Caesar: COMMENTARIORUM LIBRI VII DE BELLO GALLICO CUM A. HIRTI SUPPLEMENTO

[1] Multis de causis Caesar maiorem Galliae motum exspectans per Marcum Silanum, Gaium Antistium Reginum, Titum Sextium legatos dilectum habere instituit; simul ab Gnaeo Pompeio proconsule petit, quoniam ipse ad urbem cum imperio rei publicae causa remaneret, quos ex Cisalpina Gallia consulis sacramento rogavisset, ad signa convenire et ad se proficisci iuberet, magni interesse etiam in reliquum tempus ad opinionem Galliae existimans tantas videri Italiae facultates ut, si quid esset in bello detrimenti acceptum, non modo id brevi tempore sarciri, sed etiam maioribus augeri copiis posset. Quod cum Pompeius et rei publicae et amicitiae tribuisset, celeriter confecto per suos dilectu tribus ante exactam hiemem et constitutis et adductis legionibus duplicatoque earum cohortium numero, quas cum Quinto Titurio amiserat, et celeritate et copiis docuit, quid populi Romani disciplina atque opes possent.

[1] For many reasons, Caesar, expecting a greater commotion of Gaul, began through his legates Marcus Silanus, Gaius Antistius Reginus, and Titus Sextius to hold a levy; at the same time he asked from Gnaeus Pompeius, proconsul, since he himself remained near the City with imperium for the sake of the commonwealth, that he order those whom he had bound by the consul’s sacramentum from Cisalpine Gaul to assemble at the standards and to set out to him, judging it to be of great importance also for the time to come, with respect to the opinion of Gaul, that such resources of Italy be seen that, if anything of loss had been received in war, not only could it be repaired in a short time, but even increased with greater forces. When Pompey had granted this both to the commonwealth and to friendship, with the levy quickly completed by his own men, and with three legions both raised and brought up before the winter was over, and with the number of their cohorts doubled—those which he had lost with Quintus Titurius—he showed, both by speed and by forces, what the disciplina and the opes of the Roman People could accomplish.

[2] Interfecto Indutiomaro, ut docuimus, ad eius propinquos a Treveris imperium defertur. Illi finitimos Germanos sollicitare et pecuniam polliceri non desistunt. Cum ab proximis impetrare non possent, ulteriores temptant.

[2] Indutiomarus having been slain, as we have shown, the command is conferred by the Treveri upon his kinsmen. They do not cease to solicit the neighboring Germans and to promise money. When they could not obtain it from the nearest, they try the more remote.

Inventis nonnullis civitatibus iureiurando inter se confirmant obsidibusque de pecunia cavent: Ambiorigem sibi societate et foedere adiungunt. Quibus rebus cognitis Caesar, cum undique bellum parari videret, Nervios, Aduatucos ac Menapios adiunctis Cisrhenanis omnibus Germanis esse in armis, Senones ad imperatum non venire et cum Carnutibus finitimisque civitatibus consilia communicare, a Treveris Germanos crebris legationibus sollicitari, maturius sibi de bello cogitandum putavit.

With several communities having been found, they confirm among themselves by oath and give surety by hostages and money: they add Ambiorix to themselves by alliance and treaty. With these things learned, Caesar, since he saw war being prepared on all sides—that the Nervii, the Aduatuci, and the Menapii, with all the Cisrhenane Germans added, were in arms; that the Senones were not coming at the command and were communicating counsels with the Carnutes and neighboring communities; that from the Treveri the Germans were being solicited by frequent legations—thought that he ought to deliberate about war more speedily.

[3] Itaque nondum hieme confecta proximis quattuor coactis legionibus de improviso in fines Nerviorum contendit et, priusquam illi aut convenire aut profugere possent, magno pecoris atque hominum numero capto atque ea praeda militibus concessa vastatisque agris in deditionem venire atque obsides sibi dare coegit. Eo celeriter confecto negotio rursus in hiberna legiones reduxit. Concilio Galliae primo vere, ut instituerat, indicto, cum reliqui praeter Senones, Carnutes Treverosque venissent, initium belli ac defectionis hoc esse arbitratus, ut omnia postponere videretur, concilium Lutetiam Parisiorum transfert.

[3] And so, with winter not yet completed, with the four nearest legions having been assembled, he hastens unexpectedly into the territories of the Nervii and, before they could either convene or take flight, after a great number of cattle and people had been captured and that booty granted to the soldiers, and the fields laid waste, he compelled them to come into surrender and to give him hostages. That business having been quickly finished, he led the legions back again into winter quarters. The council of Gaul having been proclaimed for early spring, as he had established, when the rest had come except for the Senones, the Carnutes, and the Treveri, he judged this to be the beginning of war and of defection—that he should seem to postpone everything—and he transfers the council to Lutetia of the Parisii.

Confines erant hi Senonibus civitatemque patrum memoria coniunxerant, sed ab hoc consilio afuisse existimabantur. Hac re pro suggestu pronuntiata eodem die cum legionibus in Senones proficiscitur magnisque itineribus eo pervenit.

They were contiguous to the Senones and had conjoined their commonwealth within the memory of their fathers, but were thought to have been absent from this counsel. This matter having been pronounced from the rostrum, on the same day he sets out with the legions into the Senones and by great marches arrives there.

[4] Cognito eius adventu Acco, qui princeps eius consili fuerat, iubet in oppida multitudinem convenire. Conantibus, priusquam id effici posset, adesse Romanos nuntiatur. Necessario sententia desistunt legatosque deprecandi causa ad Caesarem mittunt: adeunt per Aeduos, quorum antiquitus erat in fide civitas.

[4] On learning of his advent, Acco, who had been the chief of that counsel, bids the multitude to convene in the towns. As they were attempting this, before it could be brought to effect, it is announced that the Romans are at hand. Of necessity they desist from the plan and send legates to Caesar for the purpose of deprecation: they approach through the Aedui, in whose faith the state had been from antiquity.

Libenter Caesar petentibus Aeduis dat veniam excusationemque accipit, quod aestivum tempus instantis belli, non quaestionis esse arbitrabatur. Obsidibus imperatis centum hos Aeduis custodiendos tradit. Eodem Carnutes legatos obsidesque mittunt usi deprecatoribus Renis, quorum erant in clientela: eadem ferunt responsa.

Caesar gladly grants pardon to the petitioning Aedui and accepts their excuse, because he judged the summer season to belong to the impending war, not to inquiry. With a hundred hostages imposed, he hands these over to the Aedui to be kept. Likewise the Carnutes send envoys and hostages, using the Remi as intercessors, in whose clientage they were: they bring back the same answers.

Peragit concilium Caesar equitesque imperat civitatibus.

Caesar completes the council and orders cavalry from the states.

[5] Hac parte Galliae pacata totus et mente et animo in bellum Treverorum et Ambiorigis insistit. Cavarinum cum equitatu Senonum secum proficisci iubet, ne quis aut ex huius iracundia aut ex eo, quod meruerat, odio civitatis motus exsistat. His rebus constitutis, quod pro explorato habebat Ambiorigem proelio non esse concertaturum, reliqua eius consilia animo circumspiciebat.

[5] With this part of Gaul pacified, he applies himself wholly, in mind and in spirit, to the war of the Treveri and of Ambiorix. He orders Cavarinus to set out with him with the cavalry of the Senones, lest any uprising of the state arise either from this man’s irascibility or from the hatred incurred for what he had deserved. With these things arranged, since he held as fully ascertained that Ambiorix would not contend in battle, he surveyed in his mind the rest of that man’s plans.

Erant Menapii propinqui Eburonum finibus, perpetuis paludibus silvisque muniti, qui uni ex Gallia de pace ad Caesarem legatos numquam miserant. Cum his esse hospitium Ambiorigi sciebat; item per Treveros venisse Germanis in amicitiam cognoverat. Haec prius illi detrahenda auxilia existimabat quam ipsum bello lacesseret, ne desperata salute aut se in Menapios abderet aut cum Transrhenanis congredi cogeretur.

The Menapii were near to the borders of the Eburones, fortified by perpetual marshes and woods, who alone out of Gaul had never sent legates to Caesar concerning peace. He knew that Ambiorix had guest-friendship with them; likewise he had learned that through the Treveri the Germans had come into friendship. He judged that these auxiliaries must first be detached from him before he should provoke him to war, lest, with hope of safety despaired, he either hide himself among the Menapii or be compelled to engage with the Transrhenanians.

Hoc inito consilio totius exercitus impedimenta ad Labienum in Treveros mittit duasque legiones ad eum proficisci iubet; ipse cum legionibus expeditis quinque in Menapios proficiscitur. Illi nulla coacta manu loci praesidio freti in silvas paludesque confugiunt suaque eodem conferunt.

Having adopted this plan, he sends the baggage-train of the entire army to Labienus among the Treveri and orders two legions to set out to him; he himself with five legions unencumbered sets out against the Menapii. They, with no force gathered, relying on the defense of the locality, take refuge in the forests and marshes and bring their possessions there as well.

[6] Caesar partitis copiis cum Gaio Fabio legato et Marco Crasso quaestore celeriterque effectis pontibus adit tripertito, aedificia vicosque incendit, magno pecoris atque hominum numero potitur. Quibus rebus coacti Menapii legatos ad eum pacis petendae causa mittunt. Ille obsidibus acceptis hostium se habiturum numero confirmat, si aut Ambiorigem aut eius legatos finibus suis recepissent.

[6] Caesar, with his forces divided, with Gaius Fabius, legate, and Marcus Crassus, quaestor, and with the bridges quickly constructed, advances in three divisions; he burns buildings and villages, and gains possession of a great number of cattle and men. Compelled by these things, the Menapii send envoys to him for the sake of seeking peace. He, having accepted hostages, declares that he will hold them in the number of enemies, if they either should receive Ambiorix or his envoys within their borders.

His confirmatis rebus Commium Atrebatem cum equitatu custodis loco in Menapiis relinquit; ipse in Treveros proficiscitur.

With these matters confirmed, he leaves Commius the Atrebatian with the cavalry among the Menapii in the place of a guard; he himself sets out to the Treveri.

[7] Dum haec a Caesare geruntur, Treveri magnis coactis peditatus equitatusque copiis Labienum cum una legione, quae in eorum finibus hiemaverat, adoriri parabant, iamque ab eo non longius bidui via aberant, cum duas venisse legiones missu Caesaris cognoscunt. Positis castris a milibus passuum XV auxilia Germanorum exspectare constituunt. Labienus hostium cognito consilio sperans temeritate eorum fore aliquam dimicandi facultatem praesidio quinque cohortium impedimentis relicto cum viginti quinque cohortibus magnoque equitatu contra hostem proficiscitur et mille passuum intermisso spatio castra communit.

[7] While these things are being done by Caesar, the Treveri, great forces of infantry and cavalry having been gathered, were preparing to attack Labienus with the one legion which had wintered within their borders, and already they were not farther than two days’ march from him, when they learn that two legions have come, sent by Caesar. Having pitched camp at 15 miles, they decide to await auxiliaries of the Germans. Labienus, the plan of the enemy having been learned, hoping that through their temerity there would be some opportunity for fighting, leaving the baggage-train with a guard of five cohorts, with twenty-five cohorts and a great cavalry force sets out against the enemy and, a space of one mile having been left between, fortifies a camp.

Erat inter Labienum atque hostem difficili transitu flumen ripisque praeruptis. Hoc neque ipse transire habebat in animo neque hostes transituros existimabat. Augebatur auxiliorum cotidie spes.

Between Labienus and the enemy there was a river of difficult transit and with precipitous banks. He had it not in mind to cross this himself, nor did he reckon the foes would cross. The hope of auxiliaries was increasing daily.

Loquitur in concilio palam, quoniam Germani appropinquare dicantur, sese suas exercitusque fortunas in dubium non devocaturum et postero die prima luce castra moturum. Celeriter haec ad hostes deferuntur, ut ex magno Gallorum equitum numero nonnullos Gallicis rebus favere natura cogebat. Labienus noctu tribunis militum primisque ordinibus convocatis, quid sui sit consili proponit et, quo facilius hostibus timoris det suspicionem, maiore strepitu et tumultu, quam populi Romani fert consuetudo castra moveri iubet.

He speaks openly in council, that since the Germans are said to be approaching, he will not call into doubt his own and the army’s fortunes, and that on the following day at first light he will move the camp. Swiftly these things are carried to the enemy, since, out of the great number of Gallic horsemen, nature compelled some to favor Gallic affairs. At night, Labienus, having summoned the military tribunes and the first ranks, sets forth what his plan is, and, in order the more easily to give the enemy a suspicion of fear, he orders the camp to be moved with greater noise and tumult than is the custom of the Roman people.

His rebus fugae similem profectionem effecit. Haec quoque per exploratores ante lucem in tanta propinquitate castrorum ad hostes deferuntur.

By these measures he made his setting-out seem like a flight. These things too are conveyed to the enemy by scouts before daybreak, given the great propinquity of the camps.

[8] Vix agmen novissimum extra munitiones processerat, cum Galli cohortati inter se, ne speratam praedam ex manibus dimitterent--longum esse per territis Romanis Germanorum auxilium exspectare, neque suam pati dignitatem ut tantis copiis tam exiguam manum praesertim fugientem atque impeditam adoriri non audeant--flumen transire et iniquo loco committere proelium non dubitant. Quae fore suspicatus Labienus, ut omnes citra flumen eliceret, eadem usus simulatione itineris placide progrediebatur. Tum praemissis paulum impedimentis atque in tumulo quodam collocatis "Habetis," inquit, "milites, quam petistis facultatem: hostem impedito atque iniquo loco tenetis: praestate eandem nobis ducibus virtutem, quam saepe numero imperatori praestitistis, atque illum adesse et haec coram cernere existimate." Simul signa ad hostem converti aciemque dirigi iubet, et paucis turmis praesidio ad impedimenta dimissis reliquos equites ad latera disponit.

[8] Hardly had the hindmost of the column advanced beyond the fortifications, when the Gauls, having exhorted one another not to let the hoped-for prey slip from their hands--that it would take too long, with the Romans panic-stricken, to wait for German aid, nor did their dignity permit that, with such great forces, they should not dare to attack so scant a band, especially one fleeing and encumbered--do not hesitate to cross the river and to join battle on unfavorable ground. Labienus, suspecting that this would be, in order to draw them all to this side of the river, using the same pretense of a march, was advancing calmly. Then, after sending the baggage a little ahead and stationing it on a certain mound, he said, "You have, soldiers, the opportunity you sought: you hold the enemy hampered and on unfavorable ground: display for us your leaders the same valor that you have often and oft supplied to the imperator, and suppose that he is present and sees these things in person." At once he orders the standards to be turned toward the enemy and the battle line to be directed, and, with a few squadrons sent off as a guard to the baggage, he arranges the remaining horsemen on the flanks.

Celeriter nostri clamore sublato pila in hostes immittunt. Illi, ubi praeter spem quos fugere credebant infestis signis ad se ire viderunt, impetum modo ferre non potuerunt ac primo concursu in fugam coniecti proximas silvas petierunt. Quos Labienus equitatu consectatus, magno numero interfecto, compluribus captis, paucis post diebus civitatem recepit.

Swiftly our men, with a shout raised, hurl their javelins at the enemy. They, when they saw, beyond expectation, those whom they believed to be fleeing coming toward them with hostile standards, could not even bear the onset; and at the first clash, cast into flight, they sought the nearest woods. These Labienus, pursuing with the cavalry—after a great number had been slain and many captured—recovered the state a few days later.

Nam Germani qui auxilio veniebant percepta Treverorum fuga sese domum receperunt. Cum his propinqui Indutiomari, qui defectionis auctores fuerant, comitati eos ex civitate excesserunt. Cingetorigi, quem ab initio permansisse in officio demonstravimus, principatus atque imperium est traditum.

For the Germans who were coming as aid, once the flight of the Treveri was perceived, withdrew home. Along with them, the kinsmen of Indutiomarus, who had been the authors of the defection, accompanying them, departed from the state. To Cingetorix, whom we have shown to have remained in duty from the beginning, the principate and command were handed over.

[9] Caesar, postquam ex Menapiis in Treveros venit, duabus de causis Rhenum transire constituit; quarum una erat, quod auxilia contra se Treveris miserant, altera, ne ad eos Ambiorix receptum haberet. His constitutis rebus paulum supra eum locum quo ante exercitum traduxerat facere pontem instituit. Nota atque instituta ratione magno militum studio paucis diebus opus efficitur.

[9] Caesar, after he came from the Menapii into the Treveri, resolved to cross the Rhine for two reasons: one was that they had sent auxiliaries to the Treveri against him; the other, lest Ambiorix should have a refuge with them. These matters having been settled, a little above that place where previously he had led the army across, he instituted the building of a bridge. By a method known and established, through the great zeal of the soldiers, the work is completed in a few days.

Firmo in Treveris ad pontem praesidio relicto, ne quis ab his subito motus oreretur, reliquas copias equitatumque traducit. Vbii, qui ante obsides dederant atque in deditionem venerant, purgandi sui causa ad eum legatos mittunt, qui doceant neque auxilia ex sua civitate in Treveros missa neque ab se fidem laesam: petunt atque orant ut sibi parcat, ne communi odio Germanorum innocentes pro nocentibus poenas pendant; si amplius obsidum vellet, dare pollicentur. Cognita Caesar causa reperit ab Suebis auxilia missa esse; Vbiorum satisfactionem accipit, aditus viasque in Suebos perquirit.

With a firm garrison left at the bridge among the Treveri, lest any sudden movement arise from them, he leads across the remaining forces and the cavalry. The Ubii, who earlier had given hostages and had come into surrender, send legates to him for the sake of purging themselves, to show that neither had auxiliaries been sent from their state to the Treveri nor had their good faith been violated by them: they ask and entreat that he spare them, lest by the common hatred of the Germans the innocent pay penalties for the guilty; if he should wish for more hostages, they promise to give. The case having been learned, Caesar finds that auxiliaries had been sent by the Suebi; he accepts the satisfaction of the Ubii, and he inquires after the approaches and the routes into the Suebi.

[10] Interim paucis post diebus fit ab Vbiis certior Suebos omnes in unum locum copias cogere atque eis nationibus quae sub eorum sint imperio denuntiare, ut auxilia peditatus equitatusque mittant. His cognitis rebus rem frumentariam providet, castris idoneum locum deligit; Vbiis imperat ut pecora deducant suaque omnia ex agris in oppida conferant, sperans barbaros atque imperitos homines inopia cibariorum adductos ad iniquam pugnandi condicionem posse deduci; mandat, ut crebros exploratores in Suebos mittant quaeque apud eos gerantur cognoscant. Illi imperata faciunt et paucis diebus intermissis referunt: Suebos omnes, posteaquam certiores nuntii de exercitu Romanorum venerint, cum omnibus suis sociorumque copiis, quas coegissent, penitus ad extremos fines se recepisse: silvam esse ibi infinita magnitudine, quae appellatur Bacenis; hanc longe introrsus pertinere et pro nativo muro obiectam Cheruscos ab Suebis Suebosque ab Cheruscis iniuriis incursionibusque prohibere: ad eius initium silvae Suebos adventum Romanorum exspectare constituisse.

[10] Meanwhile, a few days later, he is made more certain by the Ubii that all the Suebi are gathering their forces into one place and are giving notice to those nations which are under their command to send auxiliaries of infantry and cavalry. With these matters learned, he provides for the grain-supply, chooses a place suitable for a camp; he orders the Ubii to drive in their herds and to carry all their belongings from the fields into the towns, hoping that the barbarians and inexperienced men, induced by lack of provisions, could be drawn to an unequal condition of fighting; he instructs them to send frequent scouts into the Suebi and to learn whatever is being done among them. They do what was ordered and, a few days having intervened, report this: that all the Suebi, after more certain reports about the Roman army had come, had withdrawn with all their own forces and those of their allies, which they had gathered, far within to the furthest borders; that there is there a forest of boundless size, which is called Bacenis; that this extends far inward and, set before them as a native wall, keeps the Cherusci from the Suebi and the Suebi from the Cherusci from injuries and incursions; that at the beginning of this forest the Suebi had determined to await the arrival of the Romans.

[11] Quoniam ad hunc locum perventum est, non alienum esse videtur de Galliae Germaniaeque moribus et quo differant hae nationes inter sese proponere. In Gallia non solum in omnibus civitatibus atque in omnibus pagis partibusque, sed paene etiam in singulis domibus factiones sunt, earumque factionum principes sunt qui summam auctoritatem eorum iudicio habere existimantur, quorum ad arbitrium iudiciumque summa omnium rerum consiliorumque redeat. Itaque eius rei causa antiquitus institutum videtur, ne quis ex plebe contra potentio rem auxili egeret: suos enim quisque opprimi et circumveniri non patitur, neque, aliter si faciat, ullam inter suos habet auctoritatem.

[11] Since it has come to this point, it does not seem out of place to set forth about the customs of Gaul and Germany, and in what these nations differ among themselves. In Gaul, not only in all states and in all cantons and parties, but almost even in individual households there are factions; and the principals of these factions are those who are thought, by their judgment, to have the highest authority, to whose arbitration and judgment the sum of all affairs and counsels returns. And so, for the sake of this matter, it seems to have been instituted from antiquity, lest anyone of the plebs should lack aid against the more powerful: for each man does not allow his own people to be oppressed and circumvented, nor, if he act otherwise, does he have any authority among his own.

Haec eadem ratio est in summa totius Galliae: namque omnes civitates in partes divisae sunt duas.

This same principle holds, in sum, throughout the whole of Gaul: for all the cities are divided into two parts.

[12] Cum Caesar in Galliam venit, alterius factionis principes erant Aedui, alterius Sequani. Hi cum per se minus valerent, quod summa auctoritas antiquitus erat in Aeduis magnaeque eorum erant clientelae, Germanos atque Ariovistum sibi adiunxerant eosque ad se magnis iacturis pollicitationibusque perduxerant. Proeliis vero compluribus factis secundis atque omni nobilitate Aeduorum interfecta tantum potentia antecesserant, ut magnam partem clientium ab Aeduis ad se traducerent obsidesque ab eis principum filios acciperent et publice iurare cogerent nihil se contra Sequanos consili inituros et partem finitimi agri per vim occupatam possiderent Galliaeque totius principatum obtinerent.

[12] When Caesar came into Gaul, the leaders of one faction were the Aedui, of the other the Sequani. Since these were less strong on their own—because the highest authority had from ancient times been with the Aedui, and their clienteles were great—they had joined to themselves the Germans and Ariovistus, and had brought them over to their side by great outlays and promises. And after several battles had turned out favorably, and with all the nobility of the Aedui slain, they had so far advanced in power that they transferred a great part of the clients from the Aedui to themselves, received from them as hostages the sons of chiefs, and compelled them publicly to swear that they would undertake no counsel against the Sequani; and they possessed a portion of neighboring land seized by force, and held the principate of all Gaul.

Qua necessitate adductus Diviciacus auxili petendi causa Romam ad senatum profectus infecta re redierat. Adventu Caesaris facta commutatione rerum, obsidibus Aeduis redditis, veteribus clientelis restitutis, novis per Caesarem comparatis, quod hi, qui se ad eorum amicitiam adgregaverant, meliore condicione atque aequiore imperio se uti videbant, reliquis rebus eorum gratia dignitateque amplificata Sequani principatum dimiserant. In eorum locum Remi successerant: quos quod adaequare apud Caesarem gratia intellegebatur, ei, qui propter veteres inimicitias nullo modo cum Aeduis coniungi poterant, se Remis in clientelam dicabant.

Driven by this necessity, Diviciacus had set out to Rome to the senate for the purpose of seeking aid, and had returned with the matter undone. Upon Caesar’s arrival a change of affairs was effected: the hostages were returned to the Aedui, their old clientelae were restored, new ones were procured through Caesar (because those who had attached themselves to their friendship saw that they were enjoying a better condition and a more equitable imperium), and, their favor and dignity in the remaining matters having been amplified, the Sequani had let go the principate. Into their place the Remi had succeeded; and because it was understood that they were equal in favor with Caesar, those who on account of old enmities were in no way able to be joined with the Aedui declared themselves into clientela with the Remi.

Hos illi diligenter tuebantur: ita et novam et repente collectam auctoritatem tenebant. Eo tum statu res erat, ut longe principes haberentur Aedui, secundum locum dignitatis Remi obtinerent.

These they diligently were safeguarding: thus they held both a new and suddenly-collected authority. In that state of affairs then, it was such that the Aedui were held by far as the principal leaders, and the Remi obtained the second place of dignity.

[13] In omni Gallia eorum hominum, qui aliquo sunt numero atque honore, genera sunt duo. Nam plebes paene servorum habetur loco, quae nihil audet per se, nullo adhibetur consilio. Plerique, cum aut aere alieno aut magnitudine tributorum aut iniuria potentiorum premuntur, sese in servitutem dicant nobilibus: in hos eadem omnia sunt iura, quae dominis in servos.

[13] In all Gaul, among those men who are of some number and honor, there are two orders. For the plebs is held almost in the place of slaves, which dares nothing on its own and is admitted to no counsel. The majority, when they are pressed either by debt or by the magnitude of tribute or by the injustice of the more powerful, declare themselves into servitude to the nobles: over them there are all the same rights as masters over slaves.

Sed de his duobus generibus alterum est druidum, alterum equitum. Illi rebus divinis intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur: ad hos magnus adulescentium numerus disciplinae causa concurrit, magnoque hi sunt apud eos honore. Nam fere de omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt, et, si quod est admissum facinus, si caedes facta, si de hereditate, de finibus controversia est, idem decernunt, praemia poenasque constituunt; si qui aut privatus aut populus eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis interdicunt.

But of these two orders, one is of the Druids, the other of the equites. They attend to divine matters, see to public and private sacrifices, and interpret religious rites: to them a great number of youths flock for the sake of discipline, and these men are in great honor among them. For they determine about almost all disputes, public and private; and if any crime has been committed, if a killing has been done, if there is a controversy about inheritance or about boundaries, these same men decide, and they establish rewards and punishments; if any private person or a people has not abided by their decree, they interdict them from the sacrifices.

Haec poena apud eos est gravissima. Quibus ita est interdictum, hi numero impiorum ac sceleratorum habentur, his omnes decedunt, aditum sermonemque defugiunt, ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant, neque his petentibus ius redditur neque honos ullus communicatur. His autem omnibus druidibus praeest unus, qui summam inter eos habet auctoritatem.

This penalty among them is most grave. Those to whom it has been thus interdicted are held in the number of the impious and criminal; all withdraw from them, shun approach and conversation, lest they receive any inconvenience from contagion; nor is right (justice) rendered to them when they seek it, nor is any honor shared with them. But over all these Druids one presides, who has the highest authority among them.

Hoc mortuo aut si qui ex reliquis excellit dignitate succedit, aut, si sunt plures pares, suffragio druidum, nonnumquam etiam armis de principatu contendunt. Hi certo anni tempore in finibus Carnutum, quae regio totius Galliae media habetur, considunt in loco consecrato. Huc omnes undique, qui controversias habent, conveniunt eorumque decretis iudiciisque parent.

With this man dead, either he who excels from the rest in dignity succeeds, or, if there are several equal, they contend for the principate by the suffrage of the druids, sometimes even with arms. They, at a fixed time of the year, sit in the borders of the Carnutes, which region is held the middle of all Gaul, in a consecrated place. Hither all from every side who have controversies come together, and they obey their decrees and judgments.

Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur, et nunc, qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt, plerumque illo discendi causa proficiscuntur.

The discipline is thought to have been discovered in Britain and from there transferred into Gaul, and now, those who wish to learn that matter more thoroughly for the most part set out thither for the sake of learning.

[14] Druides a bello abesse consuerunt neque tributa una cum reliquis pendunt; militiae vacationem omniumque rerum habent immunitatem. Tantis excitati praemiis et sua sponte multi in disciplinam conveniunt et a parentibus propinquisque mittuntur. Magnum ibi numerum versuum ediscere dicuntur.

[14] The Druids are accustomed to be absent from war and do not pay tributes together with the rest; they have exemption from military service and immunity from all things. Stirred by such great rewards, and of their own accord, many come together into the discipline and are sent by their parents and kinsmen. They are said there to learn by heart a great number of verses.

Itaque annos nonnulli vicenos in disciplina permanent. Neque fas esse existimant ea litteris mandare, cum in reliquis fere rebus, publicis privatisque rationibus Graecis litteris utantur. Id mihi duabus de causis instituisse videntur, quod neque in vulgum disciplinam efferri velint neque eos, qui discunt, litteris confisos minus memoriae studere: quod fere plerisque accidit, ut praesidio litterarum diligentiam in perdiscendo ac memoriam remittant.

And so some remain in the discipline for twenty years. Nor do they reckon it right to commit these things to letters, although in almost all other matters, in public and private accounts, they employ Greek letters. They seem to me to have established this for two causes: first, that they do not wish the discipline to be carried out into the common crowd; and second, that those who learn, relying on letters, may not apply themselves less to memory—which for the most part happens to many, that, with letters as a safeguard, they relax diligence in thoroughly learning and their memory.

In primis hoc volunt persuadere, non interire animas, sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios, atque hoc maxime ad virtutem excitari putant metu mortis neglecto. Multa praeterea de sideribus atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum magnitudine, de rerum natura, de deorum immortalium vi ac potestate disputant et iuventuti tradunt.

First and foremost they wish to persuade this: that souls do not perish, but after death pass from some to others; and by this they think men are most stirred to virtue, the fear of death neglected. Moreover, they discourse much about the stars and their motion, about the magnitude of the world and of the lands, about the nature of things, about the force and power of the immortal gods, and they hand these matters down to the youth.

[15] Alterum genus est equitum. Hi, cum est usus atque aliquod bellum incidit (quod fere ante Caesaris adventum quotannis accidere solebat, uti aut ipsi iniurias inferrent aut illatas propulsarent), omnes in bello versantur, atque eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos clientesque habet. Hanc unam gratiam potentiamque noverunt.

[15] The other order is that of the knights. These men, whenever there is need and some war falls out (which, before Caesar’s arrival, was accustomed to happen nearly every year, that either they themselves would bring injuries or would repel those brought), all are engaged in war; and of them, in proportion as each is most ample in lineage and resources, so he has the more ambacti and clients around him. This alone they recognize as favor and power.

[16] Natio est omnis Gallorum admodum dedita religionibus, atque ob eam causam, qui sunt adfecti gravioribus morbis quique in proeliis periculisque versantur, aut pro victimis homines immolant aut se immolaturos vovent administrisque ad ea sacrificia druidibus utuntur, quod, pro vita hominis nisi hominis vita reddatur, non posse deorum immortalium numen placari arbitrantur, publiceque eiusdem generis habent instituta sacrificia. Alii immani magnitudine simulacra habent, quorum contexta viminibus membra vivis hominibus complent; quibus succensis circumventi flamma exanimantur homines. Supplicia eorum qui in furto aut in latrocinio aut aliqua noxia sint comprehensi gratiora dis immortalibus esse arbitrantur; sed, cum eius generis copia defecit, etiam ad innocentium supplicia descendunt.

[16] The whole nation of the Gauls is exceedingly devoted to religions, and for that cause those who are afflicted by more grievous illnesses and those who are engaged in battles and dangers either immolate human beings as victims or vow that they will immolate themselves, and they use the Druids as ministers for those sacrifices, because they think that, unless a man’s life is given in return for a man’s life, the numen of the immortal gods cannot be placated; and publicly they have established sacrifices of the same kind. Others have effigies of immense magnitude, whose limbs, woven with withes, they fill with living men; when these are set on fire, the men, surrounded by the flame, are rendered lifeless. They reckon the punishments of those who have been seized in theft or in brigandage or in some crime to be more pleasing to the immortal gods; but, when the supply of that kind fails, they even descend to the punishments of the innocent.

[17] Deum maxime Mercurium colunt. Huius sunt plurima simulacra: hunc omnium inventorem artium ferunt, hunc viarum atque itinerum ducem, hunc ad quaestus pecuniae mercaturasque habere vim maximam arbitrantur. Post hunc Apollinem et Martem et Iovem et Minervam.

[17] They especially worship the god Mercury. Of him there are very many images: they say that he is the inventor of all arts, the guide of roads and journeys, and they consider that he has the greatest power for gains of money and for trades. After him, Apollo and Mars and Jove and Minerva.

De his eandem fere, quam reliquae gentes, habent opinionem: Apollinem morbos depellere, Minervam operum atque artificiorum initia tradere, Iovem imperium caelestium tenere, Martem bella regere. Huic, cum proelio dimicare constituerunt, ea quae bello ceperint plerumque devovent: cum superaverunt, animalia capta immolant reliquasque res in unum locum conferunt. Multis in civitatibus harum rerum exstructos tumulos locis consecratis conspicari licet; neque saepe accidit, ut neglecta quispiam religione aut capta apud se occultare aut posita tollere auderet, gravissimumque ei rei supplicium cum cruciatu constitutum est.

About these gods they hold almost the same opinion as the other nations: that Apollo drives away diseases, Minerva hands down the beginnings of works and artifices, Jupiter holds the imperium of the celestials, Mars rules wars. To him, when they have resolved to contend in battle, they for the most part devote the things which they have taken in war; when they have prevailed, they immolate the captured animals and bring the remaining things together into one place. In many commonwealths it is permitted to behold mounds constructed of these things in consecrated places; nor does it often happen that, religion being disregarded, anyone would dare either to hide the captured things at his own house or to take away those set down; and the most severe punishment with torment has been established for that matter.

[18] Galli se omnes ab Dite patre prognatos praedicant idque ab druidibus proditum dicunt. Ob eam causam spatia omnis temporis non numero dierum sed noctium finiunt; dies natales et mensum et annorum initia sic observant ut noctem dies subsequatur. In reliquis vitae institutis hoc fere ab reliquis differunt, quod suos liberos, nisi cum adoleverunt, ut munus militiae sustinere possint, palam ad se adire non patiuntur filiumque puerili aetate in publico in conspectu patris adsistere turpe ducunt.

[18] The Gauls all proclaim themselves begotten from Father Dis, and they say that this has been handed down by the Druids. For this cause they define the spans of all time not by the number of days but of nights; they observe birthdays and the beginnings of months and years in such a way that the day follows the night. In the other institutions of life they differ for the most part from the rest in this, that they do not allow their own children, unless they have grown up so that they can sustain the office of military service, to approach them openly; and they consider it shameful for a son of boyish age to stand in public in the sight of his father.

[19] Viri, quantas pecunias ab uxoribus dotis nomine acceperunt, tantas ex suis bonis aestimatione facta cum dotibus communicant. Huius omnis pecuniae coniunctim ratio habetur fructusque servantur: uter eorum vita superarit, ad eum pars utriusque cum fructibus superiorum temporum pervenit. Viri in uxores, sicuti in liberos, vitae necisque habent potestatem; et cum paterfamiliae illustriore loco natus decessit, eius propinqui conveniunt et, de morte si res in suspicionem venit, de uxoribus in servilem modum quaestionem habent et, si compertum est, igni atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas interficiunt.

[19] The men, as much money as they have received from their wives in the name of a dowry, match with just as much from their own goods, an appraisal having been made, and they pool it with the dowries. A joint account of all this money is kept and the fruits (profits) are preserved: whichever of them has survived, to that one there comes the share of each, together with the profits of earlier times. The men have power of life and death over their wives, just as over their children; and when a paterfamilias born of more illustrious rank has died, his kinsmen assemble and, if the matter about the death comes into suspicion, they hold an inquiry of the wives in the servile manner, and, if it has been ascertained, they put them to death, tortured by fire and by all torments.

Funera sunt pro cultu Gallorum magnifica et sumptuosa; omniaque quae vivis cordi fuisse arbitrantur in ignem inferunt, etiam animalia, ac paulo supra hanc memoriam servi et clientes, quos ab eis dilectos esse constabat, iustis funeribus confectis una cremabantur.

Funerals, according to the culture of the Gauls, are magnificent and sumptuous; and they consign to the fire everything which they judge to have been dear to the living, even animals; and until a little before our time, slaves and clients—whom it was established had been beloved by them—once the proper funerals had been completed, were burned together.

[20] Quae civitates commodius suam rem publicam administrare existimantur, habent legibus sanctum, si quis quid de re publica a finitimis rumore aut fama acceperit, uti ad magistratum deferat neve cum quo alio communicet, quod saepe homines temerarios atque imperitos falsis rumoribus terreri et ad facinus impelli et de summis rebus consilium capere cognitum est. Magistratus quae visa sunt occultant quaeque esse ex usu iudicaverunt multitudini produnt. De re publica nisi per concilium loqui non conceditur.

[20] The states which are thought to administer their republic more commodiously have it sanctioned by laws, that if anyone has received anything about the republic from neighbors by rumor or report, he is to report it to the magistrate and not communicate it with anyone else, because it has been learned that men rash and unskilled are often terrified by false rumors and driven to crime and take counsel concerning matters of the highest moment. The magistrates conceal what has seemed best to conceal, and what they have judged to be of use they disclose to the multitude. It is not permitted to speak about the republic except through the council.

[21] Germani multum ab hac consuetudine differunt. Nam neque druides habent, qui rebus divinis praesint, neque sacrificiis student. Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos cernunt et quorum aperte opibus iuvantur, Solem et Vulcanum et Lunam, reliquos ne fama quidem acceperunt.

[21] The Germans differ much from this custom. For they have neither druids to preside over divine matters, nor are they devoted to sacrifices. They reckon in the number of gods only those whom they behold and by whose manifest powers they are helped—the Sun, Vulcan, and the Moon; the rest they have not received even by report.

Vita omnis in venationibus atque in studiis rei militaris consistit: ab parvulis labori ac duritiae student. Qui diutissime impuberes permanserunt, maximam inter suos ferunt laudem: hoc ali staturam, ali vires nervosque confirmari putant. Intra annum vero vicesimum feminae notitiam habuisse in turpissimis habent rebus; cuius rei nulla est occultatio, quod et promiscue in fluminibus perluuntur et pellibus aut parvis renonum tegimentis utuntur magna corporis parte nuda.

All their life consists in hunts and in the studies of military affairs: from earliest childhood they are devoted to toil and durity. Those who have remained unpubescent the longest bear the greatest praise among their own: some think by this the stature, others that the strength and sinews are confirmed. But to have had acquaintance of a woman before the 20th year they hold among the most shameful things; of which matter there is no concealment, because they bathe together indiscriminately in rivers and use skins or small coverings of fur-cloaks, with a great part of the body naked.

[22] Agriculturae non student, maiorque pars eorum victus in lacte, caseo, carne consistit. Neque quisquam agri modum certum aut fines habet proprios; sed magistratus ac principes in annos singulos gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui una coierunt, quantum et quo loco visum est agri attribuunt atque anno post alio transire cogunt. Eius rei multas adferunt causas: ne adsidua consuetudine capti studium belli gerendi agricultura commutent; ne latos fines parare studeant, potentioresque humiliores possessionibus expellant; ne accuratius ad frigora atque aestus vitandos aedificent; ne qua oriatur pecuniae cupiditas, qua ex re factiones dissensionesque nascuntur; ut animi aequitate plebem contineant, cum suas quisque opes cum potentissimis aequari videat.

[22] They do not study agriculture, and the greater part of their victuals consists in milk, cheese, and meat. Nor does anyone have a fixed measure of field or his own boundaries; but the magistrates and princes, year by year, allot to the gentes and the cognations of men who have come together as one as much land and in what place as has seemed good, and the year after they compel them to move elsewhere. They allege many causes for this: lest, caught by continual habituation, they exchange their zeal for waging war for agriculture; lest they strive to prepare broad borders, and the more powerful drive the more humble from their possessions; lest they build more carefully to avoid colds and heats; lest any desire of money arise, from which matter factions and dissensions are born; that by equality of mind they may restrain the common people, since each sees his own resources to be made equal with those of the most powerful.

[23] Civitatibus maxima laus est quam latissime circum se vastatis finibus solitudines habere. Hoc proprium virtutis existimant, expulsos agris finitimos cedere, neque quemquam prope audere consistere; simul hoc se fore tutiores arbitrantur repentinae incursionis timore sublato. Cum bellum civitas aut illa tum defendit aut infert, magistratus, qui ei bello praesint, ut vitae necisque habeant potestatem, deliguntur.

[23] For states the greatest praise is to have solitudes as widely as possible around themselves, with their borders laid waste. They reckon this a property of manly virtue: that neighbors, driven from their fields, withdraw, and that no one dares to settle near; at the same time they judge that they will be safer, with the fear of a sudden incursion removed. When a state either then defends itself in war or carries war to others, magistrates, to preside over that war so that they may have the power of life and death, are chosen.

In pace nullus est communis magistratus, sed principes regionum atque pagorum inter suos ius dicunt controversiasque minuunt. Latrocinia nullam habent infamiam, quae extra fines cuiusque civitatis fiunt, atque ea iuventutis exercendae ac desidiae minuendae causa fieri praedicant. Atque ubi quis ex principibus in concilio dixit se ducem fore, qui sequi velint, profiteantur, consurgunt ei qui et causam et hominem probant suumque auxilium pollicentur atque ab multitudine collaudantur: qui ex his secuti non sunt, in desertorum ac proditorum numero ducuntur, omniumque his rerum postea fides derogatur.

In peace there is no common magistrate, but the princes of the regions and of the country-districts pronounce law among their own and diminish controversies. Brigandage has no infamy when it is done outside the borders of each state, and they proclaim that these deeds are for the sake of exercising the youth and lessening idleness. And when someone of the princes has said in council that he will be leader, “let those who wish to follow declare themselves,” those who approve both the cause and the man rise for him, promise their aid, and are applauded by the multitude; those of these who have not followed are reckoned in the number of deserters and traitors, and all trust in these matters is thereafter withdrawn from them.

Hospitem violare fas non putant; qui quacumque de causa ad eos venerunt, ab iniuria prohibent, sanctos habent, hisque omnium domus patent victusque communicatur.

They do not consider it right by divine law to violate a guest; those who, for whatever cause, have come to them they keep from injury, they hold sacrosanct, and for these the houses of all lie open, and victuals are shared.

[24] Ac fuit antea tempus, cum Germanos Galli virtute superarent, ultro bella inferrent, propter hominum multitudinem agrique inopiam trans Rhenum colonias mitterent. Itaque ea quae fertilissima Germaniae sunt loca circum Hercyniam silvam, quam Eratostheni et quibusdam Graecis fama notam esse video, quam illi Orcyniam appellant, Volcae Tectosages occupaverunt atque ibi consederunt; quae gens ad hoc tempus his sedibus sese continet summamque habet iustitiae et bellicae laudis opinionem. Nunc quod in eadem inopia, egestate, patientia qua Germani permanent, eodem victu et cultu corporis utuntur; Gallis autem provinciarum propinquitas et transmarinarum rerum notitia multa ad copiam atque usus largitur, paulatim adsuefacti superari multisque victi proeliis ne se quidem ipsi cum illis virtute comparant.

[24] And there was once a time when the Gauls surpassed the Germans in prowess, were the aggressors in bringing wars, and, on account of the multitude of men and the lack of land, sent colonies across the Rhine. And so the places which are the most fertile of Germany around the Hercynian Forest—which I see is known by report to Eratosthenes and to certain Greeks, who call it Orcynia—the Volcae Tectosages seized and settled there; which nation up to this time keeps itself within these seats and has the highest reputation for justice and for warlike renown. Now, because they persist in the same want, indigence, and endurance as the Germans, they employ the same victual and the same cultivation of the body; but to the Gauls the nearness of the provinces and acquaintance with transmarine affairs bestows many things for abundance and for uses; gradually accustomed to be surpassed and conquered in many battles, they do not even themselves compare their valor with theirs.

[25] Huius Hercyniae silvae, quae supra demonstrata est, latitudo novem dierum iter expedito patet: non enim aliter finiri potest, neque mensuras itinerum noverunt. Oritur ab Helvetiorum et Nemetum et Rauracorum finibus rectaque fluminis Danubi regione pertinet ad fines Dacorum et Anartium; hinc se flectit sinistrorsus diversis ab flumine regionibus multarumque gentium fines propter magnitudinem adtingit; neque quisquam est huius Germaniae, qui se aut adisse ad initium eius silvae dicat, cum dierum iter LX processerit, aut, quo ex loco oriatur, acceperit: multaque in ea genera ferarum nasci constat, quae reliquis in locis visa non sint; ex quibus quae maxime differant ab ceteris et memoriae prodenda videantur haec sunt.

[25] The latitude of this Hercynian forest, which has been shown above, lies open as a journey of nine days for one unencumbered: for it cannot be bounded otherwise, nor do they know measurements of journeys. It arises from the borders of the Helvetii and the Nemetes and the Rauraci, and along the straight region of the river Danube extends to the borders of the Dacians and the Anartes; from here it bends leftwards into regions away from the river and, by reason of its magnitude, touches the borders of many nations; nor is there anyone of this Germania who says that he has either reached the beginning of that forest, though he has advanced a journey of 60 days, or has learned from what place it arises; and it is agreed that many kinds of wild beasts are born in it, which have not been seen in other places; of which, those which differ most from the rest and seem to be handed down to memory are these.

[26] Est bos cervi figura, cuius a media fronte inter aures unum cornu exsistit excelsius magisque directum his, quae nobis nota sunt, cornibus: ab eius summo sicut palmae ramique late diffunduntur. Eadem est feminae marisque natura, eadem forma magnitudoque cornuum.

[26] There is a bovine of a deer-like figure, from whose middle forehead, between the ears, one horn projects, loftier and more straight than the horns which are known to us: from its top, as palms and branches, they spread widely. The nature of the female and of the male is the same, and the form and magnitude of the horns are the same.

[27] Sunt item, quae appellantur alces. Harum est consimilis capris figura et varietas pellium, sed magnitudine paulo antecedunt mutilaeque sunt cornibus et crura sine nodis articulisque habent neque quietis causa procumbunt neque, si quo adflictae casu conciderunt, erigere sese aut sublevare possunt. His sunt arbores pro cubilibus: ad eas se applicant atque ita paulum modo reclinatae quietem capiunt.

[27] There are likewise those which are called elk. Of these the figure is very similar to goats and the variegation of the pelts, but they surpass them a little in magnitude, and they are mutilated as to horns, and they have legs without knots and joints; nor do they, for the sake of rest, lie down, nor, if by some mishap they have been cast down, are they able to raise or to lift themselves. For these, trees are in place of beds: to them they apply themselves and, thus only a little reclined, they take rest.

Quarum ex vestigiis cum est animadversum a venatoribus, quo se recipere consuerint, omnes eo loco aut ab radicibus subruunt aut accidunt arbores, tantum ut summa species earum stantium relinquatur. Huc cum se consuetudine reclinaverunt, infirmas arbores pondere adfligunt atque una ipsae concidunt.

From the tracks of these, when it has been observed by the hunters to what place they are accustomed to retire, they all in that spot either undermine the trees from the roots or cut them, only so much that the topmost appearance of their standing is left. Here, when by habit they have leaned themselves, they dash down the weak trees by their weight and together they themselves fall.

[28] Tertium est genus eorum, qui uri appellantur. Hi sunt magnitudine paulo infra elephantos, specie et colore et figura tauri. Magna vis eorum est et magna velocitas, neque homini neque ferae quam conspexerunt parcunt.

[28] The third kind is those who are called uri. They are in magnitude a little below elephants, in appearance and color and figure like a bull. Great is their force and great their velocity, and they spare neither a human nor a wild beast that they have caught sight of.

Hos studiose foveis captos interficiunt. Hoc se labore durant adulescentes atque hoc genere venationis exercent, et qui plurimos ex his interfecerunt, relatis in publicum cornibus, quae sint testimonio, magnam ferunt laudem. Sed adsuescere ad homines et mansuefieri ne parvuli quidem excepti possunt.

These, caught in pits, they zealously kill. By this labor the adolescents harden themselves and exercise themselves in this kind of hunting, and those who have killed the greatest number of them, with the horns brought into the public as testimony, carry off great praise. But to grow accustomed to humans and to be domesticated, not even the very young, though taken, can be made.

Amplitudo cornuum et figura et species multum a nostrorum boum cornibus differt. Haec studiose conquisita ab labris argento circumcludunt atque in amplissimis epulis pro poculis utuntur.

The size of the horns and their figure and appearance differ greatly from the horns of our cattle. These, zealously sought out, they encircle with silver at the rims, and at the most ample banquets they use them as cups.

[29] Caesar, postquam per Vbios exploratores comperit Suebos sese in silvas recepisse, inopiam frumenti veritus, quod, ut supra demonstravimus, minime omnes Germani agriculturae student, constituit non progredi longius; sed, ne omnino metum reditus sui barbaris tolleret atque ut eorum auxilia tardaret, reducto exercitu partem ultimam pontis, quae ripas Vbiorum contingebat, in longitudinem pedum ducentorum rescindit atque in extremo ponte turrim tabulatorum quattuor constituit praesidiumque cohortium duodecim pontis tuendi causa ponit magnisque eum locum munitionibus firmat. Ei loco praesidioque Gaium Volcatium Tullum adulescentem praefecit. Ipse, cum maturescere frumenta inciperent, ad bellum Ambiorigis profectus per Arduennam silvam, quae est totius Galliae maxima atque ab ripis Rheni finibusque Treverorum ad Nervios pertinet milibusque amplius quingentis in longitudinem patet, Lucium Minucium Basilum cum omni equitatu praemittit, si quid celeritate itineris atque opportunitate temporis proficere possit; monet, ut ignes in castris fieri prohibeat, ne qua eius adventus procul significatio fiat: sese confestim subsequi dicit.

[29] Caesar, after he learned through the Ubii’s scouts that the Suebi had withdrawn into the forests, fearing a scarcity of grain, since, as we have shown above, by no means do all the Germans apply themselves to agriculture, decided not to advance farther; but, lest he entirely remove from the barbarians the fear of his return and in order to delay their auxiliaries, with the army drawn back he rescinded the farthest part of the bridge, which touched the banks of the Ubii, to a length of 200 feet, and at the extreme end of the bridge he set up a tower of four stories and placed a garrison of 12 cohorts for the purpose of guarding the bridge, and with great fortifications he strengthened that place. Over that place and garrison he put Gaius Volcatius Tullus, a young man, in command. He himself, when the grain-crops began to ripen, having set out for the war against Ambiorix through the Ardenna forest, which is the greatest in all Gaul and extends from the banks of the Rhine and the borders of the Treveri to the Nervii and stretches for more than 500 miles in length, sent ahead Lucius Minucius Basilus with all the cavalry, to see whether he could accomplish anything by the celerity of the march and the opportunity of the time; he warns him to prohibit fires from being made in the camp, lest any signal of his arrival be made from afar: he says that he will follow immediately close behind.

[30] Basilus, ut imperatum est, facit. Celeriter contraque omnium opinionem confecto itinere multos in agris inopinantes deprehendit: eorum indicio ad ipsum Ambiorigem contendit, quo in loco cum paucis equitibus esse dicebatur. Multum cum in omnibus rebus tum in re militari potest fortuna.

[30] Basilus does as it was commanded. Swiftly, and the march completed contrary to everyone’s expectation, he seizes many unawares in the fields: from their information he hastens to Ambiorix himself, to the place where he was said to be with a few horsemen. Fortune has much power both in all things and in military affairs.

Nam <sicut> magno accidit casu ut in ipsum incautum etiam atque imparatum incideret, priusque eius adventus ab omnibus videretur, quam fama ac nuntius adferretur: sic magnae fuit fortunae omni militari instrumento, quod circum se habebat, erepto, raedis equisque comprehensis ipsum effugere mortem. Sed hoc quoque factum est, quod aedificio circumdato silva, ut sunt fere domicilia Gallorum, qui vitandi aestus causa plerumque silvarum atque fluminum petunt propinquitates, comites familiaresque eius angusto in loco paulisper equitum nostrorum vim sustinuerunt. His pugnantibus illum in equum quidam ex suis intulit: fugientem silvae texerunt.

For, just as by great chance it happened that he fell upon the man himself, incautious and even unprepared, and his arrival was seen by all before rumor and messenger were brought, so it was by great good fortune that, with all the military instrument he had around him snatched away, and the carriages and horses seized, he himself escaped death. But this too came about, because, the building being surrounded by a forest—as for the most part are the domiciles of the Gauls, who for the sake of avoiding heat commonly seek the proximities of forests and rivers—his companions and familiars in a narrow place for a little while withstood the force of our cavalry. These fighting, one of his own set him upon a horse; the woods covered him as he fled.

Sic et ad subeundum periculum et ad vitandum multum fortuna valuit.

Thus both for undergoing danger and for avoiding it, fortune prevailed greatly.

[31] Ambiorix copias suas iudicione non conduxerit, quod proelio dimicandum non existimarit, an tempore exclusus et repentino equitum adventu prohibitus, cum reliquum exercitum subsequi crederet, dubium est. Sed certe dimissis per agros nuntiis sibi quemque consulere iussit. Quorum pars in Arduennam silvam, pars in continentes paludes profugit; qui proximi Oceano fuerunt, his insulis sese occultaverunt, quas aestus efficere consuerunt: multi ex suis finibus egressi se suaque omnia alienissimis crediderunt.

[31] It is doubtful whether Ambiorix did not assemble his forces by judgment, because he did not think a battle should be fought, or whether, shut out by the timing and prevented by the sudden arrival of the cavalry, since he believed the rest of the army was following. But certainly, having sent messengers through the fields, he ordered each man to consult for himself. Some of them fled into the Ardennes forest, some into the continuous marshes; those who were nearest to the Ocean hid themselves in those islands which the tides are accustomed to make: many, having gone out from their own borders, entrusted themselves and all their possessions to people most alien, complete strangers.

Catuvolcus, rex dimidiae partis Eburonum, qui una cum Ambiorige consilium inierat, aetate iam confectus, cum laborem aut belli aut fugae ferre non posset, omnibus precibus detestatus Ambiorigem, qui eius consilii auctor fuisset, taxo, cuius magna in Gallia Germaniaque copia est, se exanimavit.

Catuvolcus, king of half of the Eburones, who together with Ambiorix had entered upon the counsel, now worn out by age, since he could bear the toil neither of war nor of flight, after imprecating every curse upon Ambiorix, who had been the author of that counsel, by yew, of which there is great abundance in Gaul and Germany, deprived himself of life.

[32] Segni Condrusique, ex gente et numero Germanorum, qui sunt inter Eburones Treverosque, legatos ad Caesarem miserunt oratum, ne se in hostium numero duceret neve omnium Germanorum, qui essent citra Rhenum, unam esse causam iudicaret: nihil se de bello cogitavisse, nulla Ambiorigi auxilia misisse. Caesar explorata re quaestione captivorum, si qui ad eos Eburones ex fuga convenissent, ad se ut reducerentur, imperavit; si ita fecissent, fines eorum se violaturum negavit. Tum copiis in tres partes distributis impedimenta omnium legionum Aduatucam contulit.

[32] The Segni and the Condrusi, from the gens and number of the Germans, who are between the Eburones and the Treveri, sent legates to Caesar to beg that he not count them in the number of enemies nor judge that there was one and the same cause of all the Germans who were on this side of the Rhine: that they had contemplated nothing about war, had sent no aid to Ambiorix. Caesar, the matter explored by the questioning of captives, ordered that, if any Eburones from the flight had gathered to them, they be brought back to him; if they did so, he said he would not violate their borders. Then, the forces having been distributed into three parts, he brought the baggage-train of all the legions to Aduatuca.

Id castelli nomen est. Hoc fere est in mediis Eburonum finibus, ubi Titurius atque Aurunculeius hiemandi causa consederant. Hunc cum reliquis rebus locum probabat, tum quod superioris anni munitiones integrae manebant, ut militum laborem sublevaret.

That is the name of the fort. This is almost in the middle of the borders of the Eburones, where Titurius and Aurunculeius had settled for the purpose of wintering. He approved this place along with the other considerations, especially because the fortifications of the previous year remained intact, so as to lighten the soldiers’ labor.

Praesidio impedimentis legionem quartamdecimam reliquit, unam ex eis tribus, quas proxime conscriptas ex Italia traduxerat. Ei legioni castrisque Quintum Tullium Ciceronem praeficit ducentosque equites attribuit.

He left the fourteenth legion as a guard for the baggage-train, one out of those three which he had most recently conscripted from Italy and led across. Over that legion and the camp he placed in command Quintus Tullius Cicero and assigned two hundred horsemen.

[33] Partito exercitu Titum Labienum cum legionibus tribus ad Oceanum versus in eas partes quae Menapios attingunt proficisci iubet; Gaium Trebonium cum pari legionum numero ad eam regionem quae ad Aduatucos adiacet depopulandam mittit; ipse cum reliquis tribus ad flumen Scaldem, quod influit in Mosam, extremasque Arduennae partis ire constituit, quo cum paucis equitibus profectum Ambiorigem audiebat. Discedens post diem septimum sese reversurum confirmat; quam ad diem ei legioni quae in praesidio relinquebatur deberi frumentum sciebat. Labienum Treboniumque hortatur, si rei publicae commodo facere possint, ad eum diem revertantur, ut rursus communicato consilio exploratisque hostium rationibus aliud initium belli capere possint.

[33] Having divided the army, he orders Titus Labienus with three legions to proceed toward the Ocean into those parts which border on the Menapians; he sends Gaius Trebonius with an equal number of legions to lay waste the region that adjoins the Aduatuci; he himself with the remaining three decided to go to the river Scheldt, which flows into the Meuse, and to the farthest parts of the Ardennes, whither he heard that Ambiorix had set out with a few horsemen. On departing he affirms that he will return on the seventh day, on which day he knew grain was owed to the legion that was being left as a garrison. He exhorts Labienus and Trebonius, if they can do so to the advantage of the commonwealth, to return by that day, so that, counsel once more communicated and the plans of the enemy explored, they might be able to take a different initiative in the war.

[34] Erat, ut supra demonstravimus, manus certa nulla, non oppidum, non praesidium, quod se armis defenderet, sed in omnes partes dispersa multitudo. Vbi cuique aut valles abdita aut locus silvestris aut palus impedita spem praesidi aut salutis aliquam offerebat, consederat. Haec loca vicinitatibus erant nota, magnamque res diligentiam requirebat non in summa exercitus tuenda (nullum enim poterat universis <a> perterritis ac dispersis periculum accidere), sed in singulis militibus conservandis; quae tamen ex parte res ad salutem exercitus pertinebat.

[34] There was, as we have shown above, no fixed band, no town, no garrison to defend itself with arms, but a multitude scattered in all directions. Wherever for each man either a hidden valley or a wooded place or a hindered marsh offered some hope of protection or of safety, they had sat down. These places were known to the vicinities, and the matter required great diligence not in guarding the army as a whole (for no danger could befall the entirety, with all terrified and dispersed), but in conserving individual soldiers; which matter nevertheless in part pertained to the safety of the army.

Nam et praedae cupiditas multos longius evocabat, et silvae incertis occultisque itineribus confertos adire prohibebant. Si negotium confici stirpemque hominum sceleratorum interfici vellet, dimittendae plures manus diducendique erant milites; si continere ad signa manipulos vellet, ut instituta ratio et consuetudo exercitus Romani postulabat, locus ipse erat praesidio barbaris, neque ex occulto insidiandi et dispersos circumveniendi singulis deerat audacia. Vt in eiusmodi difficultatibus, quantum diligentia provideri poterat providebatur, ut potius in nocendo aliquid praetermitteretur, etsi omnium animi ad ulciscendum ardebant, quam cum aliquo militum detrimento noceretur.

For both the cupidity for plunder was summoning many farther afield, and the woods, with uncertain and hidden paths, were preventing them from approaching in dense order. If he wished the business to be finished and the stock of wicked men to be slain, more bands had to be sent out and the soldiers had to be drawn apart; if he wished to keep the maniples at the standards, as the established plan and custom of the Roman army demanded, the place itself was a defense to the barbarians, nor was there lacking boldness for lying in ambush from concealment and for surrounding individuals who were scattered. As in difficulties of this sort, as much as could be provided by diligence was being provided, so that rather something in doing harm should be omitted—although the minds of all were burning to avenge—than that harm should be done with some detriment of the soldiers.

Dimittit ad finitimas civitates nuntios Caesar: omnes ad se vocat spe praedae ad diripiendos Eburones, ut potius in silvis Gallorum vita quam legionarius miles periclitetur, simul ut magna multitudine circumfusa pro tali facinore stirps ac nomen civitatis tollatur. Magnus undique numerus celeriter convenit.

Caesar sends messengers to the neighboring states: he summons all to himself with hope of booty to plunder the Eburones, so that rather in the forests the life of the Gauls than the legionary soldier be endangered, and at the same time that, a great multitude having been poured around, for such a crime the stock and the name of the state be taken away. A great number from all sides quickly assembles.

[35] Haec in omnibus Eburonum partibus gerebantur, diesque appetebat septimus, quem ad diem Caesar ad impedimenta legionemque reverti constituerat. Hic quantum in bello fortuna possit et quantos adferat casus cognosci potuit. Dissipatis ac perterritis hostibus, ut demonstravimus, manus erat nulla quae parvam modo causam timoris adferret.

[35] These things were being done in all parts of the Eburones, and the seventh day was approaching, by which day Caesar had decided to return to the baggage-train and the legion. Here it could be learned how much fortune can do in war and how many mishaps it brings. With the enemies scattered and panic-stricken, as we have shown, there was no band to bring even a small cause of fear.

Trans Rhenum ad Germanos pervenit fama, diripi Eburones atque ultro omnes ad praedam evocari. Cogunt equitum duo milia Sugambri, qui sunt proximi Rheno, a quibus receptos ex fuga Tencteros atque Vsipetes supra docuimus. Transeunt Rhenum navibus ratibusque triginta milibus passuum infra eum locum, ubi pons erat perfectus praesidiumque ab Caesare relictum: primos Eburonum fines adeunt; multos ex fuga dispersos excipiunt, magno pecoris numero, cuius sunt cupidissimi barbari, potiuntur.

Across the Rhine to the Germans the report arrived, that the Eburones were being plundered and that, moreover, all were being called out to booty. The Sugambri, who are nearest to the Rhine, muster 2,000 horsemen—by whom, as we have explained above, the Tencteri and Usipetes, received from their flight, were taken in. They cross the Rhine by boats and rafts 30 miles below that place where the bridge had been completed and a garrison left by Caesar: they come to the first borders of the Eburones; they intercept many scattered from flight, and they get possession of a great number of cattle, which the barbarians are most desirous of.

Invitati praeda longius procedunt. Non hos palus in bello latrociniisque natos, non silvae morantur. Quibus in locis sit Caesar ex captivis quaerunt; profectum longius reperiunt omnemque exercitum discessisse cognoscunt.

Invited by plunder, they proceed farther. Neither marsh nor forests delay these men, born for war and brigandage. From captives they ask in what places Caesar is; they find that he has set out farther and learn that the whole army has departed.

Atque unus ex captivis "Quid vos," inquit, "hanc miseram ac tenuem sectamini praedam, quibus licet iam esse fortunatissimos? Tribus horis Aduatucam venire potestis: huc omnes suas fortunas exercitus Romanorum contulit: praesidi tantum est, ut ne murus quidem cingi possit, neque quisquam egredi extra munitiones audeat." Oblata spe Germani quam nacti erant praedam in occulto relinquunt; ipsi Aduatucam contendunt usi eodem duce, cuius haec indicio cognoverant.

And one of the captives said, "Why are you chasing this wretched and meager booty, you to whom it is now permitted to be most fortunate? In three hours you can come to Aduatuca: to this place the army of the Romans has brought all its fortunes; there is so little garrison that not even the wall can be encircled, nor does anyone dare to go out beyond the fortifications." With the hope offered, the Germans leave in hiding the booty which they had gotten; they themselves hasten to Aduatuca, using the same guide by whose indicium they had learned these things.

[36] Cicero, qui omnes superiores dies praeceptis Caesaris cum summa diligentia milites in castris continuisset ac ne calonem quidem quemquam extra munitionem egredi passus esset, septimo die diffidens de numero dierum Caesarem fidem servaturum, quod longius progressum audiebat, neque ulla de reditu eius fama adferebatur, simul eorum permotus vocibus, qui illius patientiam paene obsessionem appellabant, siquidem ex castris egredi non liceret, nullum eiusmodi casum exspectans, quo novem oppositis legionibus maximoque equitatu dispersis ac paene deletis hostibus in milibus passuum tribus offendi posset, quinque cohortes frumentatum in proximas segetes mittit, quas inter et castra unus omnino collis intererat. Complures erant ex legionibus aegri relicti; ex quibus qui hoc spatio dierum convaluerant, circiter CCC, sub vexillo una mittuntur; magna praeterea multitudo calonum, magna vis iumentorum, quae in castris subsederant, facta potestate sequitur.

[36] Cicero, who on all the preceding days, in accordance with Caesar’s precepts, had kept the soldiers in camp with the highest diligence and had not allowed even any camp-follower to go out beyond the fortification, on the seventh day, distrusting that, as to the number of days, Caesar would keep faith—because he heard that he had advanced farther, and no report was being brought of his return—and at the same time moved by the voices of those who were calling his endurance almost a siege, since it was not permitted to go out from the camp, expecting no mishap of such a sort whereby, with nine legions having been set against them and with a very great cavalry, the enemy scattered and almost destroyed, he could be encountered within three miles, sends five cohorts to forage for grain in the nearest standing crops, between which and the camp only a single hill intervened. There had been many left sick from the legions; of these, those who had recovered in this span of days, about 300, are sent together under a standard; besides, a great multitude of camp-followers and a great number of beasts of burden, which had remained in the camp, follow, leave having been granted.

[37] Hoc ipso tempore et casu Germani equites interveniunt protinusque eodem illo, quo venerant, cursu ab decumana porta in castra irrumpere conantur, nec prius sunt visi obiectis ab ea parte silvis, quam castris appropinquarent, usque eo ut qui sub vallo tenderent mercatores recipiendi sui facultatem non haberent. Inopinantes nostri re nova perturbantur, ac vix primum impetum cohors in statione sustinet. Circumfunduntur ex reliquis hostes partibus, si quem aditum reperire possent.

[37] At this very time, and by chance, German cavalry arrive, and immediately, with that very same speed with which they had come, they try to burst into the camp by the Decuman Gate; nor were they seen, the woods on that side lying in the way, before they approached the camp—so much so that the merchants who were pitching their tents under the rampart had no opportunity to be taken in. Taken unawares, our men are disturbed by the new development, and the cohort on guard scarcely withstands the first onset. The enemy pour around from the other sides, to see whether they could find any access.

Aegre portas nostri tuentur, reliquos aditus locus ipse per se munitioque defendit. Totis trepidatur castris, atque alius ex alio causam tumultus quaerit; neque quo signa ferantur neque quam in partem quisque conveniat provident. Alius iam castra capta pronuntiat, alius deleto exercitu atque imperatore victores barbaros venisse contendit; plerique novas sibi ex loco religiones fingunt Cottaeque et Tituri calamitatem, qui in eodem occiderint castello, ante oculos ponunt.

With difficulty our men guard the gates; the place itself by its own nature and the fortification defend the remaining approaches. There is panic through the whole camp, and one after another seeks the cause of the tumult; they do not foresee where the standards should be borne nor to what quarter each should assemble. One already proclaims the camp taken; another maintains that, the army and the commander destroyed, the barbarian victors have come. The majority fashion for themselves new religious scruples from the place, and they set before their eyes the calamity of Cotta and Titurius, who had perished in that same fort.

Tali timore omnibus perterritis confirmatur opinio barbaris, ut ex captivo audierant, nullum esse intus praesidium. Perrumpere nituntur seque ipsi adhortantur, ne tantam fortunam ex manibus dimittant.

With everyone thoroughly terrified by such fear, the opinion is confirmed for the barbarians, as they had heard from a captive, that there was no garrison inside. They strive to break through and exhort themselves not to let so great a fortune slip from their hands.

[38] Erat aeger cum praesidio relictus Publius Sextius Baculus, qui primum pilum ad Caesarem duxerat, cuius mentionem superioribus proeliis fecimus, ac diem iam quintum cibo caruerat. Hic diffisus suae atque omnium saluti inermis ex tabernaculo prodit: videt imminere hostes atque in summo esse rem discrimine: capit arma a proximis atque in porta consistit. Consequuntur hunc centuriones eius cohortis quae in statione erat: paulisper una proelium sustinent.

[38] There had been left sick with the garrison Publius Sextius Baculus, who had been primipilus with Caesar, of whom we made mention in the earlier battles, and he had now for the fifth day lacked food. Distrusting his own and everyone’s safety, unarmed he comes forth from the tent: he sees the enemies imminent and the affair to be at the utmost crisis: he takes arms from those nearest and takes his stand in the gate. The centurions of that cohort which was on station follow him: for a little while together they sustain the battle.

Relinquit animus Sextium gravibus acceptis vulneribus: aegre per manus tractus servatur. Hoc spatio interposito reliqui sese confirmant tantum, ut in munitionibus consistere audeant speciemque defensorum praebeant.

Spirit leaves Sextius after receiving severe wounds; with difficulty, dragged along by hands, he is preserved. With this interval interposed, the rest so far rally themselves that they dare to stand upon the fortifications and present the semblance of defenders.

[39] Interim confecta frumentatione milites nostri clamorem exaudiunt: praecurrunt equites; quanto res sit in periculo cognoscunt. Hic vero nulla munitio est quae perterritos recipiat: modo conscripti atque usus militaris imperiti ad tribunum militum centurionesque ora convertunt; quid ab his praecipiatur exspectant. Nemo est tam fortis quin rei novitate perturbetur.

[39] Meanwhile, the foraging having been completed, our soldiers hear the outcry: the cavalry run ahead; they recognize how greatly the affair is in peril. Here indeed there is no fortification to receive the terrified: the newly conscripted and unskilled in military use turn their faces to the tribune of the soldiers and to the centurions; they await what is to be prescribed by them. No one is so brave as not to be perturbed by the novelty of the affair.

Barbari signa procul conspicati oppugnatione desistunt: redisse primo legiones credunt, quas longius discessisse ex captivis cognoverant; postea despecta paucitate ex omnibus partibus impetum faciunt.

The barbarians, having caught sight of the standards from afar, desist from the assault: at first they believe the legions have returned, which they had learned from captives had withdrawn farther; afterward, the paucity being looked down upon, they make an attack from all parts.

[40] Calones in proximum tumulum procurrunt. Hinc celeriter deiecti se in signa manipulosque coniciunt: eo magis timidos perterrent milites. Alii cuneo facto ut celeriter perrumpant censent, quoniam tam propinqua sint castra, et si pars aliqua circumventa ceciderit, at reliquos servari posse confidunt; alii, ut in iugo consistant atque eundem omnes ferant casum.

[40] The camp-servants run forward onto the nearest knoll. From here, quickly cast down, they throw themselves into the standards and the maniples: by this they terrify the soldiers, already timid, all the more. Some, a wedge having been formed, are of the opinion that they should quickly break through, since the camp is so near; and even if some part, surrounded, should fall, yet they trust that the rest can be saved; others, that they should take a stand on the ridge and that all should bear the same fate.

Hoc veteres non probant milites, quos sub vexillo una profectos docuimus. Itaque inter se cohortati duce Gaio Trebonio, equite Romano, qui eis erat praepositus, per medios hostes perrumpunt incolumesque ad unum omnes in castra perveniunt. Hos subsecuti calones equitesque eodem impetu militum virtute servantur.

This the veteran soldiers do not approve, whom we have shown to have set out together under the standard. Therefore, having exhorted one another, with Gaius Trebonius, a Roman knight, as leader, who had been put in command of them, they break through the midst of the enemy and, safe, all to a man, reach the camp. The camp-servants and the cavalry, following these, are saved by the same onset and by the valor of the soldiers.

At ei qui in iugo constiterant, nullo etiam nunc usu rei militaris percepto neque in eo quod probaverant consilio permanere, ut se loco superiore defenderent, neque eam quam prodesse aliis vim celeritatemque viderant imitari potuerunt, sed se in castra recipere conati iniquum in locum demiserunt. Centuriones, quorum nonnulli ex inferioribus ordinibus reliquarum legionum virtutis causa in superiores erant ordines huius legionis traducti, ne ante partam rei militaris laudem amitterent, fortissime pugnantes conciderunt. Militum pars horum virtute summotis hostibus praeter spem incolumis in castra pervenit, pars a barbaris circumventa periit.

But those who had taken their stand on the ridge, having even now acquired no experience of military affairs, were able neither to abide by the plan they had approved—to defend themselves from the higher ground—nor to imitate the force and speed which they had seen profit others; but, attempting to withdraw into the camp, they descended into an unfavorable position. The centurions—some of whom from the lower ranks of the remaining legions had been transferred into the higher ranks of this legion for valor—lest they lose the praise of military service previously won, fell, fighting most bravely. A part of the soldiers, the enemy having been driven back by the virtue of these men, beyond hope reached the camp unharmed; a part, surrounded by the barbarians, perished.

[41] Germani desperata expugnatione castrorum, quod nostros iam constitisse in munitionibus videbant, cum ea praeda quam in silvis deposuerant trans Rhenum sese receperunt. Ac tantus fuit etiam post discessum hostium terror ut ea nocte, cum Gaius Volusenus missus cum equitatu ad castra venisset, fidem non faceret adesse cum incolumi Caesarem exercitu. Sic omnino animos timor praeoccupaverat ut paene alienata mente deletis omnibus copiis equitatum se ex fuga recepisse dicerent neque incolumi exercitu Germanos castra oppugnaturos fuisse contenderent.

[41] The Germans, with the storming of the camp despaired of—because they saw that our men had now taken their stand on the fortifications—retired across the Rhine with that booty which they had deposited in the forests. And so great was the terror even after the departure of the enemy that that night, when Gaius Volusenus, sent with the cavalry, had come to the camp, he could not make them believe that Caesar was present with an unscathed army. So completely had fear preoccupied their spirits that, their mind almost alienated, they said that, with all the forces destroyed, the cavalry had withdrawn in flight, and they contended that the Germans would not have attacked the camp had the army been unscathed.

Quem timorem Caesaris adventus sustulit.

Which fear Caesar’s arrival removed.

[42] Reversus ille eventus belli non ignorans unum, quod cohortes ex statione et praesidio essent emissae, questus ne minimo quidem casu locum relinqui debuisse, multum fortunam in repentino hostium adventu potuisse iudicavit, multo etiam amplius, quod paene ab ipso vallo portisque castrorum barbaros avertisset. Quarum omnium rerum maxime admirandum videbatur, quod Germani, qui eo consilio Rhenum transierant, ut Ambiorigis fines depopularentur, ad castra Romanorum delati optatissimum Ambiorigi beneficium obtulerunt.

[42] He, having returned, not ignorant of the event of the war in this one point—that cohorts had been sent out from the station and the garrison—complaining that the position ought not to have been abandoned even for the least mishap, judged that Fortune had had much power in the sudden advent of the enemy, and much more besides, because she had almost turned the barbarians away from the very rampart and the gates of the camp. Of all these things the most admirable seemed this: that the Germans, who had crossed the Rhine with this plan, to devastate the borders of Ambiorix, having been borne to the camp of the Romans, offered to Ambiorix the most longed-for benefit.

[43] Caesar rursus ad vexandos hostes profectus magno coacto numero ex finitimis civitatibus in omnes partes dimittit. Omnes vici atque omnia aedificia quae quisque conspexerat incendebantur; praeda ex omnibus locis agebatur; frumenta non solum tanta multitudine iumentorum atque hominum consumebantur, sed etiam anni tempore atque imbribus procubuerant ut, si qui etiam in praesentia se occultassent, tamen his deducto exercitu rerum omnium inopia pereundum videretur. Ac saepe in eum locum ventum est tanto in omnes partes diviso equitatu, ut modo visum ab se Ambiorigem in fuga circumspicerent captivi nec plane etiam abisse ex conspectu contenderent, ut spe consequendi illata atque infinito labore suscepto, qui se summam ab Caesare gratiam inituros putarent, paene naturam studio vincerent, semperque paulum ad summam felicitatem defuisse videretur, atque ille latebris aut saltibus se eriperet et noctu occultatus alias regiones partesque peteret non maiore equitum praesidio quam quattuor, quibus solis vitam suam committere audebat.

[43] Caesar, having set out again to vex the enemies, with a great number having been gathered from the neighboring states, sends [them] out into all parts. All the villages and all the edifices which anyone had caught sight of were being burned; prey/booty was being driven from all places; the grain was not only being consumed by so great a multitude of pack-animals and men, but had also, because of the season of the year and the rains, been laid low, so that, if any even for the present had hidden themselves, nevertheless, with his army led down, it seemed they would have to perish through a scarcity of all things. And often it came to such a point, the cavalry having been divided to such an extent in all directions, that prisoners would say Ambiorix, only just seen by them, was being searched for in flight and would assert that he had not yet quite gone out of sight; so that, with the hope of overtaking having been brought in and with infinite labor undertaken, those who thought they would enter into the highest favor from Caesar nearly conquered nature by zeal; and it always seemed that a little had been lacking to consummate felicity, and he would snatch himself away by hiding-places or woodland glades and, concealed by night, would seek other regions and parts with no greater guard of horsemen than four, to whom alone he dared to entrust his life.

[44] Tali modo vastatis regionibus exercitum Caesar duarum cohortium damno Durocortorum Remorum reducit concilioque in eum locum Galliae indicto de coniuratione Senonum et Carnutum quaestionem habere instituit et de Accone, qui princeps eius consili fuerat, graviore sententia pronuntiata more maiorum supplicium sumpsit. Nonnulli iudicium veriti profugerunt. Quibus cum aqua atque igni interdixisset, duas legiones ad fines Treverorum, duas in Lingonibus, sex reliquas in Senonum finibus Agedinci in hibernis collocavit frumentoque exercitui proviso, ut instituerat, in Italiam ad conventus agendos profectus est.

[44] In such a manner, the regions having been laid waste, Caesar leads the army back to Durocortorum of the Remi with the loss of two cohorts, and, an assembly of that quarter of Gaul having been proclaimed, he set about to hold an inquest concerning the conspiracy of the Senones and the Carnutes; and, a graver sentence having been pronounced upon Acco, who had been the chief of that plan, he exacted punishment in the ancestral manner. Several, fearing the judgment, fled. Upon these, when he had interdicted fire and water, he stationed two legions at the borders of the Treveri, two among the Lingones, and the remaining six in winter quarters at Agedincum in the territory of the Senones; and grain having been provided for the army, as he had established, he set out into Italy to hold the assizes.