Bacon: HISTORIA REGNI HENRICI SEPTIMI REGIS ANGLIAE

IV. VERUM quamvis leges in iis comitiis latae bonum et salubrem ediderint fructum, subsidium tamen pecuniarum iisdem comitiis concessum fructum exhibuit acerbum. Sane universa messis in fine in horrea regis coacta est, sed post procellum grandem. Cum enim deputati coeperunt taxare subsidium in comitatu Eboracensi et episcopatu Dunelmensi, populus ex improviso in seditionem erupit, aperte loquens se hisce annis proximis innumeras miserias perpessos esse, quare nec posse se nec velle subsidium conferre.

4. However, although the laws passed in that parliament produced a good and wholesome fruit, yet the subsidy of monies granted in the same parliament yielded a bitter fruit. Indeed the whole harvest in the end was gathered into the king’s granaries, but after a great storm. For when the deputies began to assess the subsidy in the county of York and the bishopric of Durham, the people on a sudden broke out into sedition, openly saying that in these most recent years they had endured innumerable miseries, wherefore they neither could nor would contribute the subsidy.

Neque tamen proculdubio haec contumacia ex indigentia mera illius populi manavit, sed etiam ex inveterato studio partium quod illis regionibus penitus insederat, ubi memoria Richardi Tertii adhuc in tanto vigore erat ut tanquam faeces quaedam acres in animis hominum, veluti in fundo vasis, subsiderent, quae, si vas paululum agitaretur, in sursum ascendebant. Accedebat etiam (ut credere par est) instigatio alicuius malevoli et rebus praesentibus infensi, ex iis qui apud eum populum maxime erant gratiosi. Hoc accidente tam inopinato deputati fere attoniti rem ad comitem Northumbirae detulerunt, qui vir erat auctoritate primarius in iis partibus.

Nor, however, assuredly did this contumacy flow from the mere indigence of that people, but also from an inveterate spirit of faction which had settled deep in those regions, where the memory of Richard III was still in such vigor that, like certain acrid dregs in the minds of men, as at the bottom of a vessel, it would lie deposited, which, if the vessel were a little shaken, would rise to the surface. There was added also (as it is reasonable to believe) the instigation of some malevolent person, hostile to the present state of things, from among those who were especially in favor with that people. This so unlooked-for accident occurring, the deputies, almost thunderstruck, referred the matter to the Earl of Northumberland, who was a man of foremost authority in those parts.

Ille statim ad regem literas misit, aperte significans quale incendium obortum esset in populo, simulque petens ut rex quid fieri vellet mandaret. Rex responsum dedit peremptorium se nec obolum quidem remittere velle ex summa quae in comitiis concessa fuerat, tum quia exemplum eius alias provincias animare possit ad similem mitigationem poscendam, tum praecipue quia nunquam esset passurus ut vulgus ignobile ordinum munificentiam frustraretur, in quorum consensu etiam plebis ipsius vota concluderentur. His literis a rege acceptis, comes principales illius comitatus iusticiarios et liberos tenentes convocavit, et eos allocutus verbis aeque imperiosis ac rex scripserat (quibus nihil opus fuit, nisi quod negotium asperum infeliciter in virum etiam asperum inciderat) non solum animos eorum irritavit, sed suspicionem iniecet ex acerbitate verborum eius, quae tanquam regis ipsius verba retulerat, ipsum comitem aut auctorem fuisse aut suasorem principalem eius consilii.

He straightway sent letters to the king, openly signifying what kind of conflagration had arisen among the people, and at the same time asking that the king should mandate what he wished to be done. The king gave a peremptory reply that he was unwilling to remit not even an obol from the sum which had been granted in the assemblies, both because the example of it might animate other provinces to demand a similar mitigation, and chiefly because he would never suffer the base common rabble to frustrate the munificence of the orders, in whose consent even the votes of the commons themselves were concluded. These letters having been received from the king, the earl convoked the principal justices and the freeholders of that county, and addressed them with words as imperious as the king had written (for which there was no need, except that a harsh business had unhappily fallen upon a man harsh as well); he not only irritated their spirits, but also aroused the suspicion, from the bitterness of his words—which he had reported as the king’s very words—that the earl himself had been either the author or the principal persuader of that counsel.

Quo factum est ut turba vilis coetus miscuerit, et insultum in comitem ipsum faciens eum cum compluribus ex servis suis trucidaverit. Neque hic destituerunt seditiosi illi, sed Ioannem Egremondum equitem auratum, virum turbidum et factiosum (quique diu ante regi infensus erat) in ducem suum cooptarunt. Atque animati et extimulati a quodam ex infima plebe vocato Ioanne Chamberio tanquam face seditionibus, qui apud vulgus multum poterat, in aptertam rebellionem eruperunt.

Whence it came about that the base rabble stirred up a tumult, and, making an assault upon the earl himself, butchered him along with several of his servants. Nor did those seditious men stop here, but they co-opted John Egremond, a knight of the golden spur, a turbulent and factious man (and one who had long before been hostile to the king), as their leader. And, encouraged and spurred on by a certain man from the lowest plebs called John à Chambre, as a torch to seditions, who had great power with the common crowd, they burst forth into open rebellion.

Quin et frementes disertis verbis dixerunt se contra regem Henricum ituros, et cum eo pro libertate suo pugnaturos.

Nay even, roaring, they declared in express words that they would go against King Henry, and would fight against him for their liberty.

2. Postquam rex certior factus est de nova hac insurrectione (similibus enim motibus, tanquam febre anniversaria, quotannis corripi solebat), suo more parum aut nihil commotus Thomam comitem Surriae (quem paulo ante non solum e turri liberaverat eique praterita omnia condonaverat, verum etiam in gratiam suam specialem receperat) cum exercitu satis valido contra rebelles misit. Qui cum copiis eorum conflixit, eosque acie vicit, et Ioannaem Camberium antesignanum eorum vivum cepit. Ioannes vero Egremondus fuga se eripuit et in Flandriam transfretavit ad Margaretam Burgundiae, cuius palatium asylum et receptaculum fuit proditorum omnium qui regem infestabant.

2. After the king had been made more certain of this new insurrection (for by similar commotions, as by an anniversary fever, he was wont to be seized every year), in his wonted manner little or not at all moved, he sent Thomas, earl of Surrey (whom a little before he had not only freed from the Tower and condoned to him all past offenses, but had even received back into his special favor) with a sufficiently strong army against the rebels. He engaged with their forces, defeated them in pitched battle, and took John Chamber, their standard-bearer, alive. But John Egremond rescued himself by flight and crossed over into Flanders to Margaret of Burgundy, whose palace was an asylum and receptacle for all traitors who were harassing the king.

Ioannes Camberius Eboraci supplicio affectus est magna pompa. Suspensus est enim in patibulo praealto extructo in medio furcarum quadratarum tanquam proditor transcendens, atque magnus numerus ex complicibus suis super trabem patibuli inferiorem circa eum itidem suspensus. Caeteris autem generaliter venia facta est.

John Camber was subjected to punishment at York with great pomp. For he was hanged on a very high gibbet erected in the middle of the square gallows, as an egregious traitor, and a great number of his accomplices were likewise hanged around him upon the lower beam of the gallows. To the rest, however, a general pardon was granted.

Neque rex consuetudinem suam interrupit ut vel primus vel inter primos esset in omnibus bellicis suis expeditionibus, iuxta id quod familiariter dicere solebat cum de rebellibus quid nunciatum esset, se nihil amplus cupere quam ut eos aspiceret. Nam statim, postquam comitem Surriae in eos misisset, ipse subsecutus est, et licet nuncium de victoria accepisset in via, tamen usque ad Eboracum perrexit ut eas regiones componeret et pacaret. Postea vero Londinum reversus est, comitem Surriae locumtenentem suum in partibus relinquens, et Richardum Tunstallum militem auratum principalem suum commissarium constituens ad subsidium levandum, cuius ne dodrantem quidem remisit.

Nor did the king interrupt his custom to be either the first or among the first in all his warlike expeditions, according to what he used familiarly to say whenever something had been announced about the rebels: that he desired nothing more than to look upon them. For immediately, after he had sent the Earl of Surrey against them, he himself followed after, and although he had received tidings of victory on the road, nevertheless he proceeded as far as York to settle and pacify those regions. Afterwards he returned to London, leaving the Earl of Surrey as his lieutenant in those parts, and appointing Richard Tunstall, a gilded knight, his principal commissioner for raising the subsidy, of which he remitted not even three-quarters.

3. Eodem autem tempore quo rex servum tam bonum quam fuit comes Northumbriae amiserat, etiam amicum et affinem fidelem, Iacobum Tertium Scotiae regem, similiter amisit, qui miserabili farto functus est. Iste enim princeps infelix post diuturna tam procerum suorum quam magnae partis populi odia, quae subinde in seditiones et crebras aulae mutationes eruperant, tandem ab iis oppressus est. Siquidem arma contra eum sumperunt et Iacobi principis filii sui personam ex improviso intra potestatem suam redegerunt, partim vi, partim minis, interminantes se aliter regnum in manus regis Angliae tradituros.

3. At the same time at which the king had lost as good a servant as the Earl of Northumbria was, he likewise lost a friend and faithful kinsman, James III, king of Scotland, who met a wretched fate. For that unhappy prince, after the long‑standing hatreds both of his nobles and of a great part of the people, which from time to time burst into seditions and frequent changes of the court, was at length overwhelmed by them. For indeed they took up arms against him and, unexpectedly, brought within their power the person of James, his son the prince, partly by force, partly by threats, threatening that otherwise they would deliver the kingdom into the hands of the king of England.

Eo autem consilio hoc moliebantur ut rebellionem suam obvelerant, sicque princeps titulare et pictum quoddam caput rebellionis fieret. Unde rex Scotiae (se viribus minime parem cogitans) a rege Henrico, etiam a papa et rege Gallo, poposcit ut inter se et subditos suos componerent. Reges, prout petiit, mediationem suam, modo honorifico et qui reges magnos deceret, interposuerunt, non tantum postulando et suadendo, verum etiam postulando et minando, rebellibus denunciantes se communem regum caussam agi censere; si subditi permittantur leges regibus suis imponere, seque in ultionem eiusmodi sceleris prorsus ituros.

By this design they were contriving this: that they might veil their rebellion, and thus the prince would become a titular and painted figure-head of the rebellion. Whence the king of Scotland (thinking himself in no wise equal in strength) asked King Henry, and also the pope and the king of the French, to compose matters between himself and his subjects. The kings, as he requested, interposed their mediation in a manner honorable and befitting great kings, not only by requesting and persuading, but also by demanding and threatening, declaring to the rebels that they judged the common cause of kings to be at issue; if subjects are permitted to impose laws upon their kings, they would utterly proceed to the avenging of such a crime.

At rebelles, qui iam ante obedentiae iugum maius excusserant, facile modestiae vinculum minus abiecerunt et, furore metum superante, responderunt inanem esse de pace mentionem nisi rex se imperio abdicaret. Quocira (tractatu pacis abrupto) ad arma ventum est, praeliumque ad Bannochiae rivulum iuxta Sterliniam commissum est. Quo praelio rex iracundia et indignatione, licet iusta, exaestuans, pugnam temere iniens, et manum praecipitanter conserens antequam universae eius copiae convenissent, interfectus est (nihil obstante expresso et praeciso mandato principis filii sui, qui hoc interdixerat) dum ad molendinum quoddam fugisset in campo ubi pugnatum est situm.

But the rebels, who had previously shaken off the heavier yoke of obedience, readily cast away the lesser bond of moderation, and, fury overcoming fear, replied that any mention of peace was empty unless the king abdicated his dominion. Wherefore (the peace parley being broken off) it came to arms, and a battle was joined at the rivulet of Bannock near Stirling. In that battle the king, seething with wrath and indignation, albeit just, rashly entering the fight and precipitately joining hand before all his forces had assembled, was slain (notwithstanding the express and peremptory mandate of the prince, his son, who had forbidden this) when he had fled to a certain mill situated in the field where the fighting took place.

4. Quatenus vero ad legationem papae, quae per Adrianum de Castello Italum missa est (quaeque illis temporibus magis forsitan futura fuisset efficax), sero illa advenit, si legatio ipsa spectatur, sed satis in tempore pro commodo legati. Nam cum per Angliam Scotiam peteret, et honorifice admodum a rege Henrico exceptus esset (qui perpetuo se erga sedem Romanam officiosum praebuit), regis favorem maiorem in modum assecutus est, simulque magnam cum Mortono cancellario familiaritatem contraxit. Adeo ut rex moribus eius delectatus, et eum rebus suis utilem fore credens, eundem ad episcopatum Herefordiensem promoverit, et postea ad episcopatum Bathoniensen, eiusque opera usus sit in compluribus negotiis quae ad curiam Romanam pertinebant.

4. As to the legation of the pope, which was sent by Adrian of Castello, an Italian (and which perhaps would have been more efficacious in those times), it arrived late, if the legation itself is regarded, but sufficiently in time for the convenience of the legate. For when he was seeking Scotland through England, and was very honorably received by King Henry (who perpetually showed himself officious toward the Roman See), he obtained the king’s favor in a very great degree, and at the same time contracted a great familiarity with Chancellor Morton. To such an extent that the king, delighted by his character, and believing him would be useful for his affairs, promoted the same man to the bishopric of Hereford, and afterwards to the bishopric of Bath, and availed himself of his services in several affairs which pertained to the Roman Curia.

Certe vir magnus fuit Adrianus, et multa eruditione, prudentia, et in rebus civilibus dexteritate praeditus. Et non diu post in honorem cardinalis evectus largum regi tributum ob beneficia sua rependit, regem magno cum iudicio et diligentia de rebus Italiae subinde per literas informans. Nihilominus sub finem vitae suae particeps fuit coniurationis quam cardinalis Alphonsus Petruccius et alii quidam cardinales in vitam Leonis pontificis inierunt.

Surely Adrian was a great man, and endowed with much erudition, prudence, and dexterity in civil affairs. And not long after, having been elevated to the honor of cardinal, he repaid to the king a large tribute for his benefactions, informing the king, with great judgment and diligence, from time to time by letters about the affairs of Italy. Nonetheless, toward the end of his life he was a participant in the conspiracy which Cardinal Alphonsus Petrucci and certain other cardinals entered into against the life of Pope Leo.

Atque hoc eius crimen, per se atrox valde, aggravatum est propter causam, quae eum impulerat, quae malitia sane aut odio minime nitebatur, sed ambitione foeda adipiscendi papatum. Atque in hoc impietatis excessu non defuit tamen levitatis et vanitatis mixtura quaedam. Nam (ut apud omnes increbuerat) ad papatum expectandum fatali quodam ludibrio inductus est, scilicet praedictione harioli quiusdam quae talis fuit, successurum Leoni, cuius nomen esset Hadrianus, senem, humili loco natum, sed doctrina et prudentia eminentem.

And this his crime, in itself very atrocious, was aggravated on account of the cause which had impelled him, which assuredly in no way rested upon malice or hatred, but upon the foul ambition of acquiring the papacy. And in this excess of impiety there was not lacking, however, a certain mixture of levity and vanity. For (as it had spread among all) he was led, by a certain fatal mockery, to expect the papacy, namely by the prediction of a certain soothsayer, which was as follows: that to Leo there would succeed an old man, whose name would be Adrian, born of humble condition, but eminent in doctrine and prudence.

Quo charactere et schemate se describi putavit, etsi hoc vaticinium impletum postea fuerit in Adriano Belga (filio cervisiarii ex eadem Belgia, cardinale de Tortosa et Caroli Quinti praeceptore,) qui postea, mortuo Leone, nomine proprio non mutato Adrianus Sextus vocatus est.

By this character and schema he supposed himself to be described, although this prophecy was later fulfilled in Adrian the Belgian (the son of a brewer from that same Belgium, cardinal of Tortosa and preceptor of Charles V), who afterwards, Leo having died, with his proper name not changed, was called Adrian VI.

5. Verum ista anno sequente, quinto scilicet regis, contigerunt. Sed in fine anni quarti rex iterum ordinum conventus egit, non (ut videtur) ob aliquam occasionem tum emergentem, sed praecipitatis et abruptis comitiis praecedentibus propter apparatus belli Brittanici rex cogitavit se non satis ampliter subditos suos legibus bonis hactenus remunerasse, quae semper ei fuerunt pro retributione erga subditos propter pecunias ab ipsis collatis. Cum alienationis subiectorum ex iis quae in borealibus partibus gesta erant memor esset, visum est ei eo magis subditos suos solatii reficere.

5. But those things happened in the following year, namely the king’s 5th. But at the end of the 4th year the king again held an assembly of the estates, not (as it seems) on account of any occasion then emerging, but, since the preceding comitia had been precipitate and broken off on account of the preparations for the British war, the king thought that he had not hitherto recompensed his subjects sufficiently amply with good laws, which had always been for him in lieu of a retribution toward his subjects for the monies contributed by them. Since he was mindful of the alienation of the subjects from the things that had been done in the northern parts, it seemed to him all the more to refresh his subjects with solace.

Sane tempora eius in bonis legibus condendis excelluerunt. Ita ut merito censeri possit inter reges Angliae post Edwardum Primum legislator optimus. Leges enim eius (si quis attentius eas introspiciat) ex prudentia profunda ortas inveniet, neque vulgaris esse naturae, non occasione aliqua praesente stimulante latas, sed vere ex providentia futuri, ut status eius regni indies fieret magis florens et beatus, ex more legislatorum temporibus antiquis et heroicis.

Truly, his times excelled in the enacting of good laws. So that he may deservedly be considered, among the kings of England, the best legislator after Edward I. For his laws (if one looks into them more attentively) will be found to have arisen from profound prudence, and not to be of a vulgar nature, not enacted under the spur of some present occasion, but truly out of providence for the future, so that the state of his kingdom might from day to day become more flourishing and blessed, after the manner of legislators in ancient and heroic times.

6. Primo igitur legem tulit quae cum temporibus et actis suis optime conveniebat. Quemadmodum enim ipse in persona sua et nuptiis finalem introduxerat concordiam in lite illa magna quae de titulo coronae tam diu pependerat, ita et hac lege (de qua loquimur) similem pacem et tranquillitatem circa privatas subditorum terras et possessiones stabilivit. Ordinatum est enim ut fines quos vocant (quod genus est transactionis cuiusdem solennis) revera finales essent ad iura non partium tantum, sed aliorum omnium, extinguenda.

6. Therefore first he brought a law which most excellently agreed with the times and with his own acts. For just as he himself, in his own person and by nuptials, had introduced a final concord in that great suit which had so long hung concerning the title of the crown, so also by this law (of which we speak) he established a like peace and tranquility concerning the private lands and possessions of subjects. It was ordained that “fines,” as they call them (a kind of solemn transaction), should in truth be final for the extinguishing of rights not only of the parties, but of all others.

Ita tamen ut post fines huiusmodi levatos et solenniter proclamatos, haberet subditus spatium quinque annorum post titulum suum devolutum ad ius suum recuperandum aut saltem vindicandum. Quod si peraetermisisset, iure suo in perpetuum excluderetur, cum exceptionibus tamen nonnulllis, aetate minorum, nuptarum, et similium personarum iuris sui persequendi incapacium. Hoc statum aliud regni statutum antiquum tantum restituit, quod et ipsum latum fuerat iuxta tenorem legis communis.

Provided, however, that after such fines were levied and solemnly proclaimed, a subject should have a span of five years after his title had devolved to recover his right or at least to vindicate it. But if he let this elapse, he would be excluded from his right in perpetuity, with, however, several exceptions: minors by age, married women, and similar persons incapable of prosecuting their own right. This statute merely restored another ancient statute of the realm, which itself had been enacted according to the tenor of the common law.

Mutatio legis intervenit per statutum quoddam vulgariter dictum de non clameo factum tempore Edwardii Tertii. Atque ista lex de elevandis instar prognostici cuiusdam erat boni de pace illa, quae in hunc usque diem a temporibus eius ut plurimum secuta est. Statuta enim de non clameis belli temporibus conveniunt, cum animi hominum inquietantur ita ut rebus suis domesticis prospicere nequeant.

A mutation of the law intervened through a certain statute commonly called concerning non clameo, made in the time of Edward III. And this law about levying was as a kind of good prognostic of that peace, which from his times down to this very day has for the most part followed. For statutes concerning non clameis are congruent to times of war, when the minds of men are disquieted so that they cannot look after their domestic affairs.

Statuta vero quae possessionibus favent temporibus pacis maxime sunt accommodata, ut lites et querelae extinguantur, quae pacis sunt fructus perniciosi.

But the statutes that favor possessions are most accommodated to times of peace, so that suits and complaints may be extinguished—these being pernicious fruits of peace.

7. Aliud statutum latum est prudentiae et in rebus politicis peritiae singularis, incrementum populi regni manifesto et (si quis acutius inspexerit) militiam etiam et vires bellicas promovens. Coeperunt eo tempore, magis quam retro solitum, fieri septa et clausurae in agris, ex quo terra arabilis (quae sine populo et familiis coli non poterat) versa est in pascua, quae armentariorum paucorum opera tantum indigebant. Etiam firmae et tenementa ad terminum vitae annorum et voluntatem domini (in quibus coloni complures habitabant) versa sunt in dominicum.

7. Another statute was passed, of singular prudence and expertise in political affairs, promoting manifestly the increase of the people of the realm and (if anyone should look more keenly) even the soldiery and warlike forces. At that time, more than had been customary before, fences and closures began to be made in the fields, from which arable land (which could not be cultivated without a population and households) was turned into pastures, which required only the labor of a few herdsmen. Even farms and tenements for a term of life, of years, and at the will of the lord (in which many coloni dwelt) were turned into demesne.

Hoc infrequentiam et diminutionem peperit populi, et (per consequentiam) oppidorum, ecclesiarum, decimarum, et similium. Probe etiam noverat rex, neque ullo modo oblitus erat sequi etiam ex hoc diminutionem subsidiorum et census. Quanto enim maior numerus fuerit generosorum, tanto semper subsidiorum summae decrescunt magis.

This begot a sparsity and diminution of the populace, and (by consequence) of towns, churches, tithes, and the like. The king also knew well, nor had he in any way forgotten, that from this there likewise follows a diminution of subsidies and of rents. For the greater the number of the well‑born, the more the sums of subsidies always decrease.

In qua remedenda, prudentia regis et parlamenti enituat. Clausuras agrorum prohibere noluerunt . Hoc enim fuisset soli culturam fructuosiorem, atque inde secuturam patrimonii regni meliorationem, prohibere. Neque etiam arationes hominibus iussu legis imponere consultum putarunt.

In the remedying of which, the prudence of the king and of the parliament exerts itself. They were unwilling to prohibit the enclosures of the fields . For this would have been to prohibit the more fruitful cultivation of the soil, and the amelioration of the patrimony of the kingdom that would follow therefrom. Nor did they think it advisable to impose ploughings upon men by the command of the law.

Hoc enim fuisset cum natura ipsa et rebus pugnare. Sed tale temperamentum adhibuerunt, ut clausuras tantum et pascua quae depopulationem liquido invehebant tollerent, neque tamen expresse aut interdicto aliquo imperioso, sed solummodo per consequentiam. Ordinatio fuit talis, ut omnes domus agricolationis quibus fuerit annexa viginti iugera terrae aut amplius in perpetuum sustentarentur et conservarentur absque decasu, una cum portione terrae competente quae a domibus illis nullo modo separari posset, ut et per statutum aliod quoddam successoris sui tempore factum fusius declaratum fuit.

For this would have been to fight against nature itself and against things. But they applied such a tempering that they took away only the enclosures and pastures which were plainly bringing in depopulation, and yet not expressly nor by any imperious interdict, but only by consequence. The ordinance was such: that all houses of husbandry to which there were annexed twenty iugera of land or more should in perpetuity be sustained and conserved without decay, together with a competent portion of land which could in no way be separated from those houses, as also by some other statute made in the time of his successor it was more fully declared.

Neque tamen, si quis deliquisset, sancitum erat ut populari actioni subiiceretur, sed ut terra ipsa in manus regis aut domini caperetur quoad dimidium proficuorum donec domus ac terrae reparatae forent et restitutae. Hoc modo aedificia sustentata necessario habitatorem traxerunt, et portio terrae iisdem annexa necessario etiam poscebat ut incola is non esset mendicus aut tuguriaster, sed ex paulo opulentioribus qui familiam alere et aratrum in opere ponere posset. Hoc populi numerum miris modis augebat, quin et potentiae regni militaris intererat, ut scilicet firmae et tenementa certum terrae dimensum sortirentur, quod virum non infimae conditionis citra penuriam sustentaret.

Nor yet, if anyone had defaulted, was it enacted that he should be subjected to a popular action, but that the land itself should be taken into the hands of the king or of the lord for the half of the profits until the house and the lands had been repaired and restored. In this way the buildings, being sustained, necessarily drew an inhabitant; and the portion of land annexed to the same necessarily also required that this dweller should not be a beggar or a hovel-dweller, but one of the somewhat more opulent who could maintain a household and set a plough to work. This in wondrous ways increased the number of the people, and indeed it concerned the military puissance of the kingdom, namely that farms and tenements should obtain a fixed measure of land, which would sustain a man not of the lowest condition without penury.

Eademque res quodammodo magnam partem fundi regni agricolis et mediae sortis homininibus mancipabat et perpetuabat: mediae (intelligimus) conditionis inter generosos et operarios rusticos. Iam quantum haec res militarem regni potentiam (ut occaepimus dicere) promovere liquet tum ex militaris diciplinae principii, tum ex aliarum nationum exemplis. Etenim opinione fere generali virorum maximi circa res bellicas iudicii (etsi pauci quidam aliter senserint, quum revera casuum distinctionem haec quaestio subire possit) robur praecipuum exercitus alicuius in peditatu maxime consistit.

And the same measure, in a certain manner, made over and perpetuated a great part of the kingdom’s fund to agriculturists and to men of the middle sort: of the middle (we mean) condition between gentlemen and rustic operatives. Now how much this promotes the military potency of the kingdom (as we have begun to say) is clear both from the principle of military discipline and from the examples of other nations. For, by the almost general opinion of men of the greatest judgment in matters of war (although a few have thought otherwise, since in truth this question can undergo a distinction of cases), the chief strength of any army consists especially in the infantry.

Pedites autem ut fortes et bellicosi evadant, opus est ut in conditione aliqua non servili aut inopi, sed libera et copiosa, degant. Itaque si quod regnum aut status in nobiles et generosos potissimum excrescant, agricolae autem aratores loco tantum et conditione operariorum illis inserviant, aut forte tuguriastri meri existant (quo pro mendicis tecto coopertis tantum haberi possint), equitatu certe pollere possit, sed peditatu minime, tanquam sylvae caeduae, quae si arboribus grandioribus abundent, dumos et vepres progignent, ligna autem puriora non educent. Atque hoc cernere est in Gallia, Italia, et aliis nonnullis Europae partibus, ubi populus universus vel ex nobilibus vel ex rusticis vilioribus componitur (de populo in agris degente loquor, non in urbibus), mediocris autem sortis populus fere deficit, quo fit ut copiis pedestribus parum polleant.

Foot-soldiers, however, in order to turn out brave and bellicose, need to live in some condition not servile or indigent, but free and copious. Therefore, if any kingdom or state grows chiefly into nobles and gentry, while the farmers, the ploughmen, serve them only in the place and condition of laborers, or perhaps are mere cottagers (so that they can be reckoned only as beggars with roofs over their heads), it may indeed be strong in cavalry, but least of all in infantry, like coppice-woods, which, if they abound with larger trees, put forth briars and brambles, but do not bring forth purer timber. And this is to be seen in France, Italy, and some other parts of Europe, where the whole people is composed either of nobles or of viler rustics (I speak of the people dwelling in the fields, not in the cities), but a people of the middling sort almost fails, wherefore it comes about that they are of little strength in foot forces.

Adeo ut ad peditatum suum constituendum et roborandum mercenarias cohortes Helvetiorum aut Germanorum adhibere fere consueverint. Unde etiam fit ut nationes illae populum quidem numerosum, milites autem paucos edant. Rex autem videbat, ex contraria parte, Anglos suos, quamvis territorio multo angustiores, tamen militibus et copiis nativis prae illis (quas diximus) nationibus longe magis abundare.

To such an extent that, to constitute and strengthen their infantry, they have for the most part been accustomed to employ mercenary cohorts of Helvetians or Germans. Whence it also comes about that those nations yield indeed a numerous populace, but few soldiers. The king, however, saw, on the contrary, that his English, although much narrower in territory, nevertheless in soldiers and native forces, in comparison with those nations (which we have mentioned), abounded far more.

Hoc consilio atque instituto rex Hydrae dentes occulto serebat, ex quibus (iuxta fabulas poetarum) milites armati exurgerent in regni sui praesidium et amplificationem.

By this counsel and policy the king was secretly sowing the Hydra’s teeth, from which (according to the fables of the poets) armed soldiers would rise up for the presidium and amplification of his realm.

8. Iisdem etiam comitiis rex (curam adhibens ut regni potentia non minus mari quam terra augeretur) in classis sui adornationem et incrementum ordinavit ut vina et glastum ex partibus Gasconiae et Languedociae allatae non nisi navibus Anglicis importarentur, inflectens paulatim politiam regni Angliae ab intuitu ubertatis et vilitatis rerum venalium ad intuitum potentiae militaris. Antiqua enim statuta fere omnia mercatores exteros invitant ut merces omnigenas in regnum Angliae importent, pro fine habentia vilitatem et copiam earundem mercium, neutiquam respicientia ad rationes politicas circa regni potentiam navalem.

8. At the same assemblies the king (taking care that the power of the realm should be augmented no less by sea than by land) ordained, for the equipment and augmentation of his fleet, that wines and woad brought from the parts of Gascony and Languedoc should be imported only by English ships, inflecting by degrees the polity of the realm of England from a regard to the abundance and cheapness of vendible things to a regard to military power. For almost all the ancient statutes invite foreign merchants to import wares of every kind into the realm of England, having as their end the cheapness and plenty of those same wares, in no wise regarding political considerations touching the realm’s naval power.

9. Tulit enim legem illis comitiis rex et monitoriam et minatoriam erga iusticiarios pacis, ut munus suum diligenter exequerentur, delationes contra eos auctoritate sua regia invitans, et neglectus eorum primo sociis suis iusticiariis committens, postea iusticiariis assisarum, postremo cancellario, mandando simul ut edictum (quod in eam sententiam promulgarat) quotannis quater publicis sessionibus legeretur, ne forte iusticiarii obdormiscerent. Hoc modo fore putabat ut leges suae poenales executioni demanderentur, utque inde vel obedientiae vel mulctarum fructum perciperet. In qua re versus finem vitae suae declinavit nimis in partem sinistram.

9. For in those same comitia the king carried a law, both admonitory and minatory toward the justices of the peace, that they should diligently execute their office, inviting informations against them under his royal authority; and he committed their neglects first to their fellow justices, then to the justices of assize, and finally to the chancellor; at the same time ordering that the edict (which he had promulgated to that effect) be read four times yearly in public sessions, lest perchance the justices should fall asleep. In this way he thought that his penal laws would be entrusted to execution, and that from it he would reap the fruit either of obedience or of fines. In which matter toward the end of his life he inclined too far to the sinister side.

Hunc ad finem etiam cohibuit pragmaticam quandam nuper ortam, qua informationes verae super legibus poenalibus exhibitae informationibus aliis illusoriis suffocabantur, exhibitis scilicet per quosdam quos delinquentes ipsi subornarunt, ut ad libitum eorum fieriet litis vel prosecutio vel desertio, atque hoc modo veras prosecutiones (scilicet ne duplex foret vexatio) regerebant.

To this end also he restrained a certain pragmatic expedient recently arisen, whereby true informations brought upon the penal laws were suffocated by other illusory informations, namely such as were exhibited by certain persons whom the delinquents themselves had suborned, so that, at their pleasure, there might be either prosecution of the suit or desertion; and in this way they managed the true prosecutions (to wit, lest there should be a double vexation).

10. Legem etiam tulit de re monetaria reformanda, et nummorum externorum (eorum scilicet qui edicto regio essent in usum regni recepti) adulteratione punienda, utque in pecuniis persolvendis nulla fieret solutio in auro quibuscunque mercatoribus alienigenis, ut hoc modo thesaurus regni intra Angliam melius asservaretur, quandoquidem aurum eius generis metallum sit quod facillime et in occulto transportari possit.

10. He also carried a law about the monetary system to be reformed, and the adulteration of foreign coins (namely those which by royal edict had been received into the use of the realm) to be punished, and that in paying monies no payment in gold should be made to any foreign merchants, so that in this way the treasury of the kingdom might be better preserved within England, since gold is the kind of metal which can most easily and secretly be transported.

11. Statutum etiam fecit de re pannaria et lanis intra regnum conservandis. Neque hoc tantum, sed de preciis etiam pannorum limitandis et moderandis, pretio uno pannis tenuioris filo, alio crassioris imposito. Quod eo libentius refero, tum quia rarum sit pretia per statutum aliquod imponere, praesertim mercibus regni nativis, tum propter huius legis prudens temperamentum, quod pretia praecise pannorum diversi generis non praescriberet, sed sanciret tantum ne pretium a statuto limitatum pannarii excederent, ut liberum esset pannario pannos suos ita conficere et accomodare ut iacturam nulluam in eis faceret.

11. He also made a statute on the cloth trade and on keeping wools within the realm. Nor this only, but also on limiting and moderating the prices of cloths, with one price imposed on cloth of thinner thread, another on that of thicker. Which I the more gladly report, both because it is rare to impose prices by any statute, especially upon the native wares of the kingdom, and because of the prudent tempering of this law, which did not prescribe the prices of cloths of diverse kinds precisely, but only enacted that the clothiers should not exceed the price limited by statute, so that it was free for the clothier to fashion and accommodate his cloths in such a way that he should make no loss on them.

12. Fuerunt et alia statuta his comitiis ordinata, sed haec praecipue. Hic vero petendum videtur ab iis in quorum manus hoc opus nostrum inciderit, ut in bonam partem accipiant quod tam diu in legibus quae huius regis tempore latae sunt commemorandis immoremur. Cuius rei has caussas habemus.

12. There were also other statutes ordained at these assemblies, but these especially. Here indeed it seems proper to be asked of those into whose hands this our work may fall, that they take in good part that we linger so long in commemorating the laws which were enacted in this king’s time. For this we have these reasons.

Primo, quoniam virtus illa praecellens et meritum proprium in hoc rege fuit (cuius memoriae honorem deferimus) ut optimus legislator esset; dein quod cum vitae nostrae genere et instituto coniunctum sit; praecipuo vero quod (nostro quidem iudicio) hoc ipsum optimis historiae scriptoribus desit, quod scilicet non satis crebro summarie referant leges maxime memorabiles, quae temporibus de quibus scripserint perlatae sunt, cum sint leges revera acta pacis principalia. Etsi enim in voluminibus legum ipsarum maxima ex parte reperiri soleant, neutiquam tamen hoc tam bene informat iudicium regum et consiliariorum, et virorum civilium, quam si videant eas descriptas et veluti depictas in tabulis temporum.

First, since that pre-eminent virtue and his own proper merit were in this king (to whose memory we render honor), namely, that he was the best legislator; then because it is conjoined with the kind and institute of our life; but especially because (in our judgment) this very thing is lacking to the best writers of history, to wit, that they do not sufficiently often in summary report the most memorable laws which were passed in the times about which they have written, since laws are in truth the principal acts of peace. For although in the volumes of the laws themselves they are for the most part wont to be found, yet this by no means informs so well the judgment of kings and counselors and of civil men as if they should see them described and, as it were, depicted upon the tablets of the times.

13. Circa idem tempus rex quater mille libras a civitate Londini mutuo sumpsit. Quae summa priori quam crediderunt dupla erat, et fuit debite et praecise ad diem praefixum repensa, quemadmodum etiam prior summa fuerat, rege praeoptante semper potius mutuari citius quam egebat, quam solvere tardius quam debebat, id quod ei fidem admodum conciliavit.

13. Around the same time the king borrowed four thousand pounds from the City of London. Which sum was double the earlier one they had lent, and it was duly and precisely repaid on the appointed day, just as the earlier sum had been, the king preferring always rather to borrow sooner than he needed than to pay later than he ought, which very greatly secured him credit.

14. Neque obiecerat adhuc rex curam aut spem de rebus Britannaicis, verum occasiones consilio et arte vincere annisus est (quamvis arma sua infelicter cesserant), atque regem Gallum, licet victoria ipsa non potuisset, tamen victoriae fructu privare. Summa regis consilii fuit Maximilianum regem, ut in nuptiis Annae Britannae haeredis ambiendis persisteret, extimulare, atque ad earum consummationem adiuvare. Verum res Maximiliani eo tempore in magna perturbatione et combustione fuerunt propter rebellione, subditorum suorum in Flandria.

14. Nor had the king as yet cast off care or hope concerning the Breton affairs, but he strove to conquer occasions by counsel and art (although his arms had unfortunately yielded), and to deprive the French king, if not of the victory itself, yet of the fruit of the victory. The sum of the king’s counsel was to spur King Maximilian to persist in soliciting the marriage of Anne, the Breton heiress, and to aid toward their consummation. But Maximilian’s affairs at that time were in great perturbation and combustion because of the rebellion of his subjects in Flanders.

Nam populi Gandavi praesertim et Brugarum (praesente ipso Maximiliano) arma subito ceperant et nonnullos ex officiariis eius principalibus interfecerant, eique ipsi custodiam circumdederant usque quo et ipsum et aliquos ex consiliariis suis iureiurando obstrinxisset ut veniam omnium anteactorum concederet, neque ea in posterum quaestioni subiicere aut vindicare vellet. Attamen Fredericus imperator, Maximiliani pater, permittere noluit ut contumelia haec et indignitas filio suo illata maneret impunita, sed acriter bellum Flandris intulit. Sed dominus Ravenstonnus, vir magnae apud Maximilianum auctoritatis, qui et ipse iuramentum abolitionis simul cum domino suo sumpserat, sed revera privata motus ambitione (atque, uti credebatur, incitatus et corruptus a Gallis) imperatorem et Maximilianum dominum suum deseruit, seque partibus populi ducem et caput praebuit, oppidaque Hyprarum et Slusiae cum castellis occupavit, statimque ad dominum Cardesium, Picardiae sub rege Gallo praesidem, misit ad auxilia ab eo petenda, atque insuper postulans ut ipse Cordesius regis sui nomine unitorum oppidorum protector esse et armis reliqua subigere vellet.

For the peoples of Ghent especially and of Bruges (Maximilian himself being present) had suddenly taken up arms and had killed some of his principal officers, and they had surrounded him himself with a guard until he had bound both him and some of his counselors by oath to grant pardon of all past acts, and not to wish thereafter to subject them to inquiry or to vindicate them. Nevertheless Emperor Frederick, Maximilian’s father, was unwilling to allow that this contumely and indignity inflicted upon his son remain unpunished, but vigorously brought war upon the Flemings. But Lord Ravenstonnus, a man of great authority with Maximilian, who also had himself taken the oath of abolition together with his lord, but in truth moved by private ambition (and, as was believed, incited and corrupted by the French), deserted the emperor and his lord Maximilian, and offered himself as leader and head to the people’s party, and occupied the towns of Hyprarum and Slusia with their castles, and immediately sent to Lord Cardesius, governor of Picardy under the French king, to seek auxiliaries from him, and furthermore demanding that Cardesius himself, in his king’s name, be protector of the united towns and by arms subdue the rest.

Dominus Cordesius ad occasionem arripiendam paratus erat (quam partim ipsemet instruxerat), et continuo auxilia summisit ampliora quam, si res ex improviso gesta fuisset, tanta festinatione cogere potuisset, praefectis copiarum mandans ut oppida inter Galliam et Brugas caperent. Copiae Gallorum oppidum parvum vocatum Diximeum obsiderunt, ubi Belgircarum copiarum pars se cum eo coniunxerat. Dum illa obsidio duraret, rex Angliae sub praetextu praesidii finium suorum iuxta Caletum, sed revera minime volens ut Maximilianus contemptui exponeretur et propterea matrimonio Britanniae decideret, baronem Morleium cum mille militibus ad dominus Daubeneium Caleti praefectum misit cum mandatis secretis ut Maximiliano auxiliarentur et obsidione Diximeum eximerent.

Lord Cordes was prepared to seize the opportunity (which in part he himself had contrived), and immediately sent reinforcements larger than, if the affair had been done unexpectedly, he could with such haste have mustered, ordering the commanders of the forces to seize the towns between France and Bruges. The forces of the French besieged a small town called Diximeum, where a part of the forces of the Belgic people had joined themselves with it. While that siege was enduring, the king of England, under the pretext of guarding his own borders near Calais, but in truth by no means willing that Maximilian be exposed to contempt and thereby fall away from the marriage of Brittany, sent Baron Morley with a thousand soldiers to Lord Daubeney, prefect of Calais, with secret orders that they should aid Maximilian and relieve Diximeum from the siege.

Daubeneius (sparsis vocibus haec omnia ad securitatem finium Anglicorum fieri) ex militibus praesidiariis Caleti, Hammesiae, et Guinesiae, alios mille eduxit, ita ut cum recentibus auxiliis coniuncti duorum ad minimum millium numerum explerent. Quae copiae una cum aliis nonnullis Alemannorum Diximeum clanculum ingressae sunt insciis hostibus, atque oppidum pertranseuntes (additis nonnullis ex ipsius oppidi copiis) castra hostium negligenter custodita (utpote qui nihil tale metuebant) adortae sunt, ubi magna caedes facta fuit. Angli autem et eorum socii victoria potiti sunt, interfectis octo hostum millibus, Anglorum vero centum tantum aut circiter desideratis, inter quos fuit dominus Morleius.

Daubeney (spreading reports that all this was being done for the security of the English frontiers) drew out another 1,000 from the garrison soldiers of Calais, Hammes, and Guisnes, so that, joined with the recent auxiliaries, they filled up a number of at least 2,000. These forces, together with some others of the Germans, secretly entered Dixmude with the enemy unaware, and, passing through the town (with some from the town’s own troops added), attacked the enemy camp, carelessly guarded (inasmuch as they feared nothing of the kind), where a great slaughter was made. The English, moreover, and their allies gained the victory, with 8,000 of the enemy slain, while on the English side only about 100 were lost, among whom was Lord Morley.

Ceperunt etiam tormenta hostium maiora cum spoliis haud exiguis, quae omnia ad oppidum Novi Portus asportarunt. His peractis dominus Daubeneius Caletum reversus est, saucios suos et alios nonnullos sponte manentes apud Novum Portum relinquens. At dominus Cordeius ad Hypras cum magnis copiis sedens iacturam et ignominiam pugnae ad Diximeum sarcire sperans, statem advolavit et Novum Portum obsidione cinxit, et post aliquorum dierum obsidionem oppugnationis fortunam tentare statuit.

They also captured the enemy’s heavier artillery along with no inconsiderable spoils, all of which they carried off to the town of New Port. With these things accomplished, Lord Daubeny returned to Calais, leaving his wounded and certain others who of their own accord remained at New Port. But Lord Cordes, sitting at Ypres with great forces and hoping to repair the loss and ignominy of the fight at Dixmude, straightway flew thither and girded New Port with a siege; and, after a siege of some days, he resolved to try the fortune of an assault.

Quod etiam die quodam fecit eo successu ut turrim oppidi principalem ceperit et vexillum Gallorum super eam erexerit. De qua tamen paulo post ab Anglis Galli deiecti sunt, ope recentium quorundam auxiliorum ex sagittariis, qui feliciter in ipso pugnae articulo in portum oppidi appulerunt. Unde perterrefactus Cordesius, atque auxilia Anglorum (quae parva erant) ex successu rei (qui erat magnus) metiens, obsidionem solvit.

Which on a certain day he also did, with such success that he took the town’s principal tower and erected the French standard upon it. From which, however, shortly after, the French were cast down by the English, by the help of certain fresh auxiliaries of archers, who fortunately put in at the town’s port at the very crisis of the fight. Whence Cordesius, thoroughly dismayed, and measuring the English reinforcements (which were small) by the success of the affair (which was great), raised the siege.

Hoc modo res inter Henricum et regem Gallum nonnihil exacerbatae sunt, quia in hoc Flandriae bello auxiliares copiae utriusque regni sanguine mutuo haud exiguo se consperserunt. Quae acerbitas aucta est ex inani iactatione Cordesii, qui se pro aperto Anglorum hoste gerebat magis certe quam regis sui rebus conducebat. Solitus enim erat dicere se libenter in inferno per septennium iacere velle, ea conditione ut Caletum e manibus Anglorum recuperaret.

In this way the affairs between Henry and the French king were somewhat exacerbated, because in this war in Flanders the auxiliary forces of each realm were stained with no small measure of mutual blood. The bitterness was increased by the empty vaunting of Cordesius, who conducted himself as an open enemy of the English, certainly more than was conducive to his own king’s interests. For he was wont to say that he would gladly lie in hell for seven years, on the condition that he might recover Calais from the hands of the English.

15. Rex postquam res et existimationem Maximiliani hoc modo sustentasset, consilium ei dedit ut iam nuptias cum Britannia acceleraret. Quod et Maximilianus fecit, et eo usque tum apud principissam ipsam, tum apud consiliarios eius principales, praevaluit ut matrimonium per procuratorem consummatum fuerit cum caeremonia tunc temporis in his partibus nova. Neque enim solum publice desponsata est, sed etiam tanquam nupta per omnia tractata atque in thalamo collocata.

15. After the king had in this way sustained Maximilian’s affairs and reputation, he gave him counsel to now accelerate the nuptials with Brittany. Which Maximilian also did; and he prevailed so far, both with the princess herself and with her principal counsellors, that the marriage was consummated by proxy, with a ceremony at that time new in these parts. For she was not only publicly betrothed, but was also treated in all respects as though married and placed in the bridal chamber.

Postquam autem decubuisset, ingressus est legatus Maximiliani cum literis procurationis, et astantibus multis tam viris quam foeminis primariis tibiam suam ad genu usque nudatam inter lintea nuptialia inseruit, ut caeremonia illa consummationi et cognitioni actuali aequipollere putaretur. Hoc facto, Maximilianus (cuius moribus penitus insitum erat ut negotia semper semiperfecta relinqueret, et reliqua imaginatione tantum forti consummaret, tanquam sagittarius malus qui sagittas ad cuspidem usque attrahere non solet, cui etiam tam facile fuisset sponsam suam praesens amplexari quam huiusmodi ludibria instituere) omnia iam pro certis ducens neglexit ad tempus cogitationem de nuptiis, et bello totus incubuit. Carolus interim (postquam theologos suos consuluisset, atque ab iis edoctus fuisset istiusmodi fictitiam consummationem potius inventum quoddam aulicum esse quam apud ecclesiam receptam) magis solide rem agressus est, et secretis et callidis instrumentis (tam matronis scilicet quam consiliariis), primo conscientiae et honoris scrupulum amovere conatus est.

After she had lain down, the legate of Maximilian entered with letters of procuration, and, many persons of the first rank standing by, both men and women, he inserted his shin, bared up to the knee, among the nuptial linens, so that that ceremony might be considered equivalent to consummation and to actual carnal knowledge. This done, Maximilian (in whose habits it was deeply implanted to leave affairs always half-perfect, and to consummate the remainder only by strong imagination, like a bad archer who is not wont to draw his arrows up to the point; to whom also it would have been just as easy to embrace his bride in person as to institute mockeries of this kind), now taking all things as settled, neglected for a time any thought of the nuptials, and bent himself wholly to war. Meanwhile Charles (after he had consulted his theologians, and had been taught by them that a fictitious consummation of this sort was rather a certain courtly invention than received in the church) approached the matter more solidly, and by secret and crafty instruments (namely both matrons and counselors) first strove to remove the scruple of conscience and of honor.

Qua in re duplex erat labor. Neque enim solum Maximilianus cum Britanna, sed etiam Carolus ipse cum filia Maximiliani contraxerat, ita ut nuptiae ex utroque pede claudicarent, et ex neutra parte dubitatione carerent. Verum quatenus ad contractum cum rege Carolo, exceptio erat iusta et liquida eo quod filia Maximiliani infra annos consensus esset, ideoque lege non tenerentur.

In this matter the labor was twofold. For not only had Maximilian contracted with the British princess, but even Charles himself had contracted with Maximilian’s daughter, so that the nuptials limped on both feet, and on neither side were without doubt. But, so far as concerned the contract with King Charles, the exception was just and clear, in that Maximilian’s daughter was below the years of consent, and therefore they were not bound by law.

Sed quoad contractum Maximiliani ipsius, duriores sustinebat partes Caroles, cum nihil adducere posset, nisi quod contractus ille sine consensu domini capitalis, Caroli scilicet (cuius pupilla et vasalla erat, atque ipse erga eam parentis loco), initus esset, ideoque ob defectum huiusce consensus prorsus irritus. Qui defectus (dixerunt), licet matrimonium ipsum post cohabitationem et actualem consummationem dirimere non potest, tamen ad contractum invalidandum sufficebat. Nam quoad consummationem illam ludicram, risu eam excipiebant inquientes argumento esse quod Maximilianus viduus esset et procus admodum tepidus, qui sponsi partes per deputatum praestare contentus fuerat, neque laborem itineris parvi adire sustineret ut omnia extra controversiam statuerentur.

But as to Maximilian’s own contract, Charles was sustaining the harder part, since he could adduce nothing except that that contract had been entered into without the consent of the paramount lord, namely Charles (whose ward and vassal she was, and he himself toward her in the place of a parent), and therefore on account of the defect of this consent utterly null. Which defect (they said), although it cannot dissolve the marriage itself after cohabitation and actual consummation, nevertheless sufficed to invalidate the contract. For as to that ludicrous consummation, they greeted it with laughter, saying it was an argument that Maximilian was a widower and a very tepid suitor, who had been content to perform the bridegroom’s parts by a deputy, nor would he endure the trouble of a short journey, that everything might be set beyond controversy.

Britanna igitur, hisce rationibus permota, artificiose instillatis ab iis quos rex Gallus (qui praemiis et promissis non pepercerat) in suas partes traxerat, et illecta proculdubio praesente gloria et potentia regis Caroli (praesertim cum in flore aetatis esset et coelebs), atque patriam suam sedem diuturni et calamitosi belli constituere verita, secreto in matrimonium Caroli consensit. Sed durante hoc tractatu secreto Carolus, ut rem ab adversis oppositionibus et dissuasionis auris illaesam servaret, ad solitas artes confugiens, et sperans se nuptias, sicut antea bellum, posse tecte conficere si regem Angliae inani spe lactasset, solennem legationem in Angliam misit per Franciscum dominum de Luxemburgo, Carolum Marignianum,et Robertum Gaguienum generalem Ordinis Bonorum Hominum (qui appellantur) de Trinitate, qui pacem et foedus cum rege componerent, intermiscendo veluti preces ut Carolo liceret cum Henrici regis bona voluntate (pro iure suo tanquam domino feudi, atque insuper tutori) de nuptiis Britannae ad arbitrium suum disponere. Suscipiebat autem in se nuptias Maximiliani per viam iuris se dirempturum.

The Briton-lady therefore, moved by these reasonings, artfully instilled by those whom the French king (who had spared neither rewards nor promises) had drawn into his party, and allured without doubt by the present glory and power of King Charles (especially since he was in the flower of his age and unmarried), and fearing to make her country the seat of a long and calamitous war, consented in secret to marriage with Charles. But while this secret negotiation was underway, Charles, that he might keep the matter unharmed from adverse oppositions and the breezes of dissuasion, fleeing to his accustomed arts and hoping that he could covertly conclude the nuptials, as before the war, if he should lull the king of England with empty hope, sent a solemn legation into England through Francis, lord of Luxembourg, Charles of Marignano, and Robert Gaguien, General of the Order of Good Men (as they are called) of the Trinity, to compose peace and a treaty with the king, intermixing, as it were, entreaties that it might be permitted to Charles, with the good will of King Henry (by his right as lord of the fief, and moreover as guardian), to dispose of the marriage of the Briton-lady at his own discretion. He moreover took upon himself that he would dissolve Maximilian’s nuptials by way of law.

Atque hoc ipso tempore ut hominum oculos averteret et perstringeret, filiam Maximiliani in aula sua habere non destitit, quae diu ante ei commissa fuerat ut in Gallia educaretur, eam minime dimittendo aut remandando, sed contra constatnter asserendo et declarando sibi in animo esse nuptias illas tempore idoneo perficere, atque quoad Britannam se nihil aliud cupere quam ut ius domini sui retineret, eamque alicui affini sibi fideli et observanti nuptam traderet.

And at this very time, in order to divert and dazzle men’s eyes, he did not cease to keep Maximilian’s daughter in his court, who long before had been entrusted to him to be educated in Gaul, by no means dismissing or remanding her, but on the contrary steadfastly asserting and declaring that it was his intention to bring those nuptials to perfection at a suitable time; and, as for the Breton lady, that he desired nothing else than to retain the right of his lordship, and to deliver her, as a bride, to some kinsman of his, faithful and observant.

16. Postquam tres legati in aulam Henrici venissent, legationem regi retulerunt, qui eos ad concilium suum remisit, ubi post aliquot dies auditi sunt. Orationem autem habuit prior Trinitatis, qui, licet loco untimus esset, eloquio tamen caeteris praestare putabatur. Is locutus esse perhibetur in hunc modum:

16. After the three legates had come into Henry’s court, they reported the legation to the king, who referred them to his council, where after some days they were heard. The speech, however, was delivered by the Prior of the Trinity, who, although he was last in place, was nevertheless thought to surpass the others in eloquence. He is reported to have spoken in this manner:

17. "Domini mei, rex noster, maximus et potentissimus inter reges Gallliae universos qui a tempore Caroli Magni regnarunt (cuius etiam nomen gerit), attamen a magnitudine sua nihil alienum se facturum putavit, si hoc tempore pacem iniret cum rege Angliae, imo etiam peteret. In quem finem nos legatos suos misit cum plena potestate pacem et tractatum et concludendi, nobis simul in mandatis dans ut secreta consiliorum suorum in aliquibus vobis impertiremur. Haec sunt demum illa quae inter reges magnos pro certissimis amoris pignoribus et tesseris merito censeri possunt, communicatio scilicet et participatio mutua negotiorum status, praetermissis honoris caeremoniis curiosis quae affectui alicui insigni postponi debent.

17. "My lords, our king, the greatest and most powerful among all the kings of Gaul who have reigned since the time of Charlemagne (whose very name he bears), yet judged that he would do nothing out of keeping with his magnitude, if at this time he should enter into peace with the king of England—indeed, even seek it. To that end he has sent us his envoys with full power to make peace, to negotiate, and to conclude, at the same time giving us in our mandates that we should impart to you in part certain secrets of his counsels. These, in fine, are the things which among great kings can deservedly be reckoned the surest pledges and tokens of amity: to wit, the communication and mutual participation of affairs of state, the over-curious ceremonies of honor being passed over, which ought to be postponed to some distinguished goodwill."

Hoc pro certo apud dominationes vestras testari possum, fieri vix posse ut animo plene concipiatis cordialem illum et verum amorem quo rex dominus noster regem vestrum prosequitur, nisi praesentes cum eo essetis, ut nos solemus. Nominis eius cum magno honore mentionem semper facit. Familiaritatis ipsorum et convictus Parisiis saepe cum delectatione quadam et voluptate meminit.

This for certain I can testify before your lordships: it can scarcely be that you fully conceive in your mind that cordial and true love with which our lord the king cherishes your king, unless you were present with him, as we are wont. He always makes mention of his name with great honor. He often recalls, with a certain delectation and pleasure, their familiarity and companionship at Paris.

Imo nunquam de illo loquitur quin statim excurrat in sermones de regum magnorum miseriis, quod non cum aequalibus suis, sed tantum cum servis conversari eis concedatur. Hunc affectum insignem erga regem vestrum proculdubio numen divinum cordi regis nostri indidit ad bonum reipublicae Christianae et ad fines nobis omnibus hactenus incognitos. Neque enim alia eius possit esse radix, quandoquidem eodem animo fuerit olim erga comitem Richmondiae quo nunc est erga regem Angliae.

Indeed he never speaks of him without at once breaking out into discourses on the miseries of great kings, that it is permitted to them to converse not with their equals, but only with servants. This signal affection toward your king the divine Numen has without doubt implanted in the heart of our king for the good of the Christian commonwealth and toward ends hitherto unknown to us all. For neither could there be any other root of it, since he was once of the same mind toward the Earl of Richmond as he now is toward the king of England.

Primus igitur motor ad pacem a rege vestro petendum iste (quem diximus) est affectus, et cordis sui sensus genuinus. Atque affectus idem rationibus status armatus est. Audite enim iam (si placet) occulta consiliorum regis nostri, quae summo candore et libertate vobis intimat.

Therefore the first mover for petitioning peace from your king is this affection (which we have spoken of), and the genuine sense of his heart. And the same affection is armed with reasons of state. For now hear (if it please) the hidden matters of our king’s counsels, which he intimates to you with the highest candor and freedom.

Constitutum ei est expeditionem honorificam et sanctim in partes a regno suo remotas suscipere. Itaque ipse secum reputat non exigui momenti fore ad existimationem sui et expeditionis suae augendam, si ubique innotescat eum pace cum omnibus principibus vicinis suis perfrui, et praecipue rum rege Angliae, quem merito plurimi facit.

It has been resolved for him to undertake an honorable and sacred expedition into regions remote from his kingdom. And so he reckons with himself that it will be of no slight moment for augmenting the estimation of himself and of his expedition, if it be everywhere made known that he enjoys peace with all his neighboring princes, and especially with the king of England, whom he deservedly holds in the highest esteem.

18. "Iam vero (domini mei) veniam a vobis peto si paucis verbis nonnulla complectar quae scrupulos omnes et interpretationes sinistras inter reges nostros circa actiones quasdam nuperas delere possint, quae si minime amoveantur, pacem hanc fortasse sint disturbatura, sperans fore ut his recte intellectis quatenus ad praeterita, neuter rex quae ab alterutro gesta sunt aut in malam partem accipiat, aut in malam partem accipi suspicetur. Actiones illae duae sunt. Altera Britanniae, alter Flandriae.

18. "Now indeed (my lords) I ask pardon from you if in a few words I should embrace certain matters which might erase all scruples and sinister interpretations between our kings about certain recent actions, which, if they be in no wise removed, may perhaps be going to disturb this peace, hoping that, these things rightly understood so far as regards the past, neither king will either take what has been done by the other in an ill part, or suspect them to be taken in an ill part. Those actions are two. The one is of Britain, the other of Flanders.

In quibus duabus actionibus negari non potest subditorum utruiusque regis enses strictos fuisse, et sanguinem utrinque hausisse, atque simul intentiones et affectus utriusque regis, quatenus ad confoederatos et affines, suos longe diversos extitisse.

In these two actions it cannot be denied that the swords of the subjects of each king were drawn, and that blood was drawn on both sides, and at the same time that the intentions and affections of each king, so far as concerned their confederates and affines, were far diverse.

19. "Quatenus ad actionem Britanniae, rex vester optime novit quae in illa intervenerint. Bellum erat illud, ex domini nostri parte, necessitate mera conflatum. Attamen quamvis stimuli et provocationes eius belli acriter regem nostrim pupugerint, nihilominus potius olivae quam laureae ramum in manu gestans illud transegit.

19. "As to the action of Britain, your king knows very well what intervened in it. That was, on our lord’s side, a war engendered by mere necessity. Yet although the stimuli and provocations of that war had sharply pricked our king, nonetheless, bearing in his hand rather a branch of olive than of laurel, he carried it through.

Praeterea indies fere ad regem vestrum mittebat veluti chartas abrasas et puras, in quibus rex vester pro arbitrio suo pacis et belli leges conscriberet. Licet enim et honor regis nostri et securitas in ea actione sita essent, tamen neutrum eorum tam charum aut pretiosum duxit quod in manus regis vestri non committeret. Neque rex noster ex sua parte ad iniquam aliquam intepretationem trahit quod rex vester auxilia duci Britanniae praestiterit.

Moreover, almost daily he kept sending to your king, as it were, scraped and blank sheets, on which your king might, at his own discretion, write out the laws of peace and of war. For although both the honor of our king and his security were situated in that action, nevertheless he deemed neither of them so dear or so precious that he would not commit it into your king’s hands. Nor does our king on his part force into any iniquitous interpretation the fact that your king furnished auxiliaries to the Duke of Brittany.

Satis enim novit rex multa a regibus ad populo suo complacendum fieri necesse esse, neque difficile est distinguere in rebus huiusmodi quid a regis mero motu emanaverit. Verum haec actio Britannica iam (decreto divino) transacta est et finita. Et (sicut rex noster sperat) est tanquam via navis in mari, nullo relicto vestigo et impressione in animis alterius regis.

For the king knows well enough that many things must be done by kings to conciliate his people, nor is it difficult to distinguish in matters of this sort what has emanated from the king’s mere motion. But this British action has now (by divine decree) been transacted and finished. And (as our king hopes) it is as the track of a ship in the sea, with no vestige and impression left in the mind of the other king.

Ipse certe sibi conscius est nihil huiusmodi in animo suo residere.

He himself is certainly conscious that nothing of this kind resides in his mind.

20. "Quod vero ad actionem Flandriae attinet, quemadmodum bellum Britannicum regi nostro necessitas imperabat, ita et bellum Flandriae munus et debitum iustitiae. Quod regi bono perinde est ac ipsa necessitas, aut periculum status sui. Aliter enim rex esse desineret.

20. "But as regards the action of Flanders, just as the British war was commanded to our king by necessity, so also the war of Flanders was an office and a debt of justice—which to a good king is the same as necessity itself, or the danger of his own state. For otherwise he would cease to be a king.

Subditi Burgundae coronae Franciae, quatenus ad ius domini capitalis, etiam subditi sunt, duxque eorum Franciae feudatarius et vasallus est. Soliti certe erant Burgundi subditos se bonos et fideles duci suo praestare, utcunque eos Maximilianus nuper in intemperiem quandam coniecerit. Ad regem confugerunt ut iustitiam et ab oppressione vindicationem impetrarent.

The subjects of Burgundy are subjects of the Crown of France, inasmuch as concerns the right of the liege lord; and their duke is a feudatory and vassal of France. The Burgundians were certainly accustomed to show themselves good and faithful subjects to their duke, however Maximilian has lately cast them into a certain intemperance. They took refuge with the king to obtain justice and vindication from oppression.

Iustitiam eis denegare non poterat. Emolumentum aliquod sibi ipsi minime expetebat. Hoc etiam ipsi Maximiliano utile erat, si rem recte perpendisset.

He could not deny them justice. He by no means sought any emolument for himself. This too was useful to Maximilian himself, if he had rightly weighed the matter.

Nempe, ut in populo commoto fururi obviam iretur et desperatio ultima prohiberetur. His quae dixi (domini mei) fortasse opus non erat, nisi quod rex noster tenero quodam affectu et anxio quicquid in Angliae amicitiam reflectere possit amplectatur. Amicitia proculdubio inter duos reges stat sarta, tecta, et inviolata.

Indeed, so that, in a populace stirred to commotion, the fury might be met head‑on and the last desperation prevented. These things which I have said (my lords) perhaps there was no need, except that our king, with a certain tender and anxious affection, embraces whatever he can that might redound to the friendship of England. The friendship, without doubt, stands between the two kings sound, well‑kept, and inviolate.

Quod vero enses subditorum collisi sint, nihil ad pacem publicam, cum usitatissimum sit copias auxiliares foederatorum inter se comitti, sanguine utrinque effuso. Quinetiam quandoque fit ut auxiliares copiae eiusdem nationis ex utraque parte in acie sent et dimicent, neque tamen propterea regnum in se divisum dici potest.

That the swords of the subjects have indeed clashed is nothing to the public peace, since it is most usual for the auxiliary forces of confederates to be engaged with one another, blood being shed on both sides. Nay even, it sometimes happens that auxiliary forces of the same nation are on each side in the battle line and fight, nor yet on that account can the kingdom be said to be divided against itself.

21."Superest (domini mei) ut vobis negotium impertiam, quod satis scio vos magna cum laetitia et gaudio audituros, quippe quod republicae Christianae magis intersit quam actio ulla post nostram memoriam. Rex, dominus noster, in animo habet bello regnum Neapolitanum recuperare, hoc tempore usurpatum quidem a spurio vitulamine Arragonum, sed iure evidente et indubitato ad regem nostrum devolutum. Quid nisi armis vindicare anniteretur, neque honorem suum illaesum conservare, neque caussam huiusmodi desidiae populo suo probare possit.

21."It remains, my lords, that I impart to you a business which I am well assured you will hear with great delight and joy, inasmuch as it more concerns the Christian commonwealth than any action within our memory. The king, our lord, has it in mind to recover by war the Neapolitan kingdom, at this time indeed usurped by a spurious scion of the Aragonese, but by evident and indubitable right devolved upon our king. Unless he should strive to vindicate it by arms, he can neither preserve his honor unscathed, nor make the cause of such inactivity acceptable to his people.

Sed cogitationes eius generosae et vere Christianae in hoc non acquiescunt. Spe enim haud levi in inflatur quidem, sed fulcitur, expeditionem pro regno Neapolitano recuperando instar pontis fore ad copias suas in Graeciam transportandas. Quinetiam constitutum ei est neque sanguini neque sumptui parcere (non si coronam suam oppignorare et Franciam ipsam desolare compelleretur) antequam aut tyrannidem Ottomannorum debellaverit aut hac via in paradisum aditum sibi patefecerit.

But his thoughts, generous and truly Christian, do not acquiesce in this. For by no slight hope he is indeed elated, rather he is supported by it, that the expedition for recovering the Neapolitan kingdom will be in the nature of a bridge for transporting his forces into Greece. Nay more, it is settled with him to spare neither blood nor expense (not even if he were compelled to pawn his crown and to desolate France itself) before he has either warred down the tyranny of the Ottomans or by this road has opened for himself an access into paradise.

Neque tamen nescit rex hoc incoeptum nulli regi in mentem venire potuisse, nisi qui ad Deum praeicipue oculos attoleret, cuius caussa agitur, et a quo et velle et posse datur. Certe congruit illud cum persona quam rex sustinet (licet indignus) regis Christianissimi et filii ecclesiae primogeniti. Quinetiam invitatus est exemplo praenobilis illius regis Angliae Henrici Quarti (qui primus sceptrum tenuit ex familia Lancastrensi, praedecessor quidem, licet non progenitor, regis vestri), qui sub finem vitae (ut vos melius nostis) similem expeditionem in terram sanctam destinabat.

And yet the king is not unaware that this undertaking could have come into the mind of no king except one who lifts up his eyes especially to God, whose cause is being conducted, and from whom both the willing and the being able are given. Surely that accords with the persona which the king sustains (though unworthy): Most Christian King and firstborn son of the Church. Moreover, he has been invited by the example of that most noble king of England, Henry IV (who first held the scepter from the House of Lancaster, a predecessor indeed, though not a progenitor, of your king), who near the end of his life (as you know better) was intending a similar expedition to the Holy Land.

Necnon exemplo praesenti inductus est belli illius pii et honorifici quod nunc geret et fere ad exitum perduxit rex Hispaniae pro regno Granadae a Saracenis recuperando. Etsi autem (domini mei) hoc incoeptum primo intuitu vastum videri possit et immodicum, ut rex propriis copiis illud aggrediatur quod coniunctae copiae tot principum Christianorum non sine magnis laboribus et diuturno bello olim confecerunt, attamen celsitudo sua prudenter secum reputat interdum copias minores sub uno imperio unitas successu feliciores evadere, etsi fama et opinione minus iactentur, quam copias multo ampliores varie commistas, et vinctulo foederum et societatum tantum colligatas, quae plerunque paulo post principia vertuntur in dissidia et dissocationes. Verum (domini mei) id quod, tanquam vox de coelo, regem ad hoc incaepeum vocat est scissura hoc tempore insignis in familia imperatoria Ottomanorum.

Nor has he failed to be led by the present example of that pious and honorific war which the king of Spain is now waging, and has almost brought to its end, for recovering the kingdom of Granada from the Saracens. And yet (my lords) this undertaking at first glance may seem vast and immoderate, that the king should attack with his own forces that which the conjoined forces of so many Christian princes once accomplished not without great labors and a protracted war; nevertheless his Highness prudently considers with himself that sometimes smaller forces, united under one command, turn out more fortunate in success, even if they are vaunted less in fame and opinion, than much larger forces variously commixed and bound only by the bond of leagues and alliances, which for the most part shortly after their beginnings are turned into dissensions and dissociations. But (my lords) that which, as a voice from heaven, calls the king to this undertaking is the notable fissure at this time in the imperial family of the Ottomans.

Non dico quin frater contra fratrem antehac in illa familia arma sumpserit et pro imperio decertarit. Verum nunquam prius factum est ut aliquis fratrum ad arma Christianorum confugeret, quemadmodum nunc facit Gemes (Bajazethi, qui iam regnat, frater), virtute germanum suum longe superans. Bajazethus siquidem ingenio et moribus veluti medius est inter monachum et philosophum, ac potius in Alchorano aut philosophia Averrois Arabis instructus quam habilis ad gubernacula tractanda imperii tam bellicosi.

I do not deny that brother against brother has previously in that family taken up arms and fought it out for the empire. But never before has it happened that any of the brothers fled for refuge to the arms of the Christians, as now Gemes does (the brother of Bajazeth, who now reigns), far surpassing his own brother in virtue. For Bajazeth, in intellect and manners, is as it were midway between a monk and a philosopher, and is rather instructed in the Alchorano or in the philosophy of Averroes the Arab than fit to handle the helm of so warlike an empire.

Tale igitur est regis domini nostri memorabile et heroicum institutum circa bellum sacrum. Et quia in hac re personam gerit non minus militis Christiani quam regis potentis, ab humilitate auspicatur, et in caussa tam religiosa pacem ab aliis principibus Christianis emendicare non detrectat. Superest tamen civile quoddam potius postulatum quam legationis nostrae pars essentialis, quod dominus noster regi vestro commendat.

Such, therefore, is our lord the king’s memorable and heroic undertaking regarding the sacred war. And because in this matter he bears the persona no less of a Christian soldier than of a powerful king, he begins from humility, and in so religious a cause he does not refuse to beg for peace from other Christian princes. There remains, however, a certain civil request rather than an essential part of our legation, which our lord commends to your king.

Rex (ut omnes norunt) dominus est capitalis ducatus Britanniae. Nuptiae haeredis ad eum tanquam tutorem et gardianum iure spectant. Estque hoc genus iuris privatum ius et patrimoniale, non regium.

The king (as all know) is the chief lord of the duchy of Brittany. The marriage of the heir appertains to him by right, as tutor and guardian. And this kind of right is a private and patrimonial right, not a regal one.

Attamen (ut amanter et ingenue cum rege vestro agat, quem tanquam alterum se efficere cupit, et una eademque res cum eo fieri) hoc petit, ut bona regis gratia et consensu de nuptiis eius disponere possit, prout sibi commodum videbitur, et matrimonium Maximiliani praetensum et intrusum per viam iuris irritum facere. Haec habui (domini mei) quae apud vos dicerem, veniam petens si minus ornate et pro rerum dignitate dixerim."

Nevertheless (in order that he may deal lovingly and ingenuously with your king, whom he desires to make as another himself, and that it be one and the same matter with him) he asks this: that by the king’s good grace and consent he may be able to dispose concerning his marriage, as shall seem to him convenient, and to make null by way of law the pretended and intruded marriage of Maximilian. These things I had, my lords, to say in your presence, asking pardon if I have spoken less ornately and according to the dignity of the matters."

22. In hunc modum legati regis Galli verbis suavissimis et plane mellitis regis sui propensionem in Henricum regem repraesentare, et aspere quaeque inter reges duos lenire et dulcorare conati sunt, duas res ex hoc sperantes. Quarum altera erat ut regem consopirent donec nuptiae Britannicae essent consummatae. Hoc vero existimabant rem esse unius tantum aetatis et tanquam fructum iam prope maturum et cito decerpendum.

22. In this manner the envoys of the king of Gaul, with words most suave and plainly honeyed, attempted to represent their king’s propension toward King Henry, and to soften and sweeten whatever harsh things were between the two kings, hoping two things from this. Of which the one was to lull the king to sleep until the Breton marriage should be consummated. This indeed they thought was a matter of only a single season, and like a fruit now almost ripe and soon to be plucked.

Altera vero instar fuctus plurium annorum erat, ut scilicet regis Henrici animum ita temperarent ut expeditioni Italicae neutiquam esset impedimento. Consiliarii Anglii silebant, illud tantummodo dicentes, se scire legatos responsum minime expectaturos antequam rem regi suo retulissent. Atque ita concilium dimissum fuit.

The other, however, was after the manner of a fruit of several years, namely, that they might so temper King Henry’s mind that it would by no means be an impediment to the Italian expedition. The English councillors were silent, saying only this: that they knew the legates would by no means wait for a response before they had reported the matter to their king. And so the council was dismissed.

Rex interim animi dubius erat quid de nuptiis Britanniae iudicaret. Liquido cernebat regis Galli ambitionem eo ferri, ut ducatu eo potiretur, sed res prorsus mirabilis ei visa est Gallum in familiam suam introducere velle nuptias controversas et litigiosas, praesertim cum talem haberet successorem. Sed omnia simul perpendendo Britanniam quidem ut rem perditam aestimat.

The king meanwhile was doubtful in mind what he should judge about the Brittany marriage. He clearly perceived that the French king’s ambition was carried to this point, that he might gain possession of that duchy; but it seemed to him altogether remarkable that the Frenchman should wish to introduce into his own family a marriage controverted and litigious, especially since he had such a successor. But by weighing everything together, he judges Brittany indeed as a lost cause.

Verum negotium hoc Britanniae, ut ansam belli cum Gallia arripere constituit, et expeditionem Neapolitanam in promptu habere pro ansa pacis quando opus foret. Probe siquidem informatus erat quanto rex Gallux expeditionis illius flagraret desiderio. Postquam igitur saepius cum concilio suo de re deliberasset, animi autem sui sensum parce aperuisset, cancellario in mandatis dedit responsum quoddam formale quod legatis redderet, idque praesentibus reliquis consiliariis fecit.

But he determined to use this Brittany business as a handle for war with France, and to have the Neapolitan expedition in readiness as a handle for peace whenever there should be need. For he was well informed how much the French king burned with desire for that expedition. Therefore, after he had often deliberated with his council and had sparingly disclosed the sentiment of his mind, he gave by way of mandate to the chancellor a certain formal answer to deliver to the legates, and he did this with the remaining councillors present.

Sed postea, cancellarium solum ad se vocans, iussit eum tali stilo verba facere quae convenirent tractui, qui in foderis rupuram destiturus foret, utque ante omnia caveret ne ullo modo expeditionem in Italiam averteret. Paulo post, legati ad concilium accersiti sunt, ubi cancellarius in hunc modum locutus fertur:

Soon after, however, calling the chancellor alone to himself, he ordered him to frame his words in such a style as would suit a negotiation which was going to end in a rupture of the treaty, and before all to take care that he should by no means divert the expedition to Italy. A little later, the legates were summoned to the council, where the chancellor is said to have spoken in this manner:

23. "Domini mei legati, ex mandato regis respondebo orationi domini prioris, eloquenti admodum et ornato, paucis et perspicuis verbis. Rex minime oblitus est veteris sui amoris et familiaritatis cum rege vestro. Commemoratione autem eius non est opus.

23. "My lords the envoys, by mandate of the king I shall respond to the oration of my lord prior, very eloquent and ornate, in few and clear words. The king has by no means forgotten his old affection and familiarity with your king. A commemoration of it, however, is not needed.

Nam si res inter eos eodem maneant loco, bene habet. Sin aliqua intervenerit mutatio, ea verbis in integrum restitui non potest.

For if matters between them remain in the same position, it is well. But if any change has intervened, that cannot be restored in its entirety by words.

24. "Quatenus ad actionem Britanniae, miratur rex regem vestum eius rei mentionem facere, ac si illam meriti loco apud regum nostrum duceret. Illud enim meritum huc tantum redit, quod regis nostri opera usus sit ad decipiendum unum ex optimis suis foederatis. Quoad nuptas vero, rex ei rei se immiscere minime vellet, si rex dominus vester liturgia non gladio matrimonium contraheret.

24. "As far as concerns the action in Britain, the king marvels that your king makes mention of that matter, as if he were reckoning it as a merit with our king. For that ‘merit’ comes only to this: that he used our king’s services to deceive one of his best confederates. As to the nuptials, however, the king would by no means wish to intermeddle in that matter, if your lord the king were contracting matrimony by liturgy, not by the sword.

25. "Quatenus vero ad actionem Flandriae, si Burgundiae subditi a principio per viam supplicationis vestrem regem appellassent ut dominum supremum, illud demum speciem quandam iustitiae prae se ferre visum esset. Sed nova prorsus erat processus forma, ut subditi regem suum primo in custodiam darent et officiarios eius interficerent, et postea quaerimonium instituerent. Rex ait sibi e memoria non excidisse quando ipse cum rege Gallo ad Scotos (qui contra regem suum arma sumpserant) legatos suos misisset, se alio stilo locutos, atque prout reges decebat, populares istos motus contra principes suos detestatos esse.

25. "As for the action of Flanders, if the subjects of Burgundy from the beginning by the way of supplication had appealed to your king as supreme lord, that would then have seemed to bear a certain appearance of justice. But the form of the process was entirely new, namely that the subjects first handed their own king into custody and killed his officers, and afterwards instituted a querimony. The king says it has not slipped from his memory when he, together with the French king, had sent his legates to the Scots (who had taken up arms against their king), that they spoke in another style, and, as befitted kings, had detested those popular movements against their princes.

Verum (domini mei legati) has duas actiones in hoc statu res noster reliquit. Profitetur quidem sibi ex iis quae vobis dicta sunt nullo modo satisfactum. Sed tamen se ea non tam graviter ferre ut eorum respectu de pace tractare recuset, modo alia coniunctim tractentur.

But (my lords the legates) our side has left these two actions in this condition. He professes indeed that by those things which have been said to you he has in no way been satisfied. Yet nevertheless he does not take them so gravely as to refuse, on their account, to treat of peace, provided that other matters are handled conjointly.

Quantum vero ad bellum Neapolitanum et incaeptum contra Turcas, rex expresse mihi mandavit ut dicerem se ex animo optare suo bono fratri regi Galliae ut fortuna eius spes et consilis honorifica exequatur, et quandocumque regi audire contigeret regem vestrum in Graeciam traiicere paratum esset, sicut hoc tempore placuit domino vestro dicere se pacem a rege emendicare, ita nunc regem nostrum a vestro partem belli emendicaturum.

As to the Neapolitan war and the undertaking against the Turks, the king expressly commanded me to say that he sincerely wishes for his good brother, the King of France, that Fortune may carry out his hopes and honorable counsels; and whenever it should befall the king to hear that your king was prepared to cross over into Greece, just as at this time it pleased your lord to declare that he was begging peace from the king, so now our king will beg from yours a share of the war.

26. "Iam vero (domini mei legati) habeo insuper quae vobis ex parte regis nostri proponam. Rex vester regem nostrum quid ei proponendum aut petendum esset docuit. Dicis (domine prior) regi vestro decretum esse ius suum in regnum Neapolitanum iniuste detentum persequi.

26. "Now indeed (my lords legates) I have, moreover, things which on behalf of our king I will propose to you. Your king instructed our king what ought to be proposed or requested of him. You say (lord prior) that it has been decreed by your king to prosecute his right regarding the Neapolitan kingdom unjustly detained.

Quod si non faceret, neque honorem suum illaesum conservare, neque caussam talis desidiae populo suo probare possit. Haec fuerunt ipsissima verba vestra, quae non aliis verbis melius exprimere possum. Putate (domini mei) regem nostrum eadem verba vobis regerere circa Normanniam, Gaconiam, Andiam, imo circa regnum Galliae ipsum.

But if he were not to do it, he could neither preserve his honor unscathed nor justify to his people the cause of such idleness. These were your very words, which I cannot better express in other words. Suppose, (my lords), that our king were to retort the same words to you concerning Normandy, Gascony, Anjou—nay, concerning the kingdom of France itself.

Si igitur rex vester consenserit ut in hoc tractatu ius regis nostri ad Franciam (aut saltem tributum eo nomine rependendum) simul in deliberationem veniat, rex de caeteris quoque deliberare non abnuit; alias tractatum longius producere recusat."

If therefore your king consents that, in this negotiation, the right of our king to France (or at least the tribute to be repaid under that title) likewise come under deliberation, the king does not refuse to deliberate about the rest also; otherwise he refuses to prolong the negotiation further."

27. Legati hac re nova fere attoniti non sine indignatione quadam responderunt se minime dubitare quin gladius domini sui sceptrum suum facile possit defendere. Ac pro certo scire regem suum nec posse nec velle aliquid de iuribus coronae Franciae imminuere, sive in terrorio sive in regalibus. Sed utcunque, res illa nimio maioris momente esse quam ut ipse de illis dissererent, cum nihil eiusmodi haberent in mandatis.

27. The legates, almost stunned by this new matter, replied not without a certain indignation that they least of all doubted that their lord’s sword could easily defend his scepter. And they knew for certain that their king neither could nor would diminish anything of the rights of the Crown of France, whether in territory or in regalia. But however it might be, that affair was of far too much moment for them themselves to discourse upon it, since they had nothing of that sort in their mandates.

Ad quae consiliarii dixerunt tantum regem ab ipsis nullum aliud responsum expectasse, sed legatos proprios ad regem Gallum propediem missurum. Iniecta autem tanquam obiter est quaestio a quibusdam ex consilariis, num forte rex Gallus consentire vellet ut nuptias Brittanae pro arbitrio disponeret cum exception tamen sive exclusione ne ipse eam in uxorem duceret. Cui interrogationi legati prudenter et caute responderunt rem illa regis sui cogitationibus tam procul abesse ut de ea nihil dederit in mandatis.

To this the counselors said that the king had expected no other answer from them, but that he would very soon send his own envoys to the French king. And a question was, as it were, incidentally injected by certain of the counselors, whether perhaps the French king would be willing to consent that he (their king) should dispose of the Briton lady’s marriage at his discretion, with the exception, however, or exclusion, that he himself should not take her to wife. To which interrogation the envoys prudently and cautiously replied that that matter was so far from their king’s thoughts that he had given nothing about it in their mandates.

In hunc modum legati dimissi sunt praeter unum priorem. Secuti autem sunt confestim regis Angliae legati in Galliam, videlicet Thomas Ormondiae comes et Thomas Goldenstonus prior ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis. Interea Lionellus episcopus Concordiae at utrunque regem a papa Alexandro Sexto missus est nuncius de pace.

In this manner the legates were dismissed, except for one prior. Forthwith, however, there followed into France the legates of the king of England, namely Thomas, earl of Ormond, and Thomas Goldstone, prior of Christ Church, Canterbury. Meanwhile Lionel, bishop of Concordia, was sent by Pope Alexander VI as a nuncio of peace to both kings.

Alexander enim se in arctum compulsum esse et quasi obsessum sentiens a foedere quodam et societate inter praecipuos Italiae status inita, ut nullus ei aditus ad familiam suam evehendam (cuius rei cupiditate immani flagrabat) pateret, aquas in Italia turbare expetebat, ut in turbido felicius piscaretur, rete scilicet iaciens, non ex Petri, sed ex Borgiae navi. Atque dubitans ne metus ab Anglis expeditionem Galli in Italiam remorari posset, episcopum hunc misit ut res inter duos reges, si posset, componeret, Qui primum ad regem Gallum se contulit, eumque bene animatum (ut ipse arbitrabatur) offendens, versus regem Angliae perrexit et legatos Anglos apud Caletum reperit. Postquam cum iis collocutus eset, honorifice in Angliam transvectus est, ubi apud regem mandata exposuit.

For Alexander, feeling himself driven into a narrow strait and, as it were, besieged by a certain league and society entered into among the chief states of Italy, so that no access lay open to him for elevating his family (with the immoderate desire for which he burned), sought to trouble the waters in Italy, that in the turbid he might fish more felicitously, casting his net, namely, not from Peter’s, but from the Borgia’s ship. And doubting lest fear from the English might be able to delay the Frenchman’s expedition into Italy, he sent this bishop to compose matters between the two kings, if he could. He first betook himself to the French king, and, finding him well-disposed (as he judged), proceeded toward the king of England and found the English envoys at Calais. After he had conferred with them, he was conveyed with honor into England, where in the presence of the king he set forth his mandates.

Attamen, licet boni ominis nomen ad pacem componendam sortitus esset, nihil inde secutum est. Etenim iam consilium regis Galli de desponsanda haerede Britanniae diutius dissimulari non poterat. Itaque legati Angliae, quo in statu res essent satis perspicientes, domum redierunt.

Nevertheless, although he had obtained a name of good omen for composing peace, nothing followed from it. For by now the plan of the French king concerning the betrothal of the heiress of Brittany could no longer be dissembled. And so the English legates, clearly perceiving in what status matters were, returned home.

Prior etiam Trinitatis monitus est hic in Anglia ut discederet. Qui postquam tergum vertit, more pedantii potius quam legati, petulantisismum libellum versibus Latinis contra regem sparsit. Cui rex (licit nihil haberet e pedantio) responsum tamen versibus simiiter Latinis scribi iussit in person quidem regis ipsius, magno tamen cum vilipendo prioris, cuius genio et petulanti tanquam facetiis scurrae se oblectabat.

The Prior of the Trinity was also warned here in England to depart. After he turned his back, in the manner of pedantry rather than of a legate, he scattered a most petulant libel in Latin verses against the king. To which the king (although he had nothing from pedantry) nevertheless ordered a reply likewise in Latin verses to be written, in the person of the king himself indeed, yet with great vilipend of the Prior, whose genius and petulance he amused himself with as with the facetiae of a buffoon.