quamvis non omnes excultas. 9 Habet et in ultimo plagae occidentalis aliam insulam nomine Thyle, de qua Mantuanus inter alia: 'tibi serviat ultima Thyle'. Habet quoque is ipse inmensus pelagus in parte artoa, id est septentrionali, amplam insulam nomine Scandzam, unde nobis sermo, si dominus iubaverit, est adsumpturus, quia gens, cuius originem flagitas, ab huius insulae gremio velut examen apium erumpens in terram Europae advinit: quomodo vero aut qualiter, in subsequentibus, si dominus donaverit, explanavimus.

Although some place even those twin promontories of Galicia and Lusitania among the islands of the Ocean—on one of which a temple of Hercules, on the other a monument of the Scipios is still visible—yet, because they adjoin the extremity of the land of Galicia, they belong rather to the great mainland of Europe than to the islands of the Ocean. 8 Nevertheless it also has other islands further inward in its surge, which are called the Balearics, and it has another, Mevania, as well as the Orkneys to the number of 33, although not all are cultivated. 9 And at the farthest of the western region it has another island by the name Thule, of which the Mantuan among other things: 'let farthest Thule serve you.' That same immeasurable pelagus also has in the arctic part, that is, the northern, a spacious island named Scandza, whence our discourse, if the Lord shall have bidden, is going to take its start, because the people whose origin you ask, bursting forth like a swarm of bees from the bosom of this island, came to the land of Europe: how indeed and in what manner, in what follows, if the Lord grants, we will explain.

II.10 Nunc autem de Brittania insula, que in sino Oceani inter Spanias, Gallias et Germaniam sita est, ut potuero, paucis absolvam. Cuius licet magnitudine olim nemo, ut refert Libius, circumvectus est, multis tamen data est varia opinio de ea loquendi. Quae diu si quidem armis inaccensam Romanis Iulius Caesar proeliis ad gloriam tantum quesitis aperuit: pervia deinceps mercimoniis aliasque ob causas multis facta mortalibus non indiligenti, quae secuta est, aetati certius sui prodidit situm, quem, ut a Grecis Latinisque autoribus accepimus, persequimur.

2.10 Now, however, concerning the island Britain, which lies in the bosom of the Ocean between the Spains, the Gauls, and Germany, I will, as I shall be able, bring it to completion in a few words. Although, on account of its magnitude, formerly no one, as Livy reports, circumnavigated it, nevertheless many have put forth diverse opinions in speaking of it. That island, indeed long unassailed by Roman arms, Julius Caesar opened up by battles sought only for glory; thereafter, made traversable for merchandise and for other causes to many mortals, the not-negligent age which followed more surely disclosed its site, which we pursue as we have received it from Greek and Latin authors.

11 Triquadram eam plures dixere consimilem, inter septentrionalem occidentalemque plagam proiectam, uno, qui magnus est, angulo Reni hostia spectantem, dehinc correptam latitudine oblique retro abstractam in duos exire alios, geminoque latere longiorem Galliae praetendi atque Germaniae. In duobus milibus trecentis decem stadiis latitudo eius ubi patentior, longitudo non ultra septem mil. 12 Centum triginta duo stadia fertur extendi; modo vero dumosa, modo silvestrae iacere planitiae, montibus etiam nonnullis increscere: mari tardo circumfluam, quod nec remis facile inpellentibus cedat, nec ventorum flatibus intumescat, credo, quia remotae longius terrae causas motibus negant: quippe illic latius quam usquam aequor extenditur.

11 Many have said it resembles a triquadrum (triangular) shape, projected between the northern and western quarter, with one angle, which is large, facing the mouth of the Rhine; then, narrowed in breadth, drawn back obliquely, it goes out into two others, and with its twin side it is stretched out longer toward Gaul and toward Germany. In 2,310 stadia is its breadth where it is more open; its length not beyond 7,000. 12 It is reported to extend 132 stadia; at times indeed bushy, at times lie wooded plains, and it swells also with some mountains: it is surrounded by a sluggish sea, which neither yields easily to oars driving it, nor swells with the blasts of winds, I believe because lands farther removed deny causes for motions: for there the level sea is stretched out more broadly than anywhere.

Refert autem Strabo Grecorum nobilis scriptor tantas illam exalare nebulas, madefacta humo Oceani crebris excursibus, ut subtectus sol per illum pene totum fediorem, qui serenus est, diem negetur aspectui. 13 Noctem quoque clariorem in extrema eius parte minimamque Cornelius etiam annalium scriptor enarrat, metallis plurimis cupiosam, herbis frequentem et his feraciorem omnibus, que pecora magis quam homines alant: labi vero per eam multa quam maximae relabique flumina gemmas margaritasque volventia. Silorum colorati vultus; torti pleroque crine et nigro nascuntur; Calydoniam vero incolentibus rutilae cumae, corpora magna, sed fluuida: Gallis sive Spanis, ut quibusque obtenduntur, adsimiles.

Strabo, a noble writer of the Greeks, relates that it exhales such great mists, the soil being soaked by the Ocean’s frequent excursions, that the sun, being covered, is denied to sight through almost the whole day, making uglier that day which, when serene, is fair. 13 Cornelius too, a writer of annals, recounts that in its farthest part the night is brighter and very minimal; that it is coveted for its very many metals; abounding in grasses, and in these more fertile than all, which nourish herds rather than humans; that many very great rivers slip through it and also flow back, rolling gems and pearls. The Silures have tinted/swarthy faces; for the most part they are born with hair curled and black; but among those inhabiting Caledonia the hair is ruddy, the bodies large but loose. They are similar to the Gauls or the Spaniards, according as they are over against each.

14 Vnde coniectavere nonnulli, quod ea ex his accolas contiguo vocatos acceperit. Inculti aeque omnes populi regesque populorum; cunctos tamen in Calydoniorum Meatarumque concessisse nomina Dio auctor est celeberrimus scriptor annalium. Virgeas habitant casas, communia tecta cum pecore, silveque illis saepe sunt domus.

14 Whence some have conjectured that it received from them inhabitants, called neighbors by contiguity. Equally uncultivated are all the peoples and the kings of the peoples; yet Dio, a most celebrated author of annals, is authority that all have been conceded into the names of the Calydonians and the Meatae. They dwell in wattle houses, roofs in common with their cattle, and the woods are often homes for them.

Ob decorem nescio an aliam quam ob rem ferro pingunt corpora. 15 Bellum inter se aut imperii cupidine, aut amplificandi quae possident, saepius gerunt, non tantum equitatu vel pedite, verum etiam bigis curribusque falcatis, quos more vulgare essedas vocant. Haec pauca de Brittaniae insulae forma dixisse sufficiat.

For adornment, I know not whether for this or for some other reason, they paint their bodies with iron. 15 They wage war among themselves rather often, either from a cupidity of imperium or of amplifying what they possess, not only with cavalry or foot-soldiery, but also with two-horse chariots and scythed chariots, which by vulgar usage they call essedae. Let it suffice to have said these few things about the form of the island of Britannia.

III.16 Ad Scandziae insulae situm, quod superius reliquimus, redeamus. De hac etenim in secundo sui operis libro Claudius Ptolomeus, orbis terrae discriptor egregius, meminit dicens: est in Oceani arctoi salo posita insula magna, nomine Scandza, in modum folii cetri, lateribus pandis, per longum ducta concludens se. De qua et Pomponius Mela in maris sinu Codano positam refert, cuius ripas influit Oceanus.

3.16 Let us return to the site of the island of Scandza, which above we left off. Of this indeed, in the second book of his own work, Claudius Ptolemy, an excellent descriptor of the orb of the earth, makes mention, saying: there is set in the brine of the arctic Ocean a great island, by the name Scandza, in the manner of a cucumber’s leaf, with splayed sides, drawn out lengthwise, closing itself. And of it too Pomponius Mela reports that it is situated in the bay of the sea, the Codanus, into whose shores the Ocean flows.

17 Haec a fronte posita est Vistulae fluminis, qui Sarmaticis montibus ortus in conspectu Scandzae septentrionali Oceano trisulcus inlabitur, Germaniam Scythiamque disterminans. Haec ergo habet ab oriente vastissimum lacum in orbis terrae gremio, unde Vagi fluvius velut quodam ventrae generatus in Oceanum undosus evolvitur. Ab occidente namque inmensu pelago circumdatur, a septentrione quoque innavigabili eodem vastissimo concluditur Oceano, ex quo quasi quodam brachio exiente, sinu distento, Germanicum mare efficitur.

17 This is set facing the river Vistula, which, sprung from the Sarmatic mountains, in the sight of Scandza flows into the northern Ocean in three channels, demarcating Germany and Scythia. This, therefore, has on the east a most vast lake in the bosom of the orb of the earth, whence the river Vagi, as if begotten from a certain womb, rolls wave-laden out into the Ocean. For on the west it is surrounded by an immense sea, and on the north also it is enclosed by the same most vast and unnavigable Ocean, from which, a kind of arm going out and the bay distended, the Germanic Sea is formed.

18 Vbi etiam parvae quidem, sed plures perhibentur insulae esse dispositae, ad quas si congelato mari ob nimium frigus lupi transierint, luminibus feruntur orbari. Ita non solum inhospitalis hominibus, verum etiam beluis terra crudelis est. 19 In Scandza vero insula, unde nobis sermo est, licet multae et diversae maneant nationes, septem tamen eorum nomina meminit Ptolemaeus.

18 Where also small indeed, but more numerous islands are reported to be arranged, to which, if with the sea frozen on account of excessive cold wolves have crossed, they are said to be deprived of their lights (eyes). Thus it is not only inhospitable to human beings, but the land is cruel even to beasts. 19 In the island Scandza, indeed, which is the subject of our discourse, although many and diverse nations abide, nevertheless Ptolemy makes mention of seven of their names.

Apium ibi turba mellifica ob nimium frigore nusquam repperitur. In cuius parte arctoa gens Adogit consistit, quae fertur in aestate media quadraginta diebus et noctibus luces habere continuas, itemque brumali tempore eodem dierum noctiumque numero luce clara nescire. 20 Ita alternato merore cum gaudio benificio aliis damnoque impar est.

There the mellific throng of bees, on account of excessive cold, is nowhere found. In its arctic part the nation of the Adogit is settled, which is said in mid-summer for forty days and nights to have continuous lights, and likewise in the brumal season for the same number of days and nights not to know clear light. 20 Thus, with sorrow alternated with joy, in benefice to some and in harm it is unequal.

Et hoc quare? Quia prolixioribus diebus solem ad orientem per axis marginem vident redeuntem, brevioribus vero non sic conspicitur apud illos, sed aliter, quia austrinis signis percurrit, et quod nobis videtur sol ab imo surgere, illos per terrae marginem dicitur circuire. 21 Aliae vero ibi sunt gentes Screrefennae, que frumentorum non queritant victum, sed carnibus ferarum atque ovis avium vivunt; ubi tanta paludibus fetura ponitur, ut et augmentum prestent generi et satietatem ad cupiam genti.

And why is this? Because on the more prolonged days they see the sun returning to the east along the margin of the axis, but on the shorter ones it is not thus beheld among them, but otherwise, because it runs through the austral signs; and whereas to us the sun seems to rise from below, it is said to go around them along the earth’s margin. 21 There are, moreover, other peoples there, the Screrefennae, who do not seek sustenance from grains, but live on the meats of wild beasts and the eggs of birds; where so great a breeding is set in the marshes that they furnish both augmentation to the stock and satiety to the people’s desire.

Alia vero gens ibi moratur Suehans, quae velud Thyringi equis utuntur eximiis. Hi quoque sunt, qui in usibus Romanorum sappherinas pelles commercio interveniente per alias innumeras gentes transmittunt, famosi pellium decora nigridine. Hi cum inopes vivunt, ditissime vestiuntur.

Another nation indeed dwells there, the Suehans, who, like the Thuringians, make use of exceptional horses. They also are those who, for the uses of the Romans, send sable pelts, with commerce intervening, through countless other peoples—famed for the adornment of their pelts by blackness. Although they live in poverty, they are most richly clothed.

22 Sequitur deinde diversarum turba nationum, Theustes, Vagoth, Bergio, Hallin, Liothida, quorum omnium sedes sub uno plani ac fertilis, et propterea inibi aliarum gentium incursionibus infestantur. Post hos Ahelmil, Finnaithae, Fervir, Ganthigoth, acre hominum genus et at bella prumtissimum. Dehinc Mixi, Evagre, Otingis.

22 Then there follows a throng of diverse nations, the Theustes, Vagoth, Bergio, Hallin, Liothida, whose seats all lie together upon a single level and fertile plain, and therefore in that place they are infested by incursions of other nations. After these, the Ahelmil, Finnaithae, Fervir, Ganthigoth, a keen race of men and most prompt for wars. Thereafter, the Mixi, Evagre, Otingis.

Hi omnes excisis rupibus quasi castellis inhabitant ritu beluino. 23 Sunt et his exteriores Ostrogothae, Raumarici, Aeragnaricii, Finni mitissimi, Scandzae cultoribus omnibus mitiores; nec non et pares eorum Vinoviloth; Suetidi, cogniti in hac gente reliquis corpore eminentiores: quamvis et Dani, ex ipsorum stirpe progressi, Herulos propriis sedibus expulerunt, qui inter omnes Scandiae nationes nomen sibi ob nimia proceritate affectant praecipuum. 24 Sunt quamquam et horum positura Grannii, Augandzi, Eunixi, Taetel, Rugi, Arochi, Ranii, quibus non ante multos annos Roduulf rex fuit, qui contempto proprio regno ad Theodorici Gothorum regis gremio convolavit et, ut desiderabat, invenit.

All these inhabit rocks cut away as if fortresses, in a beast-like manner. 23 And exterior to these are the Ostrogoths, the Raumarici, the Aeragnarici, the very gentle Finns, milder than all the cultivators of Scandza; and likewise their equals, the Vinoviloth; the Suetidi, known in this people as excelling the rest in body: although the Danes too, having advanced from their stock, expelled the Heruli from their own seats, who among all the nations of Scandia aspire to a preeminent name on account of excessive tallness. 24 There are, however, also in the district of these the Grannii, Augandzi, Eunixi, Taetel, Rugi, Arochi, Ranii, for whom not many years ago Roduulf was king, who, scorning his own kingdom, flew to the bosom of Theodoric, king of the Goths, and found what he desired.

Hae itaque gentes, Germanis corpore et animo grandiores, pugnabant beluina saevitia.

These peoples, therefore, greater than the Germans in body and in spirit, fought with beluine savagery.

IV.25 Ex hac igitur Scandza insula quasi officina gentium aut certe velut vagina nationum cum rege suo nomine Berig Gothi quondam memorantur egressi: qui ut primum e navibus exientes terras attigerunt, ilico nomen loci dederunt. Nam odieque illic, ut fertur, Gothiscandza vocatur. 26 Vnde mox promoventes ad sedes Vlmerugorum, qui tunc Oceani ripas insidebant, castra metati sunt eosque commisso proelio propriis sedibus pepulerunt, eorumque vicinos Vandalos iam tunc subiugantes suis aplicavere victoriis.

4.25 From this Scandza island, therefore, as if a workshop of peoples or indeed as it were a sheath of nations, the Goths are once recorded to have gone out with their king by the name Berig: who, as soon as, disembarking from the ships, they touched land, immediately gave the place a name. For to this day there, as it is said, it is called Gothiscandza. 26 Whence soon advancing to the seats of the Ulmerugi, who then occupied the shores of the Ocean, they pitched camp and, battle being joined, drove them from their own seats, and, subjugating even then their neighbors the Vandals, attached them to their victories.

Vbi vero magna populi numerositate crescente et iam pene quinto rege regnante post Berig Filimer, filio Gadarigis, consilio sedit, ut exinde cum familiis Gothorum promoveret exercitus. 27 Qui aptissimas sedes locaquae dum quereret congrua, pervenit ad Scythiae terras, quae lingua eorum Oium vocabantur: ubi delectatus magna ubertate regionum et exercitus mediaetate transposita pons dicitur, unde amnem traiecerat, inreparabiliter corruisse, nec ulterius iam cuidam licuit ire aut redire. Nam is locus, ut fertur, tremulis paludibus voragine circumiecta concluditur, quem utraque confusione natura reddidit inpervium.

Where indeed, with the great numerosity of the people increasing, and now with almost the fifth king reigning after Berig, Filimer, son of Gadarigis, sat in counsel that from there, with the families of the Goths, the army should advance. 27 He, while he was seeking the most apt seats and also places that were congruent, came to the lands of Scythia, which in their tongue were called Oium: where, delighted by the great ubertity of the regions, and with half of the army having been transported across, the bridge, whence he had crossed the river, is said to have collapsed irreparably, nor thereafter was it permitted to anyone to go on or to return. For that place, as it is said, is enclosed by quivering marshes with a gulf cast around, which place by both confusions nature rendered impervious.

Verumtamen hodieque illic et voces armentorum audiri et indicia hominum depraehendi commeantium attestationem, quamvis a longe audientium, credere licet. 28 Haec ergo pars Gothorum, quae apud Filemer dicitur in terras Oium emenso amne transposita, optatum potiti solum. Nec mora ilico ad gentem Spalorum adveniunt consertoque proelio victoriam adipiscunt, exindeque iam velut victores ad extremam Scythiae partem, que Ponto mari vicina est, properant.

Nevertheless, even today there it is permitted to believe that both the voices of herds are heard and the signs of men are detected—the attestation of wayfarers, even of those hearing from afar. 28 Therefore this part of the Goths, which under Filemer is said to have been transferred into the lands Oium, the river having been crossed, obtained the desired soil. Without delay, immediately they come to the nation of the Spali, and, battle having been joined, they gain victory; and from there now, as victors, they hasten to the farthest part of Scythia, which is near to the Pontus sea.

Quemadmodum et in priscis eorum carminibus pene storicu ritu in commune recolitur: quod et Ablavius descriptor Gothorum gentis egregius verissima adtestatur historia. 29 In quam sententiam et nonnulli consensere maiorum: Ioseppus quoque annalium relator verissimus dum ubique veritatis conservet regulam et origines causarum a principio revolvat. Haec vero quae diximus de gente Gothorum principia cur omiserit, ignoramus: sed tantum Magog eorum stirpe comemorans, Scythas eos et natione et vocabulo asserit appellatos.

Just as also in their ancient songs it is recalled in common, almost in historical fashion: which likewise Ablavius, an excellent describer of the Gothic people, attests with a most truthful history. 29 Into this opinion also several of the elders have consented: Josephus too, a most truthful relator of the annals, while he everywhere preserves the rule of truth and rolls back the origins of causes to the beginning. But why he omitted these beginnings concerning the Gothic gens which we have spoken of, we do not know: but only, commemorating Magog of their stock, he asserts that they were called Scythians both by nation and by vocable.

Cuius soli terminos, antequam aliud ad medium deducamus, necesse est, ut iacent, edicere.

Before we bring any other matter to the discussion, it is necessary to declare, as they lie, the boundaries of that land.

V.30 Scythia si quidem Germaniae terre confines eo tenus, ubi Ister oritur amnis vel stagnus dilatatur Morsianus, tendens usque ad flumina Tyram, Danastrum et Vagosolam, magnumque illu Danaprum Taurumque montem, non illum Asiae, sed proprium, id est Scythicum, per omnem Meotidis aditum, ultraque Meotida per angustias Bosfori usque ad Caucasum montem amnemque Araxem ac deinde in sinistram partem reflexa post mare Caspium, quae in extremis Asiae finibus ab Oceano eoroboro in modum fungi primum tenuis, post haec latissima et rotunda forma exoritur, vergens ad Hunnus, Albanos et Seres usque digreditur. 31 Haec, inquam, patria, id est Scythia, longe se tendens lateque aperiens, habet ab oriente Seres, in ipso sui principio litus Caspii maris commanentes; ab occidente Germanos et flumen Vistulae; ab arctu, id est septentrionali, circumdatur oceano, a meridiae Persida, AIbania, Hiberia, Ponto atque extremo alveo Istri, qui dicitur Danubius ab ostea sua usque ad fontem. 32 In eo vero latere, qua Ponticum litus attingit, oppidis haut obscuris involvitur, Boristhenide, Olbia, Callipolida, Chersona, Theodosia, Careon, Myrmicion et Trapezunta, quas indomiti Scytharum nationes Grecis permiserunt condere, sibimet commercia prestaturos.

5.30 Scythia, indeed, is contiguous to the land of Germania as far as the place where the river Ister rises or the Morsianus mere is widened, stretching as far as the rivers Tyras, Danaster, and Vagosola, and the great Danaprus, and the Taurus mountain—not that of Asia, but its own, that is, the Scythian—along the whole approach of Lake Maeotis, and beyond Maeotis through the narrows of the Bosporus up to Mount Caucasus and the river Araxes, and then, bent to the left after the Caspian Sea, which, at the farthest borders of Asia, from the eoroborean Ocean, first arises thin in the manner of a mushroom, thereafter very broad and of a rounded form, inclining, it goes as far as the Huns, Albanians, and Seres. 31 This homeland, I say, that is Scythia, stretching itself far and opening wide, has on the east the Seres, dwelling at its very beginning on the shore of the Caspian Sea; on the west the Germans and the river Vistula; on the north, that is, the septentrional side, it is encircled by the ocean; on the south by Persia, Albania, Iberia, the Pontus, and the farthest channel of the Ister, which is called the Danube, from its mouths to its source. 32 On that side, indeed, where it touches the Pontic shore, it is encompassed with towns by no means obscure—Boristhenis, Olbia, Callipolis, Cherson, Theodosia, Careon, Myrmecion, and Trapezus—which the indomitable nations of the Scythians permitted the Greeks to found, to furnish commerce for themselves.

In cuius Scythiae medium est locus, qui Asiam Europamque ab alterutro dividit, Riphei scilicet montes, qui Thanain vastissimum fundunt intrantem Meotida cuius paludis circuitus passuum mil. cxliiii, nusquam octo ulnis altius subsidentis. 33 In qua Scythia prima ab occidente gens residet Gepidarum, que magnis opinatisque ambitur fluminibus.

In the middle of this Scythia there is a place which divides Asia and Europe from each other, namely the Rhipaean mountains, which pour out the most vast Tanais entering the Maeotis, whose marsh’s circuit is of miles passuum mil. 144, nowhere sinking deeper than eight cubits. 33 In which Scythia the first nation from the west resides, the Gepids, which is surrounded by great and well-renowned rivers.

Nam Tisia per aquilonem eius chorumque discurrit; ab africo vero magnus ipse Danubius, ab eoo Flutausis secat, qui rapidus ac verticosus in Istri fluenta furens divolvitur. 34 Introrsus illis Dacia est, ad coronae speciem arduis Alpibus emunita, iuxta quorum sinistrum latus, qui in aquilone vergit, ab ortu Vistulae fluminis per inmensa spatia Venetharum natio populosa consedit, quorum nomina licet nunc per varias familias et loca mutentur, principaliter tamen Sclaveni et Antes nominantur. 35 Sclaveni a civitate Novietunense et laco qui appellatur Mursiano usque ad Danastrum et in boream Viscla tenus commorantur: hi paludes silvasque pro civitatibus habent.

For the Tisia runs along its Aquilon (north) and Corus (northwest); from Africus (southwest) indeed the great Danube itself, from Eous (east) the Flutausis cuts it, which, swift and eddying, raging, is rolled down into the streams of the Ister. 34 Inward from them is Dacia, fortified by steep Alps in the likeness of a crown; next to whose left side, which inclines toward the north, from the source of the Vistula river over immense spaces the populous nation of the Venethi has settled, whose names, although now they are changed among various clans and places, are nevertheless principally called Sclaveni and Antes. 35 The Sclaveni dwell from the city of Novietunense and the lake which is called Mursianus as far as the Danastrus, and northward as far as the Vistula: these have marshes and forests in place of cities.

Antes vero, qui sunt eorum fortissimi, qua Ponticum mare curvatur, a Danastro extenduntur usque ad Danaprum, quae flumina multis mansionibus ab invicem absunt. 36 Ad litus autem Oceani, ubi tribus faucibus fluenta Vistulae fluminis ebibuntur, Vidivarii resident, ex diversis nationibus adgregati; post quos ripam Oceani item Aesti tenent, pacatum hominum genus omnino. Quibus in austrum adsidet gens Acatzirorum fortissima, frugum ignara, quae pecoribus et venationibus victitat.

But the Antes, who are the bravest of them, where the Pontic sea is curved, stretch from the Danaster as far as the Danaprus, which rivers are at a distance from one another by many stages. 36 But on the shore of the Ocean, where by three mouths the streams of the Vistula river are drunk up, the Vidivarii reside, aggregated from diverse nations; after whom likewise the Aesti hold the bank of the Ocean, a wholly peaceable kind of men. To the south of these sits the very strong nation of the Acatziri, unacquainted with crops, who live by herds and by huntings.

37 Vltra quos distendunt supra mare Ponticum Bulgarum sedes, quos notissimos peccatorum nostrorum mala fecerunt. Hinc iam Hunni quasi fortissimorum gentium fecundissimus cespes bifariam populorum rabiem pullularunt. Nam alii Altziagiri, alii Saviri nuncupantur, qui tamen sedes habent divisas: iuxta Chersonam Altziagiri, quo Asiae bona avidus mercator importat, qui aestate campos pervagant effusas sedes, prout armentorum invitaverint pabula, hieme supra mare Ponticum se referentes.

37 Beyond whom the seats of the Bulgars stretch above the Pontic Sea, whom the evils of our sins have made most notorious. From here now the Huns, as the most fecund sod of the mightiest nations, have sprouted in two branches the fury of peoples. For some are called Altziagiri, others Saviri—who nevertheless have their seats divided: near Cherson are the Altziagiri, whither the eager merchant imports the goods of Asia; they roam the plains in summer with their dwellings spread out, as the fodder of the herds invites, in winter withdrawing themselves to the region above the Pontic Sea.

Hunuguri autem hinc sunt noti, quia ab ipsis pellium murinarum venit commercium: quos tantorum virorum formidavit audacia. 38 Quorum mansione prima in Scythiae solo iuxta paludem Meotidem, secundo in Mysiam Thraciamque et Daciam, tertio supra mare Ponticum rursus in Scythia legimus habitasse: nec eorum fabulas alicubi repperimus scriptas, qui eos dicunt in Brittania vel in unaqualibet insularum in servitute redactos et in unius caballi praetio a quodam ereptos. Aut certe si quis eos aliter dixerit in nostro urbe, quam quod nos diximus, fuisse exortos, nobis aliquid obstrepebit: nos enim potius lectioni credimus quam fabulis anilibus consentimus.

However the Hunuguri are known hence, because from them comes the commerce of marten pelts: whom even the audacity of so great men has feared. 38 Of whom we read that at the first their residence was on the soil of Scythia near the Meotian marsh, at the second in Mysia, Thrace, and Dacia, at the third above the Pontic Sea, again in Scythia: nor have we found anywhere written the fables of those who say that they were reduced into servitude in Britain or in any one whatsoever of the islands, and were snatched away by a certain man for the price of a single horse. Or certainly, if anyone should say that in our city they arose otherwise than what we have said, he will raise some clamor against us: for we rather believe the reading than assent to old wives’ tales.

39 Vt ergo ad nostrum propositum redeamus, in prima sede Scythiae iuxta Meotidem commanentes praefati, unde loquimur, Filimer regem habuisse noscuntur. In secunda, id est Daciae, Thraciaeque et Mysiae solo Zalmoxen, quem mirae philosophiae eruditionis fuisse testantur plerique scriptores annalium. Nam et Zeutam prius habuerunt eruditum, post etiam Dicineum, tertium Zalmoxen, de quo superius diximus.

39 Therefore, to return to our purpose, the aforesaid, dwelling in the first seat of Scythia near the Maeotis—of which we are speaking—are known to have had Filimer as king. In the second, that is, on the soil of Dacia, Thrace, and Moesia, they had Zalmoxis, whom very many writers of annals testify to have been of wondrous erudition in philosophy. For they had also Zeuta earlier, learned; afterwards likewise Dicineus; as a third, Zalmoxis, of whom we spoke above.

Nec defuerunt, qui eos sapientiam erudirent. 40 Vnde et pene omnibus barbaris Gothi sapientiores semper extiterunt Grecisque pene consimiles, ut refert Dio, qui historias eorum annalesque Greco stilo composuit. Qui dicit primum Tarabosteseos, deinde vocatos Pilleatos hos, qui inter eos generosi extabant, ex quibus eis et reges et sacerdotes ordinabantur.

Nor were there lacking those who would instruct them in sapience. 40 Whence also the Goths have always stood forth as wiser than almost all the barbarians and almost similar to the Greeks, as Dio relates, who composed their histories and annals in Greek style. He says that at first “Tarabostesei,” then “Pilleati,” were the names of those who among them were of gentle birth, from whom for them both kings and priests were ordained.

Adeo ergo fuere laudati Gaetae, ut dudum Martem, quem poetarum fallacia deum belli pronuntiat, apud eos fuisse dicant exortum. Vnde et Vergilius: 'gradivumque patrem, Geticis qui praesidet arvis'. 41 Quem Martem Gothi semper asperrima placavere cultura (nam victimae eius mortes fuere captorum), opinantes bellorum praesulem apte humani sanguinis effusione placandum. Huic praede primordia vovebantur, huic truncis suspendebantur exubiae, eratque illis religionis preter ceteros insinuatus affectus, cum parenti devotio numinis videretur inpendi.

Adequately then were the Getae thus praised, that long ago they say Mars—whom the fallacy of the poets proclaims the god of war—arose among them. Whence also Vergil: 'and the father Gradivus, who presides over the Getic fields'. 41 This Mars the Goths always appeased with a most harsh cult (for his victims were the deaths of captives), supposing that the president of wars should aptly be placated by the effusion of human blood. To him the first-fruits of booty were vowed, to him the spoils were hung on trunks, and there was in them, beyond others, an insinuated affection of religion, since a devotion to the numen seemed to be expended as to a parent.

42 Tertia vero sede super mare Ponticum iam humaniores et, ut superius diximus, prudentiores effecti, divisi per familias populi, Vesegothae familiae Balthorum, Ostrogothae praeclaris Amalis serviebant.

42 In their third seat, truly, above the Pontic Sea, now more humane and, as we said above, more prudent, the people, divided by families, the Visigoths served the family of the Balths, the Ostrogoths served the illustrious Amals.

43 Quorum studium fuit primum inter alias gentes vicinas arcum intendere nervis, Lucano plus storico quam poeta testante: 'Armeniosque arcus Geticis intendite nervis'. Ante quos etiam cantu maiorum facta modulationibus citharisque canebant, Eterpamara, Hanale, Fridigerni, Vidigoiae et aliorum, quorum in hac gente magna opinio est, quales vix heroas fuisse miranda iactat antiquitas. 44 Tunc, ut fertur, Vesosis Scythis lacrimabile sibi potius intulit bellum, eis videlicet, quos Amazonarum viros prisca tradit auctoritas, de quas et feminas bellatrices Orosius in primo volumine professa voce testatur. Vnde cum Gothis eum tunc dimicasse evidenter probamus, quem cum Amazonarum viris absolute pugnasse cognoscimus, qui tunc a Borysthene amne, quem accolae Danaprum vocant, usque ad Thanain fluvium circa sinum paludis Meotidis consedebant.

43 Whose zeal was, first among the other neighboring peoples, to stretch the bow with sinews, Lucan—more historical than poetical—bearing witness: 'And bend Armenian bows with Getic sinews'. Before whom they would also sing, in song, the deeds of their elders with modulations and citharas—Eterpamara, Hanale, Fridigern, Vidigoia, and others—of whom among this people there is great repute, such as wondrous antiquity, boasting marvels, proclaims that scarcely even heroes were. 44 Then, as it is said, Vesosis brought upon himself a tear-worthy war with the Scythians—namely those whom ancient authority hands down as the men of the Amazons—about whom too Orosius in the first volume testifies with express voice that there were women warriors. Whence we clearly prove that he then contended with the Goths, since we know that he fought outright with the men of the Amazons, who at that time were settled from the river Borysthenes, which the inhabitants call the Danaprus, as far as the river Tanais, around the bay of the Maeotic marsh.

45 Thanain vero hunc dico, qui ex Ripheis montibus deiectus adeo preceps ruit, ut, cum vicina flumina sive Meotis et Bosforus gelu solidentur, solus amnium confragosis montibus vaporatus, numquam Scythico duriscit algore. Hic Asiae Europaeque terminus famosus habetur. Nam alter est ille, qui montibus Chrinnorum oriens, in Caspium mare dilabitur.

45 By Tanais I mean this one, which, cast down from the Riphaean mountains, rushes so precipitously that, although the neighboring streams—namely the Maeotis and the Bosporus—are solidified with ice, it alone of the rivers, vapor-warmed by the craggy mountains, never hardens with Scythian cold. This is held a famous boundary of Asia and Europe. For there is that other one, which, rising in the mountains of the Chrinni, slips away into the Caspian Sea.

46 Danaper autem ortus grande palude, quasi ex matre profunditur. Hic usque ad medium sui dulcis est et potabilis, piscesque nimii saporis gignit, ossa carentibus chartellagine tantum habentes in corporis continentiam. Sed ubi fit Ponto vicinior, parvum fontem suscipit, cui Exampheo cognomen est, adeo amarum, ut, cum sit quadraginta dierum itinere navigabilis, huius aquis exiguis inmutetur, infectusque ac dissimilis sui inter Greca oppida Callipidas et Hypannis in mare defluat.

46 However, the Danaper, rising from a great marsh, is poured forth as if from a mother. It is sweet and potable up to the middle of its course, and it engenders fishes of exceeding savor, lacking bones, having only cartilage for the body’s containment. But when it becomes nearer to the Pontus, it receives a small spring, to which the cognomen Exampheus is given, so bitter that, though it is navigable by a journey of 40 days, it is altered by the scant waters of this source and, tainted and unlike itself, flows down into the sea between the Greek towns Callipidas and Hypannis.

Ad cuius ostia insula est in fronte, Achillis nomine. Inter hos terra vastissima, silvis consita, paludibus dubia.

At whose mouths there is an island in front, by the name of Achilles. Between these, a very vast land, planted with forests, uncertain because of marshes.

VI.47 Hic ergo Gothis morantibus Vesosis, Aegyptiorum rex, in bellum inruit, quibus tunc Tanausis rex erat. Quod proelio ad Phasim fluvium, a quo Fasides aves exortae in totum mundum epulis potentum exuberant, Thanausis Gothorum rex Vesosi Aegyptiorum occurrit, eumque graviter debellans in Aegypto usque persecutus est, et nisi Nili amnis intransmeabilis obstetissent fluenta vel munitiones, quas dudum sibi ob incursiones Aethiopum Vesosis fieri praecepisset, ibi in eius eum patria extinxisset. Sed dum eum ibi positum non valuisset laedere, revertens pene omnem Asiam subiugavit et sibi tunc caro amico Sorno, regi Medorum, ad persolvendum tributum subditos fecit.

6.47 Therefore, while the Goths were delaying, Vesosis, king of the Egyptians, rushed into war, whose king then was Tanausis. In the battle at the river Phasis—whence the Phasian birds, arisen from there, abound throughout the whole world in the banquets of the powerful—Thanausis, king of the Goths, met Vesosis of the Egyptians, and, warring him down grievously, pursued him even into Egypt; and if the unfordable streams of the Nile river or the fortifications, which Vesosis had previously ordered to be made for himself on account of the incursions of the Ethiopians, had not stood in the way, there he would have extinguished him in his own fatherland. But since he was not able to harm him as he was situated there, on returning he subjugated nearly all Asia and made them subject to his then dear friend Sorno, king of the Medes, for the paying of tribute.

Ex cuius exercitu victores tunc nonnulli provincias subditas contuentes et in omni fertilitate pollentes deserta suorum agmina sponte in Asiae partibus residerunt. 48 Ex quorum nomine vel genere Pompeius Trogus Parthorum dicit extitisse prosapiem. Vnde etiam hodieque lingua Scythica fugaces quod est, Parthi dicuntur, suoque generi respondentes inter omnes pene Asiae nationes soli sagittarii sunt et acerrimi bellatores.

From whose army, then victors, certain men, beholding the provinces subject and abounding in every fertility, having deserted the battle-lines of their own people, of their own accord resided in parts of Asia. 48 From whose name or stock Pompeius Trogus says the lineage of the Parthians arose. Whence even to this day, in the Scythian language, they are called Parthi, which is “fugitive,” and, corresponding to their own race, among almost all the nations of Asia they alone are archers and most keen warriors.

De nomine vero, quod diximus eos Parthos, fugaces, ita aliquanti aethymologiam traxerunt, ut dicerent Parthi, quia suos refugerunt parentes. Hunc ergo Thanausim regem Gothorum mortuum inter numina sui populi coluerunt.

As to the name, indeed—since we have said they are Parthians, “fugacious”—some have drawn the etymology so as to say “Parthians” because they fled their own parents. Therefore they venerated this Thanausis, king of the Goths, when dead, among the numina of their people.

VII.49 Post cuius decessum et exercitu eius cum successores ipsius in aliis partibus expeditione gerentibus feminae Gothorum a quadam vicina gente temptantur in praeda. Quae doctae a viris fortiter resisterunt hostesque super se venientes cum magna verecundia abigerunt.

7.49 After his death, while his successors were conducting an expedition in other parts with his army, the women of the Goths were assailed for booty by a certain neighboring people. Taught by their men, they resisted stoutly and drove off the enemies coming upon them, with great shame.

Qua patratae victoria fretaeque maioris audacia invicem se cohortantes arma arripiunt elegentesque duas audentiores Lampeto et Marpesia principatui subrogarunt. 50 Quae dum curam gerunt, ut et propria defenderent et aliena vastarent, sortitae Lampeto restitit fines patrios tuendo, Marpesia vero feminarum agmine sumpta novum genus exercitui duxit in Asiam, diversasque gentes bello superans, alios vero pace concilians, ad Cauchasum venit, ibique certum tempus demorans loci nomen dedit Saxum Marpesiae, unde et Vergilius: 'ac si dura silex aut stet Marpesia cautes', in eo loco, ubi post haec Alexander Magnus portas constituens Pylas Caspias nominavit, quod nunc Lazorum gens custodit pro munitione Romana. 51 Hic ergo certum temporis Amazonas commanentes confortati sunt.

Relying on the victory thus achieved and, buoyed by greater audacity, mutually cohorting one another, they seize arms, and, selecting two bolder women, Lampeto and Marpesia, they appointed them to the principate. 50 Who, while they took care both to defend their own things and to devastate others’, having divided the lot, Lampeto remained, guarding the ancestral borders, but Marpesia, with a throng of women taken up, led a new kind of army into Asia; and, overcoming diverse peoples in war, while conciliating others by peace, she came to the Caucasus, and there, lingering for a fixed time, she gave the name of the place the Rock of Marpesia, whence also Virgil: 'and as if hard flint or the Marpesian crag stood', in that place where, after these things, Alexander the Great, establishing gates, named the Caspian Gates, which the nation of the Lazi now guards as a Roman fortification. 51 Here, therefore, the Amazons, remaining for a fixed time, were strengthened.

Vnde egressi et Alem fluvium, quod iuxta Gargaram civitatem praeterfluit, transeuntes, Armeniam, Syriam Ciliciamque, Galatiam, Pisidiam omniaque Asiae loca aequa felicitate domuerunt; Ioniam Eoliamque conversae deditas sibi provincias effecerunt. Vbi diutius dominantes etiam civitates castraque suo in nomine dicaverunt. Ephesi quoque templum Dianae ob sagittandi ac venandi studium, quibus se artibus tradidissent, effusis opibus mirae pulchritudinis condiderunt.

Whence having gone forth and, crossing the river Alem, which flows past the city Gargara, they subdued Armenia, Syria and Cilicia, Galatia, Pisidia, and all the places of Asia with equal felicity; turning to Ionia and Aeolia, they made them provinces surrendered to themselves. Where, exercising dominion for a longer time, they even dedicated cities and camps in their own name. At Ephesus also, on account of their zeal for archery and hunting, arts to which they had devoted themselves, they founded with lavish resources a temple of Diana of wondrous beauty.

52 Tale ergo Scythiae genitae feminae casu Asiae regna potitae per centum pene annos tenuerunt et sic demum ad proprias socias in cautes Marpesios, quas superius diximus, repedarunt, in montem scilicet Caucasi. Cuius montis quia facta iterum mentio est, non ab re arbitror eius tractum situmque describere, quando maximam partem orbis noscitur circuire iugo continuo. 53 Is namque ab Indico mare surgens, qua meridiem respicit, sole vaporatus ardescit; qua septentrione patet, rigentibus ventis est obnoxius et pruinis.

52 Thus then women born of Scythia, by such a happenstance having gotten possession of the kingdoms of Asia, held them for nearly one hundred years, and so at last returned to their own companions into the Marpesian crags, which we mentioned above, namely into the mountain of the Caucasus. Because mention of this mountain is made again, I do not think it out of place to describe its extent and site, since it is known to encircle the greatest part of the world with a continuous ridge. 53 For it, rising from the Indian Sea, where it looks toward the south, heated by the sun’s vapor, grows hot; where it lies open toward the north, it is subject to freezing winds and to hoarfrosts.

Mox in Syriam curvato angulo reflexus, licet amnium plurimos emittat, in Vasianensem tamen regionem Eufratem Tigrimque navigeros ad opinionem maximam perennium fontium cupiosis fundit uberibus. Qui amplexantes terras Syrorum Mesopotamiam et appellari faciunt et videri, in sinum rubri maris fluenta deponentes. 54 Tunc in boream revertens Scythicas terras iugus antefatus magnis flexibus pervagatur atque ibidem opinatissima flumina in Caspium mare profundens Araxem, Cysum et Cambisen continuatoque iugo ad Ripheos usque in montes extenditur.

Soon, bending back in a curved angle into Syria, although it sends forth very many rivers, yet into the Vasianensian region it pours, in bounteous abundance, the Euphrates and the Tigris, navigable, to the highest repute of perennial springs for those who crave them. Which, embracing the lands of the Syrians, make it both to be called and to appear Mesopotamia, depositing their streams into the gulf of the Red Sea. 54 Then, returning to the north, the aforesaid ridge roams through Scythian lands with great windings and there, pouring the most renowned rivers into the Caspian Sea—the Araxes, the Cyrus, and the Cambyses—and, with the ridge continuous, it is extended all the way to the Riphaean mountains.

Indeque Scythicis gentibus dorso suo terminum praebens ad Pontum usque discendit, consertisque collibus Histri quoque fluenta contingit, quo amne scissus dehiscens Scythia quoque Taurus vocatur. 55 Talis ergo tantusque et pene omnium montium maximus excelsas suas erigens summitates naturali constructione praestat gentibus inexpugnanda munimina. Nam locatim recisus, qua disrupto iugo vallis hiatu patescit, nunc Caspias portas, nunc Armenias, nunc Cilicas, vel secundum locum quale fuerit, facit, vix tamen plaustro meabilis, lateribus in altitudinem utremque desectis, qui pro gentium varietate diverso vocabulo nuncupatur.

And thence, giving by its ridge a boundary to the Scythic peoples, it descends as far as the Pontus, and with hills interlaced it also touches the streams of the Hister; by which river, being cleft and gaping apart, it is also called Taurus in Scythia. 55 Such therefore and so great, and almost the greatest of all mountains, raising its lofty summits, by natural construction furnishes to peoples fortifications unconquerable. For, being cut in places, where by the breaking of the ridge a valley lies open with a chasm, it makes now the Caspian Gates, now the Armenian, now the Cilician, or, according to the place, whatever kind it may be—yet scarcely passable by wagon—its sides on either hand cut away into height, which, according to the variety of the nations, is designated by a different name.

Hunc enim Lammum, mox Propanissimum Indus appellat; Parthus primum Castram, post Nifatem edicit; Syrus et Armenus Taurum, Scytha Cauchasum ac Rifeum, iterumque in fine Taurum cognominat; aliaeque conplurimae gentes huic iugo dedere vocabulo. Et quia de eius continuatione pauca libabimus, ad Amazonas, unde divertimus, redeamus.

For this same range the Indian calls Lammus, soon after Propanissimus; the Parthian first proclaims it Castrum, afterward Niphates; the Syrian and the Armenian call it Taurus, the Scythian Caucasus and Riphean, and again at the end he surnames it Taurus; and many other nations besides have given a name to this ridge. And because we shall but lightly touch on its continuation, let us return to the Amazons, whence we turned aside.

VIII.56 Quae veritae, ne eorum prolis rarisceret, vicinis gentibus concubitum petierunt, facta nundina semel in anno, ita ut futuri temporis eadem die revertentibus in id ipsum, quidquid partus masculum edidisset, patri redderet, quidquid vero feminei sexus nasceretur, mater ad arma bellica erudiret: sive, ut quibusdam placet, editis maribus novercali odio infantis miserandi fata rumpebant. Ita apud illas detestabile puerperium erat, quod ubique constat esse votivum.

8.56 Those who, fearing lest their progeny should grow scarce, sought intercourse with neighboring peoples, a market-day having been set once in the year, with the arrangement that on that same day in a future season, returning for that very purpose, whatever the delivery had produced as a male she should restore to the father, but whatever of the female sex was born the mother should instruct to the warlike arms: or, as it pleases some, when males were born, by stepmotherly hatred they were cutting short the fate of the pitiable infant. Thus among them childbearing was detestable, which everywhere is agreed to be the object of vows.

57 Quae crudelitas illis terrorem maximum comulabat opinionis vulgatae. Nam quae, rogo, spes esset capto, ubi indulgi vel filio nefas habebatur? Contra has, ut fertur, pugnavit Herculis, et Melanis pene plus dolo quam virtute subegit.

57 This cruelty was piling up for them the greatest terror from the vulgar report. For what hope, I ask, would there be for a captive, where to show indulgence even to a son was held nefarious? Against these, as it is said, Hercules fought, and he subdued the Melanis almost more by guile than by valor.

Theseus vero Hippoliten in praeda tulit, de qua et genuit Hypolitum. Hae quoque Amazones post haec habuere reginam nomine Penthesileam, cuius Troiano bello extant clarissima documenta. Nam hae feminae usque ad Alexandrum Magnum referuntur tenuisse regimen.

But Theseus carried off Hippolyte among the booty, by whom he also begot Hippolytus. These Amazons too, after this, had a queen named Penthesilea, of whom in the Trojan War there exist the most illustrious documents. For these women are reported to have held the regime down to Alexander the Great.

IX.58 Sed ne dicas: de viris Gothorum sermo adsumptus cur in feminas tamdiu perseverat? Audi et virorum insignem et laudabilem fortitudinem. Dio storicus et antiquitatum diligentissimus inquisitor, qui operi suo Getica titulum dedit (quos Getas iam superiori loco Gothos esse probavimus, Orosio Paulo dicente) – hic Dio regem illis post tempora multa commemorat nomine Telefum.

9.58 But lest you say: the discourse taken up about the men of the Goths—why does it persist so long upon the women? Hear also the distinguished and laudable fortitude of the men. Dio the historian and most diligent inquisitor of antiquities, who gave to his work the title Getica (which Getae we have already in a prior place proven to be Goths, with Paulus Orosius saying so) – this Dio commemorates that, after many ages, they had a king named Telephus.

Ne vero quis dicat hoc nomen a lingua Gothica omnino peregrinum esse, nemo qui nesciat animadvertat usu pleraque nomina gentes amplecti, ut Romani Macedonum, Greci Romanorum, Sarmatae Germanorum, Gothi plerumque mutuantur Hunnorum. 59 Is ergo Telefus, Herculis filius natus ex Auge, sororis Priami coniugio copulatus, procerus quidem corpore, sed plus vigore terribilis, qui paternam fortitudinem propriis virtutibus aequans Herculis genium formae quoque similitudinem referebat. Huius itaque regnum Moesiam appellavere maiores.

Lest indeed anyone say that this name is altogether peregrine to the Gothic language, let anyone who is not ignorant observe that, in usage, peoples embrace very many names: as the Romans borrow from the Macedonians, the Greeks from the Romans, the Sarmatians from the Germans, the Goths for the most part borrow from the Huns. 59 This Telephus, therefore, son of Hercules, born from Auge, joined in conjugal union with the sister of Priam, tall indeed in body, but more terrible in vigor, who, equaling his father’s fortitude with his own virtues, displayed the genius of Hercules and a similitude of form as well. Therefore the ancients called his kingdom Moesia.

Quae provincia habet ab oriente ostia fluminis Danubii, a meridie Macedonia, ab occasu Histria, a septentrione Danubium. 60 Is ergo antefatus habuit bellum cum Danais, in qua pugna Thesandrum ducem Greciae interemit et dum Aiacem infestus invadit Vliximque persequitur, vitibus equo cadente ipse corruit Achillisque iaculo femur sauciatus diu mederi nequivit; Grecos tamen, quamvis iam saucius, e suis finibus proturbavit. Thelepho vero defuncto Euryphylus filius successit in regno, ex Priami Frygum regi germana progenitus.

This province has on the east the mouths of the river Danube, on the south Macedonia, on the west Histria, on the north the Danube. 60 Therefore the aforesaid man had war with the Danaans, in which battle he slew Thersander, leader of Greece; and while he fiercely attacks Ajax and pursues Ulysses, as his horse fell amid the vines he himself toppled, and, wounded in the thigh by Achilles’s javelin, he could not be healed for a long time; yet he drove the Greeks, although now wounded, out of his own borders. But when Telephus had died, his son Euryphylus succeeded to the kingdom, born from the sister of Priam, king of the Phrygians.

Qui ob Casandrae amorem bello interesse Troiano, ut parentibus soceroque ferret auxilium, cupiens, mox venisset extinctus est.

He, desiring, on account of love for Cassandra, to take part in the Trojan war so that he might bring help to his parents and his father-in-law, soon after he had come was slain.

X.61 Tunc Cyrus, rex Persarum, post grande intervallum et pene post dcxxx annorum tempore (Pompeio Trogo testante) Getarum reginae Thomyre sibi exitiabile intulit bellum. Qui elatus ex Asiae victoriis Getas nititur subiugare, quibus, ut diximus, regina erat Thomyris. Quae cum Abraxem amnem Cyri arcere potuisset accessum, transitum tamen permisit, elegens armis eum vincere quam locorum beneficio submovere; quod et factum est.

10.61 Then Cyrus, king of the Persians, after a great interval and almost after the time of 630 years (Pompey Trogus bearing witness), brought upon himself a deadly war with Tomyris, queen of the Getae. He, elated by victories in Asia, endeavored to subjugate the Getae, of whom, as we said, Tomyris was queen. She, although she could have barred Cyrus’s approach at the river Abraxas, nevertheless permitted the crossing, choosing to conquer him by arms rather than to remove him by the advantage of the places; which also was done.

62 Et veniente Cyro prima cessit fortuna Parthis in tantum, ut et filium Thomyris et plurimum exercitum trucidarent. Sed iterato Marte Getae cum sua regina Parthos devictos superant atque prosternunt opimamque praedam de eis auferunt, ibique primum Gothorum gens sirica vidit tentoria. Tunc Thomyris regina aucta victoria tantaque praeda de inimicis potita, in partem Moesiae, quae nunc a magna Scythia nomen mutuatum minor Scythia appellatur, transiens, ibi in Ponti Moesiaco litore Thomes civitatem suo de nomine aedificavit.

62 And with Cyrus arriving, fortune at first yielded to the Parthians to such a degree that they butchered both the son of Tomyris and a very great part of the army. But, Mars being renewed, the Getae with their queen overcome and cast down the Parthians and carry off opulent booty from them; and there for the first time the Gothic nation saw silken tents. Then Queen Tomyris, enhanced by victory and possessed of so great a spoil from her enemies, crossing into a part of Moesia, which now, borrowing its name from Great Scythia, is called Lesser Scythia, there on the Moesian shore of the Pontus built the city Thomes from her own name.

63 Dehinc Darius, rex Persarum, Hystaspis filius, Antyri, regis Gothorum, filiam in matrimonio postulavit, rogans pariter atque deterrens, nisi suam peragerent voluntatem. Cuius affinitatem Gothi spernentes, legationem eius frustrarunt. Qui repulsus dolore flammatus est et dcc milia armatorum contra ipsos produxit exercitum, verecundiam suam malo publico vindicare contendens; navibusque pene a Chalcedona usque ad Bizantium in instar pontium tabulatis atque consertis Thraciam petit et Moesiam; pontemque rursus in Danubio pari modo constructum duobus mensibus crebris fatigatus in Tapis viii milia perdidit armatorum, timensque, ne pons Danubii ab eius adversariis occuparetur, celeri fuga in Thracia repedavit, nec Mysiae solum sibi credens tutum fore aliquantulum remorandi.

63 Thereafter Darius, king of the Persians, son of Hystaspes, asked for the daughter of Antyrus, king of the Goths, in marriage, both entreating and at the same time deterring them, unless they would carry out his will. The Goths, spurning his affinity, thwarted his legation. Repulsed, he was inflamed with pain, and led out an army of 700,000 armed men against them, striving to vindicate his shame by a public ill; and with ships, decked over and fastened together in the likeness of bridges almost from Chalcedon to Byzantium, he made for Thrace and Moesia; and with a bridge likewise constructed on the Danube, after being harassed repeatedly for two months at Tapae he lost 8 thousand armed men, and, fearing lest the bridge of the Danube be seized by his adversaries, he retraced his steps in swift flight into Thrace, not believing even the soil of Moesia to be safe for delaying even a little.

64 Post cuius decessum iterum Xerses filius eius paternas iniurias ulcisci se aestimans, cum sua septingenta et auxiliarium ccc milia armatorum, rostratas naves mille ducentas, onerarias tria milia, super Gothos ad bellum profectus nec temptare in conflictu praevaluit, eorum animositate et constantia superatus. Sic namque ut venerat, absque aliquo certamine suo cum robore recessit. 65 Philippus quoque, pater Alexandri Magni, cum Gothis amicitias copulans Medopam Gudilae regis filiam accepit uxorem, ut tali affinitate roboratus Macedonum regna firmaret.

64 After whose death, again Xerxes, his son, thinking to avenge his father’s injuries, with his seven hundred thousand and three hundred thousand of auxiliaries under arms, one thousand two hundred rostrate ships, and three thousand cargo vessels, set out to war against the Goths; but he did not prevail even to attempt an engagement, overcome by their animosity and constancy. Thus, indeed, just as he had come, without any contest he withdrew with his force. 65 Philip likewise, the father of Alexander the Great, coupling friendships with the Goths, took Medopa, daughter of King Gudila, as his wife, in order that, strengthened by such an affinity, he might make firm the realms of the Macedonians.

Qua tempestate Dio storico dicente Philippus inopia pecuniae passus, Odyssitanam Moesiae civitatem instructis copiis vastare deliberat, quae tunc propter vicinam Thomes Gothis erat subiecta. Vnde et sacerdotes Gothorum illi qui pii vocabantur subito patefactis portis cum citharis et vestibus candidis obviam egressi patriis diis, ut sibi propitii Macedonas repellerent, voce supplici modulantes. Quos Macedones sic fiducialiter sibi occurrere contuentes stupiscent et, si dici fas est, ab inermibus terrentur armati.

At that time, as the historian Dio says, Philip, suffering a shortage of money, with his forces marshaled resolves to devastate the Odessitan city of Moesia, which then, on account of its nearness to Tomis, was subject to the Goths. Whence also the priests of the Goths, those who were called pious, the gates suddenly thrown open, went out to meet them with citharas (lyres) and in white garments, chanting to their native gods with a suppliant voice, that, being propitious to them, they might repel the Macedonians. The Macedonians, beholding them thus confidently coming out to meet them, are astonished and—if it is lawful to say—armed men are terrified by the unarmed.

Nec mora soluta acie quam ad bellandum construxerant, non tantum ab urbis excidio abstinuerunt, verum etiam et quos foris fuerant iure belli adepti, reddiderunt, foedusque inito ad sua reversi sunt. 66 Quod dolum post longum tempus reminiscens egregius Gothorum ductor Sithalcus, cl virorum milibus congregatis Atheniensibus intulit bellum adversus Perdiccam Macedoniae regem, quem Alexander apud Babylloniam ministri insidiis potans interitum Atheniensium principatui hereditario iure reliquerat successorem. Magno proelio cum hoc inito Gothi superiores inventi sunt, et sic pro iniuria, qua illi in Moesia dudum fecissent, isti in Grecia discurrentes cunctam Macedoniam vastaverunt.

Nor was there delay: dissolving the battle-line which they had drawn up for waging war, they not only abstained from the city’s destruction, but even returned those whom they had acquired outside by the law of war, and, a treaty having been entered, they returned to their own. 66 Recalling that stratagem after a long time, the distinguished leader of the Goths, Sitalces, with 150,000 men gathered, brought war upon the Athenians against Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, whom Alexander at Babylon, supposing death from a servant’s treachery, had left as successor by hereditary right to the principate of the Athenians. A great battle having been joined with him, the Goths were found superior, and thus, in requital for the wrong which those had formerly done in Moesia, these, running through Greece, laid waste all Macedonia.

XI.67 Dehinc regnante Gothis Buruista Dicineus venit in Gothiam, quo tempore Romanorum Sylla potitus est principatum. Quem Dicineum suscipiens Buruista dedit ei pene regiam potestatem; cuius consilio Gothi Germanorum terras, quas nunc Franci optinent, populati sunt. 68 Caesar vero, qui sibi primus omnium Romanum vindicavit imperium et pene omnem mundum suae dicioni subegit omniaque regna perdomuit, adeo ut extra nostro urbe in oceani sinu repositas insulas occuparet, et nec nomen Romanorum auditu qui noverant, eos Romanis tributarios faceret, Gothos tamen crebro pertemptans nequivit subicere.

11.67 Thereafter, with Buruista reigning over the Goths, Dicineus came into Gothia, at which time Sulla of the Romans obtained the principate. Receiving this Dicineus, Buruista gave to him almost royal power; by whose counsel the Goths devastated the lands of the Germans, which the Franks now hold. 68 Caesar indeed, who first of all claimed for himself the Roman imperium and brought almost the whole world under his dominion and completely subdued all kingdoms, to such a degree that he occupied islands set in the bosom of the ocean beyond our city, and made tributary to the Romans those who had not even known the name of the Romans by hearing, yet, though frequently assailing the Goths, was not able to subdue them.

Gaius Tiberius iam tertius regnat Romanis: Gothi tamen suo regno incolume perseverant. 69 Quibus hoc erat salubre, hoc adcommodum, hoc votivum, ut, quidquid Dicineus eorum consiliarius precepisset, hoc modis omnibus expetendum, hoc utile iudicantes, effectui manciparent. Qui cernens eorum animos sibi in omnibus oboedire et naturalem eos habere ingenium, omnem pene phylosophiam eos instruxit: erat namque huius rei magister peritus.

Gaius Tiberius now as the third reigns over the Romans: the Goths, however, persevere with their own kingdom unscathed. 69 For whom this was salubrious, this accommodious, this devoutly wished, that whatever Dicineus, their counselor, had enjoined, judging this by all means to be sought after, this useful, they should deliver to effect. He, discerning their spirits to obey him in all things and that they had a natural ingenium, instructed them in almost all philosophy: for he was a skilled master of this matter.

Nam ethicam eos erudiens barbaricos mores conpescuit; fysicam tradens naturaliter propriis legibus vivere fecit, quas usque nunc conscriptas belagines nuncupant; logicam instruens rationis eos supra ceteras gentes fecit expertes; practicen ostendens in bonis actibus conversare suasit; theoreticen demonstrans signorum duodecem et per ea planetarum cursus omnemque astronomiam contemplari edocuit, et quomodo lunaris urbis augmentum sustinet aut patitur detrimentum, edixit, solisque globum igneum quantum terreno orbe in mensura excedat, ostendit, aut quibus nominibus vel quibus signis in polo caeli vergente et revergente trecentae quadraginta et sex stellae ab ortu in occasu precipites ruant, exposuit. 70 Qualis erat, rogo, voluptas, ut viri fortissimi, quando ab armis quantolumcumque vacassent, doctrinis philosophicis inbuebantur? Videris unum caeli positionem, alium herbarum fruticumque explorare naturas, istum lunae commoda incommodaque, illum solis labores adtendere et quomodo rotatu caeli raptos retro reduci ad partem occiduam, qui ad orientalem plagam ire festinant, ratione accepta quiescere.

For, educating them in ethics, he restrained barbaric mores; transmitting physics, he made them live naturally by proper laws, which up to now they call the Belagines, written down; instructing them in logic, he made them, in reasoning, more expert than other gentes; showing the practic, he urged them to conduct themselves in good acts; demonstrating the theoretic, he taught them to contemplate the twelve signs and through them the courses of the planets and all astronomy, and he declared how the lunar orb sustains augmentation or suffers detriment, and he showed how the fiery globe of the sun exceeds the earthly orb in measure, and he expounded by what names and by what signs, as the pole of the sky inclines and re-inclines, three hundred forty-six stars rush headlong from rising into setting. 70 What, I ask, was the delight, that the most brave men, whenever they had been free from arms ever so little, were imbued with philosophical doctrines? You might see one studying the position of the sky, another exploring the natures of herbs and shrubs, this man the benefits and detriments of the moon, that one attending to the labors of the sun—and how, by the rotation of the heaven, those who hasten to go to the eastern region are snatched back and brought again to the western part, the reason once grasped, to be at rest.

71 Haec et alia nonnulla Dicineus Gothis sua peritia tradens mirabilis apud eos enituit, ut non solu mediocribus, immo et regibus imperaret. Elegit namque ex eis tunc nobilissimos prudentioresque viros, quos theologiam instruens, numina quaedam et sacella venerare suasit fecitque sacerdotes, nomen illis pilleatorum contradens, ut reor, quia opertis capitibus tyaris, quos pilleos alio nomine nuncupamus, litabant: 72 reliquam vero gentem capillatos dicere iussit, quod nomen Gothi pro magno suscipientes adhuc odie suis cantionibus reminiscent.

71 These things and some others Dicineus, handing on to the Goths by his expertise, shone forth as marvelous among them, so that he commanded not only the middling, nay even the kings. For he chose from among them at that time the most noble and more prudent men, whom, instructing in theology, he persuaded to venerate certain numina (divinities) and little shrines, and he made them priests, assigning to them the name Pilleati, as I reckon, because, with their heads covered with tiaras—which by another name we call pilei (caps)—they offered sacrifice: 72 but the rest of the people he ordered to be called Capillati, which name the Goths, receiving it as something great, even today recall in their songs.

XII.73 Decedente vero Dicineo pene pari veneratione habuerunt Comosicum, quia nec inpar erat sollertiae. Hic etenim et rex illis et pontifex ob suam peritiam habebatur et in summa iustitia populos iudicabat.

12.73 With Dicineus departing, they held Comosicus in almost equal veneration, because he was not unequal in skill. For he was regarded by them both as king and as pontiff on account of his expertise, and he judged the peoples with the utmost justice.

Et hoc rebus excedente humanis Coryllus rex Gothorum in regno conscendit et per quadraginta annos in Dacia suis gentibus imperavit. Daciam dico antiquam, quam nunc Gepidarum populi possidere noscuntur. 74 Quae patria in conspectu Moesiae sita trans Danubium corona montium cingitur, duos tantum habens accessus, unum per Boutas, alterum per Tapas.

And when he too departed from human affairs, Coryllus, king of the Goths, ascended the throne and for forty years in Dacia ruled his peoples. I mean ancient Dacia, which now the peoples of the Gepidae are known to possess. 74 Which fatherland, situated in the sight of Moesia across the Danube, is encircled by a crown of mountains, having only two approaches, one through Boutas, the other through Tapas.

Haec Gotia, quam Daciam appellavere maiores, quae nunc, ut diximus, Gepidia dicitur, tunc ab oriente Aroxolani, ab occasu Iazyges, a septentrione Sarmatae et Basternae, a meridiae amnis Danubii terminabant. Nam Iazyges ab Aroxolanis Aluta tantum fluvio segregantur. 75 Et quia Danubii mentio facta est, non ab re iudico pauca de tali amne egregio indicare.

This Gothia, which the elders called Dacia, which now, as we have said, is called Gepidia, then on the east by the Aroxolani, on the west by the Iazyges, on the north by the Sarmatians and the Basternae, on the south by the river Danube, was bounded. For the Iazyges are separated from the Aroxolani only by the river Aluta. 75 And since mention of the Danube has been made, I judge it not out of place to indicate a few things about such an excellent river.

Nam hic in Alamannicis arvis exoriens sexaginta a fonte suo usque ad ostia in Ponto mergentia per mille ducentorum passuum milia hinc inde suscipiens flumina in modum spinae, quem costas ut cratem intexunt, omnino amplissimus est. Qui lingua Bessorum Hister vocatur, ducentis tantum pedibus in altum aquam in alveo habet profundam. Hic etenim amnis inter cetera flumina in magnum omnes superans praeter Nilum.

For this one, rising in the Alamannic fields, from its source up to the mouths sinking into the Pontus, through 1,200 miles, receiving rivers on either side, 60 in number, in the manner of a spine whose ribs interweave it like a lattice, is altogether most ample. It is called Hister in the tongue of the Bessi, and it has in its channel water deep to only 200 feet. For this river, among the other rivers, surpasses all in greatness except the Nile.

Haec de Danubio dixisse sufficiat. Ad propositum vero, unde nos digressimus, iubante domino redeamus.

Let it suffice to have said these things about the Danube. But to the proposition, from which we have digressed, at the Lord's bidding, let us return.

XIII.76 Longum namque post intervallum Domitiano imperatore regnante eiusque avaritiam metuentes foedus, quod dudum cum aliis principibus pepigerant, Gothi solventes, ripam Danubii iam longe possessam ab imperio Romano deletis militibus cum eorum ducibus vastaverunt. Cui provinciae tunc post Agrippam Oppius praeerat Savinus, Gothis autem Dorpaneus principatum agebat, quando bello commisso Gothi, Romanos devictos, Oppii Savini caput abscisum, multa castella et civitates invadentes de parte imperatoris publice depraedarunt.

13.76 For after a long interval, while the emperor Domitian was reigning, and fearing his avarice, the Goths, dissolving the treaty which long before they had concluded with other emperors, ravaged the bank of the Danube, long possessed by the Roman Empire, the soldiers with their leaders having been slain. The province to which Oppius Savinus then, after Agrippa, presided; but among the Goths Dorpaneus was exercising the leadership, when, war having been joined, the Goths, the Romans being defeated, with the head of Oppius Savinus cut off, invading many forts and cities, openly plundered what belonged to the emperor.

77 Qua necessitate suorum Domitianus cum omni virtute sua Illyricum properavit et totius pene rei publicae militibus ductore Fusco praelato cum lectissimis viris amnem Danubii consertis navibus ad instar pontis transmeare coegit super exercitum Dorpanei. 78 Tum Gothi haut segnes reperti arma capessunt primoque conflictu mox Romanos devincunt, Fuscoque duce extincto divitias de castris militum spoliant magnaque potiti per loca victoria iam proceres suos, quorum quasi fortuna vincebant, non puros homines, sed semideos id est Ansis vocaverunt. Quorum genealogia ut paucis percurram vel quis quo parente genitus est aut unde origo coepta, ubi finem effecit, absque invidia, qui legis, vera dicentem ausculta.

77 By this necessity of his own, Domitian hastened with all his prowess to Illyricum, and, with Fuscus set in command over almost the entire Republic’s soldiery together with the most select men, he compelled the Danube river—boats fastened together in the likeness of a bridge—to be crossed over against the army of Dorpaneus. 78 Then the Goths, found anything but sluggish, take up arms, and in the first encounter soon vanquish the Romans; and with Fuscus the leader slain, they despoil the soldiers’ camp of its riches; and, having gained a great victory throughout those regions, they now called their nobles—by whose fortune, as it were, they were conquering—not mere men, but demigods, that is, Anses. The genealogy of whom, that I may run through it briefly—who was begotten from which parent, and whence the origin began, where it made an end—without ill-will, you who read, hearken to one speaking truth.

XIV.79 Horum ergo heroum, ut ipsi suis in fabulis referunt, primus fuit Gapt, qui genuit Hulmul. Hulmul vero genuit Augis: at Augis genuit eum, qui dictus est Amal, a quo et origo Amalorum decurrit: qui Amal genuit Hisarna: Hisarnis autem genuit Ostrogotha: Ostrogotha autem genuit Hunuil: Hunuil item genuit Athal: Athal genuit Achiulf et Oduulf: Achiulf autem genuit Ansila et Ediulf, Vultuulf et Hermenerig: Vultuulf vero genuit Valaravans: Valaravans autem genuit Vinitharium: Vinitharius quoque genuit Vandiliarium: 80 Vandalarius genuit Thiudemer et Valamir et Vidimir: Thiudimir genuit Theodericum: Theodericus genuit Amalasuentham: Amalasuentha genuit Athalaricum et Matesuentham de Eutharico viro suo, cuius affinitas generis sic ad eam coniuncta est.

CHAPTER 14. 79 Of these heroes, therefore, as they themselves relate in their own fables, the first was Gapt, who begot Hulmul. Hulmul indeed begot Augis: but Augis begot him who was called Amal, from whom also the origin of the Amals descends: this Amal begot Hisarna: and Hisarna begot Ostrogotha: but Ostrogotha begot Hunuil: Hunuil likewise begot Athal: Athal begot Achiulf and Oduulf: but Achiulf begot Ansila and Ediulf, Vultuulf and Hermenerig: Vultuulf in truth begot Valaravans: but Valaravans begot Vinitharius: Vinitharius also begot Vandalarius: 80 Vandalarius begot Thiudemer and Valamir and Vidimir: Thiudimer begot Theoderic: Theoderic begot Amalasuentha: Amalasuentha begot Athalaric and Matesuentha by her husband Eutharic, whose affinity of lineage was thus joined to her.

81 Nam supra dictus Hermanaricus, filius Achiulf, genuit Hunimundum: Hunimundus autem genuit Thorismundo: Thorismund vero genuit Berimud: Berimud autem genuit Vetericum: Vetericus item genuit Eutharicum, qui coniunctus Amalasuinthae genuit Athalaricum et Mathesuentam, mortuoque in puerilibus annis Athalarico Mathesuenthae Vitigis est copulatus, de quo non suscepit liberum; adductique simul a Belesario Constantinopolim: et Vitigis rebus excedente humanis Germanus patricius fratruelis Iustiniani imp. eam in conubio sumens patriciam ordinariam fecit; de qua et genuit filium item Germanum nomine. Germano vero defuncto ipsa vidua perseverare disponit.

81 For the above-mentioned Hermanaric, son of Achiulf, begot Hunimund: and Hunimund begot Thorismund: but Thorismund begot Berimud: and Berimud begot Veteric: and Veteric likewise begot Eutharic, who, joined to Amalasuintha, begot Athalaric and Mathesuenta, and with Athalaric having died in boyish years, Mathesuenta was joined to Vitigis, from whom she did not conceive a child; and they both were led together by Belisarius to Constantinople: and with Vitigis departing from human affairs, Germanus the patrician, the cousin of Emperor Justinian, taking her in marriage, made her a regular patrician; and by her he also begot a son likewise by the name Germanus. But with Germanus dead, she resolved to persevere as a widow.

Quomodo autem aut qualiter regnum Amalorum distructum est, loco suo, si dominus iubaverit, edicimus.

How, moreover, or in what manner the kingdom of the Amals was destroyed, we shall set forth in its proper place, if the Lord so bids.

82 Nunc autem ad id, unde digressum fecimus, redeamus doceamusque, quomodo ordo gentis, unde agimus, cursus sui metam explevit. Ablabius enim storicus refert, quia ibi super limbum Ponti, ubi eos diximus in Scythia commanere, ibi pars eorum, qui orientali plaga tenebat, eisque praeerat Ostrogotha, utrum ab ipsius nomine, an a loco, id est orientales, dicti sunt Ostrogothae, residui vero Vesegothae, id est a parte occidua.

82 Now, however, let us return to that whence we made a digression, and let us teach how the order of the nation, about which we are dealing, fulfilled the goal of its course. For Ablabius the historian reports that there, upon the margin of the Pontus, where we said they dwell in Scythia, there a part of them which held the eastern region, and over whom Ostrogotha presided—whether from his own name, or from the place, that is, orientals—were called the Ostrogoths; the remainder truly the Vesegoths, that is, from the occidental part.

XV.83 Et quia iam superius diximus eos transito Danubio aliquantum temporis in Mysiam Thraciamque vixisse, ex eorum reliquiis fuit et Maximinus imp. post Alexandrum Mamaeae. Nam, ut dicit Symmachus in quinto suae historiae libro, Maximinus, inquiens, Caesar mortuo Alexandro ab exercitu effectus est imp., ex infimis parentibus in Thracia natus, a patre Gotho nomine Micca, matre Halana, quae Ababa dicebatur.

15.83 And since we have already said above that, with the Danube crossed, they lived for some time in Moesia and Thrace, from their remnants there was also Maximinus, emperor, after Alexander, the son of Mamaea. For, as Symmachus says in the fifth book of his History: “Maximinus,” he says, “with Alexander dead, was made emperor by the army, born in Thrace from the lowest parents, by a father a Goth named Micca, [and] by a mother an Alan woman, who was called Ababa.”

Is triennio regnans, dum in Christianos arma commoveret, imperium simul et vitam amisit. 84 Nam hic Severo imp. regnante et natalis die filii celebrante, post prima aetate et rusticana vita de pascuis in militiam venit.

He, reigning for three years, while he was raising arms against the Christians, lost his empire and his life at the same time. 84 For this man, with Severus the emperor reigning and celebrating the birthday of his son, after an early and rustic life, came from the pastures into military service.

Princeps si quidem militares dederat ludos; quod cernens Maximinus, quamvis semibarbarus aduliscens, propositis praemiis patria lingua petit ab imperatore, ut sibi luctandi cum expertis militibus licentiam daret. 85 Severus, ammodum miratus magnitudinem formae – erat enim, ut fertur, statura eius procera ultra octo pedes – iussit eum lixis corporis nexu contendere, ne quid a rudi homine militaribus viris eveniret iniuriae. Tum Maximinus sedecim lixas tanta felicitate prostravit, ut vincendo singulos nullam sibi requiem per intercapidinem temporis daret.

The princeps, to be sure, had given military games; seeing this, Maximinus, although a semi‑barbarous adolescent, with prizes set forth, in his native tongue asks from the emperor that he grant him license to wrestle with experienced soldiers. 85 Severus, very much amazed at the greatness of his form—for he was, as it is said, of towering stature beyond 8 feet—ordered him to contend with camp‑followers in a bodily grappling, lest any injury should befall military men from a raw man. Then Maximinus laid low sixteen camp‑followers with such felicity that, conquering them one by one, he allowed himself no rest in the interval of time.

Hic captis praemiis iussus in militiam mitti, primaque ei stipendia equestria fuere. Tertia post haec die, cum imperator prodiret ad campum, vidit eum exultantem more barbarico iussitque tribuno, ut eum cohercitum ad Romanam inbueret disciplinam. Ille vero, ubi de se intellexit principem loqui, accessit ad eum equitantemque praeire pedibus coepit.

Here, with the prizes taken, he was ordered to be sent into military service, and his first stipends were equestrian. On the third day after this, when the emperor went out to the field, he saw him leaping in barbaric fashion and ordered the tribune to restrain him and imbue him with Roman discipline. But he, when he understood that the emperor was speaking about him, approached him and began to go before him on foot while he was riding.

86 Tum imperator equo ad lentum cursum calcaribus incitato multos urbes huc atque illuc usque ad suam defatigationem variis deflexibus impedivit ac deinde ait illi: 'Num quid vis post cursum, Thracisce, luctare?' Respondit: 'Quantum libet, imperator'. Ita Severus, ex equo desiliens, recentissimos militum cum eo decertari iussit. At ille septem valentissimos iuvenes ad terram elisit, ita ut antea nihil per intervalla respiraret, solusque a Caesare et argenteis praemiis et aureo torque donatus est; iussus deinde inter stipatores degere corporis principalis. 87 Post haec sub Antonino Caracalla ordines duxit ac saepe famam factis extendens plures militiae grados centuriatumque strenuitatis suae praetium tulit.

86 Then the emperor, his horse urged with spurs to a slow course, put him through many circuits here and there with various turnings, up to his own fatigue, and then said to him: 'Do you perhaps wish, after the run, Thracian, to wrestle?' He replied: 'As much as you please, emperor.' Thus Severus, leaping down from his horse, ordered the freshest of the soldiers to contend with him. But he dashed seven most puissant youths to the ground, in such a way that, as before, he took no rest to breathe in the intervals; and he alone was presented by Caesar with silver prizes and with a golden torque; then he was ordered to live among the bodyguards of the imperial person. 87 After these things, under Antoninus Caracalla he led ranks, and often, extending his fame by deeds, he carried off several grades of military service and the centurionship as the reward of his strenuousness.

Macrino tamen postea in regno ingresso recusavit militiam pene triennio, tribunatusque habens honore numquam se oculis Macrini optulit, indignum ducens eius imperium, qui perpetrato facinus fuerat adquisitum. 88 Ad Eliogabalum dehinc quasi ad Antonini filium revertens tribunatum suum adiit et post hunc sub Alexandrum Mamaeae contra Parthos mirabiliter dimicavit. Eoque Mogontiaco militari tumulto occiso ipse exercitus electione absque senatus consultu effectus est imperator, qui cuncta bona sua in persecutione Christianorum malo voto foedavit, occisusque Aquileia a Puppione, regnum reliquid Philippo.

Nevertheless, after Macrinus had thereafter entered upon the kingship, he refused military service for nearly three years; and, holding the tribunate as an honor, he never presented himself to the eyes of Macrinus, deeming unworthy the imperium which had been acquired by the perpetration of a crime. 88 Thereafter, returning to Heliogabalus as if to the son of Antoninus, he entered upon his tribunate, and after this, under Alexander, son of Mamaea, he fought marvelously against the Parthians. And when he was slain at Mogontiacum in a military tumult, he himself was made emperor by the choice of the army without a senatorial decree, and he befouled all his good qualities by an evil vow in the persecution of the Christians; and, slain at Aquileia by Pupienus, he left the rule to Philip.

Quod nos idcirco huic nostro opusculo de Symmachi hystoria mutuavimus, quatenus gentem, unde agimus, ostenderemus ad regni Romani fastigium usque venisse. Ceterum causa exegit, ad id, unde digressimus, ordine redeamus.

For which reason we have borrowed this for our little opus from the history of Symmachus, inasmuch as we might show that the nation about which we are treating has come even to the fastigium of the Roman realm. Besides, the matter has required that we return in order to that from which we have digressed.

XVI.89 Nam gens ista mirum in modum in ea parte, qua versabatur, id est Ponti in litore Scythiae soli, enituit, sine dubio tanta spatia tenens terrarum, tot sinos maris, tot fluminum cursus, sub cuius saepe dextera Vandalus iacuit, stetit sub praetio Marcomannus, Quadorum principes in servitute redacti sunt. Philippo namque ante dicto regnante Romanis, qui solus ante Constantinum Christianus cum Philippo idem filio fuit, cuius et secundo anno regni Roma millesimum annum explevit, Gothi, ut adsolet, subtracta sibi stipendia sua aegre ferentes, de amicis effecti sunt inimici.

16.89 For that nation in a wondrous manner in that region where it was active, that is, on the shore of Pontus on the soil of Scythia, shone forth, without doubt holding such expanses of lands, so many bays of the sea, so many courses of rivers, under whose right hand the Vandal often lay prostrate, the Marcomann stood under a price (ransom), the princes of the Quadi were reduced into servitude. For when the afore-mentioned Philip was ruling the Romans—who alone before Constantine was a Christian, together with Philip his son of the same name—and in the second year of whose reign Rome completed its 1000th year, the Goths, as is wont, resenting that their stipends had been withdrawn from them, were made from friends into enemies.

Nam quamvis remoti sub regibus viverent suis, rei publicae tamen Romanae foederati erant et annua munera percipiebant. 90 Quid multa? Transiens tunc Ostrogotha cum suis Danubio Moesiam Thraciasque vastavit.

Although they lived remote under their own kings, nevertheless they were federates of the Roman commonwealth and received annual gifts. 90 In short, then, Ostrogotha, crossing the Danube with his men, devastated Moesia and Thrace.

Ad quem rebellandum Decius senator a Philippo dirigitur. Qui veniens dum Getis nihil praevalet, milites proprios exemptos a militia fecit vitae privatae degi, quasi eorum neglectu Gothi Danubium transfretassent, factaque ut puta in suis vindicta ad Philippnm revertitvr. Milites vero videntes se post tot labores militia pulsos, indignati ad Ostrogothae regis Gothorum auxilium confugerunt.

Against whom to make war Decius, a senator, is dispatched by Philip. Coming, while he prevails nothing against the Getae, he caused his own soldiers, exempted from the militia, to pass their lives in private life, as though by their neglect the Goths had crossed the Danube; and, the vengeance, so to speak, having been inflicted upon his own men, he returns to Philip. But the soldiers, seeing themselves, after so many labors, driven from the militia, indignant, fled for aid to Ostrogotha, king of the Goths.

91 Qui excipiens eos eorumque verbis accensus mox tricenta milia suorum armata produxit ad bellum adhibitis sibi Taifalis et Astringis nonnullis, sed et Carporum trea milia, genus hominum ad bella nimis expeditum, qui saepe fuere Romanis infesti; quos tamen post haec imperante Dioclitiano et Maximiano Galerius Maximinus Caesar devicit et rei publicae Romanae subegit. His ergo addens Gothos et Peucinos ab insula Peucis, quae in ostia Danubii Ponto mergentia iacet, Argaithum et Gunthericum nobilissimos suae gentis doctores praefecit. 92 Qui mox Danubium vadati et de secundo Moesiam populati, Marcianopolim eiusdem patriae urbem famosam metropolim adgrediuntur, diuque obsessam accepta pecunia ab his qui inerant reliquerunt.

91 He, receiving them and inflamed by their words, soon led forth three hundred thousand of his own men armed to war, with several Taifali and Astringi attached to him, and also three thousand of the Carpi, a race of men exceedingly ready for wars, who were often hostile to the Romans; whom, however, after these things, with Diocletian and Maximian reigning, Galerius Maximinus Caesar defeated and subdued to the Roman commonwealth. To these therefore adding Goths and Peucini from the island Peuce, which lies at the mouths of the Danube, sinking into the Pontus, he set over them Argaithus and Guntheric, most noble leaders of his nation. 92 Who soon forded the Danube and, for the second time, ravaged Moesia, and they approach Marcianopolis, a famed metropolis city of that same country, and, after it had been long besieged, upon money being received from those who were inside, they left it.

93 Et quia Marcianopolim nominavimus, libet aliqua de eius situ breviter intimare. Nam hanc urbem Traianus imperator hac re, ut fertur, aedificavit, eo quod Marciae sororis suae puella, dum lavat in flumine illo qui nimii limpiditatis saporisque in media urbe oritur Potami cognomento, exindeque vellit aquam haurire, casu vas aureum quod ferebat in profundum decidit, metalli pondere praegravatum longeque post ab imis emersit; quod certe non erat usitatum aut vacuum sorberi aut certe semel voratum undis respuentibus enatare. His Traianus sub admiratione conpertis fontique numinis quoddam inesse credens conditam civitatem germanae suae in nomine Marcianopolim nuncupavit.

93 And since we have named Marcianopolis, it pleases us briefly to intimate some things about its site. For this city the emperor Trajan, on this account, as it is said, built: because a girl of his sister Marcia, while she was washing in that river which, of excessive limpidity and savor, rises in the middle of the city, by the cognomen “Potamus,” and from there wished to draw water, by chance let fall into the deep the golden vessel which she was carrying, weighed down by the weight of the metal, and long after it surfaced from the depths; which certainly was not customary either for a hollow thing to be gulped down, or, once swallowed, to swim up with the waves spitting it back. These things discovered in amazement by Trajan, and believing that a certain numen inhered in the spring, he named the founded city in the name of his sister Marcianopolis.

XVII.94 Abhinc ergo, ut dicebamus, post longam obsidionem accepto praemio ditatus Geta recessit ad propria. Quem cernens Gepidarum natio subito ubique vincentem praedisque ditatum, invidia ductus arma in parentibus movit.

17.94 Therefore from this point, as we were saying, after a long siege, having received the reward, Geta, enriched, withdrew to his own. Seeing him—the nation of the Gepidae—suddenly conquering everywhere and enriched with plunder, led by envy, raised arms against their parents.

Quomodo vero Getae Gepidasque sint parentes si quaeris, paucis absolvam. Meminisse debes me in initio de Scandzae insulae gremio Gothos dixisse egressos cum Berich rege suo, tribus tantum navibus vectos ad ripam Oceani citerioris, id est Gothiscandza. 95 Quarum trium una navis, ut adsolet, tardior nancta nomen genti fertur dedisse; nam lingua eorum pigra gepanta dicitur.

But how indeed the Getae and the Gepidae are kin, if you ask, I will settle in a few words. You ought to remember that at the beginning I said that the Goths went forth from the bosom of the island of Scandza with their king Berich, carried in only three ships to the shore of the nearer Ocean, that is, Gothiscandza. 95 Of these three, one ship, as often happens, being slower is said to have given the name to the people; for in their tongue “gepanta” is called “sluggish.”

Hinc factum est, ut paulatim et corruptae nomen eis ex convicio nasceretur Gepidas. Nam sine dubio ex Gothorum prosapie et hi trahent originem; sed quia, ut dixi, gepanta pigrum aliquid tardumque designat, pro gratuito convicio Gepidarum nomen exortum est, quod nec ipsud credo falsissimum: sunt etenim tardioris ingenii et graviores corporum velocitate. 96 Hi ergo Gepidae tacti invidia, dum Spesis provincia commanerent in insulam Visclae amnis vadibus circumactam, quam patrio sermone dicebant Gepedoios.

Hence it came about that little by little even a corrupted name for them sprang from a jeer: “Gepids.” For without doubt even these draw their origin from the stock of the Goths; but because, as I said, gepanta designates something sluggish and slow, the name of the Gepids arose as a gratuitous insult—which I do not even think wholly false: for they are indeed of somewhat slower wit and heavier in the speed of their bodies. 96 These Gepids, therefore, stung by envy, while they were dwelling in the province of Spesis, in an island encircled by the shallows of the river Vistula, which in their native speech they called Gepedoios.

Nunc eam, ut fertur, insulam gens Vividaria incolit ipsis ad meliores terras meantibus. Qui Vividarii ex diversis nationibus ac si in unum asylum collecti sunt et gentem fecisse noscantur. 97 Ergo, ut dicebamus, Gepidarum rex Fastida quietam gentem excitans patrios fines per arma dilatavit.

Now that island, as it is said, the Vividarian tribe inhabits, as they themselves are going toward better lands. These Vividarians are known to have been collected from diverse nations as if into one asylum and to have made a people. 97 Therefore, as we were saying, Fastida, king of the Gepids, rousing the quiet nation, enlarged the ancestral frontiers by arms.

Nam Burgundzones pene usque ad internicionem delevit aliasque nonnullas gentes perdomuit. Gothos quoque male provocans consanguinitatis foedus prius inportuna concertatione violavit superba admodum elatione iactatus, crescenti populo dum terras coepit addere, incolas patrios reddidit rariores. 98 Is ergo missis legatis ad Ostrogotham, cuius adhuc imperio tam Ostrogothae quam Vesegothae, id est utrique eiusdem gentes populi, subiacebant, inclusum se montium quaeritans asperitate silvarumque densitate constrictum, unum poscens e duobus, ut aut bellum sibi aut locorum suorum spatia praepararet.

For he destroyed the Burgundians nearly unto extermination and thoroughly subdued several other peoples. Also, by ill-provoking the Goths, he earlier violated the pact of consanguinity by an inopportune contestation; puffed up with very proud elation, as he began to add lands to his growing people, he rendered the native inhabitants more sparse. 98 He therefore, having sent envoys to Ostrogotha, under whose command up to that time both the Ostrogoths and the Visigoths—that is, both peoples of the same nation—were subject, complaining that he was enclosed by the harshness of the mountains and constrained by the density of the forests, demanded one of two things: that he should prepare either war for him or an enlargement of the spaces of his own lands.

99 Tunc Ostrogotha rex Gothorum ut erat solidi animi, respondit legatis bellum se quidem talem horrere durumque fore et omnino scelestum armis confligere cum propinquis, loca vero non cedere. Quid multa? Gepidas in bella inruunt, contra quos, ne minor iudicaretur, movit et Ostrogotha procinctum, conveniuntque ad oppidum Galtis, iuxta quod currit fluvius Auha, ibique magna partium virtute certatum est, quippe quos in se et armorum et pugnandi similitudo commoverat; sed causa melior vivacitasque ingenii iubit Gothos.

99 Then Ostrogotha, king of the Goths, as he was of solid mind, replied to the envoys that he indeed shuddered at such a war and that it would be hard and altogether wicked to conflict with arms against kinsmen, but that he would not yield the places (territory). Why say more? The Gepids rush into war, against whom, lest he be judged the lesser, Ostrogotha too set the battle-array in motion, and they come together at the town Galtis, near which runs the river Auha, and there it was contested with great valor on both sides, since the likeness both of their arms and of their way of fighting had stirred them against each other; but the better cause and the vivacity of ingenuity favored the Goths.

100 Inclinata denique parte Gepidarum proelium nox diremit. Tunc relicta suorum strage Fastida rex Gepidarum properavit ad patriam, tam pudendis obprobriis humiliatus, quam fuerat elationis erectus. Redeunt victores Gothi Gepidarum discessione contenti, suaque in patria feliciter in pace versantur, usque dum eorum praevius existeret Ostrogotha.

100 With the side of the Gepids at length giving way, night sundered the battle. Then, leaving behind the slaughter of his own men, Fastida, king of the Gepids, hastened to his fatherland, as much humiliated by shameful opprobrium as he had been elevated by elation. The Goths return as victors, content with the withdrawal of the Gepids, and they lived happily in peace in their own homeland, so long as Ostrogotha stood forth as their guide.

XVIII.101 Pos cuius decessum Cniva, exercitum dividens in duas partes, nonnullos ad vastandum Moesiam dirigit, sciens eam neglegentibus principibus defensoribus destitutam; ipse vero cum lxx milibus ad Eusciam, id est Novas conscendit. Vnde a Gallo duce remotus Nicopolim accedit, quae iuxta Iatrum fluvium est constituta notissima; quam devictis Sarmatis Traianus et fabricavit et appellavit Victoriae civitatem.

18.101 After whose decease Cniva, dividing the army into two parts, directs some to lay waste to Moesia, knowing that it, with the princes negligent, was left destitute of defenders; but he himself with 70,000 made for Euscia, that is, Novae. Whence, driven off by the leader Gallus, he approaches Nicopolis, which is established next to the Iatrum river, very famous; which, the Sarmatians having been conquered, Trajan both constructed and named the City of Victory.

Vbi Decio superveniente imperatore tandem Cniva in Hemi partibus, quae non longe aberant, recessit, unde apparatu disposito Philippopolim ire festinans. 102 Cuius secessu Decius imperator cognoscens et ipsius urbis ferre subsidium gestiens iugum Hemi montis transacto ad Beroam venit. Ibique dum equos exercitumque lassum refoveret, ilico Cniva cum Gothis in modum fulminis ruit, vastatoque Romano exercitu imperatorem cum pauculis, qui fugere quiverant, ad Eusciam rursus trans Alpes in Mysia proturbavit, ubi tunc Gallus dux limitis cum plurima manu bellantium morabatur; collectoque tam exinde quam de Vsco exercitu, futuri belli se parat in aciae.

When the emperor Decius supervened, at length Cniva withdrew into the parts of Haemus, which were not far away, whence, with his apparatus set in order, he hastened to go to Philippopolis. 102 With his withdrawal, the emperor Decius, learning of it and eager to bring relief to that city itself, after crossing the yoke of Mount Haemus came to Beroea. And there, while he was refreshing the horses and the wearied army, straightway Cniva with the Goths rushed like a thunderbolt, and, the Roman army laid waste, drove the emperor with a few who had been able to flee back to Euscia, across the Alps again into Moesia, where at that time Gallus, dux of the frontier, was lingering with a very numerous band of fighting men; and, having gathered an army both from there and from Oescus, he prepares himself for the future war in battle array.

103 Cniva vero diu obsessam invadit Philippopolim praedaque potitus Prisco duce qui inerat sibi foederavit quasi cum Decio pugnaturum. Venientesque ad conflictum ilico Decii filium sagitta saucium crudeli funere confodiunt. Quod pater animadvertens licet ad confortandos animos militum fertur dixisse: 'Nemo tristetur: perditio unius militis non est rei publicae deminutio', tamen, paterno affectu non ferens, hostes invadit, aut mortem aut ultionem fili exposcens, veniensque ad Abritto Moesiae civitatem circumseptus a Gothis et ipse extinguitur imperii finem vitaeque terminum faciens.

103 But Cniva assaults Philippopolis, long besieged, and, having gotten booty, he made a league with Priscus, the leader who was inside, as if going to fight with Decius. And coming to the clash, immediately they run through Decius’s son, wounded by an arrow, to a cruel death. Which the father noticing, although for the purpose of heartening the soldiers’ spirits he is reported to have said: 'Let no one be sad: the loss of one soldier is not a diminution of the commonwealth', nevertheless, not bearing it in paternal affection, he attacks the enemies, demanding either death or the avenging of his son; and coming to Abritto, a city of Moesia, surrounded by the Goths he too is extinguished, bringing an end to his reign and setting a term to his life.

Qui locus hodieque Decii ara dicitur, eo quod ibi ante pugnam mirabiliter idolis immolasset.

Which place even today is called the Altar of Decius, because there, before the battle, he had marvelously immolated to idols.

XIX.104 Defuncto tunc Decio Gallus et Volusianus regnum potiti sunt Romanorum, quando et pestilens morbus, pene istius necessitatis consimilis. quod nos ante hos novem annos experti sumus, faciem totius orbis foedavit, supra modum tamen Alexandriam totiusque Aegypti loca devastans, Dionysio storico super hanc cladem lacrimaviliter exponente, quod et noster conscribit venerabilis martyr Christi et episcopus Cyprianus in libro, cuius titulus est 'de mortalitate'. 105 Tunc et Emilianus quidam Gothis saepe ob principum neglegentiam Mysiam devastantibus, ut vidit licere nec a quoquam sine magno rei publicae dispendio removeri, similiter suae fortunae arbitratus posse venire, tyrannidem in Moesia arripuit omneque manu militari ascita coepit urbes et populos devastare.

XIX.104 Decius then having died, Gallus and Volusianus obtained the rule of the Romans, when also a pestilential disease, almost similar to this exigency—which we experienced before these by nine years—defiled the face of the whole world, beyond measure, however, devastating Alexandria and all the places of Egypt, Dionysius the historian setting it forth tearfully; and our venerable martyr of Christ and bishop Cyprian likewise records it in the book whose title is 'On Mortality'. 105 Then also a certain Aemilianus, with the Goths often laying waste Mysia through the negligence of the princes, when he saw that it was permitted and that they could not be removed by anyone without great loss to the commonwealth, similarly, having judged that such a lot could come to his own fortune, seized tyranny in Moesia and, with a military force enlisted, began to devastate cities and peoples.

Contra quem intra paucos menses dum multitudo apparatus adcresceret, non minimum incomodum rei publicae parturivit; qui tamen in ipso pene nefario conatus sui initio extinctus et vitam et imperium, quod inhiabat, amisit: 106 supra dicti vero Gallus et Volusianus imperatores, quamvis vix biennio in imperio perseverantes ab hac luce migrarunt, tamen ipsud biennium, quod affuerunt, ubique pacati, ubique regnaverunt gratiosi, praeter quod unum eorum fortunae reputatum est, id est generalis morbus, sed hoc ab imperitis et calumniatoribus, qui vitam solent aliorum dente maledico lacerare. Hi ergo mox imperio adepti sunt, foedus cum gente pepigerunt Gothorum. Et nec longo intervallo utrisque regibus occumbentibus Gallienus arripuit principatum.

Against him, within a few months, while a multitude of preparations was increasing, he brought forth no small inconvenience to the commonwealth; who, however, in almost the very beginning of his nefarious attempt, was extinguished and lost both the life and the imperium which he was gaping after: 106 but the aforesaid emperors Gallus and Volusianus, although scarcely persevering for two years in the imperium, departed from this light; nevertheless during that very biennium in which they were present, everywhere they were peaceable, everywhere they reigned graciously, except that one thing was imputed to their fortune, that is, the general disease—but this by the unskilled and the calumniators, who are accustomed to lacerate the life of others with a slanderous tooth. These therefore, as soon as they had obtained the imperium, struck a treaty with the nation of the Goths. And with no long interval, both rulers having succumbed, Gallienus seized the principate.

XX.107 Quod in omni lascivia resoluto Respa et Veduco Tharuaroque duces Gothorum sumptis navibus Asiam transierunt, fretum Ellispontiacum transvecti, ubi multas eius provinciae civitates populatas opinatissimum illud Ephesiae Dianae templum, quod dudum dixeramus Amazonas condidisse, igne succendunt. Partibusque Bithiniae delati Chalcedonam subverterunt, quam post Cornelius Abitus aliqua parte reparavit, quae hodieque, quamvis regiae urbis vicinitate congaudeat, signa tamen ruinarum suarum aliquanta ad indicium retinet posteritatis. 108 Hac ergo felicitate Gothi, qua intraverunt partibus Asiae, praedas spoliaque potiti, Hellispontiacum fretum retranseunt, vastantes itinere suo Troiam Iliumque, quae vix a bello illo Agamemnoniaco quantulum se reparantes rursus hostili mucrone deletae sunt.

20.107 And, with every restraint relaxed in all wantonness, Respa and Veduco and Tharuaro, leaders of the Goths, having taken ships crossed into Asia, having been carried across the Hellespontine strait, where, after many cities of that province had been ravaged, they set fire to that most renowned temple of Diana at Ephesus, which we said long ago the Amazons had founded. And being borne to the parts of Bithynia they overthrew Chalcedon, which afterward Cornelius Abitus in some part repaired, which even today, although it rejoices in the neighborhood of the royal city, nevertheless retains certain signs of its ruins as a token for posterity. 108 With the same felicity, therefore, with which the Goths had entered the parts of Asia, having gotten booty and spoil, they recross the Hellespontine strait, devastating on their march Troy and Ilium, which, scarcely repairing themselves ever so little from that Agamemnonian war, were again wiped out by the hostile blade.

Post Asiae ergo tale excidium Thracia eorum experta est feritatem. Nam ibi ad radices Emi montis et mari vicinam Anchialos civitatem adgressi mox adeunt, urbem, quam dudum Sardanaphalus, rex Parthorum, inter limbum maris et Emi radices locasset. 109 Ibi ergo multis feruntur mansisse diebus aquarum calidarum delectati lavacris, quae duodecimo miliario Anchialitanae civitatis sunt siti, ab imo suae fontis ignei scaturrientes, et inter reliqua totius mundi thermarum innumerabilium loca omnino precipua et ad sanitatem infirmorum efficacissima.

After such a destruction of Asia, therefore, Thrace experienced their ferocity. For there, at the roots of Mount Haemus and near the sea, having assaulted the city of Anchialos, they soon approach it, a city which long ago Sardanapalus, king of the Parthians, had placed between the hem of the sea and the roots of Haemus. 109 There therefore they are reported to have remained for many days, delighted by the baths of hot waters, which are situated at the twelfth milestone from the city of Anchialos, gushing up from the very depth of its fiery spring, and, among the remaining places of the whole world’s innumerable thermal baths, altogether most preeminent and most efficacious for the health of the infirm.

XXI.110 Exinde ergo ad proprias sedes regressi post haec a Maximiano imperatore rediguntur in auxilio Romanorum contra Parthos rogati, ubi omnino datis auxiliariis fideliter decertati sunt. Sed postquam Caesar Maximinus pene cum eorum solacia Narseum regem Persarum Saporis magni nepotem fugasset eiusque omnes opes simulque uxores et filios depraedasset Achillemque in Alexandria Dioclitianus superasset et Maximianus Herculius in Africa Quinquegentianos adtrivisset, pacem rei publicae nancti coeperunt quasi Gothos neglegere.

21.110 Thence therefore, having returned to their own seats, after this they are brought back by the emperor Maximian, having been asked into the aid of the Romans against the Parthians, where, auxiliaries having been supplied in full, they fought faithfully. But after Caesar Maximinus had almost, with their succor, put to flight Narseus, king of the Persians, grandson of great Sapor, and had plundered all his wealth and likewise his wives and sons; and Diocletian had overcome Achilleus in Alexandria, and Maximian Herculius had crushed the Quinquegentiani in Africa, having obtained peace for the commonwealth, they began, as it were, to neglect the Goths.

111 Nam sine ipsos dudum contra quasvis gentes Romanus exercitus difficile decertatus est. Apparet namque frequenter, quomodo invitabantur sic: ut et sub Constantino rogati sunt et contra cognatum eius Licinium arma tulerunt eumque devictum et in Thessalonica clausum privatum ab imperio Constantini victoris gladio trucidarunt. 112 Nam et ut famosissimam et Romae emulam in suo nomine conderet civitatem, Gothorum interfuit operatio, qui foedus inito cum imperatore quadraginta suorum milia illi in solacio contra gentes varias obtulere; quorum et numerus et militia usque ad praesens in re publica nominatur, id est foederati.

111 For without them the Roman army for a long time contended with difficulty against whatever nations. For it appears frequently how they were invited thus: even under Constantine they were requested, and they took up arms against his kinsman Licinius; and him, defeated and shut up in Thessalonica, deprived of the imperium, they slew by the sword of Constantine the victor. 112 For also, that he might found in his own name a most famous city and rival of Rome, the operation of the Goths had a share: who, a foedus having been entered with the emperor, offered forty thousand of their own to him in support against various nations; whose number and soldiery down to the present are named in the commonwealth, that is, the Foederati.

Tunc etenim sub Ariarici et Aorici regum suorum florebant imperio. Post quorum decessum successor regni extitit Geberich virtutis et nobilitatis eximius.

Then indeed, under Ariaric and Aoric, their kings, they flourished in empire. After whose decease, Geberic became successor of the kingdom, most distinguished in virtue and nobility.

XXII.113 Nam hic Hilderith patre natus, avo Ovida, proavo Nidada, gloriam generis sui factis illustribus exaequavit. Primitias regni sui mox in Vandalica gente extendere cupiens contra Visimar eorum rege qui Asdingorum stirpe, quod inter eos eminet genusque indicat bellicosissimum, Deuxippo storico referente, qui eos ab Oceano ad nostrum limitem vix in anni spatio pervenisse testatur prae nimia terrarum inmensitate.

22.113 For this man Hilderith, born of a father, with Ovida as grandfather and Nidada as great‑grandfather, equaled the glory of his lineage with illustrious deeds. Wishing soon to extend the first‑fruits of his reign among the Vandalic nation, against Visimar, their king, who was of the stock of the Asdingi—which among them stands out and indicates a most warlike race—Dexippus the historian reporting, who attests that they, from the Ocean to our frontier, scarcely in the space of a year arrived, on account of the excessive immensity of the lands.

Quo tempore erant in eo loco manentes, ubi nunc Gepidas sedent, iuxta flumina Marisia, Miliare et Gilpil et Grisia, qui omnes supra dictos excedet. 114 Erat namque illis tunc ab oriente Gothus, ab occidente Marcomanus, a septentrione Hermundolus, a meridie Histrum, qui et Danubius dicitur. Hic ergo Vandalis commorantibus bellum indictum est a Geberich rege Gothorum ad litus praedicti amnis Marisiae, ubi nec diu certatum est ex aequali, sed mox ipse rex Vandalorum Visimar magna parte cum gentis suae prosternitur.

At that time they were remaining in that place where now the Gepids sit, alongside the rivers Marisia, Miliare, and Gilpil and Grisia, which surpasses all the aforementioned. 114 For they then had a Goth from the East, a Marcomannus from the West, a Hermundolus from the North, and to the South the Hister, which is also called the Danube. Therefore, while the Vandals were dwelling there, war was declared by Geberich, king of the Goths, at the shore of the aforesaid river Marisia, where it was not for long contested on equal terms, but soon the king of the Vandals himself, Visimar, together with a great part of his nation, was laid low.

115 Geberich vero Gothorum ductor eximius superatis depraedatisque Vandalis ad propria loca, unde exierat, remeavit. Tunc perpauci Vandali, qui evasissent, collecta inbellium suorum manu, infortunata patria relinquentes Pannoniam sibi a Constantino principe petierunt ibique per lx annos plus minus sedibus locatis imperatorum decretis ut incolae famularunt. Vnde iam post longum ab Stiliconae mag.

115 Geberich, indeed, an outstanding leader of the Goths, with the Vandals overcome and plundered, returned to his own places whence he had gone out. Then the very few Vandals who had escaped, having gathered a band of their unwarlike people, leaving their ill‑fated fatherland, sought Pannonia for themselves from the emperor Constantine; and there for 60 years, more or less, having established settlements, by the decrees of the emperors they served as inhabitants. Whence now, after a long time, by Stilicho, mag.

mil. et ex consule atque patricio invitati Gallias occupaverunt, ubi finitimos depraedantes non adeo fixas sedes habuerunt.

invited by Stilicho, master of soldiers and ex-consul and patrician, they occupied Gaul, where, plundering their neighbors, they did not have very fixed settlements.

XXIII.116 Nam Gothorum rege Geberich rebus humanis excedente post temporis aliquod Hermanaricus nobilissimus Amalorum in regno successit, qui multas et bellicosissimas arctoi gentes perdomuit suisque parere legibus fecit. Quem merito nonnulli Alexandro Magno conparavere maiores.

23.116 For when Geberich, king of the Goths, departed from human affairs, after some time Hermanaric, most noble of the Amals, succeeded to the kingdom, who thoroughly subdued many and most warlike northern peoples and made them obey his own laws. Whom, with good reason, some of the ancients compared to Alexander the Great.

Habebat si quidem quos domuerat Golthescytha Thiudos Inaunxis Vasinabroncas Merens Mordens Imniscaris Rogas Tadzans Athaul Navego Bubegenas Coldas. 117 Sed cum tantorum servitio clarus haberetur, non passus est nisi et gentem Herulorum, quibus praeerat Halaricus, magna ex parte trucidatam reliquam suae subegeret dicioni. Nam praedicta gens, Ablavio istorico referente, iuxta Meotida palude inhabitans in locis stagnantibus, quas Greci ele vocant, Eluri nominati sunt, gens quantum velox, eo amplius superbissima.

He had indeed those whom he had tamed Golthescytha Thiudos Inaunxis Vasinabroncas Merens Mordens Imniscaris Rogas Tadzans Athaul Navego Bubegenas Coldas. 117 But, since he was held as renowned for the servitude of so many, he did not suffer that even the nation of the Heruli, over whom Halaricus presided, a great part having been slaughtered, the remainder should not be subjected to his dominion. For the aforesaid nation, Ablavius the historian relating, dwelling near the Maeotian marsh in stagnant places, which the Greeks call ele, were named Eluri, a nation, the more swift, by so much the more most arrogant.

118 Nulla si quidem erat tunc gens, quae non levem armaturam in acie sua ex ipsis elegeret. Sed quamvis velocitas eorum ab aliis crebro bellantibus evagaret, Gothorum tamen stabilitate subiacuit et tarditati, fecitque causa fortunae, ut et ipsi inter reliquas gentes Getarum regi Hermanarico servirent. 119 Post Herulorum cede item Hermanaricus in Venethos arma commovit, qui, quamvis armis despecti, sed numerositate pollentes, primum resistere conabantur.

118 Indeed, there was then no nation that did not choose light armament for its battle-line from these very men. But although their velocity, when frequently warring with others, often let them roam abroad, yet they succumbed to the stability and tardity of the Goths; and Fortune’s causality brought it about that they too, among the remaining nations, served Hermanaric, king of the Getae. 119 After the Heruli’s slaughter, likewise Hermanaric moved arms against the Venethi, who, though despised in arms, yet prevailing in numerosity, at first tried to resist.

Sed nihil valet multitudo inbellium, praesertim ubi et deus permittit et multitudo armata advenerit. Nam hi, ut in initio expositionis vel catalogo gentium dicere coepimus, ab una stirpe exorti, tria nunc nomina ediderunt, id est Venethi, Antes, Sclaveni; qui quamvis nunc, ita facientibus peccatis nostris, ubique deseviunt, tamen tunc omnes Hermanarici imperiis servierunt. 120 Aestorum quoque similiter nationem, qui longissimam ripam Oceani Germanici insident, idem ipse prudentia et virtute subegit omnibusque Scythiae et Germaniae nationibus ac si propriis lavoribus imperavit.

But the multitude of the unwarlike avails nothing, especially when both god permits it and an armed multitude has arrived. For these—as at the beginning of the exposition or in the catalogue of nations we began to say—sprung from one stock, have now produced three names, that is, Venethi, Antes, Sclaveni; who, although now, with our sins bringing it about, they rage everywhere, nevertheless then they all served the commands of Hermanaric. 120 Likewise the nation of the Aestii also, who occupy the very long shore of the German Ocean, the same man by prudence and by virtue subdued, and over all the nations of Scythia and of Germania he ruled as if over his own laborers.

XXIV.121 Post autem non longi temporis intervallo, ut refert Orosius, Hunnorum gens omni ferocitate atrocior exarsit in Gothos. Nam hos, ut refert antiquitas, ita extitisse conperimus.

24.121 After not a long interval of time, as Orosius reports, the nation of the Huns, more atrocious in every ferocity, blazed forth against the Goths. For these, as antiquity relates, we have learned to have arisen thus.

Filimer rex Gothorum et Gadarici magni filius qui post egressu Scandzae insulae iam quinto loco tenens principatum Getarum, qui et terras Scythicas cum sua gente introisse superius a nobis dictum est, repperit in populo suo quasdam magas mulieres, quas patrio sermone Haliurunnas is ipse cognominat, easque habens suspectas de medio sui proturbat longeque ab exercitu suo fugatas in solitudinem coegit errare. 122 Quas spiritus inmundi per herimum vagantes dum vidissent et eorum conplexibus in coitu miscuissent, genus hoc ferocissimum ediderunt, quae fuit primum inter paludes, minutum tetrum atque exile quasi hominum genus nec alia voce notum nisi quod humani sermonis imaginem adsignabat. Tali igitur Hunni stirpe creati Gothorum finibus advenerunt.

Filimer, king of the Goths and son of Gadaric the Great, who, after the egress from the island of Scandza, now in the fifth place holding the principate of the Getae—who also, with his people, entered the Scythian lands, as was said by us above—found in his people certain mage-women, whom in the native speech he himself surnames Haliurunnae; and, holding them suspected, he drove them out from his midst and, having been chased far from his army, compelled them to wander in solitude. 122 Whom, when unclean spirits saw wandering through the wilderness and had mingled with them in embraces in coitus, they brought forth this most ferocious race, which was at first among the marshes, a small, foul, and meager as-if race of men, and known by no other voice except that it assigned an image of human speech. Thus, the Huns, created from such a stock, came to the borders of the Goths.

123 Quorum natio saeva, ut Priscus istoricus refert, Meotida palude ulteriore ripa insidens, venationi tantum nec alio labore experta, nisi quod, postquam crevisset in populis, fraudibus et rapinis vicinarum gentium quiete conturbans. Huius ergo gentis, ut adsolet, venatores, dum in interioris Meotidae ripam venationes inquirent, animadvertunt, quomodo ex inproviso cerva se illis optulit ingressaque paludem nunc progrediens nunc subsistens index viae se tribuit. 124 Quam secuti venatores paludem Meotidam, quem inpervium ut pelagus aestimant, pedibus transierunt.

123 Their nation, savage, as the historian Priscus relates, sitting upon the further bank of the Maeotis marsh, experienced in hunting only and in no other labor, except that, after it had grown among peoples, by frauds and rapines it disturbed the quiet of neighboring nations. Therefore the hunters of this people, as is wont, while they were seeking hunts along the inner shore of the Maeotis, noticed how unexpectedly a hind offered herself to them, and, having entered the marsh, now advancing, now halting, made herself a guide of the way. 124 Following her, the hunters crossed the Maeotis marsh on foot, which they reckon impassable like the open sea.

Mox quoque Scythica terra ignotis apparuit, cerva disparuit. Quod, credo, spiritus illi, unde progeniem trahunt, ad Scytharum invidia id egerunt. 125 Illi vero, qui praeter Meotidam alium mundum esse paenitus ignorabant, admiratione ducti terrae Scythicae et, ut sunt sollertes, iter illud nullae ante aetati notissimum divinitus sibi ostensum rati, ad suos redeunt, rei gestum edocent, Scythiam laudant persuasaque gente sua via, qua cerva indice dedicerant, ad Scythiam properant, et quantoscumque prius in ingressu Scytharum habuerunt, litavere victoriae, reliquos perdomitos subegerunt.

Soon too the Scythian land appeared to the unacquainted, the hind disappeared. Which, I believe, those spirits, whence they draw their progeny, brought about out of envy against the Scythians. 125 They, however, who utterly were ignorant that there was another world beyond the Maeotis, led by admiration of Scythian land and, as they are adroit, supposing that route, known to no age before, to have been shown to them by divinity, return to their own, make known the deed done, praise Scythia; and their people being persuaded, by the way which they had learned with the hind as guide, they hasten to Scythia; and as many as they first encountered on their entry into Scythia they offered in propitiation of victory, the rest, thoroughly subdued, they subjugated.

126 Nam mox ingentem illam paludem transierunt, ilico Alpidzuros, Alcildzuros, Itimaros, Tuncarsos et Boiscos, qui ripae istius Scythiae insedebant, quasi quaedam turbo gentium rapuerunt. Halanos quoque pugna sibi pares, sed humanitate, victu formaque dissimiles, frequenti certamine fatigantes, subiugaverunt. 127 Nam et quos bello forsitan minime superabant, vultus sui terrore nimium pavorem ingerentes, terribilitate fugabant, eo quod erat eis species pavenda nigridinis et velud quaedam, si dici fas est, informis offa, non facies, habensque magis puncta quam lumina.

126 For soon they crossed that immense marsh; immediately, like a kind of whirlwind of nations, they swept away the Alpidzuros, Alcildzuros, Itimaros, Tuncarsos, and Boiscos, who were settled on the bank of that Scythian shore. The Alans too—equal to them in fight, but dissimilar in humanity, way of living, and form—after harassing them with frequent contest, they brought under the yoke. 127 For even those whom perhaps they least surpassed in war, by the terror of their countenance, infusing excessive dread, they put to flight by sheer terribleness, because there was to them an appearance to be dreaded of blackness, and, as it were—if it be permitted to say—a formless lump, not a face, and having rather points than lights for eyes.

Quorum animi fiducia turvus prodet aspectus, qui etiam in pignora sua primo die nata desaeviunt. Nam maribus ferro genas secant, ut ante quam lactis nutrimenta percipiant, vulneris cogantur subire tolerantiam. 128 Hinc inberbes senescunt et sine venustate efoebi sunt, quia facies ferro sulcata tempestivam pilorum gratiam cicatricis absumit.

A grim aspect will betray the confidence of their spirit, who even rage against their offspring born on the first day. For upon the males they cut the cheeks with iron, so that before they receive the nourishments of milk, they are compelled to undergo the endurance of a wound. 128 Hence they grow old beardless and are ephebes without comeliness, because the face, furrowed by iron, with its scar, takes away the seasonable grace of hairs.

Exigui quidem forma, sed argutis motibus expediti et ad equitandum promptissimi, scapulis latis, et ad arcos sagittasque parati firmis cervicibus et superbia semper erecti. Hi vero sub hominum figura vivunt beluina saevitia.

Small indeed in form, but nimble with sharp motions and most prompt for riding, with broad shoulders, and prepared for bows and arrows, with firm necks and always erect with pride. These, however, under the figure of men, live with beluine savagery.

129 Quod genus expeditissimum multarumque nationum grassatorem Getae ut viderunt, paviscunt, suoque cum rege deliberant, qualiter tali se hoste subducant. Nam Hermanaricus, rex Gothorum, licet, ut superius retulimus, multarum gentium extiterat triumphator, de Hunnorum tamen adventu dum cogitat, Rosomonorum gens infida, quae tunc inter alias illi famulatum exhibebat, tali eum nanciscitur occasione decipere. Dum enim quandam mulierem Sunilda nomine ex gente memorata pro mariti fraudulento discessu rex furore commotus equis ferocibus inligatam incitatisque cursibus per diversa divelli praecipisset, fratres eius Sarus et Ammius, germanae obitum vindicantes, Hermanarici latus ferro petierunt; quo vulnere saucius egram vitam corporis inbecillitate contraxit.

129 When the Getae saw that race, most expeditious and a marauder of many nations, they grow panic-stricken, and with their king deliberate how they might withdraw themselves from such a foe. For Hermanaric, king of the Goths, although, as we have related above, he had been a triumphator of many nations, yet while he considers the advent of the Huns, the faithless nation of the Rosomoni, which then among others was rendering him service, seizes such an occasion to deceive him. For when the king, moved by fury, had ordered a certain woman named Sunilda from the aforesaid people—on account of her husband’s fraudulent departure—to be bound to ferocious horses and, with the courses incited, to be torn apart in different directions, her brothers Sarus and Ammius, vindicating their sister’s death, sought Hermanaric’s flank with iron; wounded by which blow, he contracted a sickly life through weakness of body.

130 Quam adversam eius valitudinem captans Balamber rex Hunnorum in Ostrogotharum parte movit procinctum, a quorum societate iam Vesegothae quadam inter se intentione seiuncti habebantur. Inter haec Hermanaricus tam vulneris dolore quam etiam Hunnorum incursionibus non ferens grandevus et plenus dierum centesimo decimo anno vitae suae defunctus est. Cuius mortis occasio dedit Hunnis praevalere in Gothis illis, quos dixeramus orientali plaga sedere et Ostrogothas nuncupari.

130 Taking advantage of his adverse health, Balamber, king of the Huns, moved his battle-line against the quarter of the Ostrogoths, from whose fellowship the Visigoths were already held to be separated by a certain contention among themselves. Meanwhile Hermanaric, unable to endure both the pain of the wound and also the incursions of the Huns, very aged and full of days, died in the 110th year of his life. The occasion of his death gave the Huns the upper hand over those Goths whom we had said to sit in the eastern region and to be called Ostrogoths.

XXV.131 Vesegothae, id est illi alii eorum socii et occidui soli cultores, metu parentum exterriti, quidnam de se propter gentem Hunnorum deliberarent, ambigebant, diuque cogitantes tandem communi placito legatos in Romania direxerunt ad Valentem imperatorem fratrem Valentiniani imperatoris senioris, ut, partem Thraciae sive Moesiae si illis traderet ad colendum, eius se legibus eiusque vivere imperiis subderentur. Et, ut fides uberior illis haberetur, promittunt se, si doctores linguae suae donaverit, fieri Christianos.

25.131 The Visigoths, that is, those other associates of them and cultivators of the occidental soil, terrified with fear for their parents, were wavering as to what they should decide about themselves on account of the nation of the Huns, and, thinking for a long time, at length by common agreement directed envoys into Romania to Valens the emperor, brother of the elder emperor Valentinian, that, if he would hand over to them a part of Thrace or of Moesia to cultivate, they would be subjected to his laws and live under his commands. And, that fuller trust might be had in them, they promise that, if he will grant teachers of their own language, they will become Christians.

132 Quod Valens conperto mox gratulabundus annuit, quod ultro petere voluisset, susceptosque in partibus Moesiae Getas quasi murum regni sui contra citeras statuit gentes. Et quia tunc Valens imperator Arrianorum perfidia saucius nostrarum partium omnes ecclesias obturasset, suae parti fautores ad illos diriget praedicatores, qui venientes rudibus et ignaris ilico perfidiae suae virus infundunt. Sic quoque Vesegothae a Valente imperatore Arriani potius quam Christiani effecti.

132 When Valens learned this, he soon, rejoicing, assented to that which he would have wished to seek unbidden, and, having received the Getae in the parts of Moesia, he set them as it were a wall of his kingdom against the nearer peoples. And because at that time Emperor Valens, smitten by the perfidy of the Arians, had stopped up all the churches of our party, he sent to them preachers who were favorers of his own party, who, coming to men rude and ignorant, straightway poured in the poison of their own perfidy. Thus also the Vesegoths, by Emperor Valens, were made Arians rather than Christians.

133 De cetero tam Ostrogothis quam Gepidis parentibus suis pro affectionis gratia evangelizantes huius perfidiae culturam edocentes, omnem ubique linguae huius nationem ad culturam huius sectae invitaverunt. Ipsi quoque, ut dictum est, Danubio transmeantes Daciam ripensem, Moesiam Thraciasque permisso principis insederunt.

133 Thereafter, both among the Ostrogoths and among their parent-peoples the Gepids, for the sake of affection, evangelizing and instructing the cult of this perfidy, they invited the entire nation everywhere of this tongue to the cult of this sect. They themselves also, as has been said, crossing the Danube, with the prince’s permission settled in Dacia Ripensis, Moesia, and Thrace.

XXVI.134 Quibus evenit, ut adsolet genti, necdum bene loco fundatis, penuria famis, coeperuntque primates eorum et duces, qui regum vice illis praeerant, id est Fritigernus, Alatheus et Safrac, exercitus inopiam condolere negotiationemque a Lupicino Maximoque Romanorum ducum expetere. Verum quid non auri sacra fames compellit adquiescere?

26.134 To them it befell, as is wont for a nation not yet well founded in their place, a penury of famine; and their primates and dukes, who presided over them in the stead of kings—that is, Fritigern, Alatheus, and Safrac—began to lament the army’s penury and to seek negotiation from Lupicinus and Maximus, commanders of the Romans. But indeed, to what does the accursed hunger for gold not compel one to acquiesce?

Coeperunt duces avaritia compellente non solum ovium bovumque carnes, verum etiam canum et inmundorum animalium morticina eis pro magno contradere, adeo, ut quemlibet mancipium in uno pane aut decem libris came mercarent. 135 Sed iam mancipiis et supellectile deficientibus filios eorum avarus mercator victus necessitate exposcit. Haut enim secus parentes faciunt salute suorum pignorum providentes: faciliusque deliberant ingenuitatem perire quam vitam, dum misericorditer alendus quis venditur quam moriturus servatur.

The leaders, with avarice compelling them, began to hand over to them not only the meats of sheep and oxen, but even the carrion of dogs and of unclean animals, at a high price—so much so that any slave could be bought for a single loaf or for ten pounds of meat. 135 But now, with slaves and household-furnishings failing, the greedy merchant, overcome by necessity, demands their sons. For indeed parents do not do otherwise, providing for the safety of their pledges: and they more readily resolve that freeborn status perish rather than life, while one is sold to be mercifully nourished, rather than, destined to die, is kept.

Contigit etenim illo sub tempore erumnoso, Lupicinus ut ductor Romanorum Fritigernum Gothorum regulum in convivio invitaret dolumque ei, ut post exitus docuit, moliretur. 136 Sed Fritigernus dolum nescius cum paucorum comitatu ad convivium veniens, dum intus in preturio aepularetur, clamorem miserorum morientium audiret: nam in alia parte socios eius reclausos dum milites ducis sui iussu trucidare conarentur et vox morientium duriter emissa iam suspectis auribus intonaret, ilico aperto dolo cognoscens Fritigernus evaginato gladio e convivio non sine magna temeritate velocitateque egreditur suosque socios ab imminenti morte ereptos ad necem Romanorum instigat. 137 Qui nancti occasione votiva elegerunt viri fortissimi in bello magis quam in fame deficere, et ilico in ducum Lupicini et Maximi armantur occisione.

It befell indeed in that calamitous time that Lupicinus, the leader of the Romans, invited Fritigern, the petty king of the Goths, to a banquet and was contriving deceit against him, as the outcome later taught. 136 But Fritigern, unaware of the trick, coming with a small retinue to the banquet, while he was feasting inside in the praetorium, heard the outcry of wretched dying men: for elsewhere, while the soldiers, at their commander’s order, were trying to butcher his companions who had been shut in, and the voice of the dying, harshly sent forth, now resounded upon ears already suspicious, straightway, the plot laid bare and recognized, Fritigern, with sword unsheathed, goes out from the banquet not without great temerity and speed, and urges his companions, snatched from imminent death, to the slaughter of the Romans. 137 They, having gotten their wished-for opportunity, the most valiant men chose to fall in war rather than in famine, and forthwith arm themselves for the slaying of the leaders Lupicinus and Maximus.

Illa namque dies Gothorum famem Romanorumque securitatem ademit, coeperuntque Gothi iam non ut advenae et peregrini, sed ut cives et domini possessoribus imperare totasque partes septentrionales usque ad Danubium suo iuri tenere. 138 Quod conperiens in Antiochia Valens imperator mox armato exercitu in Thraciarum partes egreditur; ubi lacrimabile bello commisso vincentibus Gothis in quodam praedio iuxta Adrianopolim saucius ipse refugiens ignorantibusque, quod imperator in tam vili casula delitisceret, Gothis, ignemque, ut adsolet saeviente inimico, supposito, cum regali pompa crematus est, haut secus quam dei prorsus iudicio, ut ab ipsis igni conbureretur, quos ipse vera fide petentibus in perfidia declinasset ignemque caritatis ad gehennae ignem detorsisset. Quo tempore Vesegothae Thracias Daciaque ripense post tanti gloria tropaei tamquam solum genitalem potiti coeperunt incolere.

For that day took away the hunger of the Goths and the security of the Romans, and the Goths began now not as arrivals and peregrine strangers, but as citizens and lords to give orders to the proprietors and to hold all the northern parts up to the Danube under their own jurisdiction. 138 Learning this in Antioch, Emperor Valens soon with an armed army goes out into the parts of Thrace; where, a lamentable war having been joined, with the Goths victorious, he himself, wounded, fleeing into a certain estate near Adrianople, and the Goths not knowing that the emperor was lurking in so cheap a little hut, and, fire—as is wont when the enemy rages—having been applied, was cremated with royal pomp, not otherwise than by the very judgment of God, to the end that he should be burned by fire by those whom he himself, when they were seeking true faith, had turned aside into perfidy, and had diverted the fire of charity into the fire of Gehenna. At which time the Visigoths, after the glory of so great a trophy, began to inhabit Thrace and riparian Dacia, as if having gained their natal soil.

XXVII.139 Sed Theodosio ab Spania Gratianus imperator electo et in orientali principatu loco Valentis patrui subrogato, militaremque disciplinam mox in meliori statu reposita ignavia priorum principum et desidia exclusa Gothus ut sensit, pertimuit. Nam inperator acri omnino ingenii virtuteque et consilio clarus dum praeceptorum saeveritate et liberalitate blanditiaque sua remissum exercitum ad fortia provocaret.

27.139 But when Theodosius, from Spain, had been chosen emperor by Gratian and substituted in the eastern principate in the place of his uncle Valens, and when military discipline was soon restored to a better state, the sloth and idleness of the prior princes being excluded, the Goth, as he perceived it, grew afraid. For the emperor, of altogether keen intellect and renowned for virtue and counsel, while by the severity of his commands and by liberality and his own blandishment he was urging the remiss army to brave deeds.

140 At vero ubi milites principe meliore mutato fiduciam acceperunt, Gothos impetere temptant eosque Thraciae finibus pellunt. Sed Theodosio principe pene tunc usque ad disperationem egrotanti datur iterum Gothis audacia divisoque exercitu Fritigernus ad Thessaliam praedandam, Epiros et Achaiam digressus est, Alatheus vero et Safrac cum residuis copiis Pannoniam petierunt. 141 Quod cum Gratianus imperator, qui tunc a Roma in Gallis ob incursione Vandalorum recesserat, conperisset, quia Theodosio fatali desperatione succumbente Gothi maius saevirent, mox ad eos collecto venit exercitu, nec tamen fretus in armis, sed gratia eos muneribusque victurus, pacemque, victualia illis concedens, cum ipsis inito foedere fecit.

140 But indeed when the soldiers, with a better prince having been changed in, took confidence, they attempt to assault the Goths and drive them from the borders of Thrace. But with Theodosius the prince then being sick almost up to desperation, boldness is given again to the Goths; and the army having been divided, Fritigern departed to Thessaly for plundering, and to Epirus and Achaia, while Alatheus in truth and Safrac with the remaining forces sought Pannonia. 141 Which when the emperor Gratian—who then had withdrawn from Rome into the Gauls on account of the incursion of the Vandals—had learned, because, with Theodosius succumbing to fatal desperation, the Goths were raging more greatly, he at once came against them with a gathered army, yet not relying on arms, but being about to conquer them by favor and by gifts; and, granting them victuals, he made peace with them, a foedus having been entered with them.

XXVIII.142 Vbi vero post haec Theodosius convaluit imperator repperitque cum Gothis et Romanis Gratiano imperatore pepigisse quod ipse optaverat, admodum grato animo ferens et ipse in hac pace consensit, Aithanaricoque rege, qui tunc Fritigerno successerat, datis sibi muneribus sociavit moribusque suis benignissimis ad se eum in Constantinopolim accedere invitavit. 143 Qui omnino libenter adquiescens regia urbe ingressus est miransque: 'En, inquid, cerno, quod saepe incredulus audiebam', famam videlicet tantae urbis; et huc illuc oculos volvens nunc situm urbis commeatuque navium, nunc moenia clara prospectans miratur, populosque diversarum gentium quasi fonte in uno e diversis partibus scaturriente unda, sic quoque milite ordinato aspiciens: 'Deus, inquit, sine dubio terrenus est imperator et quisquis adversus eum manu moverit, ipse sui sanguinis reus existit'. 144 In tali ergo admiratione maioreque a principe honore suffultus paucis mensibus interiectis ab hac luce migravit.

28.142 But when after these things the emperor Theodosius recovered and found that, with the Goths and Romans, the emperor Gratian had concluded what he himself had desired, bearing it with a very grateful mind he too consented to this peace, and he allied himself with King Aithanaric, who then had succeeded Fritigern, gifts having been given to him, and by his most benign manners invited him to accede to him in Constantinople. 143 He, wholly and gladly acquiescing, entered the royal city and, marveling: 'Lo,' he said, 'I discern what I often, unbelieving, used to hear,' namely the fame of so great a city; and turning his eyes here and there, now admiring the site of the city and the traffic of ships, now looking out upon the bright walls, he marvels, and at the peoples of diverse nations—as if from one fountain a wave were bubbling up from different parts—thus also looking upon the soldiery set in order: 'A god,' he said, 'without doubt is the emperor on earth, and whoever moves a hand against him becomes guilty of his own blood'. 144 Therefore, sustained by such admiration and by greater honor from the prince, after a few months had intervened, he departed from this light.

Quem princeps affectionis gratia pene plus mortuum quam vivum honorans dignae tradidit sepulturae, ipse quoque in exequiis feretro eins praeiens. 145 Defuncto ergo Aithanarico cunctus eius exercitus in servitio Theodosii imperatoris perdurans Romano se imperio subdens cum milite velut unum corpus effecit militiaque illa dudum sub Constantino principe foederatorum renovata et ipsi dicti sunt foederati. E quibus imperator contra Eugenium tyrannum, qui occiso Gratiano Gallias occupasset plus quam viginti milia armatorum fideles sibi et amicos intellegens secum duxit victoriaque de praedicto tyranno potitus ultionem exegit.

Whom the prince, out of the favor of affection, honoring as almost more dead than alive, committed to a worthy burial, he himself also going before his bier in the obsequies. 145 Therefore, with Aithanaric deceased, all his army, continuing in the service of Emperor Theodosius and subjecting themselves to the Roman empire, made with the soldiery, as it were, one body; and that militia of the federates, once under Constantine the prince, was renewed, and they themselves were called federates. Of whom the emperor, against the tyrant Eugenius, who, Gratian having been slain, had occupied the Gauls, understanding more than twenty thousand armed men to be faithful to him and friends, led them with him, and, having gained victory over the aforesaid tyrant, exacted vengeance.

XXIX.146 Postquam vero Theodosius amator pacis generisque Gothorum rebus excessit humanis coeperuntque eius filii utramque rem publicam luxuriose viventes adnihilare auxiliariisque suis, id est Gothis, consueta dona subtrahere, mox Gothis fastidium eorum increvit, verentesque, ne longa pace eorum resolveretur fortitudo, ordinato super se rege Halarico, cui erat post Amalos secunda nobilitas Balthorumque ex genere origo mirifica, qui dudum ob audacia virtutis Baltha, id est audax, nomen inter suos acceperat. 147 Mox ergo antefatus Halaricus creatus est rex, cum suis deliberans suasit eos suo labore quaerere regna quam alienis per otium subiacere, et sumpto exercitu per Pannonias Stilicone et Aureliano consulibus et per Sirmium dextroque latere quasi viris vacuam intravit Italiam nulloque penitus obsistente ad pontem applicavit Candidiani, qui tertio miliario ab urbe aberat regia Ravennate.

29.146 But after Theodosius, a lover of peace and of the race of the Goths, departed from human affairs, and his sons, living luxuriously, began to bring to nothing both commonwealths and to withdraw the accustomed gifts from their auxiliaries, that is, the Goths, soon a distaste for them grew among the Goths; and fearing lest by long peace their fortitude be loosened, after appointing over themselves a king, Halaric—who had, after the Amals, second nobility, and a wondrous origin from the stock of the Balths, who long since, on account of the audacity of valor, had received among his own the name Baltha, that is, Bold. 147 Soon therefore the aforesaid Halaric was created king, and, deliberating with his people, he persuaded them to seek kingdoms by their own labor rather than to lie under another’s through idleness; and, an army having been taken up, through the Pannonias, with Stilicho and Aurelian as consuls, and by Sirmium and on the right flank, as if empty of men, he entered Italy, and with no one at all resisting he made for the Bridge of Candidianus, which was at the third milestone from the royal city of Ravenna.

148 Quae urbs inter paludes et pelago interque Padi fluenta unius tantum patet accessu, cuius dudum possessores, ut tradunt maiores, ainetoi, id est laudabiles, dicebantur. Haec in sino regni Romani super mare Ionio constituta ut in modum insulae influentium aquarum redundatione concluditur. 149 Habet ab oriente mare, ad quam qui recto cursu de Corcyra atque Hellade partibus navigatur, dextrum latus primum Epiros, dehinc Dalmatiam Liburniam Histriamque et sic Venetias radens palmula navigat.

148 Which city, amid marshes and the open sea and among the floodwaters of the Po, lies open by only one access, whose former possessors, as the elders hand down, were called ainetoi, that is, laudable. This, set in the gulf of the Roman realm upon the Ionian Sea, is shut in, after the manner of an island, by the overflowing of inflowing waters. 149 It has the sea to the east, toward which, if one sails on a straight course from Corcyra and the parts of Hellas, one has on the right side first Epirus, then Dalmatia, Liburnia, and Histria, and thus, skimming with the little blade, one sails along, brushing the Venetias.

Ab occidente vero habet paludes, per quas uno angustissimo introitu ut porta relicta est. A septentrionale quoque plaga ramus illi ex Pado est, qui Fossa vocitatur Asconis. 150 A meridie item ipse Padus, quem Italiae soli fluviorum regem dicunt, cognomento Eridanus, ab Augusto imperatore latissima fossa demissus, qui septima sui alvei parte per mediam influit civitatem, ad ostia sua amoenissimum portum praebens, classem ducentarum quinquaginta navium Dione referente tutissima dudum credebatur recipere statione.

From the west indeed it has marshes, through which a single most narrow entry, as if a gate, has been left. From the northern quarter also it has a branch from the Po, which is called the Ditch of Asconius. 150 From the south likewise the Po itself, which they say is the king of the rivers of the soil of Italy, by the byname Eridanus, having been led down by a very broad trench by the emperor Augustus, which, with one-seventh of its channel, flows through the middle of the city, affording at its mouths a most pleasant port, was formerly believed, with Dio reporting, to receive a fleet of 250 ships in a most safe anchorage.

151 Qui nunc, ut Favius ait, quod aliquando portus fuerit, spatiosissimus ortus ostendit arboribus plenus, verum de quibus non pendeant vela, sed poma. Trino si quidem urbs ipsa vocabulo gloriatur trigeminaque positione exultat, id est prima Ravenna, ultima Classis, media Caesarea inter urbem et mare, plena mollitiae harenaque minuta vectationibus apta.

151 Which now, as Favius says, that which once was a port displays a very spacious orchard, full of trees—indeed, from which there hang not sails but fruits. For the city itself glories in a triple appellation and exults in a threefold position, that is: first Ravenna, last Classe, the middle Caesarea between the city and the sea, full of softness and fine sand, apt for conveyances.

XXX.152 Verum enim vero cum in eius vicinitate Vesegotharum applicuisset exercitus et ad Honorium imperatorem, qui intus residebat, legationem misisset, quatenus si permitteret, ut Gothi pacati in Italia residerent, sic eos cum Romanorum populo vivere, ut una gens utraque credere possit: sin autem aliter, bellando quis quem valebat expellere, et iam securus qui victor existeret imperaret. Sed Honorius imperator utraque pollicitatione formidans suoque cum senatu inito consilio, quomodo eos fines Italos expelleret, deliberabat.

30.152 But in very truth, when the army of the Visigoths had put in in its neighborhood and had sent a legation to Emperor Honorius, who was within, to the effect that, if he would permit the pacified Goths to reside in Italy, they would so live with the people of the Romans that the two might be believed to be one gens; but if otherwise, by warring let whoever was able expel whom he could, and then, secure, let whoever should emerge victor rule. But Emperor Honorius, fearing both proffers and, a council having been entered with his senate, deliberated how he might expel them from the Italian borders.

153 Cui ad postremum sententia sedit, quatenus provincias longe positas, id est Gallias Spaniasque, quas pene iam perdidisset Gizericique eas Vandalorum regis vastaret inruptio, si valeret, Halaricus sua cum gente sibi tamquam lares proprias vindicaret. Donationem sacro oraculo confirmatam consentiunt Gothi hac ordinatione et ad patriam sibi traditam proficiscuntur. 154 Post quorum discessu nec quicquam mali in Italia perpetrato Stilico patricius et socer Honorii imperatoris – nam utramque eius filiam, id est Mariam et Thermantiam, sibi princeps unam post unam consocians utramque virginem et intactam deus ab hac luce vocavit – hic ergo Stilico ad Polentiam civitatem in Alpes Cottiarum locatam dolose accedens, nihilque male suspicantibus Gothis ad necem totius Italiae suamque deformitatem ruit in bello.

153 For him at last the judgment settled, to this effect: that the provinces lying far away, that is, the Gauls and the Spains, which he had almost already lost and which the irruption of Gizeric, king of the Vandals, was laying waste—if he should be able—Alaric with his own nation should claim for himself as though household Lares of his own. The Goths consent to the donation confirmed by a sacred oracle with this ordinance, and set out to the homeland handed over to them. 154 After whose departure, with nothing evil perpetrated in Italy, Stilico, patrician and father‑in‑law of the emperor Honorius—for the prince, uniting to himself one after the other both his daughters, that is, Maria and Thermantia, God called both virgins and untouched from this light—this Stilico therefore, approaching deceitfully to the city Polentia situated in the Cottian Alps, the Goths suspecting nothing ill, rushes in war to the slaughter of all Italy and to his own deformity.

155 Quem ex inproviso Gothi cernentes primum perterriti sunt, sed mox recollectis animis et, ut solebant, hortatibus excitati omnem pene exercitum Stiliconis in fuga conversum usque ad internicionem deiciunt furibundoque animo arreptum iter deserunt et in Liguria post se, unde iam transierant, revertuntur; eamque praedis spoliisque potiti Emiliam pari tenore devastant Flamminiaeque aggerem inter Picenum et Tusciam usque ad urbem Romam discurrentes, quidquid in utrumque latus fuit, in praeda diripiunt. 156 Ad postremum Romae ingressi Halarico iubente spoliant tantum, non autem, ut solent gentes, igne supponunt nec locis sanctorum in aliquo paenitus iniuria inrogare patiuntur. Exindeque egressi per Campaniam et Lucania simili clade peracta Brittios accesserunt; ubi diu resedentes ad Siciliam et exinde ad Africae terras ire deliberant.

155 Whom, seeing unexpectedly, the Goths were at first terrified; but soon, with their spirits recollected and, as they were wont, roused by exhortations, they cast down almost the whole army of Stilico, turned to flight, to the point of extermination, and, with a frenzied mind, they abandon the course they had seized and turn back into Liguria behind them, whence they had already passed; and, having gained possession of booty and spoils, they devastate Emilia in like tenor, and, running along the agger of the Flaminia between Picenum and Tuscany up to the city of Rome, they snatch as plunder whatever was on either side. 156 At last, having entered Rome, by Halaric’s order they only despoil, but they do not, as the nations are wont, apply fire, nor do they allow any injury at all to be inflicted upon the places of the saints. And thence going out, through Campania and Lucania, with a like disaster accomplished, they reached the Bruttii; where, sitting for a long time, they resolve to go to Sicily and from there to the lands of Africa.

Bryttiorum si quidem regio in extremis Italiae finibus australi interiacens parti – angulus eius Appinini montis initium fecit – Adriaeque pelagus velut lingua porrecta a Tyrreno aestu seiungens nomen quondam a Bryttia sortitus regina. 157 Ibi ergo veniens Alaricus rex Vesegotharum cum opibus totius Italiae, quas in praeda diripuerat, et exinde, ut dictum est, per Siciliam ad Africam quietam patriam transire disponens. Cuius, quia non est liberum quodcumque homo sine notu dei disposuerit, fretus ille horribilis aliquantas naves submersit, plurimas conturbavit.

The region of the Bruttii indeed, lying in the farthest bounds of Italy on the southern side — an angle of it made the beginning of the Apennine mountain — and the Adriatic sea, like a tongue extended, separating it from the Tyrrhenian surge, had once obtained its name from the queen Bryttia. 157 There therefore came Alaric, king of the Visigoths, with the wealth of all Italy which he had snatched in booty, and from there, as has been said, intending to cross by Sicily to Africa, a quiet fatherland. But since it is not permitted that whatever a man has arranged without the notice of God should be free, that dreadful strait submerged several ships and threw very many into confusion.

Qua adversitate depulsus Halaricus, dum secum, quid ageret, deliberaret, subito inmatura morte praeventus rebus humanis excessit. 158 Quem nimia sui dilectione lugentes Busento amne iuxta Consentina civitate de alveo suo derivato – nam hic fluvius a pede montis iuxta urbem dilapsus fluit unda salutifera – huius ergo in medio alvei collecta captivorum agmina saepulturae locum effodiunt, in cuius foveae gremium Haliricum cum multas opes obruunt, rursusque aquas in suo alveo reducentes, et ne a quoquam quandoque locus cognosceretur, fossores omnes interemerunt, regnumque Vesegotharum Atauulfo eius consanguineo et forma menteque conspicuo tradent; nam erat quamvis non adeo proceritate staturae formatus, quantum pulchritudine corporis vultuque decorus.

Driven off by this adversity, Halaricus, while he was deliberating with himself what he should do, was suddenly anticipated by an immature death and departed from human affairs. 158 Whom, mourning with excessive affection for their own, they diverted the Busento river near the city of Consentia from its channel—for this river, slipping down from the foot of a mountain near the city, flows with a health-giving wave—therefore, with bands of captives gathered in the middle of its bed, they excavate a place of sepulture, and into the bosom of that pit they bury Haliricus with many riches; and leading the waters back again into their own channel, and lest the place should ever be known by anyone, they slew all the diggers, and they will hand over the kingdom of the Visigoths to Atauulfus, his kinsman and conspicuous in form and mind; for he was, although not formed so much in tallness of stature, as comely with beauty of body and countenance.

XXXI.159 Qui suscepto regno revertens item ad Romam, si quid primum remanserat, more locustarum erasit, nec tantum privatis divitiis Italiam spolians, immo et publicis, imperatore Honorio nihil resistere praevalente, cuius et germanam Placidiam Theodosii imperatoris ex altera uxore filiam ab urbe captivam abduxit. 160 Quam tamen ob generis nobilitatem formeque pulchritudine et integritate castitatis adtendens in Foro Iuli Aemiliae civitate suo matrimonio legitime copulavit, ut gentes hac societate conperta quasi adunatam Gothis rem publicam efficacius terrerentur, Honorioque Augusto quamvis opibus exausto tamen iam quasi cognatum grato animo derelinquens, Gallias tendit.

31.159 Who, having assumed the kingdom and returning likewise to Rome, scraped away, after the manner of locusts, whatever had remained at all, despoiling Italy not only of private riches but even of public ones, since the emperor Honorius was able to prevail in resisting nothing; and he led away captive from the city his sister Placidia, daughter of the emperor Theodosius by another wife. 160 Yet, regarding her for the nobility of her lineage and for the beauty of her form and the integrity of her chastity, at Forum Iulii, a city of Aemilia, he lawfully joined her to himself in marriage, so that, with this alliance known, the nations might be more effectively terrified, as though the commonwealth had been united with the Goths; and leaving Honorius Augustus, although stripped of resources, nevertheless now as it were a kinsman, with a grateful mind, he heads for the Gauls.

161 Vbi cum advenisset, vicinae gentes perterritae in suis se coeperunt finibus continere, qui dudum crudeliter Gallias infestassent, tam Franci, quam Burgondiones. Nam Vandali vel Alani, quos superius diximus permissu principum Romanorum utramque Pannoniam resedere, nec ibi sibi metu Gothorum arbitrantes tutum fore, si reverterentur, ad Gallias transierunt. 162 Sed mox a Galliis, quas ante non multum tempus occupassent, fugientes, Spanias se recluserunt, adhuc memores ex relatione maiorum suorum, quid dudum Geberich Gothorum rex genti suae prestitisset incommodi vel quomodo eos virtute sua patrio solo expulisset.

161 When he had arrived there, the neighboring peoples, thoroughly terrified, began to confine themselves within their own borders, who not long before had cruelly infested Gaul, both the Franks and the Burgundians. For the Vandals and the Alans, whom we said above had settled, by the permission of the Roman princes, in both Pannonias, not thinking it would be safe for themselves there, for fear of the Goths, if they should return, crossed over into Gaul. 162 But soon, fleeing from Gaul, which they had occupied not much time before, they shut themselves up in Spain, still mindful from the report of their elders what harm Geberich, king of the Goths, had formerly furnished to their people, and how by his valor he had expelled them from their native soil.

Tali ergo casu Galliae Atauulfo patuere venienti. 163 Confirmato ergo Gothus regno in Gallis Spanorum casu coepit dolere, eosque deliberans a Vandalorum incursibus eripere, suas opes Barcilona cum certis fidelibus derelictas plebeque inbelle, interiores Spanias introibit, ubi saepe cum Vandalis decertans tertio anno, postquam Gallias Spaniasque domuisset, occubuit gladio ilia perforata Euervulfi, de cuius solitus erat ridere statura. Post cuius mortem Segericus rex constituitur, sed et ipse suorum fraude peremptus ocius regnum cum vita reliquid.

Thus then by such a chance the Gauls lay open to Ataulf as he was coming. 163 Therefore, with the Gothic kingdom confirmed in the Gauls, he began to grieve at the misfortune of the Spains, and, resolving to snatch them from the incursions of the Vandals, his resources left at Barcelona with certain faithful men and the unwarlike plebs, he entered the inner Spains, where, often contending with the Vandals, in the third year after he had subdued the Gauls and the Spains, he fell, his flanks pierced by the sword of Euerwulf, whose stature he had been accustomed to mock. After whose death Segeric is constituted king, but he too, slain by the treachery of his own men, quickly left the kingdom together with his life.

XXXII.164 Dehinc iam quartus ab Alarico rex constituitur Valia nimis destrictus et prudens. Contra quem Honorius imperator Constantium virum industria militari pollentem multisque proeliis gloriosum cum exercitu dirigens, veritus, ne foedus dudum cum Atauulfo inito ipse turbaret et aliquas rursus in re publica insidias moliretur vicinas sibi gentes expulsas, simulque desiderans germanam suam Placidiam subiectionis obprobrio liberare, paciscens cum Constantio, ut, aut bello aut pace vel quo modo si eam potuisset ad suum regnum reducere, ei eam in matrimonio sociaret.

32.164 Thereafter, now the fourth after Alaric, Valia, exceedingly austere and prudent, is established as king. Against him the emperor Honorius, dispatching Constantius—a man excelling in military industry and glorious in many battles—with an army, fearing lest he himself disturb the treaty lately entered with Atauulfus and, the neighboring peoples having been driven out from around him, again contrive some plots in the commonwealth, and at the same time desiring to free his sister Placidia from the reproach of subjection, makes a pact with Constantius that, either by war or by peace, or by whatever means, if he could bring her back to his own kingdom, he should ally her to him in marriage.

165 Quo placito Constantius obans cum copia armatorum et pene iam regio apparatu Spanias petit. Cui Vallias rex Gothorum non cum minori procinctu ad claustra Pyrenei occurrit; ubi ab utraque parte legatione directa ita convenit pacisci, ut Placidiam sororem principis redderet suaque solacia Romanae rei publicae, ubi usus exegerit, non denegaret. Eo namque tempore Constantinus quidam apud Gallias invadens imperium filium suum Constantem ex monacho fecerat Caesarem; sed non diu tenens regno praesumpto mox foederatos Gothos Romanosque ipse occiditur Arelato, filius vero eius Vienna.

165 With this compact approved, Constantius, assenting, with a force of armed men and almost now with royal apparatus, made for Spain. To meet him Vallias, king of the Goths, with no lesser battle-array, came to the passes of the Pyrenees; where, an embassy having been sent from both sides, it was agreed to make terms thus: that he would return Placidia, the sister of the princeps, and that he would not deny his aids to the Roman commonwealth, whenever use should require. For at that time a certain Constantine, usurping the imperium in the Gauls, had made his son Constans, from a monk, a Caesar; but not long holding the presumed kingship, he himself was soon slain at Arles by the foederate Goths and Romans, and his son at Vienne.

Post quos item Iovinus ac Sebastianus pari temeritate rem publicam occupandam existimantes pari exitio perierunt.

After whom likewise Jovinus and Sebastianus, thinking that the commonwealth was to be seized with equal temerity, perished by an equal ruin.

166 Nam duodecimo anno regni Valiae, quando et Hunni post pene quinquaginta annorum invasam Pannoniam a Romanis et Gothis expulsi sunt, videns Valia Vandalos in suis finibus, id est Spaniae solum, audaci temeritate ab interioribus partibus Galliciae, ubi eos fugaverat dudum Atauulfus, egressos et cuncta in praedas vastare, eo fere tempore, quo Hierius et Ardabures consules processissent, nec mora mox contra eos movit exercitum.

166 For in the twelfth year of the reign of Valia, when also the Huns, after Pannonia had been occupied for nearly fifty years, were expelled by the Romans and Goths, Valia, seeing the Vandals within his borders, that is, the soil of Spain, having with audacious temerity gone out from the inner parts of Gallaecia, where Atauulfus had formerly put them to flight, and laying waste everything for plunder—at about the time when Hierius and Ardabures had proceeded as consuls—without delay soon moved an army against them.

XXXIII.167 Sed Gyzericus rex Vandalorum iam a Bonifatio in Africam invitatus, qui Valentiniano principi veniens in offensa non aliter se quam malo rei publicae potuit vindicare. Is ergo suis praecibus eos invitans per traiectum angustiarum, qui dicitur fretus Gaditanus et vix septem milibus Africam ab Spaniis dividet ostiaque maris Tyrreni in Oceani estu egeritur, transposuit.

33.167 But Gaiseric, king of the Vandals, already invited into Africa by Boniface—who, coming into offense with the princeps Valentinian, could vindicate himself in no other way than by a harm to the republic—therefore, by his own entreaties inviting them, conveyed them across by the passage of the narrows, which is called the Gaditan strait and scarcely by seven miles divides Africa from the Spains, and where the mouths of the Tyrrhenian Sea are driven out into the surge of the Ocean.

168 Erat namque Gyzericus iam Romanorum clade in urbe notissimus, statura mediocris et equi casu claudicans, animo profundus, sermone rarus, luxoriae contemptor, ira turbidus, habendi cupidus, ad sollicitandas gentes providentissimus, semina contentionum iacere, odia miscere paratus. 169 Tali Africa rem publicam praecibus Bonifatii, ut diximus, invitatus intravit, ubi a divinitate, ut fertur, accepta auctoritate diu regnans, ante obitum suum filiorum agmine accito ordinavit, ne inter ipsos de regni ambitione intentio esset, sed ordine quisque et gradu suo, alii si superviveret. id est, seniori suo fieret sequens successor et rursus ei posterior eius.

168 For Gyzeric was already most notorious in the City for the Romans’ disaster, of medium stature and limping from a fall of a horse, deep in mind, sparing in speech, a contemner of luxury, turbulent in anger, greedy of having, most provident for stirring up nations, ready to sow the seeds of contentions and to mingle hatreds. 169 Such a man, invited into Africa of the commonwealth by the prayers of Boniface, as we have said, entered, where, having, as it is reported, received authority from Divinity, and reigning long, before his death, with a throng of his sons summoned, he ordained that there should not be contention among them over ambition for the kingdom, but that each, in order and in his own grade, if one should outlive another—i.e., that to his elder there should become the next successor, and in turn after him the one posterior to him.

Quod observantes per annorum multorum spatia regnum feliciter possiderunt, nec, ut in reliquis gentibus adsolet, intestino bello foedati sunt, suoque ordine unus post unum regnum excipiens in pace populis imperavit. 170 Quorum ordo iste ac successio fuit: primum Gyzericus, qui pater et dominus, sequens Hunericus, tertius Gunthamundus, quartus Thrasamundus, quintus Ilderich. Quem malo gentis suae Gelimer inmemor atavi praeceptorum de regno eiectum et interemptum tyrannide praesumpsit.

Observing this, through spaces of many years they possessed the kingdom happily, nor, as is customary among the other nations, were they defiled by civil war; and, each in his own order, one after another receiving the kingdom, he ruled the peoples in peace. 170 Whose order and succession was this: first Gyzericus, who was father and lord; next Hunericus; third Gunthamundus; fourth Thrasamundus; fifth Ilderich. Whom, to the harm of his own nation, Gelimer, unmindful of his forefather’s precepts, presumed by tyranny to cast out from the kingdom and to slay.

171 Sed non ei cessit inpune quod fecerat. Nam mox Iustiniani imperatoris ultio in eum apparuit et cum omne genus suum opibusque, quibus more praedonis incubabat, Constantinopolim delatus per virum gloriosissimum Belesarium mag. mil.

171 But what he had done did not go unpunished for him. For soon the vengeance of the emperor Justinian appeared against him, and he, with all his kin and the resources upon which, in predatory fashion, he was brooding, was carried off to Constantinople by the most glorious man Belisarius, the master of soldiers.

Orientalem, exconsolem ordinarium atque patricium, magnum in circo populo spectaculum fuit seraque suae paenitudinis gerens cum se videret de fastigio regali deiectum, privatae vitae, cui noluit famulari, redactus occubuit. 172 Sic Africa, quae in divisione urbis terrarum tertia pars mundi describitur, centesimo fere anno a Vandalico iugo erepta in libertate revocata est regni Romani, et quae dudum ignavis dominis ducibusque infidelibus a rei publicae Romanae corpus gentilis manus abstulerat, a sollerte domino et fideli ductore nunc revocata hodieque congaudet, quamvis et post haec aliquantulum intestino proelio Maurorumque infidelitate adtrita sese lamentaverit, tamen triumphus Iustiniani imperatoris a deo sibi donatus, quod inchoaverat, ad pacem usque perduxit. Sed nobis quid opus est, unde res non exeget, dicere?

the Eastern, former ordinary consul and patrician, through whom he was a great spectacle to the people in the circus; and, bearing the late repentance of his own, when he saw himself cast down from the royal height, reduced to the private life which he had not wished to serve, he died. 172 Thus Africa, which, in the division of the circle of lands, is described as a third part of the world, after roughly the hundredth year was snatched from the Vandal yoke and was called back into the liberty of the Roman realm; and that which once, under slothful masters and unfaithful leaders, a heathen hand had taken away from the body of the Roman commonwealth, now, recalled by a skillful lord and a faithful leader, rejoices together even to this day—although even after these things, worn down somewhat by intestine battle and by the unfaithfulness of the Moors, she lamented herself—nevertheless the triumph of the emperor Justinian, given to him by God, brought what he had begun all the way to peace. But what need is there for us to say what the case does not call for?

Ad propositum redeamus.

Let us return to the subject at hand.

173 Vallia si quidem, rex Gothorum, adeo cum suis in Vandalos saeviebat, ut voluisset eos etiam et in Africa persequi, nisi eum casus, qui dudum Halarico in Africa tendenti contigerat, revocasset. Nobilitatus namque intra Spanias incruentamque victoriam potitus Tolosam revertitur, Romano imperio fugatis hostibus aliquantas provincias, quod promiserat, derelinquens, sibique adversa post longum valitudine superveniente rebus humanis excessit, 174 eo videlicet tempore, quo Beremud, Thorismundo patre progenitus, de quo in catalogo Amalorum familiae superius diximus, cum filio Vitiricho ab Ostrogothis, qui adhuc in Scythiae terras Hunnorum oppressionibus subiacebant, ad Vesegotharum regnum migravit. Conscius enim virtutis et generis nobilitate facilius sibi credens principatum a parentibus deferre, quem heredem regum constabat esse multorum.

173 Vallia indeed, king of the Goths, raged with his own men against the Vandals to such a degree that he would have wished to pursue them even into Africa, had not the mishap which once befell Alaric when he was aiming at Africa called him back. Ennobled within Spain and having gained a bloodless victory, he returned to Toulouse, leaving to the Roman empire, the enemies having been put to flight, several provinces, as he had promised; and when, after a long illness, misfortune came upon him, he departed from human affairs. 174 At that very time, Beremud, begotten of his father Thorismund, of whom above we have spoken in the catalog of the family of the Amals, with his son Vitirich migrated from the Ostrogoths—who were still subject in the lands of Scythia to the oppressions of the Huns—into the kingdom of the Visigoths. For, conscious of his valor and of the nobility of his stock, he more easily believed that the principate would be conferred upon him by his kinsmen, since it was agreed that he was the heir of many kings.

Quis namque de Amalo dubitaret, si vacasset elegere? Sed nec ipse adeo voluit, quis esset, ostendere. 175 Et illi iam post mortem Valliae Theoderidum ei dederant successorem.

Who, indeed, would have doubted the Amal, if there had been leisure to elect? But not even he himself was willing to such a degree to show who he was. 175 And they already, after the death of Vallia, had appointed Theoderidus as his successor.

Ad quem veniens Beremud animi pondere qua valebat eximio generis sui amplitudine commoda taciturnitate suppressit, sciens regnantibus semper regali stirpe genitos esse suspectos. Passus est ergo ignorari, ne faceret ordinata confundi. Susceptusque cum filio suo a rege Theodorido honorifice nimis, adeo ut nec consilio suo expertem nec convivio faceret alienum, non tamen pro generis nobilitate, quam ignorabat, sed pro animi fortitudine et robore mentis, quam non poterat occultare.

Coming to him, Beremud, by the weight of mind wherein he was strong, suppressed with expedient taciturnity the exceptional amplitude of his lineage, knowing that to those reigning, men born of regal stock are ever suspect. He therefore allowed himself to be unknown, lest he cause the ordained order to be confounded. And he, together with his son, was received by King Theoderid most honorably, to such a degree that he made him neither excluded from his counsel nor a stranger at his banquet, yet not on account of the nobility of his lineage, which he was unaware of, but on account of the fortitude of his spirit and the robustness of his mind, which he could not conceal.

XXXIV.176 Quid plurimum? Defuncto Vallia, ut superius quod diximus repetamus, qui parum fuerat felix Gallis, prosperrimus feliciorque Theodoridus successit in regno, homo summa moderatione compositus, animi corporisque utilitate habendus.

34.176 What more? Vallia having died—so that we may repeat what we said above—who had been too little fortunate for the Gauls, the most prosperous and more fortunate Theodoric succeeded to the kingdom, a man composed in the highest moderation, to be reckoned for the usefulness of mind and body.

Contra quem Theodosio et Festo consulibus pace rupta Romani Hunnis auxiliaribus secum iunctis in Galliis arma moverunt. Turbaverat namque eos Gothorum foederatorum manus, qui cum Gaina comite Constantinopolim efferasset. Aetius ergo patricius tunc praeerat militibus, fortissimorum Moesium stirpe progenitus in Dorostorena civitate a patre Gaudentio, labores bellicos tolerans, rei publicae Romanae singulariter natus, qui superbam Suavorum Francorumque barbariem immensis caedibus servire Romano imperio coegisset.

Against him, with peace broken in the consulship of Theodosius and Festus, the Romans, the Huns joined with them as auxiliaries, moved arms in Gaul. For the band of federated Goths had disturbed them, which, together with the count Gainas, had sacked Constantinople. Therefore the patrician Aetius then was commanding the soldiers, sprung from the stock of the bravest Moesians in the city of Dorostorum by his father Gaudentius, enduring warlike labors, born singularly for the Roman commonwealth, who had compelled the proud barbarism of the Suevi and Franks, by immense slaughters, to serve the Roman empire.

177 Hunnis quoque auxiliariis Litorio ductante contra Gothos Romanus exercitus movit procinctum, diuque ex utraque parte acies ordinatae cum utrique fortes et neuter infirmior esset, datis dextris in pristina concordia redierunt, foedusque firmatum ab alterutrum fida pace peracta recessit uterque. 178 Qua pace Attila, Hunnorum omnium dominus et paene totius Scythiae gentium solus in mundo regnator, qui erat famosa inter omnes gentes claritate mirabilis. Ad quem in legatione se missum a Theodosio iuniore Priscus istoricus tali voce inter alia refert: ingentia si quidem flumina, id est Tisia Tibisiaque et Dricca transientes venimus in loco illo, ubi dudum Vidigoia Gothorum fortissimus Sarmatum dolo occubuit; indeque non longe ad vicum, in quo rex Attila morabatur, accessimus, vicum inquam ad instar civitatis amplissimae, in quo lignea moenia ex tabulis nitentibus fabricata repperimus, quarum compago ita solidum mentiebatur, ut vix ab intentu possit iunctura tabularum conpraehendi.

177 With Hunnic auxiliaries also, Litorius leading, the Roman army moved into battle array against the Goths; and for a long time the battle-lines having been marshaled on either side, since both were strong and neither the weaker, with right hands given they returned to their former concord, and the treaty having been ratified, each withdrew, the faithful peace being accomplished on either side. 178 With this peace Attila, lord of all the Huns and the sole ruler in the world of almost all the nations of Scythia, who was wondrous for fame renowned among all peoples. To whom, on an embassy sent by Theodosius the Younger, Priscus the historian reports among other things in such words: we, crossing indeed enormous rivers, that is the Tisia and the Tibisia and the Dricca, came to that place where once Vidigoia, the bravest of the Goths, fell by the deceit of the Sarmatians; and from there, not far off, we approached the vicus in which King Attila was staying—a vicus, I say, after the likeness of a very ample city—in which we found wooden walls constructed from gleaming planks, whose joining feigned such solidity that the junction of the boards could scarcely be grasped even by close scrutiny.

179 Videres triclinia ambitu prolixiore distenta porticusque in omni decore dispositas. Area vero curtis ingenti ambitu cingebatur, ut amplitudo ipsa regiam aulam ostenderet. Hae sedes erant Attilae regis barbariae tota tenenti; haec captis civitatibus habitacula praeponebat.

179 You would have seen triclinia stretched out with a more extended compass, and porticoes arranged in every adornment. The open area indeed was girded by a court of enormous circuit, so that the very amplitude displayed a royal hall. These were the seats of King Attila, holding all Barbaria; this sort of dwelling he set before captured cities.

XXXV.180 Is namque Attila patre genitus Mundzuco, cuius fuere germani Octar et Roas, qui ante Attilam regnum tenuisse narrantur, quamvis non omnino cunctorum quorum ipse. Post quorum obitum cum Bleda germano Hunnorum successit in regno, et, ut ante expeditionis, quam parabat, par foret, augmentum virium parricidio quaerit, tendens ad discrimen omnium nece suorum.

35.180 For Attila was begotten by his father Mundzucus, whose brothers were Octar and Roas, who are reported to have held the kingship before Attila, though not altogether over all those over whom he himself did. After their death he, together with his brother Bleda, succeeded to the kingdom of the Huns; and, in order that before the expedition which he was preparing he might be on a par for it, he sought an augmentation of strength by parricide, pressing toward a crisis for all by the slaughter of his own.

181 Sed librante iustitia detestabili remedio crescens deformes exitus suae crudelitatis invenit. Bleda enim fratre fraudibus interempto, qui magnae parti regnabat Hunnorum, universum sibi populum adunavit, aliarumque gentium, quas tunc in dicione tenebat, numerositate collecta, primas mundi gentes Romanos Vesegothasque subdere praeoptabat. 182 Cuius exercitus quingentorum milium esse numero ferebatur.

181 But with justice holding the balance, as he grew by a detestable remedy he discovered the misshapen outcomes of his cruelty. For Bleda, his brother—who was ruling a great part of the Huns—having been done away with by treacheries, he united the entire people to himself; and, the numbers of other nations which he then held in dominion having been gathered, he preferred to subject the prime nations of the world, the Romans and the Visigoths. 182 His army was reported to be 500,000 in number.

Vir in concussione gentium natus in mundo, terrarum omnium metus, qui, nescio qua sorte, terrebat cuncta formidabili de se opinione vulgata. Erat namque superbus incessu, huc atque illuc circumferens oculos, ut elati potentia ipso quoque motu corporis appareret; bellorum quidem amator, sed ipse manu temperans, consilio validissimus, supplicantium exorabilis, propitius autem in fide semel susceptis; forma brevis, lato pectore, capite grandiore, minutis oculis, rarus barba, canis aspersus, semo nasu, teter colore, origenis suae signa restituens. 183 Qui quamvis huius esset naturae, ut semper magna confideret, addebat ei tamen confidentia gladius Martis inventus, sacer apud Scytharum reges semper habitus, quem Priscus istoricus tali refert occasione detectum.

A man born in the concussion of the nations in the world, the dread of all lands, who, I know not by what lot, kept terrifying all things, a formidable opinion about himself having been spread abroad. For he was proud in gait, carrying his eyes here and there, so that his exaltation by power appeared even in the very movement of his body; indeed a lover of wars, but himself restraining his hand, most mighty in counsel, easily entreated by suppliants, and gracious toward those once received into his faith; short in stature, with broad chest, with a rather large head, with small eyes, sparse in beard, sprinkled with gray, snub-nosed, grim in color, restoring the marks of his origin. 183 And although he was of such a nature as always to be confident in great things, yet confidence was added to him by the sword of Mars found, always held sacred among the kings of the Scythians, which Priscus the historian reports to have been revealed on such an occasion.

Cum pastor, inquiens, quidam gregis unam boculam conspiceret claudicantem nec causam tanti vulneris inveniret, sollicitus vestigia cruoris insequitur tandemque venit ad gladium, quem depascens herbas incauta calcaverat, effossumque protinus ad Attilam defert. Quo ille munere gratulatus, ut erat magnanimis, arbitratur se mundi totius principem constitutum et per Martis gladium potestatem sibi concessam esse bellorum.

When, he says, a certain shepherd noticed one heifer of the herd limping and could not find the cause of so great a wound, anxious, he follows the vestiges of gore, and at length comes upon a sword, which, as she was depasturing the grasses, the incautious creature had trodden upon; and, having dug it out, he straightway bears it to Attila. Grateful for this gift, as he was magnanimous, he judges himself constituted the prince of the whole world, and that through the sword of Mars the power of wars has been granted to him.

XXXVI.184 Huius ergo mentem ad vastationem orbis paratam comperiens Gyzericus, rex Vandalorum, quem paulo ante memoravimus, multis muneribus ad Vesegotharum bella precipitat, metuens, ne Theodoridus Vesegotharum rex filiae suae ulcisceretur iniuriam, quae Hunerico Gyzerici filio iuncta prius quidem tanto coniugio laetaretur, sed postea, ut erat ille et in sua pignora truculentus, ob suspicionem tantummodo veneni ab ea parati, naribus abscisam truncatamque auribus, spolians decore naturali, patri suo ad Gallias remiserat, ut turpe funus miseranda semper offerret et crudelitas, qua etiam moverentur externi, vindictam patris efficacius impetraret. 185 Attila igitur dudum bella concepta Gyzerici redemptione parturiens, legatos in Italia ad Valentinianum principem misit, serens Gothorum Romanorumque discordia, ut, quos proelio non poterat concutere, odiis internis elideret, asserens, se rei publicae eius amicitias in nullo violare, sed contra Theoderidum Vesegotharum regem sibi esse certamen.

36.184 Therefore, discovering this man’s mind prepared for the devastation of the world, Geiseric, king of the Vandals, whom we mentioned a little before, with many gifts precipitates him into wars against the Visigoths, fearing lest Theoderid, king of the Visigoths, should avenge the injury of his daughter, who, joined to Huneric, Geiseric’s son, had at first rejoiced in so great a marriage, but afterwards, as he was truculent even toward his own pledges, on the mere suspicion of poison prepared by her, with her nose cut off and her ears mutilated, stripping her of natural comeliness, he had sent her back to her father in Gaul, so that, ever offering a shameful funeral and a pitiable spectacle, and by a cruelty at which even outsiders would be moved, she might more effectively obtain her father’s vengeance. 185 Attila, therefore, long bringing to birth the wars conceived by Geiseric’s buy‑off, sent envoys into Italy to Valentinian the emperor, sowing discord between Goths and Romans, so that those whom he could not shake by battle he might crush by internal hatreds, asserting that he in no way violated that commonwealth’s friendships, but that his contest was against Theoderid, king of the Visigoths.

Vnde cum excipi libenter optaret, citera epistula usitatis salutationum blandimentis oppleverat, studens fidem adhibere mendacio. 186 Pari etiam modo ad regem Vesegotharum Theoderidum dirigit scripta, hortans, ut a Romanorum societate discederet recoleretque proelia, quae paulo ante contra eum fuerant concitata. Sub nimia feritate homo subtilis ante quam bella gereret arte pugnabat.

Whence, since he desired to be received gladly, he had filled up the rest of the letter with the usual blandishments of salutations, striving to attach credence to a mendacity. 186 In a like manner he directs writings to Theoderidus, king of the Visigoths, urging that he depart from alliance with the Romans and renew the battles which a little before had been stirred up against him. Beneath excessive ferocity, a subtle man, he fought by artifice before he waged wars.

187 Tunc Valentinianus imperator ad Vesegothas eorumque regem Theoderidum in his verbis legationem direxit: 'Prudentiae vestrae est, fortissimi gentium, adversus orbis conspirare tyrannum, qui optat mundi generale habere servitium, qui causas proelii non requirit, sed, quidquid commiserit, hoc putat esse legitimum, ambitum suum brachio metitur, superbiam licentia satiat; qui ius fasque contemnens, hostem se exhibet et naturae. Cunctorum etenim meretur hic odium, qui in commune omnium se adprobat inimicum. 188 Recordamini, quaeso, quod certe non potest oblivisci, ab Hunnis non per bella, ubi communis casus est, fusum, sed, quod graviter anget, insidiis appetitum. Vt de nobis taceamus, potestis hanc inulti ferre superbiam?

187 Then Emperor Valentinian dispatched a legation to the Visigoths and their king Theoderidus in these words: 'It belongs to your prudence, bravest of the nations, to conspire against the tyrant of the world, who longs to have the world’s general servitude; who does not require causes for battle, but whatever he has committed, this he deems to be legitimate; he measures his ambit by his arm, he satiates his pride with license; and, scorning right and divine law, he exhibits himself an enemy even to nature. For he indeed deserves the hatred of all, who proves himself a common enemy to all. 188 Recall, I pray, what surely cannot be forgotten: that by the Huns you were not routed in wars—where the lot is common—but, what will grievously vex, were assailed by treacheries. To be silent about us, can you bear this arrogance unavenged?'

Armorum potentes favete propriis doloribus et communes iungite manus. Auxiliamini etiam rei publicae, cuius membrum tenetis. Quam sit autem nobis expetenda vel amplexanda societas, hostis interrogate consilia'. 189 His et similia legati Valentiniani regem permoverunt Theodoridum.

Powerful in arms, favor your own grievances and join hands in common. Give aid also to the republic, of which you hold a member. And how much the society (alliance) is to be sought after or embraced by us, ask the enemy’s counsels'. 189 By these and similar (words) the legates of Valentinian stirred King Theoderid.

Quibus ille respondit: 'Habetis, inquid, Romani, desiderium vestrum; fecistis Attilam et nobis hostem. Sequimur illum quocumque vocaverit, et quamvis infletur de diversis gentium victoriis, norunt tamen Gothi confligere cum superbis, nullum bellum dixerim grave, nisi quod causa debilitat, quando nil triste pavet, cui maiestas adriserit'. 190 Adclamant responso comites duci, laetus sequitur vulgus. Fit omnibus ambitus pugnae, hostes iam Hunni desiderantur.

To which he replied: 'You have, he said, Romans, your desire; you have made Attila an enemy to us as well. We follow him wherever he calls, and although he is inflated over diverse victories of nations, yet the Goths know how to engage in conflict with the proud; I would call no war grievous, except one whose cause enfeebles it, since he fears nothing grim for whom Majesty has smiled'. 190 The companions acclaim their leader at the reply, the crowd follows glad. A striving for battle arises in all; now the Huns are desired as the enemy.

Producitur itaque a rege Theodorido Vesegotharum innumerabilis multitudo; qui quattuor filios domi dimissos, id est Friderichum et Eurichum, Retemerim et Himnerith secum tantum Thorismud et Theodericum maiores natu participes laboris adsumit. Felix procinctum, auxilium tutum, suave collegium habere solacia illorum, quibus delectat ipsa etiam simul subire discrimina. 191 A parte vero Romanorum tanta patricii Aetii providentia fuit, cui tunc innitebatur res publica Hesperiae plagae, ut undique bellatoribus congregatis adversus ferocem et infinitam multitudinem non impar occurreret.

Accordingly, by King Theodoric there is brought forth an innumerable multitude of the Visigoths; who, the four sons left at home—that is, Frideric and Euric, Retemeris and Himnerith—takes with him only Thorismud and Theoderic, the elder in years, as partners in the toil. Fortunate the battle-line, safe the succor, sweet the fellowship, to have the consolations of those whom it delights even to undergo dangers together. 191 On the Roman side, so great was the providence of the Patrician Aetius, upon whom at that time the commonwealth of the Hesperian quarter leaned, that, with warriors gathered from every side, he confronted the fierce and boundless multitude on no unequal terms.

Hi enim adfuerunt auxiliares: Franci, Sarmatae, Armoriciani, Liticiani, Burgundiones, Saxones, Ripari, Olibriones, quondam milites Romani, tunc vero iam in numero auxiliarium exquisiti, aliaeque nonnulli Celticae vel Germanie nationes. 192 Convenitur itaque in campos Catalaunicos, qui et Mauriaci nominantur, centum leuvas, ut Galli vocant, in longum tenentes et septuaginta in latum. Leuva autem Gallica una mille et quingentorum passuum quantitate metitur.

For these auxiliaries were present: Franks, Sarmatians, Armoricians, Liticians, Burgundians, Saxons, Riparians, Olibriones—once Roman soldiers, but then already selected into the number of auxiliaries—and some other Celtic or Germanic nations. 192 Therefore they assemble on the Catalaunian plains, which are also named the Mauriaci, stretching one hundred leuvas, as the Gauls call them, in length and seventy in width. Moreover, one Gallic leuva is measured by the quantity of one thousand five hundred paces.

Fit ergo area innumerabilium populorum pars illa terrarum. Conseruntur acies utraeque fortissimae; nihil subreptionibus agitur, sed aperto Marte certatur. 193 Quae potest digna causa tantorum motibus invenire?

Thus that part of the lands becomes the threshing-floor of innumerable peoples. The battle-lines—both most strong—are joined; nothing is done by subreption, but the contest is in open Mars, open war. 193 What cause worthy can be found for motions so great?

Aut quod odium in se cunctos animavit armari? Probatum est humanum genus regibus vivere, quando unius mentis insano impetu strages sit facta populorum et arbitrio superbi regis momento defecit quod tot saeculis natura progenuit.

Or what hatred animated all to arm themselves against him? It has been proved that the human race lives under kings, when by the insane impetus of a single mind a slaughter of peoples has been wrought, and by the arbitrement of a proud king, in a moment, that which nature brought forth through so many ages has failed.

XXXVII.194 Sed antequam pugnae ipsius ordinem referamus, necessarium videtur edicere, quae in ipsis bellorum motibus acciderunt, quia sicut famosum proelium, ita multiplex atque perplexum. Sangibanus namque rex Alanorum metu futurorum perterritus Attilae se tradere pollicetur et Aurelianam civitatem Galliae, ubi tunc consistebat, in eius iura transducere.

37.194 But before we recount the order of the combat itself, it seems necessary to set forth what happened in the very movements of the wars, because, just as the battle is famous, so it is manifold and perplexing. For Sangibanus, king of the Alans, terrified by fear of things to come, promises to surrender himself to Attila and to transfer the city of Aurelianum in Gaul, where he was then encamped, into his jurisdiction.

195 Quod ubi Theodoridus et Aetius agnoverunt, magnis aggeribus eandem urbem ante adventum Attilae struunt, suspectumque custodiunt Sangibanum et inter suos anxiliares medium statuunt cum propria gente. Igitur Attila rex Hunnorum tali perculsus eventu diffidens suis copiis metuit inire conflictum. Inter que fugam revolvens ipso funere tristiorem, statuit per aruspices futura inquirere.

195 When Theodoric and Aetius recognized this, they build great ramparts for that same city before Attila’s arrival, and they keep the suspect Sangibanus under guard and set him, with his own people, in the midst among their auxiliaries. Therefore Attila, king of the Huns, smitten by such an event, distrusting his own forces, feared to enter into conflict. And meanwhile, turning over flight—a thing sadder than death itself—he resolved to inquire the future through the haruspices.

196 Qui more solito nunc pecorum fibras, nunc quasdam venas in abrasis ossibus intuentes Hunnis infausta denuntiant; hoc tamen quantulum praedixere solacii, quod summus hostium ductor de parte adversa occumberet relictamque victoriam sua morte triumphum foedaret. Cumque Attila necem Aetii, quod eius motibus obviabat, vel cum sua perditione duceret expetendam, tali praesagio sollicitus, ut erat consiliorum in rebus bellicis exquisitor, circa nonam diei horam proelium sub trepidatione committit, ut, si secus cederet, nox imminens subveniret.

196 They, observing in the customary manner now the fibers of herd-animals, now certain veins in scraped bones, announce ill-omens to the Huns; yet they foretold this small solace, that the highest leader of the enemies on the opposing side would fall, and that the victory left behind would by his death defile the triumph. And since Attila deemed the death of Aetius—because he opposed his movements—to be a thing to be sought even together with his own ruin, troubled by such a presage, as he was a seeker-out of counsels in matters of war, around the 9th hour of the day he joins battle with trepidation, so that, if it should turn out otherwise, the impending night might come to the rescue.

XXXVIII.197 Convenere partes, ut diximus, in campos Catalaunicos. Erat autem positio loci declivi tumore in editum collis excrescens.

38.197 The parties, as we have said, convened in the Catalaunian fields. The position of the place, however, with a sloping swelling, rose out into an elevated hill.

Quem uterque cupiens exercitus obtinere, quia loci oportunitas non parvum benificium confert, dextram partem Hunni cum suis, sinistram Romani et Vesegothae cum auxiliariis occuparunt, relictoque de cacumine eius iugo certamen ineunt. Dextrum itaque cornum cum Vesegothis Theoderidus tenebat, sinistrum Aetius cum Romanis, conlocantes in medio Sanguibanum, quem superius rettulimus praefuisse Alanis, providentes cautioni militari, ut eum, de cuius animo minus praesumebant, fidelium turba concluderent. Facile namque adsumit pugnandi necessitatem, cui fugiendi inponitur difficultas.

Which each army, desiring to obtain—since the opportunity of the place confers no small benefit—the Huns with their own seized the right part, the Romans and the Visigoths with auxiliaries the left; and, with the ridge from its summit left between, they enter into the contest. Thus Theoderic held the right wing with the Visigoths, Aetius the left with the Romans, placing in the middle Sangibanus, whom above we reported to have been over the Alans, providing for military caution that him, in whose spirit they presumed less, a throng of the faithful might enclose. For he readily takes up the necessity of fighting upon whom the difficulty of fleeing is imposed.

198 E diverso vero fuit Hunnorum acies ordinata, ut in medio Attila cum suis fortissimis locaretur, sibi potius rex hac ordinatione prospiciens, quatenus inter gentis suae rubor positus ab imminenti periculo redderetur exceptus. Cornua vero eius multiplices populi et diversae nationes, quos dicioni suae subdiderat, ambiebant. 199 Inter quos Ostrogotharum praeminebat exercitus Valamire et Theodemire et Videmere germanis ductantibus, ipso etiam rege, cui tunc serviebant, nobilioribus, quia Amalorum generis eos potentia inlustrabat; eratque et Gepidarum agmini innumerabili rex ille famosissimus Ardaricus, qui ob nimiam suam fidelitatem erga Attila eius consiliis intererat.

198 On the contrary, the battle-line of the Huns was arrayed so that in the middle Attila might be stationed with his very bravest, the king looking out for himself rather by this disposition, to the end that, placed amid the strength of his people, he might be rendered excepted from imminent danger. But his wings were encompassed by manifold peoples and diverse nations whom he had subjected to his dominion. 199 Among these the army of the Ostrogoths was preeminent, with the brothers Valamir and Theodemir and Vidimer leading, more noble even than the king himself whom they then served, because the power of the race of the Amals made them illustrious; and over the innumerable host of the Gepids was that most famous king Ardaric, who, on account of his excessive fidelity toward Attila, took part in his counsels.

Nam perpendens Attila sagacitate sua, eum et Valamerem, Ostrogotharum regem, super ceteros regulos diligebat. 200 Erat namque Valamir secreti tenax, blandus alloquio, dolis gnarus; Ardaricus fide et consilio, ut diximus, clarus. Quibus non inmerito contra parentes Vesegothas debuit credere pugnaturis.

For, weighing with his sagacity, Attila esteemed him and Valamer, king of the Ostrogoths, above the other reguli (petty kings). 200 For Valamer was tenacious of secrecy, winning in address, skilled in wiles; Ardaric, as we said, was renowned for fidelity and counsel. In these men he not undeservedly had to trust as about to fight against their kinsmen, the Visigoths.

Reliqua autem, si dici fas est, turba regum diversarumque nationum ductores ac si satellites notibus Attilae attendebant, et ubi oculo annuisset, absque aliqua murmuratione cum timore et tremore unusquisque adstabat, aut certe, quod iussus fuerat, exequebatur. 201 Solus Attila rex omnium regum super omnes et pro omnibus sollicitus erat. Fit ergo de loci, quem diximus oportunitate certamen.

The rest, however, if it is lawful to say so, the throng of kings and the leaders of diverse nations, as if satellites, attended to Attila’s nods; and whenever he nodded with his eye, without any murmuring, with fear and trembling each stood at attention, or else, assuredly, executed what he had been ordered. 201 Attila alone, king of all kings, was solicitous over all and on behalf of all. Therefore a contest arises about the opportuneness of the place which we have mentioned.

Attila suos diriget, qui cacumen montis invaderent, sed a Thorismundo et Aetio praevenitur, qui eluctati collis excelsa ut conscenderent, superiores effecti sunt, venientesque Hunnos montis benificio facile turbaverunt.

Attila directs his men to assault the summit of the mountain, but he is forestalled by Thorismund and Aetius, who, having forced their way up so as to gain the hill’s lofty heights, became the superiors, and by the mountain’s benefit easily threw the oncoming Huns into confusion.

XXXIX.202 Tunc Attila cum videret exercitum causa praecedente turbatum, tali eum ex tempore credidit alloquio confirmandum. 'Post victorias tantarum gentium, post orbem, si consistatis, edomitum, ineptum iudicaveram tamquam ignaros rei verbis acuere.

39.202 Then Attila, when he saw the army disturbed by the preceding cause, believed that it ought, on the spot, to be confirmed by such an ex tempore allocution. 'After the victories of so many nations, after the world—if you would stand firm—subdued, I had judged it inept to whet with words, as though you were ignorant of the matter.

Quaerat hoc aut novus ductor aut inexpertus exercitus. 203 Nec mihi fas est aliquid vulgare dicere, nec vobis oportet audire. Quid autem aliud vos quam bellare consuetum? Aut quid viro forti suavius, quam vindicta manu querere?

Let this be sought either by a new leader or an inexperienced army. 203 Nor is it licit for me to say anything vulgar, nor ought you to hear it. What else are you accustomed to than to wage war? Or what is sweeter to a brave man than to seek vengeance by the hand?

Magnum munus a natura animos ultione satiare. 204 Adgrediamur igitur hostem alacres: audaciores sunt semper, qui inferunt bellum. Adunatas dispicite dissonas gentes: indicium pavoris est societate defendi. En ante impetum nostrum terroribus iam feruntur, excelsa quaerunt, tumulos capiunt et sera paenitudine in campos monitiones efflagitant.

A great gift from nature, to sate the spirits with vengeance. 204 Let us therefore attack the enemy eager: they are always bolder who bring war. Look upon the assembled discordant nations: to be defended by alliance is a sign of fear. Behold, before our onrush they are already driven by terrors, they seek the heights, they seize the mounds, and with late repentance they demand fortifications upon the plains.

Nota vobis sunt quam sint levia Romanorum arma: primo etiam non dico vulnere, sed ipso pulvere gravantur, dum in ordine coeunt et acies testudineque conectunt. 205 Vos confligite perstantibus animis, ut soletis, despicientesque eorum aciem Alanos invadite, in Vesegothas incumbite. Inde nobis cita victoria quaerere, unde se continet bellum. Abscisa autem nervis mox membra relabuntur, nec potest stare corpus, cui ossa subtraxeris.

You know how light the arms of the Romans are: at the very first they are weighed down not, I do not say, by a wound, but by the dust itself, while they come together in order and connect their battle-line and testudo. 205 You fight with steadfast spirits, as you are wont, and, despising their battle-line, invade the Alans, press upon the Visigoths. From that quarter whence the war holds itself together, let us seek a swift victory for us. But when the sinews are cut, the limbs soon slip down again, nor can a body stand, from which you have withdrawn the bones.

Consurgant animi, furor solitus intumescat. Nunc consilia, Hunni, nunc arma depromite: aut vulneratus quis aduersarii mortem reposcat aut inlaesus hostium clade satietur. 206 Victuros nulla tela conveniunt, morituros et in otio fata praecipitant. Postremo cur fortuna Hunnos tot gentium victores adseret, nisi ad certaminis huius gaudia praeparasset?

Let spirits rise, let the accustomed fury swell. Now bring forth counsels, Huns, now arms: let whoever is wounded demand the adversary’s death, or, unhurt, let him be sated with the slaughter of the enemies. 206 No weapons befit those who are going to live; the Fates even in idleness hurry on those who are going to die. Finally, why would Fortune champion the Huns, victors of so many nations, unless she had prepared them for the joys of this contest?

Quis denique Meotidarum iter maiores nostros aperuit tot saeculis clausum secretum? Quis adhuc inermibus cedere faciebat armatos? Faciem Hunnorum non poterat ferre adunata collectio.

Who, finally, opened to our ancestors the Maeotian route, a secret closed for so many centuries? Who up to now was making the armed yield to the unarmed? The gathered collection could not bear the face of the Huns.

Non fallor eventu: hic campus est, quem nobis tot prospera promiserunt. Primus in hoste tela coiciam. si quis potuerit Attila pugnante otio ferre, sepultus est'. His verbis accensi, in pugna cuncti praecipitantur.

I am not deceived by the outcome: this is the field which so many prosperities promised to us. I will be the first to cast missiles against the enemy. If anyone can endure ease while Attila is fighting, he is buried'. Inflamed by these words, all rush headlong into the battle.

XL. 207 Et quamvis haberent res ipse formidinem, praesentia tamen regis cunctatione merentibus auferebat. Manu manibus congrediuntur; bellum atrox multiplex immane pertinax, cui simile nulla usquam narrat antiquitas, ubi talia gesta referantur, ut nihil esset, quod in vita sua conspicere potuisset egregius, qui huius miraculi privaretur aspectu. 208 Nam si senioribus credere fas est, rivulus memorati campi humili ripa praelabens, peremptorum vulneribus sanguine multo provectus est, non auctus imbribus, ut solebat, sed liquore concitatus insolito torrens factus est cruoris augmento.

40.207 And although the circumstances themselves had dread, yet the presence of the king took away delay from those who were meriting it by hesitation. They meet hand to hands; a war atrocious, multiple, immense, pertinacious, to which nothing similar anywhere does antiquity narrate, where such deeds are reported, so that he who was deprived of the sight of this miracle could have seen nothing in his life that was outstanding. 208 For if it is right to believe the elders, a rivulet of the aforementioned field, gliding by with a low bank, was borne along with much blood from the wounds of the slain, not increased by rains, as it was accustomed, but, stirred by an unusual liquid, it became a torrent by the augmentation of gore.

Et quos illic coegit in aridam sitim vulnus inflictum, fluenta mixta clade traxerunt: ita constricti sorte miserabili sorvebant putantes sanguinem quem fuderant sauciati. 209 Hic Theodoridus rex dum adhortans discurrit exercitum, equo depulsus pedibusque suorum conculcatus vitam maturae senectutis conclusit. Alii vero dicunt eum interfectum telo Andagis de parte Ostrogotharum, qui tunc Attilanis sequebantur regimen.

And those whom there an inflicted wound drove into arid thirst drew streams mixed with slaughter: thus constrained by a pitiable lot they were sipping, thinking it was the blood which they, wounded, had poured out. 209 Here King Theodoridus, while running about exhorting the army, was cast from his horse and trampled under the feet of his own men, and he closed a life of mature old age. But others say that he was slain by the weapon of Andagis from the side of the Ostrogoths, who at that time were following Attila’s rule.

Hoc fuit, quod Attilae praesagio aruspices prius dixerant, quamvis ille de Aetio suspicaret. 210 Tunc Vesegothae dividentes se ab Alanis invadunt Hunnorum caterva et pene Attilam trucidarent, nisi providus prius fugisset et se suosque ilico intra septa castrorum, quam plaustris vallatum habebat, reclusisset; quamvis fragili munimine, eo tamen quaesierunt subsidium vitae, quibus paulo ante nullus poterat muralis agger obsistere. 211 Thorismud autem regis Theodoridi filius, qui cum Aetio collem anticipans hostes de superiore loco proturbaverat, credens se ad agmina propria pervenire, nocte caeca ad hostium carpenta ignarus incurrit.

This was what the haruspices had earlier said by a presage to Attila, although he suspected it about Aetius. 210 Then the Visigoths, separating themselves from the Alans, assail the throng of the Huns, and they would almost have butchered Attila, had he not, being provident, fled first and shut himself and his men forthwith within the enclosures of the camp, which he had fenced with wagons; although a fragile muniment, yet there they sought a succor of life, they to whom a little before no mural rampart could offer resistance. 211 But Thorismund, son of King Theodoric, who, seizing the hill in advance with Aetius, had driven the enemy from the higher ground, believing that he was reaching his own ranks, in blind night unknowingly ran into the enemy’s wagons.

Quem fortiter demicante quidam capite vulnerato equo deiecit, suorumque providentia liberatus a proeliandi intentione desivit. 212 Aetius vero similiter noctis confusione divisus cum inter hostes medius vagaretur, trepidus, ne quid incidisset adversi, Gothos inquiret, tandemque ad socia castra perveniens, relicuum noctis scutorum defensione transegit. Postera die luce orta cum tumulatos cadaveribus campos aspicerent nec audere Hunnos erumpere, suam arbitrantes victoriam scientesque Attilam non nisi magna clade confossum bella confugere, cum tamen nil ageret vel prostratus abiectum, sed strepens armis, tubis canebat incursionemque minabatur, velut leo venabulis praessus speluncae aditus obambulans nec audet insurgere nec desinet fremetibus vicina terrere: sic bellicosissimus rex victores suos turbabat inclusus.

Whom, as he was fighting bravely, a certain man, his head wounded, threw from his horse; and by the providence of his own men he was set free and ceased from the intention of fighting. 212 Aetius likewise, separated by the confusion of night, as he wandered in the midst among the enemies, anxious lest anything adverse had happened, sought the Goths, and at length, reaching the allied camp, he passed the remainder of the night under the defense of shields. On the next day, with light arisen, when they beheld the fields heaped with corpses and the Huns did not dare to break out, they reckoned the victory theirs, and knew that Attila would not flee from battle unless pierced through by a great disaster; though he did nothing, being cast down and abject, yet, clashing arms, he sounded the trumpets and threatened an incursion, like a lion pressed by hunting-spears, pacing about the entrance of a cave, neither daring to rise nor ceasing to terrify the neighboring places with roarings: thus the most bellicose king, shut in, was troubling his conquerors.

213 Conveniunt itaque Gothi Romanique et quid agerent de superato Attila, deliberant. Placet eum obsidione fatigari, quia annonae copiam non habebat, quando ab ipsorum sagittariis intra septa castrorum locatis crebris ictibus arceretur accessus. Fertur autem desperatis rebus praedictum regem adhuc et suppraemo magnanimem equinis sellis construxisse pyram seseque, si adversarii inrumperent, flammis inicere voluisse, ne aut aliquis eius vulnere laetaretur aut in potestate hostium tantarum gentium dominus perveniret.

213 Thus the Goths and Romans convene and deliberate what they should do about the defeated Attila. It pleases them that he be wearied by a siege, because he did not have an abundance of provisions, since by their archers, stationed within the enclosures of the camp, access would be warded off by frequent shots. It is reported, moreover, that when affairs were desperate, the aforesaid king, still magnanimous even at the very last, constructed a pyre out of horse-saddles and wished to cast himself into the flames, lest either anyone should rejoice at his wound or the lord of so many nations should come into the power of enemies.

XLI. 214 Verum inter has obsidionum moras Vesegothae regem, fili patrem requirunt, admirantes eius absentiam, dum felicitas fuerit subsecuta. Cumque diutius exploratum, ut viris fortibus mos est, inter densissima cadavera repperissent, cantibus honoratum inimicis spectantibus abstulerunt.

41.214 But amid these delays of the sieges the Visigoths seek their king, the sons their father, marveling at his absence, since good fortune had followed. And when, after searching longer, as is the custom of brave men, they had found him among the densest corpses, they bore him away, honored with songs, the enemies looking on.

Videres Gothorum globos dissonis vocibus confragosos adhuc inter bella furentia funeri reddidisse culturam. Fundebantur lacrimae, sed quae viris fortibus inpendi solent. Nam mors erat, sed Hunno teste gloriosa, unde hostium putaretur inclinatam fore superbiam, quando tanti regis efferri cadaver cum suis insignibus conspiciebant.

You might have seen the compact masses of Goths, with dissonant voices, even amid raging wars, render funerary observance to the dead. Tears were being poured forth, but such as are wont to be expended by valiant men. For it was death, but glorious, with the Hun as witness—whence it might be thought that the pride of the enemies would be bowed down, when they beheld the cadaver of so great a king carried forth with his own insignia.

215 At Gothi Theodorito adhuc iusta solventes armis insonantibus regiam deferunt maiestatem fortissimusque Thorismud bene gloriosos manes carissimi patris, ut decebat filium, patris exequias prosecutus. Quod postquam peractum est, orbitatis dolore commotus et virtutis impetu, qua valebat, dum in reliquis Hunnorum mortem patris vindicare contendit, Aetium patricium ac si seniorem prudentiaeque maturum de hac parte consuluit, quid sibi esset in tempore faciendum. 216 Ille vero metuens, ne Hunnis funditus interemptis a Gothis Romanum praemeretur imperium, praebet hac suasione consilium, ut ad sedes proprias remearet regnumque, quod pater reliquerat, arriperet, ne germani eius opibus adsumptis paternis Vesegotharum regno pervaderent graviterque dehinc cum suis et, quod peius est, miseriterque pugnaret.

215 But the Goths, while still paying the due rites to Theodoric and with arms resounding, confer royal majesty; and the most brave Thorismud, as befitted a son, duly escorted the glorious shades of his dearest father in his father’s obsequies. After this was completed, stirred by the grief of bereavement and by the onset of virtue/valor, in which he was strong, while he strove among the remaining Huns to avenge his father’s death, he consulted the patrician Aetius, as a senior and ripe in prudence, on this point, what ought to be done by him at the moment. 216 He, indeed, fearing lest, if the Huns were utterly slain by the Goths, the Roman imperium be overborne, offers counsel with this suasion: that he should return to his own seats and seize the kingdom which his father had left, lest his brothers, having taken up the paternal resources, should overrun the kingdom of the Visigoths, and thereafter he would fight grievously with his own, and—what is worse—miserably.

Quod responsum non ambiguae, ut datum est, sed pro sua potius utilitate susceptum relictis Hunnis redit ad Gallias. 217 Sic humana fragilitas dum suspicionibus occurrit. magna plerumque agenda rerum occasione intercepit.

That response, not received as it was given for an unambiguous end, but rather taken up for his own utility, with the Huns left behind, he returns to Gaul. 217 Thus human fragility, while meeting suspicions, has for the most part intercepted the occasion of great things to be done.

In hoc etenim famosissimo et fortissimarum gentium bello ab utrisque partibus clxv milia caesa referuntur, exceptis quindecim milibus Gepidarum et Francorum, qui ante congressionem publicam noctu sibi occurrentes mutuis concidere vulneribus, Francis pro Romanorum, Gepidas pro Hunnorum parte pugnantibus.

In this, indeed, most famous war of the very bravest nations, it is reported that 165,000 were cut down on both sides, except for 15,000 of the Gepids and of the Franks, who, before the public congress, meeting each other by night, fell by mutual wounds—the Franks fighting on the Roman side, the Gepids on the Hunnic side.

218 Attila igitur cognita discessione Gothorum, quod de inopinatis collegi solet, inimicorum magis aestimans dolum diutius se intra castra continuit. Sed ubi hostium absentia sunt longa silentia consecuta, erigitur mens ad victoriam, gaudia praesumuntur atque potentis regis animus in antiqua fata revertitur. Thorismud ergo, patre mortuo in campis statim Catalaunicis, ubi et pugnaverat, regia maiestate subvectus Tolosam ingreditur.

218 Attila therefore, once he learned of the withdrawal of the Goths—such as is wont to be inferred from unexpected developments—judging it rather an enemy stratagem, kept himself for a longer time within the camp. But when long silences ensued upon the enemies’ absence, the mind is raised toward victory, joys are anticipated, and the spirit of the powerful king returns to his ancient fate. Therefore Thorismud, his father having died on the Catalaunian plains, where he too had fought, borne aloft to royal majesty, enters Toulouse.

Hic licet fratrum et fortium turba gauderet, ipse tamen sic sua initia moderatus est, ut nullius repperiret de regni sucessione certamen.

Here, although the throng of brothers and of the brave rejoiced, he himself nevertheless so moderated his beginnings that he found no contest over the succession of the kingdom.

XLII. 219 Attila vero nancta occasione de secessu Vesegotharum, et, quod saepe optaverat, cernens hostium solutione per partes, mox iam securus ad oppressionem Romanorum movit procinctum, primaque adgressione Aquileiensem obsidet civitatem, quae est metropolis Venetiarum, in mucrone vel lingua Atriatici posita sinus, cuius ab oriente murus Natissa amnis fluens a monte Piccis elambit. 220 Ibique cum diu multumque obsidens nihil paenitus praevaleret, fortissimis intrinsecus Romanorum militibus resistentibus, exercitu iam murmurante et discedere cupiente, Attila deambulans circa muros, dum, utrum solveret castra an adhuc remoraretur, deliberat, animadvertit candidas aves, id est ciconias, qui in fastigia domorum nidificant, de civitate foetos suos trahere atque contra morem per rura forinsecus conportare.

42.219 But Attila, having gained an occasion from the withdrawal of the Visigoths, and seeing—what he had often desired—a dissolution of the enemies by parts, soon now confident moved his battle-line for the oppression of the Romans; and at the first assault he besieges the Aquileian city, which is the metropolis of Venetia, set on the point or tongue of the Adriatic gulf, whose wall on the east the river Natissa, flowing from Mount Piccis, laps along. 220 And there, though besieging long and much, he in no wise prevailed at all, the bravest Roman soldiers inside resisting, and the army now murmuring and wishing to depart; Attila, strolling around the walls, while he deliberates whether he should break camp or still delay, notices white birds, that is, storks, who nest on the roof-ridges of houses, drawing their young out of the city and, contrary to custom, carrying them outside through the countryside.

221 Et ut erat sagacissimus inquisitor, presensit et ad suos: 'Respicite, inquid, aves futurarum rerum providas perituram relinquere civitatem casurasque arces periculo imminente deserere. Non hoc vacuum, non hoc credatur incertum; rebus presciis consuetudinem mutat ventura formido'. Quid plura? Animos suorum rursus ad oppugnandam Aquileiam inflammat.

221 And as he was a most sagacious inquirer, he anticipated it and to his own men: 'Consider, he said, the birds, provident of future things, leaving a city doomed to perish and, with danger imminent, deserting the citadels that are about to fall. Let this not be empty, let this not be thought uncertain; when things are foreknown, the fear of what is to come changes its accustomed habit'. What more? He again inflames the spirits of his men to attack Aquileia.

Qui machinis constructis omniaque genera tormentorum adhibita, nec mora et invadunt civitatem, spoliant, dividunt vastantque crudeliter, ita ut vix eius vestigia ut appareat reliquerunt. 222 Exhinc iam audaciores et necdum Romanorum sanguine satiati per reliquas Venetum civitates Hunni bacchantur. Mediolanum quoque Liguriae metropolim et quondam regiam urbem pari tenore devastant nec non et Ticinum aequali sorte deiciunt vicinaque loca saevientes allidunt demoliuntque pene totam Italiam.

They, with machines constructed and every kind of engines of war brought to bear, without delay invade the city, despoil, divide, and devastate it cruelly, so that they left scarcely its traces to be seen. 222 From there, now more audacious and not yet sated with the blood of the Romans, the Huns run riot through the remaining Venetian cities. Milan also, the metropolis of Liguria and once a royal city, they devastate in like tenor; and Ticinum as well they cast down with equal lot, and, raging, they dash against and demolish the neighboring places—almost the whole of Italy.

Cumque ad Romam animus fuisset eius adtentus accedere, sui eum, ut Priscus istoricus refert, removerunt, non urbi, cui inimici erant, consulentes, sed Alarici quondam Vesegotharum regis obicientes exemplo, veriti regis sui fortunam, quia ille post fractam Romam non diu supervixerit, sed protinus rebus humanis excessit. 223 Igitur dum eius animus ancipiti negotio inter ire et non ire fluctuaret secumque deliberans tardaret, placida ei legatio a Roma advenit. Nam Leo papa per se ad eum accedens in agro Venetum Ambuleio, ubi Mincius amnis commeantium frequentatione transitur.

And when his spirit had been intent to approach Rome, his own men, as Priscus the historian reports, removed him—not taking counsel for the city, to which they were inimical, but putting forward the example of Alaric, once king of the Visigoths, fearing for their own king’s fortune, because he, after Rome had been sacked, did not long survive, but immediately departed from human affairs. 223 Therefore, while his mind in a twofold dilemma was wavering between to go and not to go, and, deliberating with himself, he delayed, a placid legation arrived to him from Rome. For Pope Leo, approaching him in person in the Ambuleian field of the Veneti, where the river Mincio is crossed by the frequent passage of travelers.

Qui mox deposuit exercitatu furore et rediens, quo venerat, iter ultra Danubium promissa pace discessit, illud pre omnibus denuntians atque interminando decernens, graviora se in Italia inlaturum, nisi ad se Honoriam Valentiniani principis germanam, filiam Placidiae Augustae, cum portione sibi regalium opum debita mitterent. 224 Ferebatur enim, quia haec Honoria, dum propter aulae decus ad castitatem teneretur nutu fratris inclusa, clam eunucho misso Attilam invitasse, ut contra fratris potentiam eius patrociniis uteretur: prorsus indignum facinus, ut licentiam libidinis malo publico conpararet.

Who soon laid aside his warlike fury and, returning by the route by which he had come, departed beyond the Danube with peace promised, proclaiming this before all and, by threatening, decreeing that he would bring graver things upon Italy unless they should send to him Honoria, sister of the emperor Valentinian, daughter of Placidia Augusta, together with the portion of the royal riches owed to him. 224 For it was reported that this Honoria, while for the decorum of the court she was being held to chastity, shut up at her brother’s nod, had secretly—an eunuch having been sent—invited Attila, that she might use his patronage against her brother’s power: a thoroughly unworthy deed, that she should purchase a license of lust at public harm.

XLIII. 225 Reversus itaque Attila in sedes suas et quasi otii penitens graviterque ferens a bello cessare, ad Orientis principem Marcianum legatos dirigit, provinciarum testans vastationem, quod sibi promissum a Theodosio quondam imperatore minime persolveretur, et inhumanior solito suis hostibus appareret. Haec tamen agens, ut erat versutus et callidus, alibi minatus alibi arma sua commovit, et, quod restabat indignationi, faciem in Vesegothas convertit.

43.225 Thus Attila, having returned to his seats and, as if repenting of otium and bearing it grievously to cease from war, dispatches envoys to Marcian, emperor of the East, attesting the devastation of the provinces, because what had been promised to him by the late emperor Theodosius was by no means being paid in full, and that he was appearing more inhuman than his wont toward his enemies. Yet while doing these things, as he was wily and crafty, he menaced in one place and elsewhere set his arms in motion, and, what remained to his indignation, he turned his face against the Visigoths.

226 Sed non eum, quem de Romanis, reportavit eventum. Nam per dissimiles anteriores vias recurrens, Alanorum partem trans flumen Ligeris considentem statuit suae redigere dicioni, quatenus mutata per ipsos belli facie terribilior immineret. Igitur ab Dacia et Pannonia provinciis, in quibus tunc Hunni cum diversis subditis nationibus insidebant, egrediens Attila in Alanos movit procinctum.

226 But he did not bring back the same outcome that he had from the Romans. For, returning by different earlier routes, he determined to bring under his dominion a portion of the Alans settled across the river Liger, so that, with the face of the war changed through them, he might loom more terrible. Therefore, going out from the provinces of Dacia and Pannonia, in which at that time the Huns were encamped with various subjected nations, Attila set his battle-array in motion against the Alans.

227 Sed Thorismud rex Vesegotharum, fraudem Attilae non inpari subtilitate presentiens, ad Alanos tota velocitate prius advenit, ibique supervenientis Attilae iam motibus preparatus occurrit, consertoque proelio pene simili eum tenore, ut prius in campos Catalaunicos, ab spe removit victoriae fugatumque a partibus suis sine triumpho remittens in sedes proprias fugire compulit. Sic Attila famosus et multarum victoriarum dominus dum quaerit famam perditoris abicere et quod prius a Vesegothis pertulerat abolere, geminata sustenuit ingloriosusque recessit. 228 Thorismud vero repulsis ab Alanis Hunnorum catervis sine aliqua suorum lesione Tolosa migravit suorumque quieta pace conposita tertio anno regni sui egrotans, dum sanguinem tollit de vena, ab Ascalc suo clienti inimico nuntiante arma subtracta peremptus est.

227 But Thorismud, king of the Visigoths, anticipating Attila’s deceit with a subtlety not unequal, came first to the Alans with all speed, and there, prepared already for the movements of Attila as he was arriving, he met him; and the battle being joined, in almost the same tenor as before on the Catalaunian Plains, he removed him from hope of victory and, having routed him from his positions, sending him back without triumph, he compelled him to flee to his own seats. Thus Attila, famed and master of many victories, while he seeks to cast off the reputation of a loser and to abolish what he had previously endured from the Visigoths, suffered it doubled and withdrew inglorious. 228 Thorismud, however, the Hunnish bands having been driven back from the Alans without any injury to his men, moved to Toulouse; and his people’s quiet peace having been settled, in the third year of his reign, being ill, while he draws blood from a vein, he was slain by Ascal, his client—an enemy—reporting that the weapons had been removed.

Vna tamen manu, quam liberam habebat, scabillum tenens sanguinis sui extitit ultor, aliquantos insidiantes sibi extinguens.

With one hand, however, which he had free, holding a footstool, he proved the avenger of his own blood, extinguishing several who were lying in wait for him.

XLIV. 229 Post cuius decessum Theoderidus germanus eius Vesaegotharum in regno succedens, mox Riciarium Suavorum regem cognatum suum repperit inimicum. Hic etenim Riciarius affinitate Theoderidi presumens, universam pene Spaniam sibi credidit occupandam, iudicans oportunum tempus subreptionis incomposita initia temptare regnantis.

XLIV. 229 After whose death, Theoderic, his brother, succeeding of the Visigoths in the kingdom, soon found Rechiarius, king of the Suevi, his kinsman, an enemy. For this Rechiarius, presuming upon his affinity with Theoderic, believed that almost the whole of Spain was to be occupied by himself, judging it an opportune time of subreption to attempt the uncomposed beginnings of the reigning king.

230 Quibus antea Gallicia et Lysitania sedes fuere, quae in dextro latere Spaniae per ripani Oceani porriguntur, habentes ab oriente Austrogonia, ab occidente in promuntorio sacrum Scipionis Romani ducis monumentum, a septentrione Oceanum, a meridie Lysitaniam et fluvium Tagum, qui harenis suis permiscens auri metalla trahit cum limi vilitate divitias. Exinde ergo exiens Riciarius rex Suavorum nititur totas Spanias occupare. 231 Cui Theodoridus cognatus suus, ut erat moderatus, legatos mittens, pacifice dixit, ut non solum recederet a finibus alienis, verum etiam nec temptare presumeret, odium sibi tali ambitione adquirens.

230 For whom formerly Galicia and Lusitania were seats, which on the right side of Spain stretch along the shore of the Ocean, having on the east Austrogonia, on the west at the Sacred Promontory the monument of Scipio, the Roman leader, on the north the Ocean, on the south Lusitania and the river Tagus, which, mixing with its own sands, draws metals of gold—riches together with the cheapness of silt. From there therefore setting out, Riciarius, king of the Suevi, strives to occupy all the Spains. 231 To whom Theodoridus, his kinsman, as he was moderate, sending envoys, said peacefully that he should not only withdraw from others’ borders, but also should not presume even to attempt it, acquiring hatred for himself by such ambition.

Ille vero animo pretumido ait: 'Si hic murmuras et me venire causaris, Tolosam, ubi tu sedes, veniam; ibi, si vales, resiste'. His auditis aegre tulit Theodoridus compacatusque cum citeris gentibus arma movit in Suavos, Burgundzonum quoque Gnudiuchum et Hilpericum reges auxiliarios habens sibique devotos. 232 Ventum est ad certamen iuxta flumen Vlbium, qui inter Asturicam Hiberiamque pretermeat, consertoque proelio Theoderidus cum Vesegothis, qui ex iusta parte pugnabat, victor efficitur, Suavorum gente pene cuncta usque ad internicione prosternens. Quorum rex Riciarius relicta infesta hoste fugiens in nave conscendit adversaque procella Tyrreni hoste repercussus Vesegotharum est manibus redditus.

He, however, with a puffed-up spirit, said: 'If you murmur here and allege that I am coming, to Toulouse, where you sit, I will come; there, if you are strong, resist.' On hearing this, Theodoridus took it ill, and, having made a compact with the other nations, he moved arms against the Suevi, also having Gnudüchus and Hilpericus, kings of the Burgundians, as auxiliaries and devoted to himself. 232 It came to a contest near the river Ulbius, which flows between Asturica and Hiberia; and, battle being joined, Theoderidus with the Visigoths, who was fighting on the just side, became victor, prostrating almost the whole nation of the Suevi unto extermination. Their king Riciarius, leaving the hostile foe, fled and boarded a ship, and, driven back by a hostile storm of the Tyrrhenian, was handed over into the hands of the Visigoths.

Miserabilis non differt mortem, cum elementa mutaverit. 233 Theoderidus vero victor existens subactis pepercit nec ultra certamine saevire permisit, preponens Suavis, quos subegerat, clientem proprium nomine Agrivulfum. Qui in brevi animu praevaricatione Suavorum suasionibus commutans neglexit imperata conplere, potius tyrranica elatione superbiens credensque se ea virtute provinciam obtinere, qua dudum cum domino suo ea subigisset.

The miserable man does not defer death, when he had changed the elements. 233 Theoderidus, however, being victor, spared the subjugated and did not permit further savagery in combat, appointing over the Suevi, whom he had subdued, his own client by the name Agrivulf. He, shortly, changing his mind by a prevarication through the persuasions of the Suevi, neglected to complete the commanded things, rather exulting in tyrannical elation and believing that by that same virtue he could hold the province by which, formerly, with his lord, he had subdued it.

Vir si quidem erat Varnorum stirpe genitus, longe a Gothici sanguinis nobilitate seiunctus, idcirco nec libertatem studens nec patrono fidem reservans. 234 Quo conperto Theodoridus mox contra eum, qui eum de regno pervaso deicerent, destinavit. Qui venientes sine mora in primo eum certamine superantes congruam factorum eius ab eo exigerunt ultionem.

The man indeed was born from the stock of the Varni, far separated from the nobility of Gothic blood, and therefore neither striving for liberty nor reserving faith to his patron. 234 When this was discovered, Theoderidus at once sent against him those who would cast him down from the kingdom he had usurped. They, coming without delay and defeating him in the first engagement, exacted from him the fitting vengeance for his deeds.

Captus namque et suorum solacio destitutus capite plectitur, sensitque tandem iratum, qui propitium dominum crediderat contemnendum. Tunc Suavi rectoris sui interitum contuentes locorum sacerdotes ad Theoderidum supplices direxerunt. Quos ille pontificali reverentia suscipiens non solum inpunitatem Suavorum indulsit, sed ut sibi de suo genere principem constituerent, flexus pietate concessit.

For captured and deprived of the support of his own, he is punished with beheading, and at last he felt the lord angry whom, when propitious, he had thought could be despised. Then the local priests, beholding the death of their ruler among the Suevi, sent as suppliants to Theoderidus. He, receiving them with pontifical reverence, not only granted impunity to the Suevi, but, moved by piety, allowed that they should appoint for themselves a prince from their own stock.

Quod et factum est, et Rimismundum sibi Suavi regulum ordinaverunt. His peractis paceque cuncta munitis, tertio decimo regni sui anno Theoderidus occubuit.

Which also was done, and they appointed Rimismund for themselves as a petty king of the Suevi. With these things accomplished and everything secured by peace, in the thirteenth year of his reign Theoderidus died.

XLV. 235 Cui frater Eurichus praecupida festinatione succedens sceva suspicione pulsatus est. Nam dum haec circa Vesegotharum gente et alia nonnulla geruntur, Valentinianus imperator dolo Maximi occisus est et ipse Maximus tyrrannico more regnum invasit.

45.235 To him his brother Euric, succeeding with precipitate haste, was assailed by a savage suspicion. For while these things were being done around the nation of the Visigoths and some other matters, the emperor Valentinian was slain by the guile of Maximus, and Maximus himself seized the rule in tyrannical fashion.

Quod audiens Gyzericus rex Vandalorum ab Africa armata classe in Italiam venit Romaeque ingressus cuncta devastat. Maximus vero fugiens a quodam Vrso, milite Romano, interemptus est. 236 Post quem iussu Marciani imperatoris Orientalis Maiurianus Occidentale suscepit imperium gubernandum.

Hearing this, Gaiseric, king of the Vandals, came from Africa to Italy with an armed fleet, and, having entered Rome, he devastated everything. But Maximus, fleeing, was slain by a certain Ursus, a Roman soldier. 236 After whom, by the order of Marcian, the Eastern emperor, Majorian assumed the Western empire for governing.

Sed et ipse non diu regnans, dum contra Alanos, qui Gallias infestabant, movisset procinctum, Dertona iuxta fluvium Hyra cognomento occiditur. Cuius locum Severus invasit, qui tertio anno imperii sui Romae obiit. Quod cernens Leo imperator, qui in Orientali regno Marciano successerat, Anthemium patricium suum ordinans Romae principem distinavit.

But he too, not reigning long, when he had set in motion a battle-arrayed campaign against the Alans, who were infesting Gaul, was slain at Dertona near the river by the name Hyra. Severus seized his place, who in the third year of his reign died at Rome. Seeing this, the emperor Leo, who had succeeded Marcian in the Eastern realm, ordaining his Patrician Anthemius, dispatched him to Rome as princeps.

Qui veniens ilico Recimerem generum suum contra Alanos direxit, virum egregium et pene tunc in Italia ad exercitum singularem. Qui et multitudine Alanorum et regem eorum Beorgum in primo statim certamine superatos internicioni prostravit. 237 Euricus ergo, Vesegotharum rex, crebram mutationem Romanorum principum cernens Gallias suo iure nisus est occupare.

Who, coming, immediately directed Ricimer, his son-in-law, against the Alans—a distinguished man and, at that time in Italy, almost singular in the army. He also, in the very first contest, having overcome both the multitude of the Alans and their king Beorgus, struck them down to utter destruction. 237 Euric, therefore, king of the Visigoths, perceiving the frequent change of Roman emperors, strove to occupy Gaul by his own right.

Quod conperiens Anthemius imperator Brittonum solacia postulavit. Quorum rex Riotimus cum duodecim milia veniens in Beturigas civitate Oceano e navibus egresso susceptus est. 238 Ad quos rex Vesegotharum Eurichus innumerum ductans advenit exercitum diuque pugnans Riutimum Brittonum rege, antequam Romani in eius societate coniungerentur, effugavit.

Learning of this, the emperor Anthemius sought the aid of the Britons. Their king Riotimus, coming with twelve thousand, in the city of the Bituriges, after disembarking from the ships from the Ocean, was received. 238 To them King Eurichus of the Visigoths came, leading an innumerable army, and after fighting for a long time with Riotimus, king of the Britons, before the Romans could be joined in alliance with him, he put him to flight.

Qui amplam partem exercitus amissam cum quibus potuit fugiens ad Burgundzonum gentem vicinam Romanisque in eo tempore foederatam advenit. Eurichus vero rex Vesegotharum Arevernam Galliae civitatem occupavit Anthemio principe iam defuncto: 239 qui cum Ricemere genero suo intestino bello saeviens Romam trivisset, ipseque a genero peremptus regnum reliquid Olybrio. Quo tempore in Constantinopolim Aspar primus patriciorum et Gothorum genere clarus cum Ardabure et Patriciolo filiis, illo quidem olim patricio, hoc autem Caesare generoque Leonis principis appellato, spadonum ensibus in palatio vulneratus interiit.

Who, having lost a large part of the army, fleeing with whom he could, came to the nation of the Burgundians, neighboring and at that time foederate with the Romans. But Eurichus, king of the Visigoths, occupied the Arvernian city of Gaul, with Anthemius the prince now deceased: 239 who, together with his son-in-law Ricimer, raging in civil war, had ground down Rome; and he himself, slain by his son-in-law, left the rule to Olybrius. At which time in Constantinople Aspar, first of the patricians and renowned for Gothic stock, together with his sons Ardabur and Patriciolus—the former indeed once a Patricius, the latter however called Caesar and son-in-law of the prince Leo—wounded by the swords of the eunuchs in the palace, perished.

Et necdum Olybrio octavo mense in regno ingresso obeunte Glycerius apud Ravennam plus presumptione quam electione Caesar effectus. Quem anno vix expleto Nepus Marcellini quondam patricii sororis filius a regno deiciens in Porto Romano episcopum ordinavit. 240 Tantas varietates mutationesque Eurichus cernens, ut diximus superius, Arevernam occupans civitatem, ubi tunc Romanorum dux praeerat Ecdicius nobilissimus senator et dudum Aviti imperatoris, qui ad paucos dies regnum invaserat, filius (nam hic ante Olybrium paucos dies tenens imperium ultro secessit Placentia, ibique episcopus est ordinatus). Huius ergo filius Ecdicius, diu certans cum Vesegothis nec valens antestare, relicta patria maximeque urbem Arevernate hosti, ad tutiora se loca collegit.

And, when Olybrius, after entering upon the rule, had not yet completed the eighth month before he died, Glycerius at Ravenna, more by presumption than by election, was made Caesar. Whom, with scarcely a year completed, Nepus, the son of the sister of Marcellinus, once a patricius, casting down from the kingship, ordained as bishop at Roman Port. 240 Such great varieties and changes perceiving, Eurichus, as we said above, occupying the Arvernian city, where at that time the Roman dux Ecdicius, a most noble senator and the son of the Emperor Avitus (who had seized the kingship for a few days), was in command (for this man, before Olybrius, holding the imperium for a few days, voluntarily withdrew to Placentia, and there was ordained bishop). Therefore his son Ecdicius, long contending with the Visigoths and not able to withstand, leaving his homeland and especially the Arvernian city to the enemy, gathered himself to safer places.

241 Quod audiens Nepus imperator praecepit Ecdicium relictis Galliis ad se venire loco eius Orestem mag. mil. ordinatum.

241 Hearing this, Emperor Nepus ordered Ecdicius, with Gaul left behind, to come to him, and in his place Orestes was appointed magister militum.

Qui Orestes suscepto exercitu et contra hostes egrediens a Roma Ravenna pervenit ibique remoratus Augustulum filium suum imperatorem effecit. Quo conperto Nepus fugit Dalmatias ibique defecit privatus a regno, ubi iam Glycerius dudum imperator episcopatum Salonitanum habebat.

Which Orestes, with the army taken up and going out against the enemies, came from Rome to Ravenna, and lingering there he effected his son Augustulus as emperor. This having been learned, Nepos fled to Dalmatia, and there, deprived of the kingship, remained a private person, where already Glycerius, once emperor, held the bishopric of Salona.

XLVI. 242 Augustulo vero a patre Oreste in Ravenna imperatore ordinato non multum post Odoacer Torcilingorum rex habens secum Sciros, Herulos diversarumque gentium auxiliarios Italiam occupavit et Orestem interfectum Augustulum filium eius de regno pulsum in Lucullano Campaniae castello exilii poena damnavit. 243 Sic quoque Hesperium Romanae gentis imperium, quod septingentesimo nono urbis conditae anno primus Augustorum Octavianus Augustus tenere coepit, cum hoc Augustulo periit anno decessorum prodecessorumve regni quingentesimo vicesimo secundo, Gothorum dehinc regibus Romam Italiamque tenentibus.

46.242 But with Augustulus appointed emperor at Ravenna by his father Orestes, not much later Odoacer, king of the Torcilingi, having with him the Sciri, the Heruli, and auxiliaries of diverse nations, seized Italy; and Orestes having been killed, he condemned Augustulus, his son, driven from the realm, to the penalty of exile in the Lucullan castle of Campania. 243 Thus too the Western empire of the Roman people, which in the 709th year from the founding of the City the first of the Augusti, Octavian Augustus, began to hold, perished with this Augustulus, in the 522nd year of the reign of his predecessors, the kings of the Goths thereafter holding Rome and Italy.

Interea Odoacer rex gentium omnem Italiam subiugatam, ut terrorem suum Romanis iniceret. mox initio regni sui Bracilam comitem apud Ravennam occidit regnoque suo confortato pene per tredecem annos usque ad Theodorici praesentiam, de quo in subsequentibus dicturi sumus, obtenuit.

Meanwhile Odoacer, king of the nations, having subjugated all Italy, in order to inject his terror into the Romans. soon, at the beginning of his reign, he killed the count Bracila at Ravenna; and, his rule strengthened, he held it for almost thirteen years, until the presence of Theodoric, of whom we shall speak in what follows, arrived.

XLVII. 244 Interim tamen ad eum ordinem, unde digressi sumus, redeamus, et quomodo Euricus rex Vesegotharum Romani regni vacillationem cernens Arelatum et Massiliam propriae subdidit dicioni. Gyzericus etenim Vandalorum rex suis eum muneribus ad ista committenda inlicuit, quatenus ipse Leonis vel Zenonis insidias, quas contra eum direxerant, praecaveret, egitque, ut Orientalem imperium Ostrogothas, Hesperium Vesegothae vastarent, ut in utramque rem publicam hostibus decernentibus ipse in Africa quietus regnaret.

47.244 Meanwhile, however, let us return to that order whence we digressed, and tell how Euric, king of the Visigoths, seeing the vacillation of the Roman realm, subjected Arelate (Arles) and Massilia (Marseilles) to his own dominion. For Gaiseric, king of the Vandals, by his gifts enticed him to commit these acts, in order that he himself might forestall the plots of Leo or Zeno which they had directed against him; and he brought it about that the Eastern empire should be ravaged by the Ostrogoths, the Hesperian (Western) by the Visigoths, so that, with enemies contending against each commonwealth, he himself might reign at ease in Africa.

Quod Eurichus grato suscipiens animo, totas Spanias Galliasque sibi iam iure proprio tenens, simul quoque et Burgunzones subegit Arelatoque degens nono decimo anno regni sui vita privatus est. 245 Huic successit proprius filius Alarichus, qui nonus in numero ab illo Alarico magno regnum adeptus est Vesegotharum. Nam pari tenore, ut de Augustis superius diximus, et in Alaricis provenisse cognoscitur, et in eos saepe regna deficiunt, a quorum nominibus inchoarunt.

Which Euric, receiving with a grateful spirit, holding all the Spains and the Gauls to himself already in his own right, at the same time also subdued the Burgundians; and dwelling at Arles, in the nineteenth year of his reign he was deprived of life. 245 To him his own son Alaric succeeded, who, ninth in number from that Alaric the Great, obtained the kingdom of the Visigoths. For in a like tenor, as we said above about the Augusti, it is recognized to have come about also among the Alarics, and upon those the kingdoms often fail, from whose names they began.

Quod nos interim praetermisso sic ut promisimus omnem Gothorum texamus originem.

Which, with it in the interim passed over, thus as we promised, let us weave the entire origin of the Goths.

XLVIII. 246 Et quia, dum utrique gentes, tam Ostrogothae quam etiam Vesegothae, in uno essent, ut valui, maiorum sequens dicta revolvi divisosque Vesegothas ab Ostrogothis ad liquidum sum prosecutus, necesse nobis est iterum ad antiquas eorum Scythicas sedes redire et Ostrogotharum genealogia actusque pari tenore exponere. Quos constat morte Hermanarici regis sui, decessione a Vesegothis divisos, Hunnorum subditos dicioni, in eadem patria remorasse, Vinithario tamen Amalo principatus sui insignia retinente.

48.246 And since, while both peoples, both Ostrogoths and also Vesegoths, were as one, as I was able, following the dicta of the elders I have reviewed and have pursued to full clarity the Vesegoths separated from the Ostrogoths, it is necessary for us again to return to their ancient Scythian seats and to set forth in equal tenor the genealogy and acts of the Ostrogoths. It is agreed that they, upon the death of their king Hermanaric, being separated from the Vesegoths by that departure, remained subject to the dominion of the Huns, lingering in the same patria, yet with Vinitharius the Amalus retaining the insignia of his principate.

247 Qui avi Vultulfi virtute imitatus, quamvis Hermanarici felicitate inferior, tamen aegre ferens Hunnorum imperio subiacere, paululum se subtrahens ab illis suaque dum nititur ostendere virtute, in Antorum fines movit procinctum, eosque dum adgreditur prima congressione superatus, deinde fortiter egit regemque eorum Boz nomine cum filiis suis et lxx primatibus in exemplum terroris adfixit, ut dediticiis metum cadavera pendentium geminarent. 248 Sed dum tali libertate vix anni spatio imperasset, non est passus Balamber, rex Hunnorum, sed ascito ad se Gesimundo, Hunnimundi magni filio, qui iuramenti sui et fidei memor cum ampla parte Gothorum Hunnorum imperio subiacebat, renovatoque cum eo foedere super Vinitharium duxit exercitum; diuque certati primo et secundo certamine Vinitharius vincit. Nec valet aliquis commemorare, quanta strage de Hunnorum Venetharius fecit exercitu.

247 He, imitating the virtue of his grandsire Vultulf, although inferior to Hermanaric in felicity, yet, chafing to lie under the imperium of the Huns, withdrawing himself a little from them and striving to display his own prowess, moved his battle-array into the borders of the Antae; and when he attacks them, overcome in the first encounter, thereafter he acted bravely and affixed their king, by name Boz, with his sons and 70 chiefs, as an exemplar of terror, so that for the dediticii the fear might be doubled by the corpses of the hanging. 248 But when with such liberty he had scarce ruled for the space of a year, Balamber, king of the Huns, did not allow it, but, having called to himself Gesimund, son of great Hunnimund—who, mindful of his oath and faith, was subject with a large part of the Goths to the Huns’ imperium—and the foedus renewed with him, led an army against Vinitharius; and after long contesting, in the first and second engagement Vinitharius is the victor. Nor can anyone recount what great slaughter Venetharius made of the army of the Huns.

249 Tertio vero proelio subreptionis auxilio ad fluvium nomine Erac, dum utrique ad se venissent, Balamber sagitta missa caput Venetharii saucians interemit neptemque eius Vadamercam sibi in coniugio copulans iam omnem in pace Gothorum populum subactum possedit, ita tamen, ut genti Gothorum semperum proprius regulus, quamvis Hunnorum consilio, imperaret. 250 Et mox defuncto Venethario rexit eos Hunimundus, filius quondam regis potentissimi Hermanarici, acer in bello totoque corpore pulchritudine pollens, qui post haec contra Suavorum gente feliciter dimicavit. Eoque defuncto successit Thorismud filius eius flore iuventutis ornatus, qui secundo principatus sui anno contra Gepidas movit exercitum magnaque de illis potitus victoria casu equi dicitur interemptus.

249 But in the third battle, with the help of a surreptitious stratagem, at the river named Erac, when both had come against each other, Balamber, sending an arrow and wounding the head of Venetharius, slew him; and, joining his granddaughter Vadamerca to himself in marriage, he now possessed in peace the whole people of the Goths subdued, yet in such a way that the nation of the Goths should always have its own petty king, though ruling by the counsel of the Huns. 250 And soon, Venetharius being dead, Hunimund ruled them, son of the once most powerful king Hermanaric, keen in war and excelling in beauty of his whole body; and after these things he fought successfully against the nation of the Suebi. And with him dead, his son Thorismud succeeded, adorned with the flower of youth, who in the second year of his principate moved an army against the Gepidae and, having gained a great victory over them, is said to have been slain by a mishap of his horse.

251 Quo defuncto sic eum luxerunt Ostrogothae, ut quadraginta per annos in eius locum rex alius non succederet, quatenus et illius memoriae semperum haberent in ore et tempus accederet, quo Valamer habitum repararet virilem, qui erat ex consubrino eius genitus Vandalario; quia filius eius, ut superius diximus, Beremud iam contempta Ostrogotharum gente propter Hunnorum dominio ad partes Hesperias Vesegotharum fuisset gente secutus, de quo et ortus est Vetericus. Veterici quoque filius natus est Eutharicus, qui iunctus Amalasuenthae filiae Theodorici, item Amalorum stirpe iam divisa coniunxit et genuit Athalaricum et Mathesuentam. Sed quia Athalaricus in annis puerilibus defunctus est, Mathesuenta Constantinopolim allata de secundo uiro, id est Germano fratruele Iustiniani imperatoris, genuit postumum filium, quem nominavit Germanum.

251 With him defunct, the Ostrogoths lamented him in such a way that for forty years no other king succeeded in his place, so that they might always have his memory on their lips and the time might arrive when Valamer would assume the manly habit—he who had been begotten from his consobrinus (maternal cousin), Vandalarius; for his son, as we said above, Beremud, having now despised the nation of the Ostrogoths on account of the dominion of the Huns, had followed the people of the Visigoths into the Hesperian parts, from whom was also born Vetericus. And to Veteric(us) a son was born, Eutharicus, who, joined to Amalasuentha, daughter of Theodoric, likewise reunited the stock of the Amals, now divided, and begot Athalaric and Mathesuenta. But because Athalaric died in boyish years, Mathesuenta, brought to Constantinople, by her second husband—namely Germanus, the cousin of the emperor Justinian—bore a posthumous son, whom she named Germanus.

252 Sed nobis, ut ordo, quem coepimus, decurrat, ad Vandalarii sobulem, quae trino flore pululabat redeundum est. Hic enim Vandalarius, fratruelis Hermanarici et supra scripti Thorismudi consubrinus, tribus editis liberis in gente Amala gloriatus est, id est Valamir Thiudimir Vidimir. Ex quibus per successione parentum Valamir in regno conscendit adhuc Hunnis eos inter alias gentes generaliter optinentibus.

252 But for us, that the order which we have begun may run through, we must return to the offspring of Vandalarius, which was sprouting with a triple blossom. For this Vandalarius, cousin of Hermanaric and cousin (above-written) of Thorismud, gloried in three children brought forth in the Amal gens, namely Valamir, Thiudimir, Vidimir. Of whom, by the succession of the parents, Valamir ascended the kingship, while the Huns were still generally holding them among the other gentes.

253 Eratque tunc in tribus his germanis contemplatio grata, quando mirabilis Thiudimer pro fratris Valamir militabat imperio, Valamir vero pro altero iubebat ornando, Vidimer servire fratribus aestimabat. Sic eis mutua affectione se tuentibus nulli paenitus deerat regnum, quod utrique in sua pace tenebant. Ita tamen, ut saepe dictum est, imperabant, ut ipsi Attilae Hunnorum regis imperio deservirent: quibus nec contra parentes Vesegothas licuisset recusare certamen, sed necessitas domini, etiam parricidium si iubet, implendum est.

253 And at that time a pleasing regard was in these three brothers, when the marvelous Thiudimer fought under the command of his brother Valamir, and Valamir indeed gave orders for the other’s adornment, while Vidimir judged it right to serve his brothers. Thus, as they protected one another with mutual affection, the kingship was by no means lacking to any, which each held in his own peace. Yet they ruled in such a way, as has often been said, that they themselves served the dominion of Attila, king of the Huns: for whom it would not have been permitted to refuse battle even against their kinsmen the Visigoths; but the necessity of the master, even if it orders parricide, must be fulfilled.

Nec aliter ab Hunnorum dominio divelli potuit gens aliqua Scythica, nisi optata cunctis nationibus in commune et Romanis mors Attilae proveniret, quae tam fuit vilis, ut vita mirabilis.

Nor otherwise could any Scythian people be torn from the dominion of the Huns, unless the death of Attila—desired by all nations in common and by the Romans—should come to pass, which was as vile as his life was marvelous.

XLIX. 254 Qui, ut Priscus istoricus refert, exitus sui tempore puellam Ildico nomine decoram valde sibi in matrimonio post innumerabiles uxores, ut mos erat gentis illius, socians eiusque in nuptiis hilaritate nimia resolutus, vino somnoque gravatus resupinus iaceret, redundans sanguis, qui ei solite de naribus effluebat, dum consuetis meatibus impeditur, itinere ferali faucibus illapsus extinxit. Ita glorioso per bella regi temulentia pudendos exitos dedit.

49.254 Who, as Priscus the historian relates, at the time of his passing, having joined to himself in matrimony a maiden named Ildico, very comely, after numberless wives, as was the custom of that people, and in her nuptials being relaxed by excessive hilarity, weighed down by wine and sleep, was lying on his back, when the overflowing blood, which was wont to flow from his nostrils, while it was obstructed in its accustomed channels, slipping on a death-bringing path into his throat, extinguished him. Thus to a king glorious through wars drunkenness gave a shameful end.

Sequenti vero luce cum magna pars diei fuisset exempta, ministri regii triste aliquid suspicantes post clamores maximos fores effringunt inveniuntque Attilae sine ullo vulnere necem sanguinis effusione peractam puellamque demisso vultu sub velamine lacrimantem. 255 Tunc, ut gentis illius mos est, crinium parte truncata informes facies cavis turpavere vulneribus, ut proeliator eximius non femineis lamentationibus et lacrimis, sed sanguine lugeretur virile. De quo id accessit mirabile, ut Marciano principi Orientis de tam feroci hoste sollicito in somnis divinitas adsistens arcum Attilae in eadem nocte fractum ostenderet, quasi quod gens ipsa eo telo multum praesumat.

On the following light, indeed, when a great part of the day had been taken away, the royal attendants, suspecting something sad, after very great shouts, break open the doors and find Attila’s death, without any wound, accomplished by an effusion of blood, and the girl with downcast face beneath a veil, weeping. 255 Then, as is the custom of that nation, with a part of their hair shorn, they defiled their formless faces with hollow wounds, so that a most preeminent warrior might be mourned not with feminine lamentations and tears, but with blood, in manly fashion. To which there was added this marvelous thing: that to Marcian, emperor of the East, solicitous concerning so ferocious an enemy, divinity, standing by in dreams, showed Attila’s bow broken on that same night, as if the nation itself presumed much upon that weapon.

Hoc Priscus istoricus vera se dicit adtestatione probare. Nam in tantum magnis imperiis Attila terribilis habitus est, ut eius mortem in locum muneris superna regnantibus indicarent. 256 Cuius manes quibus a sua gente honoratae sunt, pauca de multis dicere non omittamus.

Priscus the historian says that he proves this by true attestation. For to such a degree was Attila held as terrible by great empires that the supernal powers indicated his death as a kind of gift to those reigning. 256 Of the funeral rites with which he was honored by his own people, let us not omit to relate a few out of many.

In mediis si quidem campis et intra tenturia sirica cadavere conlocato spectaculum admirandum et sollemniter exhibetur. Nam de tota gente Hunnorum lectissimi equites in eo loco, quo erat positus, in modum circensium cursibus ambientes, facta eius cantu funereo tali ordine referebant. 257 'Praecipuus Hunnorum rex Attila, patre genitus Mundzuco, fortissimarum gentium dominus, qui inaudita ante se potentia solus Scythica et Germanica regna possedit nec non utraque Romani urbis imperia captis civitatibus terruit et, ne praedae reliqua subderentur, placatus praecibus annuum vectigal accepit: cumque haec omnia proventu felicitatis egerit, non vulnere hostium, non fraude suorum, sed gente incolume inter gaudia laetus sine sensu doloris occubuit.

Indeed, in the very midst of the plains and within the silken tents, with the cadaver set in place, a spectacle to be admired is solemnly exhibited. For from the whole nation of the Huns the choicest horsemen, in that spot where he had been laid, circling in courses in the manner of the circus, were recounting his deeds with a funereal chant in such an order. 257 'The preeminent king of the Huns, Attila, begotten of his father Mundzucus, lord of the bravest nations, who, with a potency unheard-of before himself, alone possessed the Scythic and Germanic realms and likewise terrified both empires of the Roman city, with cities captured; and, lest the remnant be subjected to booty, appeased by prayers accepted an annual tribute: and when he carried out all these things with the outcome of felicity, not by a wound of enemies, not by the fraud of his own, but with his people unscathed, amid joys, glad, he fell without sense of pain.

Quis ergo hunc exitum putet, quem nullus aestimat vindicandum?' 258 Postquam talibus lamentis est defletus, stravam super tumulum eius quam appellant ipsi ingenti commessatione concelebrant, et contraria invicem sibi copulantes luctu funereo mixto gaudio explicabant, noctuque secreto cadaver terra reconditum copercula primum auro, secundum argento, tertium ferri rigore communiunt, significantes tali argumento potentissimo regi omnia convenisse: ferrum, quod gentes edomuit, aurum et argentum, quod ornatum rei publicae utriusque acceperit. Addunt arma hostium caedibus adquisita, faleras vario gemmarum fulgore praetiosas et diversi generis insignia, quibus colitur aulicum decus. Et, ut tantis divitiis humana curiositas arceretur, operi deputatos detestabili mercede trucidarunt, emersitque momentanea mors sepelientibus cum sepulto.

Who then would think this an end which no one deems to be avenged?' 258 After he was bewailed with such lamentations, they concelebrate the strava over his tumulus—which they themselves call it—with a huge commessation, and, coupling opposites to each other, they played out funeral mourning mingled with joy; and at night, in secret, the corpse, hidden in the earth, they strengthen the coverings—first with gold, second with silver, a third with the rigor of iron—signifying by such a contrivance that everything befitted the most powerful king: iron, with which he subdued peoples; gold and silver, which he had received as the ornament of each commonwealth. They add arms acquired by the slaughters of enemies, phalerae precious with the various brilliance of gems, and insignia of different kinds, by which the courtly splendor is cultivated. And, that human curiosity might be warded off from such great riches, they butchered those assigned to the work with a detestable wage, and sudden death surfaced for the buriers along with the buried.

L. 259 Talibus peractis, ut solent animi iuvenum ambitu potentiae concitari, inter successores Attilae de regno orta contentio est, et dum inconsulti imperare cupiunt cuncti, omnes simul imperium perdiderunt. Sic frequenter regna gravat copia quam inopia successorum. Nam fili Attilae, quorum per licentiam libidinis pene populus fuit, gentes sibi dividi aequa sorte poscebant, ut ad instar familiae bellicosi reges cum populis mitterentur in sortem.

50.259 With such things accomplished, as the minds of youths are wont to be stirred by the ambition of power, a contention about the kingdom arose among the successors of Attila; and while all, unadvised, desire to command, they all at once lost the imperium. Thus frequently kingdoms are burdened more by a plenty than by a poverty of successors. For Attila’s sons, of whom through the license of lust there was nearly a people, were demanding that the nations be divided to themselves by equal lot, so that, on the model of a household, warlike kings with their peoples might be assigned by lot.

260 Quod ut Gepidarum rex conperit Ardarichus, indignatus de tot gentibus velut vilissimorum mancipiorum condicione tractari, contra filios Attilae primus insurgit inlatumque serviendi pudore secuta felicitate detersit, nec solum suam gentem, sed et ceteras qui pariter praemebantur sua discessione absolvit, quia facile omnes adpetunt, quod pro cunctorum utilitate temptatur. In mutuum igitur armantur exitium bellumque committitur in Pannonia iuxta flumen, cui nomen est Nedao. 261 Illic concursus factus est gentium variarum, quas Attila in sua tenuerat dicione.

260 When Ardarich, king of the Gepids, learned this, indignant that so many nations were being treated as under the condition of the vilest slaves, he was the first to rise up against the sons of Attila, and he wiped away the shame of servitude that had been inflicted by the good fortune that followed; and he released not only his own nation but also the others who were equally oppressed by his secession, because all readily embrace that which is attempted for the utility of all. Therefore they are armed for mutual destruction, and war is joined in Pannonia near the river whose name is Nedao. 261 There a concourse was made of various nations, whom Attila had held in his dominion.

Dividuntur regna cum populis, fiuntque ex uno corpore membra diversa, nec quae unius passioni conpaterentur, sed quae exciso capite in invicem insanirent; quae numquam contra se pares invenerant, nisi ipsi mutuis se vulneribus sauciantes se ipsos discerperent fortissimae nationes. Nam ibi admirandum reor fuisse spectaculum, ubi cernere erat contis pugnantem Gothum, ense furentem Gepida, in vulnere suo Rugum tela frangentem, Suavum pede, Hunnum sagitta praesumere, Alanum gravi, Herulum levi armatura aciem strui. 262 Post multos ergo gravesque conflictos favit Gepidis inopinata victoria.

The kingdoms are divided along with the peoples, and from one body diverse members are made—yet not such as would have compassion with the passion of one, but such as, with the head cut off, would rage against one another; those who had never found equals against themselves, unless the very strongest nations, wounding themselves with mutual wounds, were themselves tearing themselves apart. For there, I reckon, there was a marvelous spectacle: where one could see a Goth fighting with pikes, a Gepid raging with a sword, a Rugian breaking missiles upon his own wound, a Sueve with the foot, a Hun to take the lead with the arrow, an Alan with heavy, a Herul with light armature, the battle-line being arrayed. 262 After many therefore and grievous conflicts, unexpected victory favored the Gepids.

Nam xxx fere milia tam Hunnorum quam aliarum gentium, quae Hunnis ferebant auxilium, Ardarici gladius conspiratioque peremit. In quo proelio filius Attilae maior natu nomine Ellac occiditur, quem tantum parens super citeros amasse perhibebatur, ut eum cunctis diversisque liberis suis in regno preferret; sed non fuit vota patris fortuna consentiens. Nam post multas hostium cedes sic viriliter eum constat peremptum, ut tam gloriosum superstis pater optasset interitum.

For almost 30 thousand, both of the Huns and of the other nations which were bearing aid to the Huns, Ardaric’s sword and conspiracy slew. In which battle Attila’s elder son by name Ellac is killed, whom the father was reported to have loved above the rest so much that he preferred him to all his diverse children in the kingdom; but fortune was not consenting to the father’s vows. For after many slaughters of the enemy it is agreed that he was thus manfully slain, such that even the surviving father would have wished for so glorious an end.

263 Reliqui vero germani eius eo occiso fugantur iuxta litus Pontici maris, ubi prius Gothos sedisse descripsimus. Cesserunt itaque Hunni, quibus cedere putabatur universitas. Adeo discidium perniciosa res est, ut divisi corruerent, qui adunatis viribus territabant.

263 But the rest of his full brothers, with him slain, were put to flight along the shore of the Pontic Sea, where earlier we described the Goths as having sat. Thus the Huns gave way, before whom the universe was thought to yield. So pernicious a thing is scission, that, divided, they collapsed who with united forces had been terrifying.

Haec causa Ardarici regis Gepidarum felix affuit diversis nationibus, qui Hunnorum regimini inviti famulabantur, eorumque diu maestissimos animos ad helaritatem libertatis votivam erexit; venientesque multi per legatos suos ad solum Romanum et a principe tunc Marciano gratissime suscepti distributas sedes, quas incolerent, acceperunt.

This event of Ardaric, king of the Gepids, proved fortunate for diverse nations who, unwilling, had been serving under the regimen of the Huns, and it raised their long most-sorrowful spirits to the cheer of the liberty they had vowed; and many, coming by their legates to the Roman soil and most graciously received by the prince then, Marcian, received allotted seats to inhabit.

264 Nam Gepidi Hunnorum sibi sedes viribus vindicantes totius Daciae fines velut victores potiti nihil aliud a Romano imperio, nisi pacem et annua sollemnia, ut strenui viri, amica pactione postulaverunt. Quod et libens tunc annuit imperator et usque nunc consuetum donum gens ipsa a Romano suscipit principe. Gothi vero cernentes Gepidas Hunnorum sedes sibi defendere Hunnorumque populum suis antiquis sedibus occupare, maluerunt a Romano regno terras petere quam cum discrimine suo invadere alienas, accipientesque Pannoniam; quae in longo porrecta planitiae habet ab oriente Moesiam superiorem, a meridie Dalmatiam, ab occasu Noricum, a septentrione Danubium.

264 For the Gepids, vindicating by force for themselves the seats of the Huns and, as victors, obtaining the borders of all Dacia, asked nothing else from the Roman empire, except peace and annual solemnities, as strenuous men, by friendly compact. Which the emperor then also gladly granted, and up to now the nation itself receives the customary gift from the Roman princeps. But the Goths, seeing that the Gepids were defending for themselves the seats of the Huns and that the people of the Huns were occupying their own ancient seats, preferred to seek lands from the Roman realm rather than to invade those of others with peril to themselves, and they received Pannonia; which, stretched out in a long plain, has to the east Upper Moesia, to the south Dalmatia, to the west Noricum, to the north the Danube.

Ornata patria civitatibus plurimis, quarum prima Syrmis, extrema Vindomina.

The fatherland is adorned with very many cities, the first of which is Syrmis, the farthest Vindomina.

265 Sauromatae vero quos Sarmatas dicimus et Cemandri et quidam ex Hunnis parte Illyrici ad Castramartenam urbem sedes sibi datas coluerunt. Ex quo genere fuit Blivila dux Pentapolitanus eiusque germanus Froila et nostri temporis Bessa patricius. Scyri vero et Sadagarii et certi Alanorum cum duce suo nomine Candac Scythiam minorem inferioremque Moesiam acceperunt.

265 The Sauromatae, indeed—whom we call the Sarmatians—and the Cemandri and certain of the Huns, in a part of Illyricum at the city of Castramartena, occupied the seats granted to them. From which stock was Blivila, Pentapolitan duke, and his brother Froila, and, of our time, Bessa, a patrician. The Sciri, indeed, and the Sadagarii, and certain of the Alans, with their leader by the name Candac, received Scythia Minor and Lower Moesia.

266 Cuius Candacis Alanoviiamuthis patris mei genitor Paria, id est meus avus, notarius; quousque Candac ipse viveret, fuit, eiusque germanae filio Gunthicis, qui et Baza dicebatur, mag. mil., filio Andages fili Andele de prosapia Amalorum descendente, ego item quamvis agramatus Iordannis ante conversionem meam notarius fui. Rugi vero aliaeque nationes nonnullae Bizzim et Arcadiopolim ut incolerent, petiverunt.

266 Of this Candac Alanoviiamuthis, my father’s begetter Paria—that is, my grandfather—was notary, as long as Candac himself lived; and to his sister’s son Gunthicis, who was also called Baza, master of soldiers, son of Andages son of Andela, descending from the lineage of the Amals, I likewise, though unlettered, Jordanes, before my conversion, was notary. The Rugians indeed and certain other nations asked to inhabit Bizym and Arcadiopolis.

Hernac quoque iunior Attilae filius cum suis in extrema minoris Scythiae sedes delegit. Emnetzur et Vltzindur consanguinei eius in Dacia ripense Vto et Hisco Almoque potiti sunt, multique Hunnorum passim proruentes tunc se in Romania dediderunt, e quibus nunc usque Sacromontisi et Fossatisii dicuntur.

Hernac also, the younger son of Attila, chose settlements with his own men in the farthest reaches of Lesser Scythia. Emnetzur and Ultzindur, his kinsmen, in Riparian Dacia got possession of Vto and Hisco and Almo; and many of the Huns, bursting forth everywhere, then surrendered themselves into Romania, from among whom even to this day they are called the Sacromontisi and the Fossatisii.

LI. 267 Erant si quidem et alii Gothi, qui dicuntur minores, populus inmensus, cum suo pontifice ipsoque primate Vulfila, qui eis dicitur et litteras instituisse. Hodieque sunt in Moesia regionem incolentes Nicopolitanam ad pedes Emimonti gens multa, sed paupera et inbellis nihilque habundans nisi armenta diversi generis pecorum et pascua silvaque lignarum; parum tritici citerarumque specierum terras fecundas. Vineas vero nec, si sunt alibi, certi eorum cognoscent ex vicina loca sibi vinum negotiantes; nam lacte aluntur plerique.

51.267 There were indeed also other Goths, who are called the lesser, an immense people, with their own pontiff and very primate Wulfila, who is said also to have instituted letters for them. And to this day they are in Moesia, inhabiting the Nicopolitan region at the feet of Mount Haemus, a numerous folk, but poor and unwarlike, abounding in nothing except herds of diverse kinds of cattle and pastures and a forest of timber; the lands are little fertile for wheat and for the other species. As for vineyards, indeed they have none; and, if there are elsewhere, some of them know it for certain, trading for wine for themselves from neighboring places; for most are nourished on milk.

LII. 268 Ergo, ut ad gentem, unde agimus, revertamur, id est Ostrogotharum, qui in Pannonia sub rege Valamir eiusque germani Thiudimer et Videmir morabantur, quamvis divisa loca, consilia tamen unita (nam Valamer inter Scarniungam et Aqua nigra fluvios, Thiudimer iuxta lacum Pelsois, Vidimer inter utrosque manebant), contigit ergo, ut Attilae fili contra Gothos quasi desertores dominationis suae, velut fugacia mancipia requirentes, venirent ignarisque aliis fratribus super Valamer solum inruerent. 269 Quos tamen ille quamvis cum paucis excepit diuque fatigatis ita prostravit, ut vix pars aliqua hostium remaneret quae in fuga versa eas partes Scythiae petere, quas Danabri amnis fluenta praetermeant, quam lingua sua Hunni Var appeIlant.

52.268 Therefore, that we may return to the nation about which we are treating, that is, the Ostrogoths, who in Pannonia were dwelling under King Valamir and his brothers-german Thiudimer and Videmir, although their places were divided, yet their counsels were united (for Valamer stayed between the rivers Scarniunga and Aqua Nigra, Thiudimer near Lake Pelso, Vidimer between the two), it befell, therefore, that the sons of Attila came against the Goths as if deserters from their domination, seeking them like fugitive mancipia, and, the other brothers being unaware, they rushed only upon Valamer. 269 Whom, however, he, although with a few, met, and after they had been wearied for a long time, so laid them low that scarcely any part of the enemies remained, which, turned to flight, made for those parts of Scythia which the streams of the Danube pass by, which in their own tongue the Huns call Var.

Eo namque tempore ad fratris Thiudimeri gaudii nuntium direxit, sed eo mox die nuntius veniens feliciorem in domo Thiudimer repperit gaudium. Ipso si quidem die Theodoricus eius filius, quamvis de Erelieva concubina, bonae tamen spei puerolus natus erat. 270 Post tempus ergo non multum rex Valamir eiusque germani Thiudemir et Vidimir, consueta dum tardarent dona a principe Marciano, quae ad instar strenuae acciperent et pacis foedera custodirent, missa legatione ad imperatorem vident Theodericum Triarii filium, et hunc genere Gothico, alia tamen stirpe, non Amala procreatum, omnino florentem cum suis, Romanorumque amicitiis iunctum et annua sollemnia consequentem, et se tantum despici.

For at that time he sent a message of joy to his brother Thiudimer; but on that very day the messenger, coming, found a happier joy in Thiudimer’s house. For on that very day Theodoric, his son—although from the concubine Erelieva—had been born, a little boy of good hope. 270 After not much time, therefore, King Valamir and his brothers Thiudimer and Vidimir, while the customary gifts from the princeps Marcian were delaying—gifts which they would receive as New-Year’s strenae and by which they would keep the treaties of peace—sending an embassy to the emperor, see Theodoric, son of Triarius, he too of Gothic race yet from another stock, not sprung from the Amali, altogether flourishing with his men, joined to the friendships of the Romans and receiving the annual solemn dues, and themselves alone despised.

271 Ilico furore commoti arma arripiunt et Illyricum pene totum discurrentes in praeda devastant. Sed statim imperator animo mutato ad pristinam recurrit amicitiam missaque legatione tam praeterita cum instantibus munera tribuit quam etiam de futuro sine aliqua controversia tribuere compromittit, pacisque obsidem ab eis, quem supra rettulimus, Theodoricum, infantulum Thiudimeris accipit; qui iam septem annorum incrementa conscendens octavum intraverat annum. Quem dum pater cunctatur dare, patruus Valamir extitit supplicator tantum, ut pax firma inter Romanos Gothosque maneret.

271 Immediately, moved by fury, they seize arms and, running through almost all Illyricum, devastate it in booty. But at once the emperor, his mind changed, returns to former friendship, and, a legation having been sent, both bestows gifts for past things together with present ones, and also promises to bestow for the future without any controversy; and as a hostage of peace from them he receives Theodoric—whom we have related above—the little child of Thiudimer; who, now mounting the increments of seven years, had entered the eighth year. While the father hesitates to give him, his uncle Valamir appeared as petitioner to such a degree, that firm peace might remain between Romans and Goths.

Datus igitur Theodoricus obses a Gothis duciturque ad urbem Constantinopolitanam Leoni principi, et, quia puerulos elegans erat, meruit gratiam imperialem habere.

Therefore Theodoric, given as a hostage, is led by the Goths to the city of Constantinople to Prince Leo, and, because he was an elegant little boy, he merited to have imperial favor.

LIII. 272 Postquam ergo firma pax Gothorum cum Romanis effecta est, videntes Gothi non sibi sufficere ea quae ab imperatore acciperent simulque solitam cupientes ostentare virtutem, coeperunt vicinas gentes circumcirca praedari, primum contra Sadagis, qui interiorem Pannoniam possidebant, arma moventes. Quod ubi rex Hunnorum Dintzic filius Attilae cognovisset, collectis secum qui adhuc videbantur quamvis pauci eius tamen sub imperio remansisse Vltzinzures, Angisciros, Bittugures, Bardores, venientesque ad Basianam Pannoniae civitatem eamque circumvallans fines eius coepit praedare.

53.272 After therefore a firm peace of the Goths with the Romans had been effected, the Goths, seeing that the things they received from the emperor did not suffice for them and at the same time desiring to display their accustomed virtue, began to prey upon the neighboring peoples round about, first moving arms against the Sadagis, who possessed Inner Pannonia. When the king of the Huns, Dintzic, son of Attila, had learned this, having gathered to himself those who still seemed, although few, nevertheless to have remained under his imperium—the Ultzinzures, the Angisciri, the Bittugures, the Bardores—and coming to Basiana, a city of Pannonia, and surrounding it with a circumvallation, he began to plunder its borders.

273 Quod conperto Gothi ibi, ubi erant, expeditionemque solventes, quam contra Sadagis collegerant, in Hunnos convertunt et sic eos suis a finibus inglorios pepulerunt, ut iam ex illo tempore qui remanserunt Hunni et usque actenus Gothorum arma formident. Quiescente vero tandem Hunnorum gente a Gothis Hunumundus Suavorum dux dum ad depraedandas Dalmatias transit, armenta Gothorum in campis errantia depraedavit, quia Dalmatia Suaviae vicina erat nec a Pannonios fines multum distabat, praesertim ubi tunc Gothi residebant. 274 Quid plurimum?

273 This being learned, the Goths there, where they were, and unloosing the expedition which they had gathered against the Sadagis, turn it against the Huns and thus drove them inglorious from their borders, so that from that time those Huns who remained, even up to the present, dread the arms of the Goths. But with the people of the Huns at last resting from the Goths, Hunimund, leader of the Suevi, while he crosses to plunder Dalmatia, plundered the herds of the Goths wandering in the fields, because Dalmatia was neighboring to Suevia and was not far from the Pannonian borders, especially where at that time the Goths were residing. 274 What more?

Hunimundus cum Suavis vastatis Dalmatiis ad sua revertens, Thiudimer germanus Valameris regis Gothorum non tantum iacturam armentorum dolens quantum metuens, ne Suavi, si inpune hoc lucrarentur, ad maiorem licentiam prosilirent, sic vigilavit in eorum transitu, ut intempesta nocte dormientes invaderet ad lacum Pelsodis consertoque inopinato proelio ita eos oppressit, ut etiam ipsum regem Hunimundum captum omnem exercitum eius, qui gladio evadissent, Gothorum subderet servituti. Et dum multum esset amator misericordiae, facta ultione veniam condonavit reconciliatusque cum Suavis eundem, quem ceperat, adoptans sibi filium, remisit cum suis in Suavia. 275 Sed ilIe inmemor paternae gratiae post aliquod tempus conceptum dolum parturiens Scirorumque gente incitans, qui tunc super Danubium consedebant et cum Gothis pacifice morabantur, quatenus scissi ab eorum foedere secumque iuncti in arma prosilerent gentemque Gothorum invaderent.

Hunimund, with the Suebi, having laid waste Dalmatia and returning to his own, Thiudimer, brother of Valamer, king of the Goths, grieving not so much the loss of the herds as fearing lest the Suebi, if they profited from this with impunity, might leap forth to greater license, so kept watch on their passage that, in the dead of night, he attacked them as they slept at Lake Pelsodis; and with an unexpected battle joined, he so crushed them that he even took King Hunimund himself captive and subjected all his army—those who had escaped the sword—to the servitude of the Goths. And since he was very much a lover of mercy, vengeance having been exacted he granted pardon, and reconciled with the Suebi, adopting the same man whom he had captured as his son, he sent him back with his own people into Suevia. 275 But he, unmindful of paternal favor, after some time bringing forth the guile he had conceived, inciting also the nation of the Sciri, who then sat along the Danube and were dwelling peaceably with the Goths, sought that, torn from their treaty with them and joined with himself, they should spring to arms and invade the nation of the Goths.

Tunc Gothis nihil mali sperantibus, praesertim de utrisque amicis vicinis confisi, bellum exurgit ex inproviso coactique necessitate ad arma confugiunt solitoque certamine arrepto se suaque iniuria ulciscuntur. 276 In eo si quidem proelio rex eorum Valamir dum equo insidens ad cohortandos suos ante aciem curreret, proturbatus equus corruit sessoremque suum deiecit, qui mox inimicorum lanceis confossus interemptus est. Gothi vero tam regis sui mortem quam suam iniuriam a rebellionibus exigentes ita sunt proeliati, ut pene de gente Scirorum nisi qui nomen ipsud ferrent, et hi cum dedecore, non remansissent: sic omnes extincti sunt.

Then, the Goths expecting nothing evil, especially trusting in both neighboring friends, war arises unexpectedly, and compelled by necessity they flee to arms, and, the usual contest having been seized, they avenge themselves and their injury. 276 In that battle indeed, their king Valamir, while sitting on his horse he was running before the battle-line to exhort his men, his horse, having been driven back, fell and cast down its rider, who, soon pierced by the enemies’ lances, was slain. But the Goths, exacting from the rebels satisfaction both for their king’s death and for their own wrong, fought in such a way that from the people of the Sciri scarcely any remained, except those who bore the name itself—and these with disgrace: thus all were exterminated.

LIV. 277 Quorum exitio Suavorum reges Hunimundus et Halaricus vereti, in Gothos arma moverunt freti auxilio Sarmatarum, qui cum Beuca et Babai regibus suis auxiliarii ei advenissent, ipsasque Scirorum reliquias quasi ad ultionem suam acrius pugnaturos accersientes cum Edica et Hunuulfo eorum primatibus habuerunt simul secum tam Gepidas quam ex gente Rugorum non parva solacia, ceterisque hinc inde collectis ingentem multitudinem adgregantes ad amnem Bolia in Pannoniis castra metati sunt. 278 Gothi tunc Valamero defuncto ad fratrem eius Thiudimer confugerunt.

54.277 At whose ruin, the kings of the Suevi, Hunimundus and Halaricus, being afraid, moved arms against the Goths, relying on the aid of the Sarmatians, who, when they had come as auxiliaries to him with their kings Beuca and Babai, and summoning even the remnants of the Sciri, as though they would fight more keenly for their own vengeance, together with Edica and Hunuulf, their chiefs, they had along with them both the Gepids and, from the nation of the Rugians, no small succors; and with the rest gathered from here and there, assembling a huge multitude, they pitched camp by the river Bolia in Pannonia. 278 The Goths then, with Valamer deceased, fled for refuge to his brother Thiudimer.

Qui quamvis dudum cum fratribus regnans, tamen auctioris potestatis insignia sumens, Vidimer fratre iuniore accito et cum ipso curas belli partitus, coactus ad arma prosilivit; consertoque proelio superior pars invenitur Gothorum, adeo ut campus inimicorum corruentium cruore madefactus ut rubrum pelagus appareret armaque et cadavera in modum collium tumulata campum plus per decem milibus oppleverunt. 279 Quod Gothi cernentes, ineffabili exultatione laetantur, eo quod et regis sui Valameris sanguinem et suam iniuriam cum maxima inimicorum strage ulciscerentur. De vero innumeranda variaque multitudine hostium qui valuit evadere, perquaquam effugati vix ad sua inglorii pervenerunt.

Who, although for a long time ruling with his brothers, yet assuming the insignia of augmented authority, having summoned Vidimer, his younger brother, and with him divided the cares of war, compelled, sprang forth to arms; and, the battle being joined, the side of the Goths is found superior, to such a degree that the plain, soaked with the gore of the collapsing enemies, appeared as a red sea, and arms and cadavers, heaped up in the manner of hills, filled the plain for more than ten miles. 279 Which the Goths, seeing, rejoice with ineffable exultation, because they were avenging both the blood of their king Valamer and their own injury with the very great slaughter of enemies. But of the truly innumerable and diverse multitude of foes, those who managed to escape, having fled by whatever ways, scarcely reached their own homes ingloriously.

LV. 280 Post certum vero tempus instanti hiemali frigore amnemque Danubii solite congelato – nam istiusmodi fluvius ille congelascit, ut in silicis modum pedestrem vehat exercitum plaustraque et traculas vel quidquid vehiculi fuerit, nec cumbarum indigeat lintres – sic ergo eum gelatum Thiodimer Gothorum rex cernens pedestrem ducit exercitum emensoque Danubio Suavis inprovisus a tergo apparuit. Nam regio illa Suavorum ab oriente Baibaros habet, ab occidente Francos, a meridie Burgundzones, a septentrione Thuringos. 281 Quibus Suavis tunc iuncti aderant etiam Alamanni ipsique Alpes erectos omnino regentes, unde nonnulla fluenta Danubium influunt nimio cum sonu vergentia.

55.280 After a certain time, with wintry cold pressing and the river of the Danube customarily frozen—for that sort of river freezes so that, like flint, it bears a foot army and wagons and sledges, or whatever vehicle there may be, and has no need of boats or skiffs—thus, therefore, seeing it frozen, Thiodimer, king of the Goths, leads a foot army; and, the Danube having been crossed, the Suevi appeared unexpectedly from the rear. For that region of the Suevi has on the east the Bavarians, on the west the Franks, on the south the Burgundians, on the north the Thuringians. 281 With the Suevi there were then allied also the Alamanni, and they themselves were wholly ruling the upraised Alps, whence several streams flow into the Danube, descending with an excessive roar.

Hic ergo taliterque munito loco rex Thiudimer hiemis tempore Gothorum ductavit exercitum, et tam Suavorum gente quam etiam Alamannorum, utrasque ad invicem foederatas, devicit, vastavit et pene subegit. Inde quoque victor ad proprias sedes, id est Pannonias revertens Theodoricum filium suum, quem Constantinopolim obsidem dederat, a Leone imperatore remissum cum magnis muneribus gratanter excepit. 282 Qui Theodoricus iam aduliscentiae annos contingens expleta pueritia, decem et octo annos peragens, ascitis certis ex satellitibus patris et ex populo amatores sibi clientesque consocians, paene sex milia viros, cum quibus inconscio patre emenso Danubio super Babai Sarmatarum rege discurrit, qui tunc de Camundo duce Romanorum victoria potitus superbiae tumore regnabat, eoque superveniens Theodoricus interemit familiaque et censu depraedans ad genitorem suum cum victoria repedavit.

Here therefore, with the place fortified in such a manner, King Thiudimer in the time of winter led the army of the Goths, and both the people of the Suevi and also of the Alamanni, each federated with the other, he defeated, laid waste, and almost subjugated. Thence too, returning as victor to his own seats, that is, to the Pannonias, he gladly received Theodoric his son—whom he had given as a hostage to Constantinople—sent back by Emperor Leo with great gifts. 282 And this Theodoric, now touching the years of adolescence, his boyhood completed, being 18 years of age, having enlisted certain of his father’s satellites and, from the people, associating to himself admirers and clients, nearly 6,000 men—with whom, his father unaware, after crossing the Danube, he ranged against Babai, king of the Sarmatians—who then, having obtained victory over Camundus, a dux of the Romans, was ruling in a swelling of pride; and Theodoric, coming upon him, slew him, and, plundering his household and his wealth, marched back to his father with victory.

Singidunum dehinc civitatem, quam ipsi Sarmatae occupassent, invadens, non Romanis reddidit, sed suae subdedit dicioni.

Then, invading the city Singidunum, which the Sarmatians themselves had occupied, he did not restore it to the Romans, but subjected it to his own dominion.

LVI. 283 Minuentibus deinde hinc inde vicinarum gentium spoliis coepit et Gothis victus vestitusque deesse et hominibus, quibus dudum bella alimonia prestitissent, pax coepit esse contraria, omnesque cum magno clamore ad regem Thiudimer accedentes Gothi orant, quacumque parte vellit, tantum ductaret exercitum. Qui accito germano missaque sorte hortatus est, ut ille in parte Italiae, ubi tunc Glycerius regnabat imperator, ipse vero sicut fortior ad fortiorem regnum accederet Orientalem: quod et factum est.

56.283 With the spoils of the neighboring nations then diminishing on this side and that, both victuals and vesture began to fail the Goths, and for men to whom wars had formerly provided alimentation, peace began to be contrary; and all the Goths, approaching King Thiudimer with a great clamor, beg that, in whatever quarter he wished, he would only lead the army. He, having called his brother and, a lot having been cast, urged that the former should go into the part of Italy, where at that time Glycerius was reigning as emperor, but that he himself, as the stronger, should approach the stronger realm, the Eastern: and so it was done.

284 Et mox Vidimer Italiae terras intravit, extremum fati munus reddens rebus excessit humanis, successorem relinquens Vidimer filium suumque synonymum. Quem GIycerius imperator muneribus datis de Italia ad Gallias transtulit, quae a diversis circumcirca gentibus praemebantur, asserens vicinos ibi Vesegothas eorum parentes regnare. Quid multum?

284 And soon Vidimer entered the lands of Italy; rendering the final gift of fate, he departed from human affairs, leaving as successor Vidimer, his son and namesake. Him the emperor Glycerius, after giving gifts, transferred from Italy to Gaul, which was being pressed by various nations round about, asserting that there the neighboring Visigoths, their kin, held rule. Why say much?

Vidimer acceptis muneribus simulque mandata a Glycerio imperatore Gallias tendit seseque cum parentibus Vesegothis iungens unum corpus efficiunt, ut dudum fuerant, et sic Gallias Spaniasque tenentes suo iuri defendunt, ut nullus ibi alius prevaleret.

Vidimer, having received gifts and likewise instructions from Emperor Glycerius, makes for Gaul, and, joining himself with his kinsmen the Visigoths, they make one body, as they had formerly been; and thus, holding Gaul and Spain, they defend them under their own right, so that no other might prevail there.

285 Thiudimer autem, frater senior, cum suis transit Saum amnem Sarmatis militibusque interminans bellum, si aliqui ei obstaret. Quod illi verentes quiescunt, immo nec praevalent ad tantam multitudinem. Videns Thiudimer undique sibi prospera provenire, Naissum primam urbem invadit IIlyrici filioque suo Theodorico sociatis Astat et Invilia comitibus per castro Herculis transmisit Vlpiana.

285 Thiudimer, however, the elder brother, crosses the Sava river with his own men, threatening the Sarmatians and their soldiers with war, if anyone should stand in his way. Fearing this, they keep quiet—nay indeed, they are not able against so great a multitude. Seeing prosperous outcomes arise for him on all sides, Thiudimer assaults Naissus, the first city of Illyricum, and he sent his son Theodoric, with the counts Astat and Invilia joined to him, through the Fort of Hercules to Ulpiana.

286 Qui venientes tam eam quam Stobis mox in deditione accipiunt nonullaque loca Illyrici inaccessibilia sibi primum tunc pervia faciunt. Nam Eracleam et Larissam civitates Thessaliae primum praedas ereptas, dehinc ipsas iure bellico potiuntur. Thiudimer vero rex animadvertens felicitatem suam quam etiam filii nec his tantum contentus, egrediens Naisitanam urbem paucis ad custodiam derelictis ipse Thessalonicam petiit, in qua Helarianus patricius a principe directus cum exercitu morabatur.

286 These men, on coming, received both it and Stobi forthwith into surrender, and they made for themselves some places of Illyricum that were inaccessible then for the first time passable. For Heraclea and Larissa, cities of Thessaly, they first snatched prey, and thereafter they themselves obtained them by the right of war. But King Thiudimer, observing his felicity—as also that of his son—and not content with these alone, going out from the city of Naissus, with a few left behind for guard, he himself made for Thessalonica, in which Helarianus, a patrician sent by the prince, was staying with an army.

287 Qui dum videret vallo muniri Thessalonicam nec se eorum conatibus posse resistere, missa legatione ad Thiudimer regem muneribusque oblatis ab excidione eum urbis retorquet initoque foedere Romanus ductor cum Gothis loca eis iam sponte, quae incolerent, tradidit, id est Cerru, Pellas, Europa, Mediana, Petina, Bereu et alia quae Sium vocatur. 288 Vbi Gothi cum rege suo armis depositis composita pace quiescunt. Nec diu post haec et rex Thiudimer in civitate Cerras fatale egritudine occupatus vocatis Gothis Theodoricum filium regni sui designat heredem et ipse mox rebus humanis excessit.

287 Who, when he saw Thessalonica being fortified with a rampart and that he could not resist their endeavors, sending a legation to King Thiudimer and with gifts offered, turns him back from the destruction of the city; and a treaty having been entered, the Roman commander, together with the Goths, handed over to them places, now willingly, which they might inhabit, that is, Cerru, Pellas, Europa, Mediana, Petina, Bereu, and another which is called Sium. 288 Where the Goths with their king, their arms laid down and peace composed, rest. And not long after these things, King Thiudimer, in the city Cerras, seized by a fatal illness, having called the Goths, designates Theodoric his son heir of his kingdom, and he himself soon departed from human affairs.

LVII. 289 Theodorico vero gentis suae regem audiens ordinato imperator Zeno grate suscepit eique evocaturia destinata ad se in urbe venire precepit, dignoque suscipiens honore inter proceres sui palatii conlocavit. Et post aliquod tempus ad ampliandum honorem eius in arma sibi eum filium adoptavit de suisque stipendiis triumphum in urbe donavit, factusque consul ordinarius, quod summum bonum primumque in mundo decus edicitur; nec tantum hoc, sed etiam et equestrem statuam ad famam tanti viri ante regiam palatii conlocavit.

57.289 But when Emperor Zeno heard that Theodoric had been appointed king of his nation, he received him gratefully and sent letters of summons addressed to him, ordering him to come to him in the city, and, receiving him with worthy honor, he placed him among the grandees of his palace. And after some time, to amplify his honor, he adopted him as a son in arms to himself and, from his own stipends, bestowed a triumph in the city; and he was made ordinary Consul, which is declared the highest good and the first glory in the world; nor only this, but he also set up an equestrian statue for the fame of so great a man before the royal palace.

290 Inter haec ergo Theodoricus Zenonis imperio foedere sociatus, dum ipse in urbe omnibus bonis frueretur gentemque suam in Illyrico, ut diximus, residentem non omnino idoneam aut refertam audiret, elegit potius solito more gentis suae labore querere victum quam ipse otiose frui regni Romani bona et gentem suam mediocriter victitare, secumque deliberans ad principem ait: 'Quamvis nihil deest nobis imperio vestro famulantibus, tamen, si dignum ducit pietas vestra, desiderium mei cordis libenter exaudiat'. 291 Cumque ei, ut solebat, familiariter facultas fuisset loquendi concessa: 'Hesperia, inquid, plaga, quae dudum decessorum prodecessorumque vestrorum regimine gubernata est, et urbs illa caput orbis et domina quare nunc sub regis Thorcilingorum Rogorumque tyrranide fluctuatur? Dirige me cum gente mea, si praecepis, ut et hic expensarum pondere careas et ibi, si adiutus a domino vicero, fama vestrae pietatis inradiet. Expedit namque, ut ego, qui sum servus vester et filius, si vicero, vobis donantibus regnum illud possedeam: haut ille, quem non nostis, tyrranico iugo senatum vestrum partemque rei publicae captivitatis servitio premat.

290 Meanwhile, therefore, Theodoric, having been joined by treaty to the imperium of Zeno, while he himself enjoyed all good things in the city and heard that his nation, residing in Illyricum, as we have said, was not altogether suitable or well-supplied, chose rather, in the customary manner of his nation, to seek a livelihood by labor than himself to enjoy at ease the goods of the Roman realm and that his people should eke out a middling subsistence; and, debating with himself, he said to the princeps: 'Although nothing is lacking to us as we serve your empire, nevertheless, if your Piety deems it worthy, let it willingly hearken to the desire of my heart'. 291 And when, as was his wont, the friendly opportunity of speaking had been granted to him: 'Hesperia, he said, the region which long ago was governed under the rule of your predecessors and fore-predecessors, and that city, the head of the world and mistress—why does it now toss under the tyranny of the king of the Turcilingi and Rugians? Direct me with my people, if you command, so that both here you may be free from the burden of expenses, and there, if aided by the Lord I conquer, the fame of your Piety may shine forth. For it is expedient that I, who am your servant and son, if I conquer, by your granting may possess that kingdom: not that man, whom you do not know, should press your Senate and a part of the Republic beneath the servitude of captivity by a tyrannical yoke.'

Ego enim si vicero, vestro dono vestroque munere possedebo; si victus fuero, vestra pietas nihil amittit, immo, ut diximus, lucratur expensas'. 292 Quo audito quamvis egrae ferret imperator discessum eius, nolens tamen eum contristare annuit quae poscebat, magnisque ditatum muneribus dimisit a se, senatum populumque ei commendans Romanum. Igitur egressus urbe regia Theodoricus et ad suos revertens omnem gentem Gothorum, qui tamen ei prebuerunt consensum, Hesperiam tendit rectoque itinere per Sirmis ascendit vicina Pannoniae, indeque Venetiarum fines ingressus ad Pontem Sontii nuncupatum castra metatus est. 293 Cumque ibi ad reficienda corpora hominum iumentorumque aliquanto tempore resedisset, Odoacer armatum contra eum direxit exercitum.

For if I shall have conquered, by your gift and by your munus I shall possess; if I shall have been conquered, your piety loses nothing—nay rather, as we said, it lucrates the expenses'. 292 On hearing this, although the emperor bore his departure with difficulty, yet not wishing to sadden him he assented to what he was asking, and dismissed him from his presence enriched with great gifts, commending to him the Roman Senate and People. Therefore Theodoric, having gone out from the royal city and returning to his own, with all the nation of the Goths who nevertheless afforded him assent, made for Hesperia, and on a straight course, through Sirmis, advanced to the regions neighboring Pannonia; and from there, having entered the borders of Venetia, he pitched camp at the Bridge called of the Sontius. 293 And when he had remained there for some time to refresh the bodies of men and of the beasts of burden, Odoacer sent an armed army against him.

Quem ille ad campos Veronenses occurrens magno strage delevit castraque soluta finibus Italiae cum potiore audacia intrat, transactoque Pado amne ad Ravennam regiam urbem castra componit tertio fere miliario ab urbe locus, qui appellatur Pineta. Quod cernens Odoacer intus se in urbe communit; indeque subreptive noctu frequenter cum suis egrediens Gothorum exercitum inquietat, et hoc non semel nec iterum, sed frequenter et pene molitur toto triennio. 294 Sed frustra laborat, quia cuncta Italia dominum iam dicebat Theodoricum et illius ad nutum res illa publica obsecundabat.

He, meeting it at the Veronese fields, destroyed it with great slaughter, and, the camp struck, he enters the borders of Italy with greater audacity; and the Po river having been crossed, he sets his camp by Ravenna, the royal city, at about the third milestone from the city, a place which is called Pineta. Seeing this, Odoacer fortifies himself within the city; and from there, slipping out by night frequently with his men, he harasses the army of the Goths, and this not once nor twice, but often, and he contrives it for almost a whole three-year period. 294 But he labors in vain, because all Italy already was calling Theodoric its lord, and that republic obeyed his nod.

Tantum ille solus cum paucis satellitibus et Romanos, qui aderant, et fame et bello cotidie intra Ravennam laborabat. Quod dum nihil proficeret, missa legatione veniam supplicat. 295 Cui et primum concedens Theodoricus postmodum ab hac luce privavit tertioque, ut diximus, anno ingressus sui in Italia Zenonemque imp.

Meanwhile that man alone with a few satellites, and the Romans who were present, were daily suffering within Ravenna from hunger and war. Since this was profiting nothing, a legation having been sent, he supplicates for pardon. 295 To whom Theodoric, granting it at first, afterward deprived him of this light; and in the third, as we have said, year of his ingress into Italy, and Zeno the emperor.

consultu privatum abitum suaeque gentis vestitum seponens insigne regio amictu, quasi iam Gothorum Romanorumque regnator, adsumit missaque legatione ad Lodoin Francorum regem filiam eius Audefledam sibi in matrimonio petit. 296 Quam ille grate libenterque concessit suosque filios Celdebertum et Heldebertum et Thiudebertum credens hac societate cum gente Gothorum inito foedere sociari. Sed non adeo ad pacis concordiam profuit ista coniunctio, quia saepenumero propter Gallorum terras graviter inter se decertati sunt, numquamque Gothus Francis cessit, dum viveret Theodoricus.

By counsel, setting aside a private departure and the dress of his own nation, he assumes the insignia with a royal mantle, as if already the regnator of Goths and Romans; and, an embassy having been sent to Lodoin, king of the Franks, he asks for his daughter Audefleda for himself in marriage. 296 Which he gladly and willingly granted, believing that by this society, the treaty having been entered with the Gothic people, his sons Celdebert, Heldebert, and Thiudebert would be allied. But this conjunction did not so much profit to the concord of peace, because very often, on account of the lands of the Gauls, they contended bitterly among themselves; and never did the Goth yield to the Franks, while Theodoric lived.

LVIII. 297 Antequam ergo de Audefledam subolem haberet, naturales ex concubina, quas genuisset adhuc in Moesia, filias, unam nomine Thiudigoto et aliam Ostrogotho. quas mox in Italiam venit, regibus vicinis in coniugio copulavit, id est unam Alarico Vesegotharum et aliam Sigismundo Burgundzonorum.

58.297 Before, therefore, he had offspring by Audefleda, he had natural daughters by a concubine, whom he had begotten while still in Moesia, one named Thiudigotho and the other Ostrogotho. As soon as he came into Italy, he coupled these in conjugal union to neighboring kings, that is, the one to Alaric of the Visigoths and the other to Sigismund of the Burgundians.

298 De Alarico ergo natus est Amalaricus. Quem avus Theodoricus in annis puerilibus utroque parente orbato dum fovet atque tuetur, comperit Eutharicum Veterici filium Beretmodi et Thorismodi nepotem, Amalorum de stirpe descendentem, in Spania degi, iuvenili aetate prudentia et virtute corporisque integritate pollentem. Ad se eum facit venire eique Amalasuentham filiam suam in matrimonio iungit.

298 From Alaric, therefore, was born Amalaric. His grandfather Theodoric, while cherishing and protecting him in his boyish years, bereft of both parents, learned that Eutharic, son of Veteric, grandson of Beretmud and Thorismud, descending from the stock of the Amals, was living in Spain, excelling at a youthful age in prudence and virtue and in integrity of body. He causes him to come to himself and joins to him in matrimony his daughter Amalasuentha.

299 Et ut in plenum suam progeniem dilataret, Amalafridam germanam suam matrem Theodahadi, qui postea rex fuit, Africa, regi Vandalorum coniuge dirigit Thrasamundo filiamque eius neptem suam Amalabergam Thuringorum regi consociat Herminefredo. 300 Pitzamum quoque suum comitem et inter primos electum ad obtinendam Sirmiensem dirigit civitatem. Quam ille expulso rege eius Trasarico, filio Trapstilae, retenta eius matre obtinuit.

299 And that he might dilate his progeny to the full, he sends Amalafrida his full sister, mother of Theodahad, who afterwards was king, to Africa as spouse to Thrasamund, king of the Vandals, and he allies her daughter, his niece Amalaberga, to Herminefred, king of the Thuringians. 300 He also dispatches Pitzam, his count and chosen among the first, to obtain the city of Sirmium. Which he, with its king Trasaric, son of Trapstila, expelled, and his mother retained, secured.

Inde contra Savinianum Illyricum mag. mil., qui tunc cum Mundone paraverat conflictum, ad civitatem cognomine Margo planum, quae inter Danubium Margumque fluminibus adiacebat, cum duobus milibus ergo peditum; equitibus quingentis in Mundonis solacia veniens Illyricianum exercitum demolivit. 301 Nam hic Mundo de Attilanis quondam origine descendens Gepidarum gentem fugiens ultra Danubium in incultis locis sine ullis terrae cultoribus divagatus et plerisque abactoribus scamarisque et latronibus undecumque collectis turrem quae Herta dicitur super Danubii ripam positam occupans ibique agresti ritu praedasque innectens vicinis regem se suis grassatoribus fecerat.

Thence against Savinianus, the Illyrian Master of Soldiers, who at that time had prepared a conflict with Mundo, to the city by the cognomen Margo Planum, which lay adjacent between the rivers Danube and Margus, with two thousand infantry; coming with five hundred cavalry in relief of Mundo, he demolished the Illyrian army. 301 For this Mundo, descending in origin from the Attilani once upon a time, fleeing the nation of the Gepids, wandered beyond the Danube in uncultivated places without any tillers of the soil, and, with very many rustlers and pirates and robbers collected from everywhere, occupying a tower called Herta, set upon the bank of the Danube, and there, in rustic fashion and weaving raids of plunder upon the neighbors, had made himself a king for his own brigands.

Hunc ergo pene desperatum et iam de traditione sua deliberantem Petza subveniens e manibus Saviniani eripuit, suoque regi Theodorico cum gratiarum actione fecit subiectum. 302 Non minore tropeo de Francis per Ibbam, suum comitem, in Galliis adquisivit plus triginta milia Francorum in proelio caesa. Nam et Thiudem suum armigerum post mortem Alarici generi tutorem in Spaniae regno Amalarici nepotis constituit.

Therefore this man, almost despairing and already deliberating about his own surrender, Petza, coming to the aid, snatched from the hands of Savinianus, and made him, with a giving of thanks, subject to his own king Theodoric. 302 With no lesser trophy over the Franks, through Ibba, his count, in Gaul he acquired more than thirty thousand Franks cut down in battle. For he also appointed Thiud, his armiger, after the death of Alaric his son-in-law, as guardian in the kingdom of Spain of his grandson Amalaric.

Qui Amalaricus in ipsa aduliscentia Francorum fraudibus inretitus regnum cum vita amisit. Post quem Thiudis tutor eodem regno ipse invadens, Francorum insidiosam calumniam de Spaniis pepulit, et usque dum viveret, Vesegothas contenuit. 303 Post quem Thiudigisglosa regnum adeptus, non diu regnans defecit occisus a suis.

That Amalaric, ensnared by the deceits of the Franks in his very adolescence, lost the kingdom along with his life. After whom, Thiudis the tutor, himself seizing the same kingdom, drove the insidious calumny of the Franks out of Spain, and, as long as he lived, kept the Visigoths contained. 303 After whom, Thiudigisglosa, having obtained the kingdom, not reigning for long, failed—killed by his own men.

Cui succedens hactenus Agil continet regnum. Contra quem Atanagildus insurgens Romani regni concitat vires, ubi et Liberius patricius cum exercitu destinatur. Nec fuit in parte occidua gens, quae Theodorico, dum adviveret, aut amicitia aut subiectione non deserviret.

Succeeding him, thus far Agil holds the kingdom. Against whom Atanagild, rising up, stirs the forces of the Roman realm, where also Liberius the patrician is dispatched with an army. Nor was there in the western part any nation which did not serve Theoderic, while he was yet alive, either by friendship or by subjection.

LIX. 304 Sed postquam ad senium pervenisset et se in brevi ab hac luce egressurum cognusceret, convocans Gothos comites gentisque suae primates Athalaricum infantulum adhuc vix decennem, filium filiae suae Amalasuenthae, qui Eutharico patre orbatus erat, regem constituit, eisque in mandatis ac si testamentali voce denuntians, ut regem colerent, senatum populumque Romanum amarent principemque Orientalem placatum semper propitiumque haberent post deum. 305 Quod praeceptum quamdiu Athalaricus rex eiusque mater adviverent, in omnibus custodientes pene per octo annos in pace regnarunt: quamvis Francis de regno puerili desperantibus, immo in contemptu habentibus bellaque parare molientibus quod pater et avus Gallias occupasset, eis concessit.

59.304 But after he had come to old age and recognized that in a short time he would depart from this light, summoning the Goths, the counts, and the chiefs of his nation, he appointed Athalaric, a little child still scarcely ten years old, the son of his daughter Amalasuentha, who had been bereft of his father Eutharic, as king; and, giving them instructions as if with a testamentary voice, declaring that they should honor the king, love the senate and the Roman people, and have the Eastern prince placated and always propitious after God. 305 Which precept, so long as King Athalaric and his mother were alive, keeping in all respects, they reigned in peace for nearly eight years: although the Franks, despairing of the childish kingship—nay, holding it in contempt—and endeavoring to prepare wars, he conceded to them what the father and the grandfather had occupied in the Gauls.

Cetera in pace et tranquillitate possessa. Dum ergo ad spem iuventutis Athalaricus accederet, tam suam aduliscentiam quam matris viduitatem Orientis principi commendavit, sed in brevi infelicissimus inmatura morte praeventus, rebus humanis excessit. 306 Tum mater, ne pro sexus sui fragilitate a Gothis sperneretur, secum deliberans, Theodahadum consubrinum suum germanitatis gratia accersitum a Tuscia, ubi privatam vitam degens in laribus propriis erat, in regno locavit.

The rest were held in peace and tranquillity. While therefore Athalaric was drawing near to the promise of youth, he commended both his own adolescence and his mother’s widowhood to the prince of the Orient; but shortly, most unfortunate, being forestalled by an immature death, he departed from human affairs. 306 Then the mother, lest by reason of the fragility of her sex she be scorned by the Goths, deliberating with herself, summoned Theodahad, her cousin, for the sake of kinship, called from Tuscany, where he was passing a private life in his own household, and installed him in the kingdom.

Qui inmemor consanguinitatis post aliquantum tempus a palatio Ravennate abstractam in insulam laci Bulsiniensis eam exilio religavit, ubi paucissimos dies in tristitia degens ab eius satellitibus in balneo strangulata est.

He, unmindful of consanguinity, after some time removed her from the Ravennate palace and consigned her to exile on an island of Lake Bolsena, where, spending the very fewest days in sorrow, she was strangled in a bath by his henchmen.

LX. 307 Quod dum Iustinianus imperator Orientalis audisset et quasi susceptorum suorum morte ad suam iniuriam redundaret, sic est commotus. Eodem namque tempore de Africa Vandalicum cum per fidelissimum suum patricium Belesarium reportasset triumphum, nec mora in ipso tempore madentibus adhuc armis cruore Vandalico contra Gothos per eundem ducem movit procinctum. 308 Qui dux providentissimus haud secus arbitratus Getarum subicere populum, nisi prius nutricem eorum occupasset Siciliam.

60.307 When Justinian, the Eastern emperor, had heard this, and as if the death of his protégés redounded to his own injury, he was thus stirred. For at that same time, since he had brought back from Africa the Vandalic triumph through his most faithful patrician Belisarius, without delay, at that very moment, with the arms still dripping with Vandal blood, he set the campaign in motion against the Goths by means of that same leader. 308 Which most provident general judged that he could by no other means subdue the people of the Getae, unless he first occupied their nurse, Sicily.

Quod et factum est. Trinacriaque ingressus mox Gothi, qui Syracusanum oppidum insidebant, videntes se nihil praevalere cum suo duce Sinderith ultro se Belesario dediderunt. Cumque ergo Romanus ductor Siciliam pervasisset, Theodahadus comperiens Evermud generum suum cum exercitu ad fretum, quod inter Campaniam Siciliamque interiacet et de Tyrreni maris sinu vastissimum Adriaticus aestus evolvitur, custodiendum direxit.

Which also was done. And having entered Trinacria, soon the Goths who were occupying the Syracusan town, seeing that they were prevailing nothing with their leader Sinderith, of their own accord surrendered themselves to Belesarius. And when therefore the Roman leader had overrun Sicily, Theodahad, learning this, directed Evermud, his son-in-law, with an army to guard the strait which lies between Campania and Sicily, and from the bosom of the Tyrrhenian Sea the most vast Adriatic surge rolls forth.

309 Vbi cum Evermud accessisset Regium oppidum, castra composuit. Nec mora deterioratam causam cernens suorum ad partes victoris paucis et fidelissimis famulis consciis movit, ultroque se Belesarii pedes advolvens Romani regni optat servire principibus. Quod Gothorum exercitus sentiens suspectum Theodahadum clamitat regno pellendum et sibi ductorem suum Vitiges, qui armiger eius fuerat, in rege levandum.

309 When Evermud had approached the town of Regium, he set up camp. Without delay, seeing the deteriorated case of his own men, he moved over to the victor’s side, with a few most faithful servants privy to it; and, prostrating himself at Belisarius’s feet, he desires to serve the princes of the Roman kingdom. The Gothic army, perceiving this, shouts that Theodahadus, being suspect, must be expelled from the kingship, and that their own leader Vitiges, who had been his armiger, should be elevated as king.

310 Quod et factum est; et mox in campos Barbaricos Vitiges in regno levatus Romam ingreditur praemissisque Ravenna fidelissimis sibi viris Theodahadi necem demandat. Qui venientes imperata sibi perficiunt et occiso Theodahado regem qui a rege missus adveniebat (et adhuc in campos Barbaricos erat Vitigis) populis nuntiat. 311 Inter haec Romanus exercitus emenso freto Campaniam accedens, subversumque Neapolim Romae ingreditur; unde ante paucos dies rex Vitigis egressus, Ravenna profectus, Mathesuentam filiam Amalasuenthae Theodorici quondam regis neptem sibi in matrimonio sociarat.

310 Which also was done; and soon, in the Barbarian fields, Vitiges, elevated to the kingship, enters Rome, and, men most faithful to himself having been sent ahead to Ravenna, he entrusts the death of Theodahad. They, coming, accomplish the things commanded to them, and, Theodahad having been slain, they announce to the peoples the king who, sent by the king, was arriving (and Vitiges was still in the Barbarian fields). 311 Meanwhile the Roman army, the strait having been crossed, approaching Campania, and with Naples overthrown, enters Rome; whence a few days before King Vitiges had gone out, and, having set out for Ravenna, had joined to himself in marriage Mathesuentha, daughter of Amalasuentha, granddaughter of Theodoric, the former king.

Cumque his novis nuptiis delectatus aulam regiam fovit Ravenna, Roma egressus imperialis exercitus munita utriusque Tusciae loca invadit. Quod cernens per nuntios Vitiges, cum Hunila duce Gothorum manu armis conserta mittit Perusia. 312 Vbi dum Magnum comitem cum parvo exercitu residentem obsessione longa evellere cupiunt, superveniente Romano exercitu ipsi evulsi et omnino extincti sunt.

And when, delighted by these new nuptials, he fostered the royal court at Ravenna, the imperial army, having gone out from Rome, invaded the fortified places in both Tuscias. Seeing this through messengers, Vitiges, with Hunila as duke, sent to Perugia a band of Goths knit for arms. 312 There, while they sought to tear out Magnus the count, residing with a small army, by a long siege, with the Roman army supervening they themselves were torn out and utterly extinguished.

Quod audiens Vitiges ut leo furibundus omnem Gothorum exercitum congregat Ravennaque egressus Romanas arces obsidione longa fatigat. Sed frustrata eius audacia post quattuordecim menses ab obsidione Romanae urbis aufugit et se ad Ariminensem oppressionem praeparat. 313 Vnde pari tenore frustratus fugatusque Ravenna se recepit; ubi obsessus nec mora ultro se ad partes dedit victoris cum Mathesuentha iugale regiasque opes.

Hearing this, Vitiges, like a frenzied lion, gathers together the whole army of the Goths, and having gone out from Ravenna, he wearies the Roman citadels with a long siege. But his audacity foiled, after 14 months he fled from the siege of the city of Rome and prepares himself for the siege of Ariminum. 313 Whence, in like fashion, thwarted and put to flight, he withdrew to Ravenna; where, besieged, without delay he of his own accord surrendered himself to the party of the victor, together with Mathesuentha his conjugal partner and the royal wealth.

Et sic famosum regnum fortissimamque gentem diuque regnantem tandem pene duomillensimo et tricesimo anno victor gentium diversarum Iustinianus imperator per fidelissimum consulem vicit Belesarium, et perductum Vitiges Constantinopolim patricii honore donavit. Vbi plus biennio demoratus imperatorisque in affectu coniunctus rebus excessit humanis. 314 Mathesuentham vero iugalem eius fratri suo Germano patricio coniunxit imperator.

And thus the famed kingdom and the bravest nation, long reigning, at length, almost in the two-thousand-and-thirtieth year, the emperor Justinian, conqueror of diverse nations, through the most faithful consul Belisarius, conquered; and having led Vitiges to Constantinople, he bestowed upon him the honor of patricius. There, having tarried for more than two years and united in the emperor’s favor, he departed from human affairs. 314 Mathesuentha, indeed, his consort, the emperor joined to his own brother Germanus, a patricius.

De quibus post humatum patris Germani natus est filius idem Germanus. In quo coniuncta Aniciorum genus cum Amala stirpe spem adhuc utriusque generi domino praestante promittit.

Of whom, after the burial of his father Germanus, a son was born, likewise named Germanus. In whom the Anician race, conjoined with the Amalan stock, still promises hope for both lineages, the Lord providing.

315 Haec hucusque Getarum origo ac Amalorum nobilitas et virorum fortium facta. Haec laudanda progenies laudabiliori principi cessit et fortiori duci manus dedit, cuius fama nullis saeculis nullisque silebitur aetatibus, sed victor ac triumphator Iustinianus imperator et consul Belesarius Vandalici Africani Geticique dicentur. 316 Haec qui legis, scito me maiorum secutum scriptis ex eorum latissima prata paucos flores legisse, unde inquirenti pro captu ingenii mei coronam contexam.

315 Thus far the origin of the Getae and the nobility of the Amals and the deeds of brave men. This praiseworthy progeny yielded to a more praiseworthy prince and gave its hand to a stronger duke, whose fame will be hushed by no centuries and by no ages; but Justinian the emperor and Belisarius the consul will be called the victor and triumphator of the Vandalic, the African, and the Getic. 316 You who read these things, know that I, following the writings of the elders, have gathered a few flowers from their very broad meadows, whence I shall weave, for the inquirer and to the measure of my wit, a garland.

Nec me quis in favorem gentis praedictae, quasi ex ipsa trahenti originem, aliqua addidisse credat, quam quae legi et comperi. Nec si tamen cuncta. quae de ipsis scribuntur aut referuntur, complexus sum, nec tantum ad eorum laudem quantum ad laudem eius qui vicit exponens.

Nor let anyone believe that, in favor of the aforementioned nation—as if drawing my origin from it—I have added anything other than what I have read and discovered. Nor, however, have I encompassed all the things that are written or reported about them, and I set it forth not so much to their praise as to the praise of him who conquered.