Pseudoplatonica•Hipparchus
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So. Ne me coneris decipere virum iam seniorem, cum adeo iuvenis sis, respondens, quemadmodum nunc, quae ipse minime putas: sed responde quam verissime potes. An censes agricultorem quempiam, cognoscentem quod arbor nullo modo plantatione digna sit, putare ex ipsa se lucraturum?
So. Do not try to ensnare me about a man already old, since you are so young, by answering as you now do, in ways which you yourself least suppose: but answer as truly as you can. Do you think that any farmer, knowing that a tree is in no way fit for planting, would suppose that he would profit from it?
So. Concivi meo et tuo, Hipparcho Pisistrati Philaedonici filio, qui filiorum Pisitrati et maior natu erat et sapientior, qui multa praeclara opera sapientiae edidit, et Homeri libros primus in hanc urbem invexit, coegitque poetas cantores carminum apud Athenienses referre per ordinem: quod etiam his temporibus observant. Et Anacreontis Teium missa navi quinquaginta remorum in hanc urbem accersivit. Simonidem praeterea Chium apud se semper habuit, amplis cum muneribus ornans.
So. To our concivus, Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus Philaedonici, who was both greater in birth and wiser than Pisistratus’ sons, who produced many preeminent works of sapientia, and first brought Homer’s books into this city, and compelled the poets, singers of carmina, to recite them among the Athenians in order — which they even in these times observe. And he fetched Anacreon of Teium to this city by a ship sent of fifty oars. Moreover he always kept Simonides the Chian with him, adorning him with ample munera.
But he did all these things desiring to instruct his citizens, that he might command them to live as well as possible, thinking it by no means fitting to envy anyone wisdom, since he himself was honorable and good. But when the citizens were abundantly taught and admired his wisdom, he turned his mind to instructing farmers and wayfarers. And therefore he set up columns or squared stones at every city’s crossroads: from these afterwards he distilled the wisdom, which he had partly learned and partly himself discovered, choosing out the better parts, enclosing them in elegies and inscribing the institutes of wisdom; so that the citizens no longer marveled chiefly at those famous Delphic epigrams, Cognosce te ipsum, Nihil nimis, and the rest of that kind, but revered Hipparchus’s precepts as if more wise; then passing hither and thither and tasting his wisdom by reading, they would go from the fields and woods on to the remaining institutes of learning.
There were moreover two epigrams on certain columns to the left of each, which were inscribed “Mercury speaking,” and which stood in the middle of the city and of the people. On some, however, to the right,
Monumentum hoc Hipparchi: Per ordinem perge, iusta cogitans. — “This is the monument of Hipparchus: Proceed in order, pondering just things.”
Also many other poems, more and illustrious, could be seen on the remaining columns.
But on the Stiriac road that was inscribed:
This monument of Hipparchus: Do not deceive a friend.
Wherefore I would never dare to deceive you as my friend, nor to resist that man of such note:
upon his death, the Athenians were oppressed for three years under the Hippian tyranny of his brother.
You yourself, moreover, have heard from all the elders that in this city the tyranny lasted only that three-year period.
In the remaining times, almost in the same manner as when Saturn reigned, the Athenians lived. It is reported by the more elegant men that the cause of his death was not that which is commonly carried about, namely the contempt of his sister Canephoria: for it is absurd to believe that. But they relate that Harmodius was loved and instructed by Aristogiton, hoping that something great would arise from this education.
For by chance he considered Hipparchus an adversary. Meanwhile it befell that Harmodius loved a certain nobleman, whose name I do not quite retain. This man at first admired Harmodius and Aristogiton as if they were sages, but afterwards, having become familiar with Hipparchus, he began to scorn them; whereupon they, indignant, put Hipparchus to death.
So. Postquam lucra et utilia sunt similiter ambo, hoc deinceps animadvertendum restat, propter quid utraque ipsa lucrum appellas? Quidnam idem in utrisque aspicis? Veluti si ipse modo me rogavisses, quare cibum, seu bonum sive malum, similiter cibum appellem: respondissem utique, quoniam uterque sicca est corporis esca, ideo utrumque cibum nomino: quod quidem et tu nobis concederes.
So. After profits and utilities are both alike, this remains next to note: for what reason do you call each of them by the name profit? What same thing do you behold in both? For example, if you had but just asked me why I call food — whether good or bad — equally “food,” I would surely have answered, because each is nourishment of the body, and therefore I name both food: which indeed you would concede to us.
So. Et circa potum eadem rursus respondendi ratio esset, quod humido corporis alimento, seu bonum sive malum sit, id nomen potus imponitur, et in aliis eodem modo. Enitere itaque me sic respondentem imitari. Quidnam idem in lucro bono et malo cernis, propter cuius praesentiam utrumque lucrum nominas?
So. And concerning potus (drink) the same rationale for replying would again hold, namely that to a moist nourishment of the body, whether it be good or bad, the name potus is assigned, and in other things in the same way. Strive therefore to imitate me in answering thus. What, then, do you perceive the same in lucrum (profit) good and bad, on account of whose presence you call both kinds lucrum?