Richerus: HISTORIARUM LIBRI QUATUOR

1. Sepulto Lothario, Ludovicus filius a duce aliisque principibus in regnum subrogatur. Circumvallatur ergo ambitu universorum. Promittunt benivolentiam; spondent fidem; stipatores etiam vario cultu facienda dictabant.

1. With Lothar buried, Louis the son is subrogated into the kingdom by the duke and the other princes. He is thus surrounded by the canvassing of everyone. They promise benevolence; they pledge faith; even the bodyguards, in varied attire, were dictating the things to be done.

Alii enim in palatiis ei residendum censebant, ut principes ad se confluentes ejus imperio deservirent, ne regia dignitas vilesceret, si alias utpote inops, alieni suffragii peteret opes. In omni etiam dignitate id esse cavendum, ne in primordio suscepti honoris, segnities et ignavia virtutem habendam superent. Nam si id fit, totam etiam rem in contemptum et vilitatem pernitiosissime deventuram.

For some, indeed, judged that he ought to take his seat in the palaces, so that the princes, flocking to him, might serve under his imperium, lest the royal dignity grow vile, if otherwise, as if indigent, he should seek resources by another’s suffrage. In every dignity, moreover, this too must be guarded against: that at the very beginning of the honor undertaken, sluggishness and ignavia overcome the virtue that ought to be maintained. For if that happens, the whole affair will most perniciously sink into contempt and cheapness.

Alii quoque cum duce ei commorandum asserebant, eo quod adolescens tanti principis prudentia simul et virtute informari indigeret. Sibi quoque utillimum fieri, si potentis dispositioni ad tempus cederet, cum sine eo nec regnandi potentiam habere ex integro posset, et per eum strenue atque utiliter omnia administrari valerent. Rex, partibus auditis, sententiam distulit.

Others also were asserting that he ought to remain with the duke, because the adolescent needed to be informed by the prudence and likewise the virtue of so great a prince. It would also be most useful for himself, if he yielded for a time to the disposition of the powerful man, since without him he could not possess in full the power of reigning, and through him all things could be administered strenuously and usefully. The king, the parties having been heard, deferred his sentence.

Collato vero cum duce consilio, ei abinde tota mente addictus favit.

But after counsel had been conferred with the duke, from then on he favored him, wholly devoted in mind.

2. Oratio Ludovici apud ducem, ceterosque primates, in Adalberonem metropolitanum. Apud quem aliosque quam paucos, praeteritorum non immemor sic conquestus est: Pater meus in egritudinem qua et periit decidens, mihi praecepit, ut vestro consilio, vestra dispositione, regni procurationem haberem; vos etiam loco affinium, loco amicorum ducerem, nihilque praecipui praeter vestram scientiam adorirer. Si vestra fide potirer, sine dubio divitias, exercitus, munimenta regni, asserebat me habiturum.

2. The speech of Louis before the duke and the other primates, against Adalbero the metropolitan. Before him and a very few others, not unmindful of past things, he thus complained: My father, falling into the illness by which he also perished, instructed me that by your counsel, by your disposition, I should hold the administration (procuration) of the realm; that I should count you also in the place of kinsmen, in the place of friends, and attempt nothing of special moment apart from your knowledge. If I might obtain your good faith, he asserted that without doubt I would have riches, armies, the muniments of the kingdom.

Quae mens in me maxime valet. Placeat itaque consilium profuturum dare, cum a vobis proposui me non discessurum. In vobis enim meum consilium, animum, fortunas, sitos esse volui.

The resolve that most prevails in me. Let it, therefore, be pleasing to give counsel that will be profitable, since I have proposed not to depart from you. For in you I have willed my counsel, my spirit, my fortunes to be situated.

Adalbero Remorum metropolitanus episcopus, homo omnium quos terra sustinet sceleratissimus, contempto patris mei imperio, Ottoni Francorum hosti in omnibus favit. Eo cooperante, Otto exercitum nobis induxit. Ejus subtilitate Gallias depopulatus est.

Adalbero, metropolitan bishop of the Remi, a man most criminal of all whom the earth sustains, despising my father’s command, favored Otto, the enemy of the Franks, in all things. With him cooperating, Otto led an army against us. By his subtlety he laid waste to Gaul.

Eo itineris duces praestante, indempnis cum exercitu rediit. Qui ut poenas pro tanto commisso solvat, aequum et utile videtur, quatinus pestilente compresso, metus adoriendi talia, quibusque pravis inferatur.

With him furnishing guides of the journey, he returned unharmed with the army. That he pay penalties for so great a crime seems just and useful, to the end that, the pestilent man being suppressed, a fear of assailing such things be inflicted upon all the depraved.

3. Cujus oratio vim suadendi non habuit, eo quod suggestionibus malorum in summum pontificem efferatus, praeter justum aliqua indigna dixisse videretur. Pro parte tamen ei fautum est, pro parte vero suppressum; ita tamen, ut et regi injuria non fieret, et operi nefario dux non consentiens pareret. Rex tanto animo praeceps, in metropolitanum assumpto duce cum exercitu fertur.

3. whose oration did not have the force of persuading, because, enraged against the supreme pontiff by the suggestions of evil men, he seemed to have said certain unworthy things beyond what is just. Yet in part favor was shown to him, in part indeed it was suppressed; yet in such a way that no injury be done to the king, and that the leader, not consenting to the nefarious work, should obey. The king, so headlong in spirit, with a leader assumed, is borne with an army against the metropolitan.

Ipsam urbem appetit, atque irrumpere contendit. Primatum tamen consilio usus, legatos praemisit, per quos quaereret an episcopus resisteret regi, an ex objectis purgari statuto tempore paratus esset. Si contra staret, sese mox obsidionem urbi adhibiturum dicerent, captamque urbem cum ipso hoste compressurum.

He aims at the city itself and strives to burst in. Yet, employing the counsel of the primates, he sent legates ahead, through whom he might inquire whether the bishop was resisting the king, or was prepared, at a set time, to be purged of the things objected. If he stood in opposition, they were to say that he would soon apply a siege to the city, and, the city taken, would suppress it together with the enemy himself.

Si vero objectis respondere non dubitaret, obsides ab eo sese accepturum ducturumque.

If, however, he did not hesitate to respond to the objections, he would receive hostages from him and lead them away.

4. Ad haec metropolitanus: Cum constet, inquit, bonos quosque pravorum calumniis assidue dilacerari, non miror huic injuriae locum accidisse. Multo amplius vero miror egregios principes tam facile posse illici, ut certissime esse credant quod nec sub judice sit discussum, et si in discutiendo conferatur, nullis rationibus probabile fiat. Quod si credita discutere placuit, cur armis et exercitu id exigitur?

4. To this the Metropolitan: Since it is agreed, he says, that all good men are continually torn to pieces by the calumnies of the depraved, I do not marvel that a place has occurred for this injury. Far more indeed do I marvel that distinguished princes can be so easily enticed, to believe as most certain that which has not even been examined under a judge, and which, if it be submitted to discussion, would by no reasons become plausible. But if it has pleased to sift the alleged matters, why is that demanded by arms and by an army?

Nonne ergo alia pro aliis nos cogitare faciunt? Si de praeteritis agitur, regum salutem hactenus optavi. Eorum genus colui.

Do they not, then, make us cogitate one thing for another? If it is a matter of the past, I have hitherto desired the safety of kings. I have cultivated their lineage.

Principum quoque commoda, pro ratione amavi. Si de praesentibus, regis jussa exequi non moror; obsides quos vult, trado; rationem contra objecta intendere non differo. Factis ergo utrimque rationibus, obsides dedit, Ragenerum virum militarem, nobilitate et divitiis clarum, pluresque alios dum regi sufficeret.

I have loved, too, the princes’ interests, according to reason. If it is about present matters, I do not delay to execute the king’s commands; the hostages whom he wishes, I hand over; I do not defer to press an argument against the objections. Therefore, arguments having been made on both sides, he gave hostages—Ragenerus, a military man, renowned for nobility and riches—and several others, until it sufficed the king.

5. Obitus Ludovici. Rex itaque exercitum amovit, Silvanectimque devenit. Ubi dum aestivam venationem exerceret, pedestri lapsu decidens, multo epatis dolore vexatus est.

5. The Death of Louis. The king therefore removed the army, and came to Senlis. There, while he was exercising the summer hunt, falling by a slip on foot, he was vexed with much pain of the liver.

Nam quia in epate sanguinis sedem phisici perhibent, ea sede concussa, sanguis in emathoicam redundavit (987, Mai 22). Cui sanguis copiosus per nares et gulam diffluebat. Mamilae doloribus assiduis pulsabantur. Fervor totius corporis intolerabilis non deerat.

For since physicians maintain that the seat of blood is in the liver, that seat having been concussed, the blood overflowed into a hematochea (987, May 22). From him copious blood was flowing out through the nostrils and the gullet. The mamillae were being assailed by continual pains. An intolerable fervor of the whole body was not lacking.

Unde uno tantum anno patri superstes, 11 Kal. Junii defitiens, naturae debitum solvit. Cujus discessus eo tempore accidit quo et metropolitani purgatio de objectis habenda erat.

Whence, surviving his father by only one year, and failing on May 22, he paid nature’s debt. His departure happened at the time when the metropolitan’s purgation concerning the charges was also to be held.

Aderat igitur purgandus, et regiae majestati satisfacturus. Sed regii funeris calamitate, hac lite suppressa, nec controversia partes habuit, nec ex ea juditium promulgatum fuit. Plurima vero commiseratione ipse episcopus de morte regis conquestus est.

Therefore, the one to be purged was present, and to satisfy the royal majesty. But by the calamity of the royal funeral, this suit having been suppressed, neither did the controversy have its parties, nor was a judgment promulgated from it. With very great commiseration, the bishop himself lamented the death of the king.

Postquam autem regium funus curassent, principum decreto, Compendii tumulatus est, cum ipse vivens secus patrem tumulari petierit. Id autem consulto factum est, ne dum itineris longitudinem eorum quamplures vitarent, et a se divisi discederent, rei publicae utillimum differretur consultum. Placuit itaque ante discessum convenire, et ex regni commodis consulere.

After they had attended to the royal funeral, by decree of the princes he was interred at Compendium, although he himself, while living, had requested to be entombed beside his father. But this was done deliberately, lest, while many avoided the length of the journey and, separated from one another, withdrew, the most beneficial counsel for the commonwealth be deferred. It therefore pleased them to assemble before departure and to take counsel for the advantages of the realm.

6. Purgatio Adalberonis de objectis a Ludovico. Quibus dispositis, dux sic orsus coepit: Huc ex locis diversis regio jussu vocati, ad discutiendum ea quae summo pontifici Adalberoni objecta sunt, multa fide ut puto convenistis. Sed divae memoriae rex qui intendebat, quoniam hac vita privatus est, controversiae statum nobis discutiendum reliquit.

6. The purgation of Adalbero concerning the charges objected by Louis. With these things set in order, the duke thus began: Summoned hither from diverse places by royal command, to discuss those matters which have been objected to Adalbero, the supreme pontiff, you have, as I suppose, assembled with much good faith. But the king of blessed memory, who was pressing the case, since he has been deprived of this life, has left to us the state of the controversy to be discussed.

Si ergo praeter eum est qui intendere audeat, eoque animo valet, ut exsequendae litis partem arripiat, adsit coram, quid sentiat edicat, nihil metuens criminato intendat. Si vera proferat, ejus verborum approbatores nos sine dubio habebit. Quod si calumniator falsa confinxit, vocem supprimat, ne tanti facinoris argutus, poenas solvat.

If therefore, besides him, there is one who dares to institute proceedings, and is of such a mind as to seize a share in the prosecution of the suit, let him be present in person, declare what he thinks, and, fearing nothing, press the charge. If he brings forth truths, he will without doubt have us as approbators of his words. But if the calumniator has fabricated false things, let him suppress his voice, lest, convicted of so great a crime, he pay the penalties.

Ter acclamatum est, ut delator procederet; ter ab omnibus negatum est.

Three times acclamation was made that the informer should come forward; three times it was refused by all.

7. Dux itaque iterum locutus ait: Si lis jam decidit, quia qui intendat non est, metropolitano utpote viro nobili et multa sapientia inclito cedendum est. Ab hac ergo suspitione penitus discedite, summumque praesulem multo honore excolite. Reveremini hunc talem virum, et quantae virtutis, sapientiae, nobilitatis sit, hactenus praedicate.

7. Therefore the leader spoke again and said: If the lawsuit has now been decided, since there is no one to institute it, it is necessary to yield to the metropolitan, as to a man noble and illustrious in much wisdom. Therefore depart wholly from this suspicion, and honor the highest prelate with much honor. Revere such a man, and proclaim thus far how great he is in virtue, wisdom, and nobility.

Quid enim prodest suspitionem habere, cui in juditio non fuere vires quicquam dicere? Ergo summo pontifici, dux reliquorum primatum consensu, exsequendae rationis honorem de utilitate regni attribuit, eo quod ipse divinarum et humanarum rerum scientia excelleret atque facundiae efficacitate plurimum valeret.

For what indeed does it profit to have a suspicion, for which in judgment there was not strength to say anything? Therefore to the supreme pontiff the duke, with the consensus of the remaining primates, attributed the honor of executing the plan concerning the utility of the realm, for the reason that he himself excelled in the knowledge of divine and human things and by the efficacy of eloquence prevailed greatly.

8. Factus itaque cum duce omnium medius, ait: Rege nostro piissimo inter intellectibilia translato, magni ducis ceterorumque principum benivolentia ab objectis purgatus, rei publicae consulturus consedi. Nec sedet animo, ut quicquam nisi ad profectum rei publicae edicam. Commune consilium quaero, quia omnibus prodesse cupio.

8. Therefore, set in the midst with the duke among all, he said: Our most pious king having been translated among the intelligibles, and, by the benevolence of the great duke and the other princes, cleansed from the things alleged, I have taken my seat to consult for the commonwealth. Nor does it sit with my mind to pronounce anything except toward the advancement of the commonwealth. I seek common counsel, because I desire to profit all.

Cum videam non omnes principes adesse, quorum quoque prudentia et diligentia res regni administrari valeant, ratio querendi regis ut mihi videtur ad tempus differenda est, ut statuto tempore et omnes in unum confluant, et uniuscujusque ratio elimata et in medium prolata, suam utilitatem accommodet. Unde et vobis qui hic consulturi adestis placeat, vos mecum magno duci sacramento alligari, et coram spondere de principe statuendo vos nihil quesituros, nihil molituros, donec in unum redeamus, et sic de habendo principe agitemus. Plurimum enim valet, deliberationi dari spatium temporis; in quo quamcumque rem quisque discutiat, et discussam multa diligentia poliat.

Since I see that not all the princes are present, by whose prudence and diligence the affairs of the realm also may be administered, the plan of seeking a king, as it seems to me, must be deferred for a time, so that, at a fixed time appointed, all may flow together into one, and each one’s plan, refined and brought into the open, may be suited to its own utility. Whence let it please you also, who are present here to take counsel, to be bound with me by an oath to the great duke, and publicly to pledge that, concerning the appointing of a prince, you will seek nothing, attempt nothing, until we return into one; and thus let us deliberate about having a prince. For it avails very much that time be given to deliberation; in which each may discuss whatever matter, and, having discussed it, may polish it with much diligence.

Haec sententia ab omnibus suscepta laudatur. Sacramento itaque duci alligantur. Tempus redeundi et conveniendi constituitur.

This opinion, having been received by all, is praised. Therefore by an oath they are bound to the leader. A time for returning and convening is appointed.

Sic quoque a se soluti sunt.

Thus too they were released by him.

9. Conquestio Karoli apud metropolitanum de regno. Interea Karolus qui fuerat Lotharii frater, Ludovici patruus, Remis metropolitanum adiit, atque sic de regno eum convenit: Omnibus notum est, pater venerande, jure hereditario debere fratri et nepoti me succedere. Licet enim a fratre de regno pulsus sim, tamen natura nihil humanitatis mihi derogavit; cum omnibus membris natus sum, sine quibus quivis ad dignitatem quamlibet promoveri non potuit.

9. Complaint of Charles before the metropolitan about the kingdom. Meanwhile Charles, who had been the brother of Lothar, the uncle of Louis, approached the metropolitan at Rheims, and thus addressed him concerning the kingdom: It is known to all, venerable father, that by hereditary right I ought to succeed my brother and my nephew. For although I have been driven out of the kingdom by my brother, nevertheless nature has derogated nothing of humanity from me; I was born with all my members, without which whosoever could not be promoted to any dignity.

His etiam non careo, quae in regnaturis quibuslibet, plurimum queri solent, genere, et ut audeam virtute. Cur ergo a finibus ejectus sum, quos a majoribus meis possessos nemo dubitat, cum frater non sit, neposque obierit, prolemque nullam reliquerint? Pater nos duos fratres superstites reliquit.

Nor do I lack even those things which, in any who are to reign, are very much wont to be complained of: birth, and—if I may dare—virtue. Why therefore have I been ejected from the borders which no one doubts were possessed by my ancestors, since there is no brother, and the nephew has died, and they have left no progeny? Father left us two brothers surviving.

Frater regnorum dominium totum possedit, nihilque mihi concessit. Ego fratri subditus, fideliter non minus aliis militavi. A quo tempore fateor, nihil mihi carius fuisse salute fratris.

My brother possessed the whole dominion of the kingdoms, and conceded nothing to me. I, subject to my brother, served faithfully in arms no less than others. From that time, I confess, nothing has been dearer to me than the safety of my brother.

Abjectus ergo et infelix quo me potius vertam, cum etiam omnia generis mei praesidia extincta sint? Quos praeter vos omnium honestarum rerum egens appellem? Per quos nisi per vos paternis honoribus restituar?

Abject and unhappy, then, whither should I rather turn myself, since even all the protections of my lineage have been extinguished? Whom, besides you, destitute of all honorable things, should I appeal to? By whom, if not by you, should I be restored to my paternal honors?

Utinam mihi fortunisque meis honestus exitus accidisset. Quid enim abjectus spectantibus nisi spectaculum esse potero? Tangat vos aliqua humanitatis miseratio.

Would that an honorable exit had happened for me and my fortunes. For what, abject, shall I be to those looking on except a spectacle? Let some commiseration of humanity touch you.

Compatimini tantis injuriis fatigato.

Have compassion upon one fatigued by such great injuries.

10. Postquam Karolus finem querimoniae fecit, metropolitanus animo immobili persistens, pauca admodum ei respondit: Cum, inquiens, perjuris et sacrilegis, aliisque nefariis hominibus ipse semper deditus fueris, nec ab eis adhuc discedere velis, quomodo per tales et cum talibus ad principatum venire moliris? Ad haec Karolo respondente, non oportere sese suos deserere, sed potius alios adquirere, episcopus intra se recogitabat: Cum, inquiens, omnium dignitatum nunc egens, pravis quibusque annexus est quorum sotietate nullo modo carere vult, in quantam pernitiem bonorum esset, si electus procederet in faces. Tandem sine principum consensu se super hoc nihil facturum respondens, ab eo dimotus est.

10. After Charles made an end of his complaint, the metropolitan, persisting with an unmoved mind, answered him very few things: Since, he says, you yourself have always been devoted to perjurers and sacrilegious men, and other nefarious men, nor do you yet wish to depart from them, how are you contriving through such men and with such men to come to the principate? To this, Charles replying that he ought not to desert his own, but rather to acquire others, the bishop was pondering within himself: Since, he says, now being in need of all dignities, he is annexed to every depraved sort, whose society he by no means wishes to lack, into what ruin of the good would it be, if, elected, he should advance to the fasces (i.e., to office). At length, replying that he would do nothing about this without the consent of the princes, he was dismissed from him.

11. Oratio metropolitani pro duce. Karolus spe regni decidens, animo turbato, in Belgicam iter dimovit. Preterea tempore constituto, Galliarum principes jurati.

11. The metropolitan’s oration for the duke. Charles, losing hope of the kingdom, with a troubled mind directed his journey into Belgica. Moreover, at the appointed time, the princes of Gaul were sworn.

Silvanecti collecti sunt. Quibus in curia residentibus, duce annuente metropolitanus sic locutus est: Divae memoriae Ludovico sine liberis orbi subtracto, querendum multa deliberatione fuit, qui ejus vices in regno suppleret, ne res publica absque gubernatore neglecta labefactaretur. Unde et hujusmodi negotium nuper diferri utile duximus, ut unusquisque quod singularis a Deo datum haberet, hic coram consulens post effunderet; ut collectis singulorum sententiis, summa totius consilii ex multitudinis massa deformaretur.

The Silvanecti were assembled. While they were sitting in the curia, with the duke assenting, the metropolitan spoke thus: With Louis of divine memory, withdrawn from the world without children, it had to be sought with much deliberation who would supply his place in the kingdom, lest the res publica, without a governor and neglected, be made to totter. Whence also we recently judged it useful that a business of this sort be deferred, so that each one, after consulting here in person, might afterward pour forth what he had as an individual gift given by God; so that, the opinions of individuals having been collected, the sum of the whole counsel might be shaped out of the mass of the multitude.

Reductis ergo jam nunc nobis in unum, multa prudentia, multa fide, videndum est. ne aut odium rationem dissipet, aut amor veritatem enervet. Non ignoramus Karolum fautores suos habere, qui eum dignum regno ex parentum collatione contendant.

Therefore, with matters now reduced for us into one, with much prudence, with much faith, it must be considered, lest either hatred dissipate reason or love enervate truth. We are not ignorant that Charles has his favorers, who contend that he is worthy of the kingdom from the comparison of his parents.

Sed si de hoc agitur, nec regnum jure hereditario adquiritur, nec in regnum promovendus est, nisi quem non solum corporis nobilitas, sed et animi sapientia illustrat fides munit, magnanimitas firmat. Legimus in annalibus clarissimi generis imperatoribus ignavia ab dignitate praecipitatis, alios modo pares, modo impares successisse. Sed quid dignum Karolo conferri potest, quem fides non regit, torpor enervat, postremo qui tanta capitis imminutione hebuit, ut externo regi servire non horruerit, et uxorem de militari ordine sibi imparem duxerit?

But if it is a matter of this, neither is the kingdom acquired by hereditary right, nor is one to be promoted into the kingdom, unless he is one whom not only nobility of body but also wisdom of mind illuminates, loyalty fortifies, and magnanimity strengthens. We read in the annals that emperors of most illustrious lineage, precipitated from their dignity by sloth, had others succeed them, sometimes equals, sometimes unequals. But what worthy thing can be compared to Charles, whom loyalty does not govern, torpor enervates, and finally who was so dulled by so great a diminution of status that he did not shudder to serve a foreign king, and took a wife from the military order unequal to himself?

Quomodo ergo magnus dux patietur de suis militibus feminam sumptam reginam fieri, sibique dominari? Quomodo capiti suo praeponet, cujus pares et etiam majores sibi genua flectunt, pedibusque manus supponunt? Considerate rem diligenter, et Karolum sua magis culpa praecipitatum quam aliena videte.

How then will the great duke endure that a woman taken from among his own soldiers be made queen, and dominate him? How will he set over his own head one before whom his equals and even his betters bend the knee and place their hands beneath her feet? Consider the matter diligently, and see Charles as precipitated more by his own fault than by another’s.

Rei publicae beatitudinem magis quam calamitatem optate. Si eam infelicem fieri vultis, Karolum promovete. Si fortunatam, egregium ducem Hugonem in regnum coronate.

Desire the Republic’s beatitude rather than its calamity. If you wish it to become ill‑fated, promote Charles. If you wish it fortunate, crown the distinguished Duke Hugh as king.

Ne ergo Karoli amor quemque illiciat, nec odium ducis ab utilitate communi quemlibet amoveat. Nam si bonum vituperetis, quomodo malum laudabitis? Si malum laudetis, quomodo bonum contempnetis?

Therefore, let not the love of Charles entice anyone, nor let hatred of the duke remove anyone from the common utility. For if you censure the good, how will you laud the evil? If you laud the evil, how will you contemn the good?

Sed talibus quid interminatur ipsa Divinitas? Vae, inquit, qui dicitis malum bonum, bonum malum, ponentes lucem tenebras, et tenebras lucem (Isai. V, 20). Promovete igitur vobis ducem, actu, nobilitate, copiis clarissimum, quem non solum rei publicae, sed et privatarum rerum tutorem invenietis.

Sed with such things what does the Divinity itself threaten? “Woe,” he says, “you who say evil good, and good evil, putting darkness for light, and light darkness (Isai. 5, 20).” Promote, therefore, for yourselves a leader, most illustrious in action, nobility, and forces, whom you will find a guardian not only of the commonwealth, but also of private affairs.

Ipsa ejus benivolentia favente, eum pro patre habebitis. Quis enim ad eum confugit, et patrocinium non invenit? Quis suorum auxiliis destitutus, per eum suis non restitutus fuit?

With his very benevolence favoring, you will have him as a father. For who has fled to him and not found patronage? Who, deprived of the aids of his own, has not through him been restored to his own?

12. (987, Jun. 1.) Promotio Hugonis in regnum. Hac sententia promulgata et ab omnibus laudata, dux omnium consensu in regnum promovetur, et per metropolitanum aliosque episcopos Noviomi coronatus, Gallis, Brittannis, Dahis, Aquitanis, Gothis, Hispanis, Wasconibus, rex Kalendis Jun.

12. (987, Jun. 1.) Promotion of Hugh to the kingship. With this sentence promulgated and praised by all, the duke, by the consent of all, is promoted to the kingdom, and by the metropolitan and the other bishops crowned at Noyon, with the Gauls, Britons, Danes, Aquitanians, Goths, Spaniards, and Wascones assenting, king on Jun. 1.

praerogatur. Stipatus itaque regnorum principibus, more regio decreta fecit, legesque condidit. Felici successu omnia ordinans, atque distribuens.

The prerogative is granted. Thus, attended by the princes of the realms, in royal fashion he made decrees and enacted laws, ordaining and distributing all things with felicitous success.

Et ut beatitudini suae responderet, multo successu rerum secundarum levatus, ad multam pietatem intendit. Utque post sui discessum a vita, heredem certum in regno relinqueret, sese consultum cum principibus contulit. Et collato cum eis consilio, Remorum metropolitanum Aurelianis de promotiome filii sui Rotberti in regnum prius per legatos, post per sese convenit.

And that he might correspond to his beatitude, uplifted by much success in favorable affairs, he aimed at much piety. And that, after his departure from life, he might leave a certain heir in the kingdom, he betook himself to consultation with the princes. And, counsel having been conferred with them, he met at Orléans with the metropolitan of the Remi concerning the promotion of his son Robert into the kingship—first through legates, afterward by himself.

Cui cum metropolitanus non recte posse creari duos reges in eodem anno responderet, ille mox epistolam a duce citerioris Hispaniae Borrello missam protulit, quae ducem petentem suffragia contra barbaros indicabat. Jam etiam Hispaniae partem hostibus pene expugnatam asserebat, et nisi intra menses decem copias a Gallis accipiat, barbaris totam in deditionem transituram. Petebat itaque alterum regem creari, ut si bellico tumultu duorum alter decideret, de principe non diffideret exercitus.

To which, when the metropolitan replied that it could not rightly be that two kings be created in the same year, he immediately produced a letter sent by Duke Borrell of Hither Spain, which indicated that the duke was seeking suffrages against the barbarians. It was also asserting that a part of Spain had already been almost stormed by the enemies, and that unless within ten months he receive forces from the Gauls, the whole would pass over into surrender to the barbarians. He therefore sought that another king be created, so that, if in the bellicose tumult one of the two should fall, the army might not despair of a princeps.

Fieri quoque asserebat posse, rege interempto, et patria desolata, primatum discordiam, pravorum contra bonos tirannidem, et inde totius gentis captivitatem.

He also asserted that it could happen, with the king slain and the fatherland desolated, the chiefs’ discord, the tyranny of the wicked against the good, and thence the captivity of the whole nation.

13. (988.) Promotio Rotberti in regnum. Metropolitanus sic posse fieri intelligens, dictis regiis cessit. Et quia tunc in nativitate Domini regnorum principes convenerant ad celebrandum regiae coronationis honorem, in basilica sanctae Crucis ejus filium Rotbertum Francis laudantibus accepta purpura sollempniter coronavit, et a Mosa fluvio usque Oceanum occidentalibus regem praefecit et ordinavit.

13. (988.) The Promotion of Robert to the kingship. The metropolitan, understanding that it could be done thus, yielded to the royal words. And because then, at the Nativity of the Lord, the princes of the realms had convened to celebrate the honor of the royal coronation, in the basilica of the Holy Cross, with the Franks praising and the purple having been received, he solemnly crowned his son Robert, and from the Meuse river as far as the Ocean he set and ordained him king over the western lands.

Tanta industria atque sollertia clarum, ut et in rebus militaribus praecelleret, et divinis ac canonicis institutis clarissimus haberetur; liberalibus studiis incomberet, episcoporum etiam sinodis interesset, et cum eis causas aecclesiasticas discuteret ac determinaret.

So renowned for such industry and skill that he both excelled in military matters and was held most illustrious in the divine and canonical institutes; he applied himself to liberal studies, he even took part in the synods of the bishops, and with them he discussed and determined ecclesiastical causes.

14. Conquestio Karoli apud amicos de regno. Interea Karolus apud amicos et cognatos motu gravissimo movebat querelam, atque in sui suffragium querimoniis excitabat. Qui lacrimis suffusus: Video, inquit, aetatem meam procedere, et me ipsum in dies, patrimonii rebus exui.

14. Complaint of Charles among friends about the kingdom. Meanwhile Charles among friends and kinsmen was setting in motion a most grave complaint, and he was rousing support for himself with laments. He, suffused with tears: "I see," he says, "my age proceeding, and that I myself day by day am stripped of the goods of my patrimony."

Unde nec sine lacrimis parvulos meos aspicere valeo, infelicis germina patris. Quibus potius auctor sum futuri doloris, quam honoris. Satis infelix pater fui, qui natis adesse vix aliquando potui.

Whence I am not able to look upon my little ones without tears, the offshoots of an unhappy father. To whom I am rather the author of future grief than of honor. I have been sufficiently unhappy as a father, who could scarcely at any time be present to my children.

Sed saltem, vos amici, consulite dolenti patri, subvenite destituto parenti. Adestote natis in aetate tenerrima erumnas jam scientibus. Providete abjectis in casus, an irrevocabiles nescio, exituris.

But at least, you friends, take counsel for the grieving father; subvene the destitute parent. Be present to the offspring, in a most tender age, already knowing hardships. Provide for those cast down into contingencies, about to go forth—I know not whether to irrevocable ones.

Suadeat vobis saltem sanguinis communis affinitas. Suadeat et nobilitas non neglegenda. Suadeat et recompensatio, quae sit non sine multiplici fructu reditura.

Let at least the affinity of common blood persuade you. Let also the not-to-be-neglected nobility persuade. Let also the recompensation persuade, which is to return not without manifold fruit.

15. Mox omnes commoti, auxilium spondent, et sese ad auxiliandum promptissime parant. Quorum consilio usus, exploratores Karolus mittere cepit, qui sagaciter perpenderent, si qua oportunitas pateret, qua Laudunum ingredi valeret. Directi investigaverunt deprehenderuntque nullum aditum patere.

15. Soon all, being moved, pledge aid and most promptly prepare themselves to render assistance. Using their counsel, Charles began to send scouts, who would sagaciously weigh whether any opportunity lay open by which he might be able to enter Laon. Those dispatched investigated and discovered that no access lay open.

Cum quibusdam tamen civibus secretum contulere, qui effectum negotio quererent. Quo tempore Adalbero ejusdem urbis episcopus, suis civibus plus justo injurias de lege agraria irrogabat. Unde quidam ab eo latenter animo discedentes, benivolentiamque simulantes, exploratoribus Karolum sese in urbem recepturos promittunt.

Nevertheless they held a private consultation with certain citizens, who were seeking to bring the business to effect. At that time Adalbero, bishop of the same city, was imposing upon his own citizens, by the agrarian law, injuries beyond what was just. Whence certain men, secretly withdrawing from him in spirit and feigning benevolence, promise to the explorers that they will receive Charles into the city.

16. Qualiter Karolus Laudunum ingressus sit. Mox etiam urbis proditionem si Karolus veniat pollicentur, et si eis sua dimittat, et insuper augeat. Exploratores pacto sacramentis firmato, haec Karolo reportant.

16. How Charles entered Laon. Soon they also promise the betrayal of the city, if Charles should come, and if he would let them keep what is theirs, and moreover increase it. The scouts, the pact confirmed by oaths, report these things to Charles.

Ille mox suis quos superiore conquestione excitaverat, hoc mandatum aperuit. Qui unanimes oportuno tempore collecti, ei sese obtulere. Ille, copiis assumptis, Laudunum dum sol occideret tempestivus advenit, misitque exploratores ad transfugas, ut quid esset agendum referrent.

He soon disclosed this mandate to his own, whom he had stirred by the previous complaint. They, unanimous, gathered at an opportune time and offered themselves to him. He, with the forces taken up, arrived timely at Laudunum while the sun was setting, and he sent scouts to the defectors, to report what was to be done.

Latebant itaque inter vinearum dumeta et sepes; parati urbem ingredi si fortuna admitteret, et armis obniti, si eventus id afferret. Qui missi fuerant ad insidias, per loca constituta et nota, proditoribus occurrunt, et Karolum cum multo equitatu advenisse nuntiant. Proditores gavisi, exploratores remittunt, et Karolo cito adesse mandant.

They were therefore lying hidden among the thickets and hedges of the vineyards; prepared to enter the city if Fortune should admit it, and to strive with arms if the event should bring that. Those who had been sent to the ambush, through the appointed and well-known places, meet the traitors, and announce that Charles had arrived with much cavalry. The traitors, rejoicing, send back the scouts and order that Charles be present quickly.

Quibus cognitis, Karolus cum suis per montis devexa urbis portam aggressus est. Sed vigiles cum ex fremitu equorum, et aliqua collisione armorum aliquos adesse persentirent, et quinam essent a muro inclamarent, lapidibusque jactis urgerent, proditores mox aliquos esse de civibus responderunt. Quo commento corruptis vigilibus, introrsum portam aperuerunt, atque exercitum ipso crepusculo exceperunt.

On learning these things, Charles with his men, down the mountain’s declivities, approached the city’s gate. But when the vigils, from the din of the horses and a certain collision of arms, perceived that some were present, and shouted from the wall to know who they were, and pressed them with stones hurled, the traitors at once replied that they were some of the citizens. By which contrivance, the vigils being corrupted, they opened the gate inward and admitted the army at twilight itself.

Mox exercitus urbem implevit. Portae etiam ne quis aufugeret, custodibus adhibitis pervasae sunt. Alii itaque personabant bucinis, alii vocibus fremebant, alii armorum sonitu tumultuabantur.

Soon the army filled the city. The gates too, lest anyone flee, with guards posted, were overrun. Others therefore were resounding with bugles, others were roaring with their voices, others were making tumult with the sound of arms.

Unde cives territi, utpote qui ignorabant quid esset, et de domibus ebullientes, profugio se eripere conabantur. Quorum alii aecclesiarum secretis se occultabant, alii diversis latibulis se claudebant; alii vero saltu se de muris praecipitabant. Quorum unus episcopus, cum per declivia montis jam elapsus, et in vineis ab observatoribus repertus esset, Karolo deductus est, et ab eo carcere detrusus.

Whence the citizens, terrified, inasmuch as they did not know what it was, and boiling out of their houses, were trying to snatch themselves away by flight. Of whom some hid themselves in the secret places of the churches, others shut themselves up in diverse lurking-places; others indeed by a leap were precipitating themselves from the walls. One of whom, a bishop, when he had already slipped down along the declivities of the mountain and had been found in the vineyards by the observers, was led to Charles and by him was detruded into prison.

Emmam quoque reginam, cujus instinctu sese repulsum a fratre arbitrabatur, ibi comprehendit, eique custodes adhibuit. Reliquam etiam urbis nobilitatem pene totam pervasit.

He also apprehended Queen Emma there, at whose instigation he supposed himself to have been repulsed by his brother, and he set guards upon her. He likewise overran almost the whole of the city’s remaining nobility.

17. Postquam sedatis tumultibus civitas tranquilla reddita est, Karolus de urbis munitione, et militum victu, deliberare atque ordinare coepit. Deputavit ergo vigiles quingentenos, qui noctibus singulis armati excubias per urbem et moenia exercerent. Annonam etiam ex toto pago Veromandensi advehi jussit.

17. After the tumults were calmed and the city rendered tranquil, Charles began to deliberate about the fortification of the city and the victuals of the soldiers, and to ordain them. He therefore deputed watchmen, five hundred in number, who, armed, would keep watch each night throughout the city and along the walls. He also ordered the grain-supply to be brought in from the whole district of Vermandois.

Et sic urbem ad resistendum munivit. Nam turrim quae adhuc muris humilibus perstabat, pinnis eminentibus exstruxit, fossisque patentibus circumquaque vallavit. Machinas etiam hostibus effecit.

And thus he fortified the city for resistance. For the tower, which still stood with low walls, he built up with prominent battlements, and with open ditches he encircled it on every side. He also constructed engines against the enemy.

Necnon et ligna advectantur, machinis educendis idonea. Valli quoque exacuuntur, cratesque contexuntur. Nec minus fabri accersiuntur, qui missilia fabricent, ac quaeque necessaria ferro instaurent.

And likewise timbers are conveyed in, suitable for bringing out engines. Stakes also are sharpened, and hurdles are woven together. No less are craftsmen summoned, to fabricate missiles, and to furnish with iron whatever things are necessary.

Nec defuere qui tanta subtilitatis arte balistas emittant, ut apothecam in recta diametro duplici foramine patentem, certo jactu trajiciant, aves quoque in aere volantes, indubitato ictu impeterent, transfixasque de sublimi praecipitarent.

Nor were there lacking those who, with such an art of subtlety, would discharge the ballistae that they would, with a sure cast, shoot through a storehouse lying open in a straight diameter with a double aperture; they would also assail birds flying in the air with an indubitable strike, and, transfixed, hurl them headlong from on high.

18. Impetus Hugonis in Karolum. Quae dum aguntur regum auribus delata sunt. Qui vehementissime moti, non tamen praecipiti impetu, sed ut in omnibus solebant, super hoc diligentissime consultaverunt; utcumque etiam cordis dolorem dissimulabant.

18. The onset of Hugh against Charles. While these things are being done, they were conveyed to the ears of the kings. They, most vehemently moved, yet not with precipitate impetus, but as they were wont in all things, consulted most diligently about this; they even, somehow, dissimulated the pain of their heart.

Legatos quaquaversum dirigunt. Gallos quos hinc Matrona, inde abluit Garunna, contra tirannum invitant. Quibus in unum coactis cum exercitum collegissent, deliberabant an urbem aggressi expugnarent antequam ab hostibus amplioribus copiis muniretur, et expugnata tirannum confoderent, eo quod si is solummodo captus aut occisus foret, mox sese regnum quiete habituros, an cum benivolentia susciperent supplicem, si forte is se supplicem conferret, et dono regum se posse tenere res pervasas exposceret.

They dispatch legates everywhere. They invite the Gauls whom the Matrona on this side, and the Garunna on that, washes, against the tyrant. When these had been gathered into one and they had mustered an army, they deliberated whether, having attacked the city, they should expugn it before it was fortified by the enemies with ampler forces, and, once it was taken, should stab the tyrant through—on the ground that, if he alone were captured or slain, they would soon have the kingdom in quiet—or whether they should with benevolence receive him as a suppliant, if perchance he should betake himself as a suppliant, and should demand, by the kings’ gift, that he be able to hold the usurped possessions.

At qui acrioris animi et constantioris fuere, censebant fore obsidioni incombendum; hostes urgendos; regionem etiam quam pervaserant, igne penitus consumendam. Collectis itaque sex milibus equitum, in hostem vadunt. Tempore statuto urbem appetunt; obsidionem disponunt; castrisque loca metati, fossis et aggeribus vallant.

But those who were of a keener and more constant spirit judged that a siege must be pressed; that the enemies must be urged hard; that even the region which they had overrun ought to be utterly consumed by fire. Therefore, with six thousand cavalry collected, they go against the enemy. At the appointed time they attack the city; they set the siege in order; and, having measured out places for the camp, they fortify it with ditches and ramparts.

19. Ubi cum diebus multis resederint, nihil virium, nihil damnationis in hostes exerere valuerunt; tanta eminentia et laterum objectione urbs inexpugnabilis erat. Dies etiam autumnales breviore circulo ducti, his exercitiis non sufficiebant. Noctes quoque prolixae, multo sui tempore vigiles afficiebant.

19. When they had settled for many days, they were able to exert nothing of force, nothing of damage against the enemies; by so great an eminence and by the interposition of its flanks the city was inexpugnable. The autumnal days also, drawn in a shorter circuit, were not sufficient for these exercises. The nights likewise, prolonged, were afflicting the vigils for much of their time.

Unde cum primatibus consilio habito, redeunt, post vernali tempore redituri. Quibus abductis, Karolus urbem circumquaque perambulat. Sicubi etiam hostibus facilis locus patet, explorat.

Whence, a council having been held with the primates, they return, intending to return again in the springtime. When these had been withdrawn, Charles perambulates the city on every side. Wherever even a place lies open and easy for the enemies, he explores it.

Obstruit itaque portas, hostium ingressui faciles. Obturat postica post domos latentia. Restaurat muros vetustate lapsos.

Accordingly he obstructs the gates, easy for the enemy’s ingress. He stops up the posterns lying hidden behind the houses. He restores the walls, collapsed through age.

Turrim quoque potioribus edificiis intra et extra dilatat ac firmat.

He also enlarges and strengthens the tower, within and without, with superior edifices.

20. Profugium episcopi. In quam episcopus detrusus, cum in conclavi teneretur, funibus per fenestram demissus, tempore nocturno equo vectus aufugit. Et ut se Karolo non favisse monstraret, ad reges sese contulit, et a tanta suspitione purgavit.

20. The bishop’s flight. Into which the bishop, while he was being held in a conclave, having been let down by ropes through a window, fled away, mounted on a horse by night. And, in order to show that he had not favored Charles, he betook himself to the kings and purged himself of so great a suspicion.

Arbitrabatur enim quasdam conjecturas posse a calumniatoribus confingi, acsi ipse capiendi oportunitatem parasset. Qui susceptus a rege, utpote fidelitatis exsecutor, non minore gratia habitus est.

For he was thinking that certain conjectures could be fabricated by calumniators, as if he himself had prepared an opportunity for capture. He, received by the king, as the executor of fidelity, was held in no lesser favor.

21. (989.) Interea rigore hiemali elapso, cum aere mitiori ver rebus arrideret, et prata atque campos virescere faceret, reges exercitu collecto urbem praedictam cum octo milibus aggressi sunt. Castra inprimis aggere et fossa muniunt. Inde exstruitur aries, muris frangendis obnisurus.

21. (989.) Meanwhile, the winter rigor having elapsed, when spring, with a milder air, smiled upon affairs and made the meadows and fields grow green, the kings, the army having been collected, assailed the aforesaid city with eight thousand men. First they fortify the camp with a rampart and a ditch. Then a battering-ram is constructed, about to press on for breaking the walls.

22. Compositio arietis. Cujus machinam ex quatuor mirae grossitudinis et longitudinis trabibus longilatero scemate erexerunt, in cacumine, et basi, per quatuor latera repagulis transverse annexis; in medio vero solummodo levum latus et dextrum ligna transmissa habuere. At super trabium erectarum superiores commissuras, longurios duos straverunt, inmotosque effecerunt, partem tertiam superioris spatii trabium in medio obtinentes.

22. The composition of the ram. Its machine they erected out of four beams of marvelous thickness and length, in an oblong schema, with bars fastened transversely at the summit and at the base along the four sides; but in the middle only the left side and the right had timbers set across. And upon the upper joints of the upright beams they laid two long poles and made them immobile, occupying in the middle one third of the upper space of the beams.

A quibus longuriis funes implicitos deposuerunt. Funibus quoque trabem cum ferrato capite multae grossitudinis suspenderunt. Cui etiam trabi in medio et extremo funes alligatos adhibuerunt; qui a multitudine tracti et remissi, ferratae moli motum darent.

From those long-poles they let down ropes that had been entwined upon them. By the ropes as well they suspended a beam with an iron-clad head of great thickness. To this beam also they applied ropes tied at the middle and at the end; which, drawn and released by the multitude, would give motion to the iron-clad mass.

Unde et hujusmodi machina quia more arietis retro tracta, ante cum impetu ruit, aries appellatur; cujuscumque soliditatis muris frangendis aptissimus. Quam etiam machinam super tres rotas triangulo scemate positam aptaverunt, quo facilius obliquata, quocumque oporteret verti valeret. At quia urbis situs accedere prohibuit, eo quod ipsa urbs in eminenti montis cacumine eminet, aries fabricatus cessit.

Whence also this kind of machine, because after the manner of a ram, when drawn back, it rushes forward with impetus, is called a “ram”; most apt for breaking walls of whatever solidity. This machine too they fitted, set upon three wheels in a triangular schema, so that, more easily set at an oblique, it might be able to be turned wherever it was required. But because the site of the city forbade an approach, in that the city itself stands out on the eminent summit of a mountain, the fabricated ram yielded.

23. Digressio Hugonis cum exercitu a Lauduno. Post haec cum per dies plurimos in obsidione urbis vigiliis et curis, pugnisque frequentibus laboravissent, die quadam custodibus castrorum vino somnoque aggravatis, urbani vino exhilarati cum armis ad castra pedestres venerunt (Aug.). Equites vero consequenter armati subsecuti sunt, rei eventum praestolantes, ut si pugnae locus adesset, prosperaque fortuna felicem annueret eventum, cum hoste comminus confligerent. Cum ergo pedites jam castris propinquassent, custodesque consopitos intellexissent, faces castris immisere.

23. The departure of Hugh with the army from Laon. After these things, when for very many days in the siege of the city they had toiled with vigils and cares, and with frequent combats, on a certain day, the guards of the camp, weighed down by wine and sleep, while the townsmen, exhilarated by wine, came armed to the camp on foot (Aug.). The horsemen, moreover, consequently armed, followed after, awaiting the event of the affair, so that, if an occasion for battle were at hand, and favorable fortune should nod assent to a happy event, they might engage at close quarters with the enemy. When therefore the foot-soldiers had now drawn near to the camp, and had perceived the guards were fast asleep, they hurled torches into the camp.

Quorum incendii fumo aer densatus, non solum intuentium visibus tetra nigredine obstabat, at gravi vapore narium et faucium meatus intercludebat. Pedites mox vociferari, clangere milites cepere. Rex et qui cum eo erant elementorum confusione multoque virorum clamore et tubarum clangore turbati, ab urbe sedes mutavere.

By the smoke of that conflagration the air, having been thickened, not only obstructed the sight of the onlookers with a foul blackness, but also shut off the passages of the nostrils and throats with a heavy vapor. The foot-soldiers soon began to vociferate, the soldiers to clang. The king and those who were with him, disturbed by the confusion of the elements and by the great clamor of men and the blare of trumpets, shifted their quarters away from the city.

Nam castra cum cibis et rebus omnibus absumpta videbat. Unde exercitum ad tempus reducere disposuit, ut reditum amplioribus copiis post appararet. Quae omnia Augusti tempore patrata sunt.

For he saw that the camp, along with the food and all supplies, had been consumed. Whence he resolved to withdraw the army for a time, so that afterward he might prepare a return with more ample forces. All these things were accomplished in the month of August.

24. Obitus Adalberonis metropolitani. His ita gestis non multo post metropolitanus in egritudinem decidens, quae a Grecis causon a Latinis incendium dicitur, per legatos regi tunc Parisii commoranti indicavit, sese in gravem valitudinem decidisse; unde et ei maturandum, ne Karolus qui cetera Remos etiam pervaderet. Rex, accitis qui aderant, mox ire disposuit.

24. The death of Adalbero the metropolitan. With these things thus done, not long after the metropolitan, falling into sickness—which by the Greeks is called causon, by the Latins “incendium”—through envoys made known to the king, then staying at Paris, that he had fallen into grievous ill‑health; wherefore he too should make haste, lest Charles, who had seized the rest, should also overrun Reims. The king, having called in those who were at hand, soon resolved to go.

Quo in itinere aliquantisper tardante, cum metropolitanus insomnietate simulque et mentis alienatione nimium vexaretur, nullaque crisi omnes dies creticos huic egritudini commodos praeteriret, dissolutis elementis debitum humanitatis X Kal. Febr. exsolvit (990, Jan.

While that journey was somewhat delayed, since the metropolitan was excessively tormented by insomnia and likewise by alienation of mind, and with no crisis passing through all the critical days suitable to this sickness, with his elements dissolved he paid the debt of humanity on the 10th day before the Kalends of February (January 23) (990, Jan.

23). Qua die rex tempestivus adventans, urbe receptus est. In exsequiis etiam pontificis, plurima commiseratione condoluit. Nec vero sine lacrimis aliquot de eo querimonias habuit; corpus quoque multo honore sepulturae dedit.

23). On which day the king, arriving seasonably, was received into the city. At the pontiff’s exequies as well, he condoled with very great commiseration. Nor indeed without tears did he have several querimonies about him; he also consigned the body to burial with much honor.

Cives domino destitutos, mira benivolentia solatus est. Qui de fidelitate regi servanda et urbe tuenda interrogati, fidem jurant, urbis tuitionem pollicentur. Quibus sacramento astrictis, eisque libertate eligendi domini quem vellent ab rege concessa, rex ab eis dimotus Parisium devenit.

He consoled the citizens, destitute of a lord, with wondrous benevolence. They, when questioned concerning fidelity to be kept to the king and the city to be defended, swear fealty, and promise the city’s defense. When these were bound by oath, and with the liberty of choosing whatever lord they wished granted to them by the king, the king, having withdrawn from them, came to Paris.

25. Quomodo Arnulfus archiepiscopatum petiit. Ubi cum de liberalitate et fide civium Remensium laetus moraretur, Arnulfus Lotharii filius per quosdam regis stipatores ab rege episcopatum expetebat, Karolum quoque patruum sese deserturum mandat, fidem spondet; regisque injuriam ulturum; contra hostes etiam regis plurima nisurum: urbem Laudunum ab hostibus pervasam, in brevi redditurum. Regii stipatores laetati, episcopatum petenti quam cito dari suadent, regi nil perditurum asserentes, si sibi militaturo et fidem servaturo quod petit largiatur.

25. How Arnulf sought the archiepiscopate. While he was gladly lingering there because of the liberality and fidelity of the citizens of Reims, Arnulf, son of Lothar, through certain of the king’s bodyguards was seeking from the king the episcopate; he sends word that he will also desert his uncle Charles, he pledges fidelity; and that he will avenge the king’s injury; that he will also strive much against the king’s enemies: that he will shortly restore the city of Laon, overrun by the enemies. The royal bodyguards, rejoicing, advise that the episcopate be given as quickly as possible to the petitioner, asserting that the king would lose nothing if he should grant what is asked to one who will soldier for him and keep faith.

Multo etiam sibi profuturum, si id faciat, quod cum factum sit, omnium salutem affectet. Rex eorum suasionibus adquiescens, Remos devenit, civibus hanc petitionem ostensurus, ne malefidae sponsionis teneretur obnoxius.

That it would be much to his own profit as well, if he should do this, which, once done, would aim at the safety of all. The king, acquiescing in their persuasions, came to Reims, intending to show this petition to the citizens, lest he be held liable—bound by a bad‑faith pledge.

26. Oratio regis ad cives Remenses. Et omnibus accersitis, sic locutus ait: Quoniam fidei exsecutores vos probavi, nec me a fide alienum experiemini. Cum enim sit fides, cum quod dicitur fit, quia vos id fecisse perspitio, et me penitus observasse idem fateor.

26. The king’s oration to the citizens of Reims. And with all having been summoned, he spoke thus: Since I have proved you executors of fidelity, neither will you find me alien from faith. For indeed there is faith when what is said is done, since I perceive that you have done that, and I confess that I likewise have observed it thoroughly.

Arnulfus divae memoriae Lotharii ex concubina filius, hujus sedis dignitatem per aliquos qui mihi assistunt expetiit; quicquid nobis nuper derogatum est se restituturum pollicitus; necnon et contra hostes multa moliturum. Cujus promissiones et fidem, ad vestrum contuli examinanda juditium, ut aut vestro approbetur examine, aut improbetur. Ille petitionibus instat.

Arnulf, son of Lothar of blessed memory by a concubine, has sought the dignity of this see through certain persons who assist me, promising to restore whatever has recently been derogated from us, and also to undertake many measures against the enemies. Whose promises and good faith I have referred to your judgment for examination, that by your review it may either be approved or disapproved. He presses his petitions.

Potestatis vestrae sit, utrum quod petit accipiat. Nec vero in quoquam ei a me fautum est. Nihil etiam deliberatum.

Let it be within your power whether he receives what he asks. Nor indeed has he in any way been favored by me. Nothing has even been deliberated.

Quicquid id foret, utile duxi ad vestram deferri debere censuram, ut si honestum fiat, vobis utilitatem et mihi gloriam comparet. Si autem pernitiosum, ego quidem nullius perfidiae, nullius doli, nullius fallatiae penitus arguar. Vos vero aut suffecti doli falsam opinionem cum doloso subibitis, aut si non, in desertorem manus assidue exseretis.

Whatever it might be, I judged it useful that it be referred to your censure, so that, if it prove honest, it may procure utility for you and glory for me. But if it be pernicious, I, for my part, may be thoroughly cleared of any perfidy, any deceit, any fallacy. You, moreover, will either, being suffused with the trickster’s dolus, incur a false opinion along with the deceitful man; or, if not, you will assiduously stretch out hands against the deserter.

27. Responsio civium ad regem. Ad haec cives: Cum, inquiunt, vestrae majestatis dono, eligendi domini optio nobis data sit, multa fide, multo ingenio enitendum est, ut et regiae dignitatis derogatio nulla fiat, et nos falsae criminationis notam, cusamque futuri incommodi vitemus. Arnulfus quem paulo ante memoratum audivimus, a nobis nuper idem expoposcit; plurima fide si hoc fiat regis commoda sese exsecuturum pollicens; erga cives non modicam benivolentiam habiturum.

27. Response of the citizens to the king. To this the citizens: Since, they say, by the gift of your majesty, the option of choosing a lord has been given to us, we must strive with much good faith and much ingenuity, so that no derogation of royal dignity be made, and that we avoid the mark of false crimination and the cause of future inconvenience. Arnulf, whom we heard mentioned a little before, has lately demanded the same from us; promising, with very great good faith, that, if this be done, he would further the king’s interests; that he would have no small benevolence toward the citizens.

Sed quia ejus utpote adolescentis mores affectusque incertos habemus, nostras solummodo rationes non sufficere ad haec arbitramur. Adsint ergo qui vobis id suadent. Conferamus utrimque rationes.

But since we, as in the case of an adolescent, find his manners and affections uncertain, we judge that our reasons alone do not suffice for this. Therefore let those be present who are urging this upon you. Let us compare the reasons on both sides.

Dicat quid quisque potius cogitet; quid potissimum, ne abscondat; ut et ex honesto gloria sit communis, et ex pernitiae incommodum aeque patiamur.

Let each declare what he rather thinks; let him not conceal what he most of all thinks; so that both from what is honorable the glory may be common, and from ruin we may equally endure the disadvantage.

28. Promotio Arnulfi. Rex civium sententiam adprobat, ut coram deliberent jubet. Rationes coram dispositae sunt.

28. The promotion of Arnulf. The king approves the citizens’ opinion, and orders that they deliberate in person. The arguments were set forth in person.

Arnulfum itaque si quod spondet faciat, dignum summo sacerdotio asserunt. Itaque vocatus, et ante regem admissus est. Qui de fide habenda erga regem sciscitatus, ad omnium vota modestissime respondit.

Accordingly, they assert that Arnulf, if he should do what he pledges, is worthy of the highest priesthood. Thus he was summoned and admitted before the king. And when questioned about the faith to be held toward the king, he answered with the utmost modesty to the wishes of all.

Ad coenobium ergo monachorum sancti Remigii quod ab urbe uno miliario situm est, ubi ordinatio episcoporum ex antiquo habenda est, a rege et primatibus deductus est. Ubi rex cum suorum medius resideret, post consilia apud suos secessim habita, liberali eloquio sic affatus est: Divae memoriae Ludovico Lotharii filio orbi subtracto, si proles superfuisset, eam sibi successisse dignum foret. Quia vero regiae generationi successio nulla est, idque omnibus ita fore patet, vestri caeterorumque principum, eorum etiam qui in militari ordine potiores erant optione assumptus, praemineo.

Therefore to the coenobium of the monks of Saint Remigius, which is situated one mile from the city, where the ordination of bishops is, from ancient times, to be held, he was escorted by the king and the primates. There, when the king sat in the midst of his own men, after counsels had been held apart among his own, with gracious eloquence he spoke thus: With Louis, son of Lothar, of blessed memory, withdrawn from the world, if issue had survived, it would have been fitting that it should have succeeded to him. But since there is no succession for the royal lineage, and it is clear to all that this is so, by the choice of you and of the other princes, and even of those who were preeminent in the military order, having been taken up, I stand pre-eminent.

Nunc vero quoniam ex linea regali hic unde sermo est solus superfuit, ne tanti patris nomen adhuc oblivione fuscetur, hunc superstitem alicujus dignitatis honore expoposcistis donari. Si ergo fidei servandae jus polliceatur, urbis tuitionem spondeat, hostibus etiam in nullo sese communicaturum, immo illos impetiturum promittat, vestri juditii censura concedere ei episcopatum non pigebit; ita tamen ut secundum prudentium ordinationem, sacramenti auctoritate mihi conexus sit.

Now indeed, since from the royal line this man who is the subject of our discourse alone has survived, lest the name of so great a father be still darkened by oblivion, you have requested that this survivor be endowed with the honor of some dignity. If therefore he should pledge the right of keeping faith, let him promise the tutelage of the city, that he will in no way communicate or associate himself with the enemies, nay rather promise that he will assail them, the censure of your judgment will not be reluctant to grant him the episcopate; yet on this condition, that according to the ordination of the prudent, by the authority of the sacrament (oath) he be bound to me.

29. Cirographi scriptum. Et ut penitus mentis conceptum aperiam, post jurationis sacramentum, cirographum ab eo scribendum puto. In quo maledictionis anathema habeatur hujusmodi, quod ei impraecetur pro felicibus contumeliosa, pro salutaribus pernitiosa, pro honestis turpia, pro diuturnitate punctum, pro honore contemptum, et, ut totum concludatur, pro omnibus bonis omnia mala.

29. The writing of the chirograph. And, that I may lay open fully the conception of my mind, after the sacrament of the oath, I think a chirograph should be written by him. In which let there be contained an anathema of malediction of this sort, that it may imprecate upon him, instead of happy things, contumelious things; instead of salutary things, pernicious things; instead of honorable things, base things; instead of long duration, a moment; instead of honor, contempt; and, to conclude the whole, instead of all good things, all evils.

Quod etiam bipertitum fieri placet. Alterum mihi sibi alterum concedatur. Quandoque etiam hoc illi calumnias ingeret, si turpiter a fide declinet.

Which also it is pleasing to be made bipartite. Let one be granted to me, the other to himself. At some time even this would bring calumnies upon him, if he should shamefully decline from the faith.

Hac promulgata sententia, id ita faciendum ab omnibus laudatum est. Procedit itaque Arnulfus coram. Si id inventum laudet, consulitur.

With this sentence promulgated, the doing of it thus was lauded by all. Accordingly Arnulf proceeds before them. He is consulted whether he lauds that invention.

An sic suscipiat quod petit, sciscitatur. Ille honoris cupidus, inventum laudat. Sese sic posse suscipere asseverat.

He inquires whether he should thus undertake what he seeks. He, desirous of honor, praises the invention. He asseverates that he can thus undertake it.

Jussus itaque cirographum bipertitum notavit. Regi alterum, alterum sibi servavit.

Therefore, being ordered, he noted a bipartite chirograph. One for the king, the other he preserved for himself.

30. Eukaristia causa perditionis data. Quod cum regi penitus sufficeret, episcopis tamen, ut fertur, non satis id visum est, nisi illud etiam adderetur, ut in missarum celebratione eukaristiam a sacerdote sumeret, eamque perditionis causam sibi imprecando coram optaret, si fidem violando unquam desertor fieret. Quod et factum fuit.

30. The Eucharist given as a cause of perdition. Although this fully sufficed for the king, nevertheless, as it is said, it did not seem enough to the bishops, unless this also were added: that, in the celebration of the Masses, he should receive the Eucharist from the priest, and, by imprecating it in public as a cause of perdition upon himself, should wish this, if by violating the faith he should ever become a deserter. Which also was done.

Nam sacerdos inter celebrandum, eukaristiam optulit, et ille consequenter sumpsit, atque ad juditium sibi fieri optavit, si ullo modo fidei violator existeret. Quod tandem regi et primatibus fidem fecit.

For the priest, during the celebration, offered the Eucharist, and he accordingly received it, and wished that it be made unto judgment for himself, if in any way he should prove a violator of the faith. This at last gave assurance to the king and the primates.

31. Reprehensio de eodem. Nonnullis tamen quorum mens purgatior erat nefarium et contra fidei jus id creditum est. Ejus modi enim naturae hominem esse aiebant, ut facile per sese corrumpatur in se, amplius vero impulsionibus ad flagitium extrinsecus posse pertrahi.

31. Reprehension concerning the same. Nevertheless, by some whose mind was more purged it was believed that this was nefarious and contrary to the law of faith. For they said that man is of such a nature that he is easily corrupted in himself by himself, and even more can be drawn by impulses from without into shameful crime.

Asserebant quoque ex decretis patrum, et canonum scriptis, neque invitum ad eucaristiam impellendum, neque eucaristiam perditionis causa cuiquam offerendam, cum redemptionis gratia et petentibus offerendam, et invitis negandam credendum sit. Indignum etiam videri panem angelorum et hominum temere indignis dari, cum ipsa Divinitas et immundos abhorreat, et puros mira Divinitas et immundos abhorreat, et puros mira parcitate foveat, juxta quod scriptum est: Spiritus sanctus disciplinae effugiet fictum, et auferet se a cogitationibus quae sunt sine intellectu, et corripietur a superveniente iniquitate (Sap. I, 5). Ab episcopis ergo Remorum dioceseos ordinatus Arnulfus et sacerdotalibus infulis decenter insignitus est.

They also asserted, from the decrees of the Fathers and the writings of the canons, that neither is one unwilling to be driven to the Eucharist, nor is the Eucharist to be offered to anyone for a cause of perdition, since it is to be believed that it is to be offered with the grace of redemption to those who ask, and denied to the unwilling. It also seems unworthy that the bread of angels and of men be rashly given to the unworthy, since Divinity itself abhors the unclean, and fosters the pure with wondrous sparingness, according to what is written: The Holy Spirit of discipline will flee the feigned, and will withdraw himself from thoughts that are without understanding, and will be reproved by iniquity coming in (Wisdom 1, 5). Therefore by the bishops of the diocese of the Remi Arnulf was ordained and was becomingly marked with sacerdotal fillets.

Nec multo post, a papa Romano missum apostolicae auctoritatis pallium sumpsit.

Not long after, he received the pallium of apostolic authority, sent by the Roman pope.

32. Quod amplius justo Karolum Arnulfus dilexerit. Qui cum ex tanta dignitate procederet insignis, illud tamen infortunii genus arbitrabatur, quod ipse superstes de patrio genere nullum praeter Karolum habebat. Miserrimum quoque sibi videri, si is honore frustraretur, in quo solo spes restituendi genus paternum sita foret.

32. That Arnulf loved Charles more than was just. Who, though he went forth distinguished by so great a dignity, yet deemed this a kind of misfortune: that he, surviving, had no one of his paternal line except Charles. It also seemed to him a most wretched thing, if he should be frustrated of honor, in whom alone the hope of restoring the paternal line was set.

Patruo itaque miserescebat; illum cogitabat, illum colebat, illum pro parentibus carissimum habebat. Apud quem collato consilio, querebat quonam modo in culmen honoris illum provehere posset, sic tamen ut ipse regis desertor non appareret.

Therefore he was moved to pity for his paternal uncle; he thought of him, he cherished him, he held him as dearest in place of parents. With him, counsel having been conferred, he was seeking by what way he could promote him to the summit of honor, yet in such a manner that he himself would not appear a deserter of the king.

33. Remorum captio. Cujus rei rationem sic fieri arbitrabatur, ut statueretur tempus, quo primates quot posset, in urbe acsi aliquid magnum ordinaturus ipse colligeret. Tunc etiam Karolus per noctis silentia cum exercitu ad portas urbis adveniret.

33. The capture of Reims. He judged the plan of this matter to be carried out thus: that a time be fixed, at which he himself would gather in the city the primates, as many as he could, as if about to arrange something great. Then also Charles, in the silence of night, would arrive with an army at the gates of the city.

Nec tunc deesset qui exercitui irruenti portas panderet, juratus secreti fidem. Exercitus intromissus urbem invaderet, atque sese cum primatibus collectis comprehenderet, vim inferret, ac ergastulo detruderet. Itaque factum foret, ut et regia potestas infirmaretur, et patruo virtus dominandi augesceret, nec ipse desertor videretur.

Nor then would there be lacking someone to throw open the gates to the onrushing army, sworn to the pledge of secrecy. The army, once admitted, would invade the city, and would seize him together with the gathered primates (chief men), would inflict force, and would thrust him into a dungeon. And thus it would have come to pass that both the regal power would be enfeebled, and for his paternal uncle the power of dominion would increase, nor would he himself seem a deserter.

Quod et effectum habuit.

Which also took effect.

34. G. et V. comites, atque alios viros consulares invitat. Quiddam magnum sese ordinaturum mandat: unde et multum eis maturandum. Illi sine dilatione advenerunt, in obsequio domini paratissimos se demonstrantes.

34. He invites the counts G. and V., and other consular men. He gives word that he is going to arrange something great: whence they too must make great haste. They arrived without delay, showing themselves most ready in the obedience of the lord.

Arnulfus alia pro aliis dans, quod vere molitur penitus dissimulat. Ad quid potius intendat, omnes ignorant. Uni tantum de cujus taciturnitate et fide non diffidebat, id totum credulus commisit.

Arnulf, giving one thing for another, thoroughly dissimulates what he truly contrives. What he chiefly intends, all are ignorant of. To only one—whose taciturnity and fidelity he did not mistrust—he credulously committed the whole.

Qua nocte Karolus intromitendus esset aperuit; et ut tunc portarum claves a suo cervicali tolleret, urbemque armatis aperiret, jussit. Nec multo post, nox cui hoc debebatur flagitium, affuit. Karolus cum exercitu tempore deputato ad portas urbis nocturnus affuit.

He disclosed on which night Charles was to be introduced; and he ordered that then he take the keys of the gates from beneath his pillow, and open the city to the armed men. And not long after, the night to which this flagitious deed was owed arrived. Charles, with the army, at the deputed time was present by night at the city’s gates.

Algerus presbyter sic enim vocabatur introrsum cum clavibus se praesentem habuit. A quo mox portae patefactae sunt, exercitusque intromissus. Urbs quoque a praedonibus direpta et spoliata.

Algerus the presbyter—for thus he was called—was present inside with the keys. By whom soon the gates were thrown open, and the army was admitted. The city too was sacked and despoiled by the brigands.

35. Arnulfi suorumque captio. Unde cum clamor per urbem fieret, tumultusque discurrentium cives incautos excitaret, Arnulfus aeque turbatum clamore sese simulat. Et fingens metum, turrim petiit atque conscendit.

35. The capture of Arnulf and his men. Whereupon, when a clamor was arising through the city, and the tumult of those running about was rousing the unwary citizens, Arnulf likewise feigns himself disturbed by the clamor. And, feigning fear, he made for a tower and ascended it.

Quem comites secuti, post se ostia obseravere. Karolus Arnulfum perquirens nec reperiens, ubinam lateret scrutabatur. Cui cum proderetur in turris cacumine latere, ostio mox custodes adhibuit.

Whom his companions followed, they barred the doors behind them. Charles, searching out Arnulf and not finding him, was scrutinizing where he might lie hidden. When it was betrayed to him that he was hiding on the summit of the tower, he at once stationed guards at the door.

Et quoniam nec cibum nec arma ante congesserant, Karolo cedunt, atque a turri egressi sunt.

And since they had gathered neither food nor arms beforehand, they yield to Charles, and they went out from the tower.

36. Comprehensique et Laudunum ducti, custodibus deputati sunt. Karolo redeunte et fidem ab eis querente, unanimiter refragantur. Odium ergo utrimque simulant; pium affectum nullo modo produnt.

36. Apprehended and led to Laon, they were deputed to guards. With Charles returning and seeking fealty from them, they unanimously refuse. Therefore they simulate hatred on both sides; they in no way betray their pious affection.

Ab utroque querimonia nonnulla simulabatur, eo quod alter desertor, alter invasor alterius ab utroque enuntiaretur. Tandem Arnulfus sacramento fidem faciens, libertate potitus est et ad sua reversus. Karolo exinde in omnibus favit.

From both sides some complaint was feigned, for the reason that by both the one was denounced as a deserter, the other as an invader of the other. At length Arnulf, making good his faith by a sacrament (oath), obtained liberty and returned to his own. Thenceforward he favored Charles in all things.

Jus quoque fidei, regi servandum, penitus abrupit. G. et V. per dies aliquot carcere detrusi, non multo post sacramento astricti, redire permissi sunt. Karolus ergo, felici successu insignis, Remorum metropolim cum Lauduno, ac Suesionis, earumque oppidis optinuit.

He also utterly broke the right of fealty, to be kept to the king. G. and V., thrust into prison for several days, not long after, bound by oath, were permitted to return. Therefore Charles, distinguished by happy success, secured the metropolis of the Remi together with Laon and Soissons, and their towns.

37. Impetus Hugonis. Nec defuit qui id ad regis aures perferrent. Qua rex contumelia perstrictus quid inde agendum foret sciscitabatur.

37. The onrush of Hugh. Nor was there a lack of those who would convey this to the king’s ears. By which contumely stung, the king inquired what ought to be done therefrom.

Comperitque non precibus, non donis, sed viribus et armis invocata Divinitate hoc esse labefactandum. Sex milia itaque militum collegit in tirannum ire disponens; obsidionem ei adhibere cupiens, si copiae sibi sufficiant; et si ei felix adsit fortuna, tandiu id committere volens, donec aut armis aut inedia hostem praecipitet. Proficiscitur ergo magnanimis.

And he found that this must be made to totter not by prayers, not by gifts, but by forces and arms, with Divinity invoked. Therefore he gathered six thousand soldiers, planning to go against the tyrant; wishing to apply a siege to him, if his forces should suffice; and, if favorable Fortune should be present to him, willing to undertake it until he should precipitate the enemy either by arms or by starvation. Therefore he sets out magnanimously.

Et per terram unde annonam hostes asportabant, exercitum duxit. Quam etiam penitus depopulatus combussit; sic efferatus, ut nec tugurium saltem deliranti anui relinqueret. Post animo praecipiti exercitum in hostem retorquens, obsidionem adhibere nitebatur.

And through the land whence the enemies were carrying off the annona, he led the army. This, too, having utterly depopulated it, he burned; so savage that he did not leave even a hut to a delirious old woman. Afterward, with a precipitate spirit, turning the army back upon the enemy, he strove to apply a siege.

Karolus cum ante sibi copias parasset, venienti resistere viriliter conabatur. Quatuor milia etenim pugnatorum Lauduni collegerat animoque firmaverat, ut si non impeteretur, quiesceret; et resisteret, si urgeretur.

Charles, since he had beforehand prepared forces for himself, was striving manfully to resist the one coming. For he had gathered 4,000 fighters at Laon and had made it firm in his mind that, if he were not assailed, he would keep quiet; and he would resist, if he were pressed.

38. Exercitus tripertito ordinatur. Rex interea exercitum inducens, Karoli legionem ordinatam pugnatum videt. Exercitum ergo tripertito dividit, ne multus exercitus, mole sui gravatus, propriis viribus frustraretur.

38. The army is ordered in three parts. Meanwhile the king, leading the army in, sees Charles’s legion arranged for battle. Therefore he divides the army threefold, lest the numerous army, weighed down by its own bulk, be frustrated by its own forces.

Tres itaque acies constituit, primam belli primos impetus inituram; secundam quae labenti succurreret, viresque referret; tertiam vero spoliis eripiendis ordinavit. Quibus sic divisis et ordinatis, prima acies signis erectis congressura cum rege incedebat; reliquae duae locis constitutis paratae succurrere opperiebantur.

Therefore he constituted three battle-lines: the first to enter the first onsets of war; the second to succor the one slipping and to bring back strength; but the third he arrayed for snatching the spoils. With these thus divided and ordered, the first line, with standards raised, was advancing, about to engage with the king; the remaining two, stationed in appointed places, were awaiting, ready to succor.

39. Karolus cum quatuor milibus obvius procedit, summam Divinitatem invocans ut ab innumeris paucos protegat; multitudini non fidendum, et paucitati non diffidendum demonstret. Quem incedentem Arnulfus comitabatur suos adhortans, ut animo forti starent. Ordinati et indivisi procederent.

39. Charles advances to meet with four thousand, invoking the Highest Divinity to protect the few from the innumerable; to demonstrate that trust is not to be placed in the multitude, and that one should not despair of the paucity. Arnulf was accompanying him as he advanced, exhorting his men to stand with a stout spirit. Let them proceed ordered and undivided.

De victoria a Deo nullo modo diffiderent. Si viriliter invocato Deo starent. cum multa gloria et fama victoriam in brevi adepturos.

Let them in no way distrust concerning the victory from God. If they should stand manfully, with God invoked. with much glory and fame to obtain the victory in a short time.

Processit exercitus uterque, donec alter alterum in prospectu haberet; et sic uterque fixus herebat. Utrimque non mediocriter dubitatum est, cum Karolus rei militaris inopiam haberet, regem vero animus sui facinoris conscius contra jus agere argueret, cum Karolum paterno honore spoliaverit, atque regni jura in sese transfuderit. His uterque herens persistebat.

Each army advanced until the one had the other in view; and thus each stood fixed in place. On both sides there was no small hesitation, since Charles had a lack of military means, while the king—his mind conscious of his own deed—charged himself with acting against right, since he had despoiled Charles of paternal honor and had transferred the rights of the kingdom to himself. Clinging to these considerations, each persisted.

Tandem ratione congrua a primatibus regi suggestum est aliquantisper cum exercitu standum. Si hostis adventaret, comminus congrediendum; si nullus lacessiret, cum exercitu redeundum. Nec minus a Karolo idem deliberatum fuit.

At length, on a plan congruent with reason, it was suggested to the king by the primates to stand for a little while with the army. If the enemy should approach, it must be engaged at close quarters; if no one should provoke, a return with the army must be made. No less was the same resolved by Charles.

Unde quia uterque constitit, uterque sibi cessit. Rex exercitum reduxit; Karolus vero Lauduni sese recepit.

Whence, since each had taken his stand, each yielded to himself. The king led back the army; but Charles betook himself to Laon.

40. (991) O. interea Drocarum cupidus, de Lauduni captione sese plurimum diffidere apud regem simulate querebatur, cum aries cesserit, militesque viribus diffiderent, immo etiam urbs ipsa inaccessibili situ obnitentes contempnat. Rex merore confectus, ab O. subsidia petit; sese vicem recompensaturum, si copias suppeditet, et ad integrum urbem expugnet. Quod si inpraesentiarum aliquid quod largiendum sit petat, sine dubio sese liberaliter exhibiturum.

40. (991) Meanwhile O., eager for Droca, was by way of pretense complaining before the king that he put very little trust in the capture of Laon, since the battering-ram had yielded, and the soldiers were distrusting their strength, nay even the city itself, by its inaccessible site, contemns those opposing. The king, consumed with sorrow, seeks succors from O.; that he would recompense the service in turn, if he would supply troops and take the city in its entirety. And if for the present he should ask anything to be bestowed by largess, without doubt he would show himself liberal.

O. Lauduni inpugnationem simulque et captionem in proximo pollicetur, si tantum a rege Drocas accipiat. Rex vincendi gloriam cupiens, petenti castrum commodat. Palam omnibus cedit, promissionum de Lauduno credulus.

O. promises the assault upon Laon and likewise its capture imminently, if only he may receive Dreux from the king. The king, desiring the glory of conquering, lends the fortress to the petitioner. He yields openly in everything, credulous of the promises about Laon.

O. quoque urbem amissam in brevi sese redditurum palam omnibus spondet. Castrum ergo a rege concessum absque mora petit, castrenses sibi sacramenti jure annectens, eisque alios aliquot quorum fidei vigorem sciebat assotians. Regia negotia exinde utiliter satagens.

O. likewise pledges openly to all that he will in short restore the lost city. Therefore, without delay, he seeks the castle granted by the king, attaching the garrison to himself by the right of the sacrament (oath), and associating with them several others whose vigor of fidelity he knew. Thereafter he busies himself usefully with the royal affairs.

Cujus tamen voluntatis effectus nullus fuit, eo quod tempestiva urbis proditio vetaret, et casus repentini aliter fieri arguerent.

Yet the effect of whose will was none, because a timely betrayal of the city forbade it, and sudden contingencies argued that it be done otherwise.

41. Subtilis machinatio in Karolum et Arnulfum. Ab hoc tempore Adalbero Laudunensium episcopus, qui ante a Karolo captus aufugerat, omni ingenio oportunitatem quaerebat, qua versa vice et Laudunum caperet, et Karolum comprehenderet. Legatos itaque hujusmodi negotii officiosissimos, Arnulfo dirigens, amicitiam, fidem, suppetiarum subsidia mandat.

41. A subtle machination against Charles and Arnulf. From this time Adalbero, bishop of Laon, who earlier, having been captured by Charles, had fled away, with all ingenuity was seeking an opportunity by which, with the turn reversed, he might both seize Laon and apprehend Charles. Therefore, sending to Arnulf most officious envoys for such a business, he requests friendship, good faith, and the subsidies of succor.

Ei quoque utpote suo metropolitano sese velle reconciliari. Sibi etiam injuriae esse quod transfuga et desertor diceretur, eo quod Karolo post fidem factam non obsecutus sit. Et si vacuum sibi esset, a se id dedecoris velle abjicere.

That he also, as to his own metropolitan, wished to be reconciled. That it was an injury to himself that he was called a defector and a deserter, because, after the pledge of faith had been made, he did not obey Charles. And, if it were open to him, he wished to cast off from himself that disgrace.

Ad ejus celsitudinem redire velle, et Karoli amicitiam utpote domini sese optare. Unde et sibi quocumque libitum foret occurrendum mandaret. Arnulfus simulatam fidem nesciens, legatos fallentes excipit; et utpote boni alicujus nuntios humanissime honorat.

that he wished to return to his Highness, and that he desired for himself the amity of Charles as of a lord. Wherefore he should also order that a meeting be held with him wherever it should be pleasing. Arnulf, not knowing the feigned faith, receives the deceiving legates; and, as heralds of some good, he most humanely honors them.

Per hos itaque locum quo occursuri et sibi collocuturi forent, letabundus designat. Illi se decepisse letati, haec domino referunt. Qui fallatiae seminarium utiliter positum considerans, alcioris machinamenti dolos prodire posse advertit.

Through these men, therefore, he joyfully designates a place where they would be about to meet him and hold colloquy with him. They, glad at having deceived him, report these things to their lord. He, considering that a seedbed of fallacy had been usefully positioned, observed that the deceits of a loftier machination could proceed forth.

Post haec in locum statutum sibi occurrunt; amplexibus pluribus atque osculis sibi congratulantes; tantos ibi demonstrantes affectus animi, ut nulla simulatio, nullus dolus videretur.

After these things they meet at the appointed place; with many embraces and kisses congratulating one another; displaying such affections of mind there that no simulation, no deceit seemed to be present.

42. Adalberonis dolosa machinatio. At postquam satis amplexationum, osculorum satis factum est, Adalbero penes quem simulationis color, et doli onus erat, incautum sic prior alloquitur: Idem casus, eademque fortuna, ambos nos male perstringit; unde et idem consilium eademque ratio nobis captanda videtur. Nuper enim ambo lapsi, vos ab gratia regis, ego a Karoli amicitia decidi.

42. Adalbero’s deceitful machination. But after enough of embraces, enough of kisses had been rendered, Adalbero, with whom lay the color of simulation and the burden of the deceit, first addresses the incautious man thus: The same mishap and the same fortune ill-strikes us both; whence the same counsel and the same rationale seem to us to be seized. For lately, we both having slipped, you have fallen from the king’s favor, I from the friendship of Charles.

Unde et nunc vos Karolo, ego regi faveo. Ille vobis, iste mihi promptissime credit. Si itaque per vos Karoli amor mihi restituatur, regis gratia vobis non aberit.

Whence also now you favor Charles, I favor the king. That one trusts you most promptly, this one me. If therefore through you Charles’s love be restored to me, the king’s grace will not be lacking to you.

Quod et facto difficile non erit. Karolum igitur convenite, et pro me si forte concesserit orate. De fide erga eum habenda, multa dicere non inutile erit.

And this will not be difficult in the doing. Therefore convene with Charles, and, if perchance he should concede, pray on my behalf. Concerning the faith to be held toward him, it will not be unprofitable to say many things.

De quibus si quid ei dubium visum fuerit, post dicite probandum sacramentis. Si his episcopatus reddiderit sedem adsint sanctorum reliquiae, paratus sum fidem facere. Si hoc satis erit et reddiderit, de regis gratia plurimum confidite.

Concerning which things, if anything has seemed doubtful to him, afterwards say that it is to be proved by oaths. If on these terms he shall have restored the bishopric its seat, let the relics of the saints be present, I am prepared to give faith. If this will be sufficient and he shall have restored it, place very great confidence in the king’s grace.

In hac lingua et manu, pax sita est et dissidentia. Regem adibo. Commodum quoddam spondebo, quod non solum sibi sed et posteris sit profuturum.

In this tongue and hand, peace is set, and dissidence. I shall approach the king. I shall pledge a certain benefit, which will be profitable not only to him but also to posterity.

Dolos Karoli proferam. Incauto nimis metropolitano, praejuditium factum asseram; et quod penitus hoc metropolitanum peniteat, nonnullis amplificationibus asseverabo. Rex suapte mihi credulus, hoc gratissimum accipiet.

I will bring forth the wiles of Charles. To the all-too-incautious metropolitan I will assert that a prejudice has been done; and that the metropolitan deeply repents this, I will asseverate with some amplifications. The king, by his own nature credulous toward me, will receive this most gratefully.

Et quia haec ratio utrimque agitabitur, duo commoda gignentur. Ex quibus duobus tertium elucebit. Nam cum et vobis gratia regum, et mihi Karoli reddetur, per nos consequenter aliorum utilitas comparabitur.

And because this rationale will be agitated on both sides, two advantages will be generated. From which two a third will shine forth. For since both to you the favor of kings, and to me that of Charles, will be rendered, through us consequently the utility of others will be procured.

Sed hic jam verborum finis; jam nunc dicta factis probentur. Datisque strictim osculis, promissa polliciti ab se digressi sunt.

But here now is the end of words; now let the things said be proven by deeds. And, after exchanging brief kisses, they departed from one another, reaffirming the promises they had pledged.

43. Arnulfus per ignorantiam Karolum patruum seducit. Arnulfus Karolum petens Adalberonem magnificat deceptorem nesciens, valde etiam profuturum asserit, fidemque servaturum testatur. Tandem in eo nil dubitandum seductus persuadet.

43. Arnulf, through ignorance, seduces his uncle Charles. Arnulf, seeking Charles, magnifies Adalberon, not knowing him to be a deceiver; he even asserts that he will be very helpful, and attests that he will keep faith. At length, himself deluded, he persuades that in him nothing is to be doubted.

Karolus, nepoti favens, sese id facturum spondet, episcopatum sic redditurum non abnuit. Dum haec apud Karolum fideliter ordinabantur, Adalbero apud regem de Karolo et Arnulfo urbisque captione quaerebat. Et cum tecnas supperiores effunderet, gratulatio inde spesque urbis repetendae non modica erat.

Charles, favoring his nephew, pledges that he will do this, nor does he refuse that he will thus restore the episcopate. While these things were being faithfully arranged with Charles, Adalbero was inquiring with the king about Charles and Arnulf and about the capture of the city. And as he was pouring out subtler stratagems, the congratulation therefrom and the hope of the city’s being retaken was not small.

Nec multo post Arnulfus Adalberoni legatos dirigit, Karoli gratiam sibi indultam liberaliter indicat, atque cum multa ambitione excipiendum in urbem. Honorem quoque absque mora recepturum. Unde nec moras faceret, sed quantotius adveniret, largitatem pollicitam experturus.

And not much later Arnulf sent legates to Adalbero, and openly indicated that Charles’s favor had been granted to him, and that he was to be received into the city with much ambition. He would also receive honor without delay. Wherefore he should make no delays, but come as soon as possible, to experience the promised largess.

44. Adalbero Karolum et Arnulfum sacramento decipit. Adalbero sine dilatione in loco constituto Karolo et Arnulfo accitus occurrit. A quibus benigniter exceptus, non mediocrem letitiam repperit.

44. Adalbero deceives Charles and Arnulf by an oath. Adalbero, without delay, in the appointed place, having been summoned, meets Charles and Arnulf. By whom benignly received, he found no moderate joy.

Si quid discordiae praecessit, levi et raro sermone tactum praeteriere. Jus amicitiae inter sese exinde amplius colendum, diversis rationibus extulere. Quanta etiam commoditas sit profutura si amicitia bene usi sint, sepenumero retulere.

If any discord had preceded, they passed it over, having touched it with light and infrequent speech. By diverse reasons they extolled that the right of friendship between themselves should thereafter be cultivated more. How great an advantage would prove profitable if they made good use of friendship, they oftentimes related.

Quanta quoque gloria, quantus honor, quantum praesidium. Necnon et illud libatum est, in brevi fieri posse, et suae partis provectionem, et hostium praecipitationem. Nihilque his obstare posse, si sola Divinitas non impediat.

How great too the glory, how great the honor, how great the protection. And indeed this also was touched upon: that, in short order, both the advancement of their own party and the headlong precipitation of the enemies could come to pass. And that nothing could stand in the way of these things, if only Divinity did not hinder.

Si vota sua effectus consequatur, quandoque futurum, ut per sese res publica multo honore, multa gloria, cumuletur et floreat. His dictis sacramento sibi annexi sunt, atque a se digressi. Adalbero regi se contulit, quae egerat explicans.

If his vows should obtain effect, it would someday come to pass that, by themselves, the commonwealth would be cumulated with much honor and much glory, and would flourish. With these things said, they were bound to him by an oath, and departed from him. He betook himself to King Adalbero, explaining what he had done.

Quibus rex auditis, negotium approbat, Arnulfum sese recepturum si veniat pollicetur, ejus purgationem de objectis se sponte auditurum. Et si recte purgetur, non minori gratia quam ante habendum. Adalbero haec Arnulfo refert.

When the king had heard these things, he approves the business, promises that he will receive Arnulf if he comes, and that he will of his own accord hear his purgation concerning the things objected. And if he be rightly purged, he is to be held in no lesser favor than before. Adalbero reports these things to Arnulf.

Regem benivolum, clementem, sibi asserit. Eum etiam ejus purgationem sponte audire velle, suique gratiam sine mora reddere. Unde et ei esse maturandum, et quantotius id petendum.

He asserts the king to be benevolent, clement, toward him. He also says that he wishes of his own accord to hear his purgation, and to render back his favor without delay. Whence he must make haste, and that this should be sought as soon as possible.

Otius ergo regem adeundum, ne aliquorum dolus consilium abrumpat. Ad regem itaque ambo profecti sunt.

Therefore, more swiftly the king must be approached, lest the deceit of some break off the plan. To the king, accordingly, both set out.

45. Arnulfus ad regem se contulit gratiam ab eo accepturus. Arnulfus admissus regi, ab eo osculum accepit. Et cum de objectis aliquam purgationi operam dare vellet, rex sibi sufficere dixit, ut a praeteritis quiesceret, et exinde sibi fidem inviolabiliter servaret.

45. Arnulfus betook himself to the king to receive favor from him. Arnulfus, admitted to the king, received a kiss from him. And when he wished to give some effort at purgation concerning the things objected, the king said it sufficed for him that he should rest from past matters, and thereafter keep faith with him inviolably.

Sese penitus non ignorare Karolum ei vim intulisse, et summa id necessitudine factum, ut ad tempus a se discederet, et Karolo etiam nolens faveret. Sed quia id factum erat, quod labefactari non poterat, multa ratione ei esse videndum, ut amissae urbis dampnum aliquo modo suppleret. Si urbem habere ut ante non posset, saltem Karolum ad se transire faceret, ut, se consentiente, quod pervaserat teneret.

He was by no means unaware that Charles had done him violence, and that it had been accomplished by the utmost necessity, namely that he should withdraw from him for a time and should favor Charles even unwilling. But since that had been done which could not be shaken, he ought in many ways to see to it that he should in some way supplement the loss of the city that had been lost. If he could not have the city as before, at least he should bring it about that Charles pass over to him, so that, with himself consenting, he might hold what he had invaded.

Haec et ampliora Arnulfus sese facturum pollicetur, tantum ut regis gratia sibi reddatur, et ipse apud eum ut metropolitanus honoretur. Rex gratiam indulsit, et ut plurimum coram se honorem haberet concessit. Unde et factum est, ut in prandio die eadem regi dexter, Adalbero reginae levus resideret.

Arnulf promises that he will do these things and greater, provided only that the king’s favor be restored to him, and that he himself be honored by him as metropolitan. The king granted favor, and conceded that he should have the utmost honor before him. Whence it also came to pass that at dinner on the same day he sat at the king’s right, Adalbero at the queen’s left.

His ita sese habentibus, Arnulfus ab rege dimotus est. Miram regis benivolentiam Karolo indicavit. Quanto quoque honore apud eum habitus sit explicans, de ejus gratia plurimum gloriabatur.

With things thus situated, Arnulf was dismissed by the king. He made known to Charles the marvelous benevolence of the king; explaining also with how great honor he had been held in his presence, he gloried greatly in his favor.

A quo tempore regis et Karoli reconciliationem atque favorem quaerebat.

From that time he was seeking the reconciliation and favor of the king and of Charles.

46. Exceptio Adalberonis a Karolo Quae dum sic sese haberent, Adalbero a rege digressus est, Karolumque petens, Lauduni multa ambitione exceptus est. Ad se sui redeunt, qui ante ab urbe exulaverant. Rem familiarem ut ante disponunt, in nullo dubitantes, et pacem postmodum sperantes.

46. The Reception of Adalbero by Charles While matters thus stood, Adalbero departed from the king, and, seeking Charles, at Laon he was received with much ambition and courting. His own partisans, who earlier had been exiled from the city, return to him. They dispose the household estate as before, doubting in nothing, and afterward hoping for peace.

Clerum quem amiserat, revisit, eique compatitur, benivolentiam spondet, ut a se non deficiant hortatur. Postquam satis colloquii cum suis habuit, de securitate fidei et urbis, a Karolo convenitur. Qui sic orsus coepit: Quoniam Divinitas, in omnibus misericors etiam dum punit, misericorditer operatur, justo ejus juditio me et abjectum et receptum cognosco.

He revisits the clergy whom he had lost, and he suffers-with them, pledging benevolence, exhorting that they not fail from him. After he had had sufficient colloquy with his own, about the security of the faith and of the city, he is convened by Charles. Who, thus opening, began: “Since Divinity, merciful in all things even while it punishes, works mercifully, by its just judgment I recognize myself both cast down and received back.”

Ejus aequitate hac urbe me exceptum arbitror, ejus benignitate, quod superest praestolor. Ipsum etiam, vos et hanc urbem mihi reddidisse opinor. A Deo itaque redditum, mihi adjungi quaero.

By his equity I judge myself received in this city; by his benignity I await what remains. I even suppose that you and this city have restored him himself to me. Therefore, restored by God, I seek that he be joined to me.

Adsunt sancta, superponite dexteram, fidem contra omnes spondete. Exceptio nulla erit, si vultis mihi comes fieri. Ille sui voti avidus, quicquid expetitur spondet.

The holy things are present; lay your right hand upon them, pledge faith against all. There will be no exception, if you wish to become my companion. He, avid for his vow, pledges whatever is demanded.

Super sancta dextram extendit, non veritus jurare quodcumque propositum fuit. Unde et cunctis credulus, nulli suspectus fuit. In nullo negotio a quoque vitatur.

Over the holy things he extended his right hand, not fearing to swear whatever had been proposed. Whence also, credulous toward all, he was suspected by none. In no business is he avoided by anyone.

De urbe munienda, ipse querit et deliberat. Omnium causam sciscitatur. Pro omnibus consultat.

Concerning the city to be fortified, he himself inquires and deliberates. He inquires into the cause of all. He consults on behalf of all.

Quare ignotus cunctos latuit.

Wherefore, unknown, he lay hidden from all.

47. Comprehensio Karoli ab Adalberone. Interea cum Karoli suorumque habitum penitus pervidisset, sese etiam nulli esse suspectum, dolos multifariam praetendebat, ut et urbem sibi redderet, et Karolum regi captum traderet. Karoli itaque colloquio utitur saepius, benivolentiam profert amplius.

47. The apprehension of Charles by Adalbero. Meanwhile, since he had thoroughly perceived the disposition of Charles and of his followers, and that he himself was suspected by no one, he put forward stratagems in many ways, so that he might both have the city restored to himself and hand over Charles, taken captive, to the king. Therefore he employs colloquy with Charles more often, and manifests greater benevolence.

Sese quoque si oporteat sacramentis magis stringendum offert; tanta cautela calliditatis usus, ut omnino dolum simulationis colore obvelaret. Unde cum nocte quadam inter cenandum hilaris resideret (Mart. 29), Karolus craterem aureum in quo panem infregerat vinoque temperaverat tenens, post multum cogitatum ei obtulit: Quoniam inquiens ex patrum decretis palmas et frondes hodie sanctificastis, atque plebem sacris benedictionibus consecrastis, nobisque eukaristiam porrexistis, aliquorum susurronum calumnias qui vobis fidendum negant vilipendens, cum instet dies passionis Domini et Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi, hoc vasculum vestrae dignitati aptum, cum vino et pane infracto vobis porrigo.

He also offers himself, if it be needful, to be more strictly bound by oaths; employing such a caution of craftiness that he altogether veiled the deceit with the color of simulation. Whence, when on a certain night, while dining, he sat cheerful (Mar. 29), Charles, holding a golden bowl in which he had broken bread and had mixed it with wine, after much pondering offered it to him: “Since,” he said, “according to the decrees of the fathers you have today sanctified palms and fronds, and have consecrated the people with sacred benedictions, and have extended to us the Eucharist, spurning the calumnies of certain whisperers who deny that you are to be trusted, since the day of the Passion of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ is at hand, I present to you this little vessel, fitting for your dignity, with wine and broken bread.”

Hoc poculum in signo habendae et servandae fidei ebibite. Si vero fidem servare animo non stat, poculo parcite, ne horrendam Judae proditoris speciem referatis. Quo respondente: Craterem recipiam, et potum libere ebibam!

Drink down this cup as a sign of the faith to be held and kept. But if your mind is not set to keep the faith, spare the cup, lest you exhibit the horrid aspect of Judas the traitor. To which he replying: I will receive the goblet, and will freely drain the draught!

Karolus mox prosecutus, addendum dixit: et fidem faciam. Ille ebibens prosecutus est: et fidem faciam; alioquin cum Juda inteream! Et multa his similia anathematis verba cenantibus dedit.

Charles soon, continuing, said by way of addition: “and I will make faith.” He, draining it, continued: “and I will make faith; otherwise may I perish with Judas!” And to the diners he gave many words of anathema similar to these.

Nox futuri luctus et proditionis conscia instabat. Quietum ire constitutum est, dormitumque in mane. Adalbero sui doli conscius, dormientibus Karolo et Arnulfo, gladios et arma a capitibus eorum amovit, latibulisque mandavit (Mart.

The night, conscious of the future lamentation and treachery, was pressing on. It was determined to go to quiet, and to sleep into the morning. Adalbero, conscious of his own deceit, while Charles and Arnulf were sleeping, removed the swords and arms from their heads, and consigned them to hiding-places (Mart.

30). Hostiarium hujus doli ignarum accersiens, cursum accelerare, et quendam suorum accersire jubet; ostium sese servaturum interim pollicens. Quo digresso, Adalbero in ipso ostio sese medium fixit, gladium sub veste tenens. Cui mox sui assistentes, utpote hujus facinoris conscii, ab Adalberone omnes intromissi sunt.

30). Summoning the ostiary, ignorant of this stratagem, he bids him accelerate his course and summon a certain one of his own; promising in the meantime that he himself would guard the door. When he had gone out, Adalbero fixed himself right in the doorway, in the middle, holding a sword beneath his garment. Into which, presently, his assistants—inasmuch as they were conscious of this criminal deed—were all admitted by Adalbero.

Karolus et Arnulfus matutino somno oppressi quiescebant. Coram quibus cum hostes facto agmine adessent, et illi expergefacti adversarios advertissent, a lectis prosilientes, et arma capessere nitentes, nec reperientes, querunt quidnam matutinus eorum afferat eventus. Adalbero vero: Quoniam inquit arcem hanc mihi nuper surripuistis, et ab ea exulem abire coegistis, et vos hinc dissimili tamen fortuna pellemini.

Charles and Arnulf, overborne by matutinal sleep, were resting. And when, in their presence, the enemies had come up in a formed column, and they, awakened, had noticed the adversaries, leaping from their beds and striving to take up arms, but not finding them, they ask what outcome their morning brings. But Adalbero: “Since,” said he, “you lately snatched this citadel from me, and forced me, an exile, to depart from it, you too will be driven from here, yet by a dissimilar fortune.”

Ego enim proprii juris remansi. Vos alieno subibitis. Ad hec Karolus: An inquit, o episcope, hesternae cenae memor sis nimium miror.

For I have remained of my proper right. You will submit to an alien one. To this Charles: “Is it, said he, O bishop, that you are mindful of yesterday’s supper? I marvel excessively.”

Non ergo ipsa Divinitatis reverentia inhibebit? Nihilne jus sacramenti? Nihil hesternae cenae imprecatio?

Will not, then, the reverence of Divinity itself inhibit? Will the right of the sacrament be nothing? Will the imprecation of yesterday’s supper be nothing?

Et hec dicens, praeceps in hostem fertur. Quem furentem, armati circumdant, atque in lectum repulsum comprimunt. Nec minus Arnulfum pervadunt.

And saying this, he is borne headlong against the enemy. Him, raging, the armed men surround, and, driven back onto the couch, they hold him down. No less do they seize Arnulf.

Quos comprehensos, in eadem turri includunt. Turrim quoque clavibus et seris repagulisque custodibus adhibitis muniunt. Unde cum clamor feminarum, puerorumque simul et famulorum ululatus in coelum ferretur, cives per urbem turbati et expergefacti sunt.

Those whom they had seized they shut up in the same tower. They also fortify the tower with keys and bolts and bars, guards having been set in place. Whence, as the clamor of the women, and at the same time the ululation of the children and of the household-servants, was borne to heaven, the citizens throughout the city were disturbed and awakened.

Quicumque Karoli partibus favebant, mox profugio sese liberaverunt. Quod etiam vix factum fuit. Nam cum pene adhuc fugerent, statim tota civitas obfirmari ab Adalberone jussa est, ut omnes quos sibi adversos putabat comprehenderet.

Whoever were favoring the party of Charles, soon freed themselves by flight. And even that was scarcely accomplished. For when they had scarcely yet begun to flee, at once the whole city was ordered by Adalbero to be made fast, in order that it might apprehend all whom he thought adverse to himself.

Quaesiti fuere, nec reperti. Subductus est et Karoli filius biennis, patris vocabulum habens, et a captivitate liberatus. Adalbero regi Silvanectim legatos otius mittit; quondam amissam urbem jam receptam, Karolum cum uxore et natis captum, atque Arnulfum inter hostes inventum et comprehensum mandat.

They were sought, and not found. Also removed was Charles’s two-year-old son, bearing his father’s name, and freed from captivity. Adalbero more swiftly sends legates to the king at Senlis; he sends word that the city once lost has now been recovered, that Charles with his wife and children has been captured, and that Arnulf, found among the enemies, has been apprehended.

Unde et sine mora cum quotcumque possit veniat. Exercitui colligendo moram nullam intendat. Vicinis quibuscumque confidit, ut post se veniant, legatos mittat.

Whence also, let him come without delay with as many as he can. Let him intend no delay for the mustering of the army. To whatever neighbors he trusts, let him send legates, that they may come after him.

Moxque etsi cum paucis veniat.

And soon, even if with a few, let him come.

48. Rex captis Karolo et Arnulfo Laudunum ingreditur. Rex quotcumque potest assumit, et sine dilatione Laudunum petit. Nactusque urbem, et regia dignitate exceptus, de salute fidelium, urbisque ereptione et hostium comprehensione quesivit, et addidicit.

48. The king, with Charles and Arnulf captured, enters Laon. The king takes up as many as he can, and without delay makes for Laon. And having gotten the city, and received with royal dignity, he inquired about the safety of the faithful, and about the deliverance of the city and the apprehension (comprehension) of the enemies, and he further learned.

Die altera civibus accitis, de fide sibi habenda pertractat. Illi acsi qui capti erant, et qui jam in jus alterius cesserant, fidem faciunt et regi sacramento asciscuntur. Urbisque securitate facta, rex Silvanectim post cum captis hostibus rediit.

On the next day, the citizens having been summoned, he treats at length concerning the fealty to be held to himself. They, as well as those who had been captured and who had already passed into another’s jurisdiction, make fealty and are adscited to the king by oath. And with the city’s security established, the king afterward returned to Silvanectim with the captured enemies.

Suos deinde sciscitans, deliberandi rationem querebat.

Then, questioning his own, he was seeking a method of deliberation.

49. Deliberatio quorumdam apud regem super Karolo.Ý Qua de re aliorum sententia erat, a Karolo viro claro, et regio genere inclito ejus natos omnes cum natabus obsides accipiendos; petendum etiam ab eo sacramentum, quo regi fidem faciat regnum Franciae numquam sese repetiturum, contra natos quoque testamentum inde facturum. Quo facto Karolum dimittendum censebant. Aliorum vero sententia hujusmodi erat.

49. The deliberation of certain men before the king concerning Charles.Ý On which matter the opinion of some was that from Charles, an illustrious man and of renowned royal stock, all his sons together with his daughters were to be received as hostages; that an oath (sacramentum) should also be demanded from him, by which he might pledge faith to the king that he would never reclaim the kingdom of France, and that he would also make a testament to that effect against his sons. With this done, they judged that Charles should be dismissed. But the opinion of others was of this sort.

Tam clarum et antiqui generis virum non mox reddendum, sed apud regem tam diu habendum, donec qui ejus captionem indignaturi sint appareant. Si eo numero et nomine atque duce praemineant, ut indigni non sint qui hostes regis Francorum dicantur, sive inferiores sint, attendendum. Si ergo pauci et inferiores indignentur, tenendum censebant; si vero majores et quam plures, reddendum superiori ratione suadebant.

Such a renowned man of ancient lineage was not to be returned forthwith, but to be kept with the king until those should appear who would be indignant at his capture. Whether they should preeminently excel in number and in name and under a leader, so as not to be unworthy to be called enemies of the king of the Franks, or be inferior, this was to be attended to. Therefore, if few and inferior should be indignant, they judged he ought to be held; but if greater and more numerous, they urged that he be returned, according to the former reasoning.

Karolum ergo cum uxore Adelaide et filio Ludovico, et filiabus duabus, quarum altera Gerberga, altera Adelaidis dicebatur, necnon et Arnulfo nepote carceri dedit.

He therefore consigned Charles to prison along with his wife Adelaide and his son Louis, and his two daughters, of whom one was called Gerberga, the other Adelaide, and also his nephew Arnulf.

50. De difficultate sui itineris ab urbe Remorum Carnotum. Ante horum captionem, diebus ferme 14, cum aviditate discendi logicam Yppocratis Choi, de studiis liberalibus saepe et multum cogitarem, quadam die equitem Carnotinum in urbe Remorum positus offendi. Qui a me interrogatus quis et cujus esset, cur et unde venisset, Heribrandi clerici Carnotensis legatum sese, et Richero sancti Remigii monacho se velle loqui respondit.

50. On the difficulty of his journey from the city of the Remi to Chartres. Before their capture, for nearly 14 days, with an avidity for learning the logic of Hippocrates of Cos, since I often and much was thinking about the liberal studies, one day, being set in the city of the Remi, I encountered a knight of Chartres. When I asked him who and whose he was, why and whence he had come, he replied that he was the envoy of Heribrand, a cleric of Chartres, and that he wished to speak with Richer, a monk of Saint Remigius.

Ego mox amici nomen et legationis causam advertens, me quem querebat, indicavi, datoque osculo semotim secessimus. Ille mox epistolam protulit, hortatoriam ad aphorismorum lectionem. Unde et ego admodum laetatus, assumpto quodam puero cum Carnotino equite, iter Carnotum arripere disposui.

Soon, noticing the friend’s name and the cause of the legation, I indicated that I was the one whom he was seeking; and, a kiss having been given, we withdrew apart. He straightway produced a letter, hortatory to the reading of aphorisms. Wherefore I too, very much gladdened, taking along a certain boy with the Chartrain horseman, resolved to seize upon the journey to Chartres.

Digressus autem, ab abbate meo unius tantum parvaredi solatium accepi. Nummis etiam, mutatoriis, ceterisque necessariis vacuus, Orbatium perveni, locum multa caritate inclitum. Ibique domni abbatis D. colloquio recreatus, simulque et munificentia sustentatus, in crastino iter usque Meldim peragendum arripui.

Having departed, moreover, I received from my abbot the solace of only a single palfrey. Being void of coins, of exchange-money, and of the other necessities as well, I came to Orbatium, a place renowned for much charity. And there, refreshed by the colloquy of lord Abbot D., and likewise sustained by his munificence, on the morrow I undertook the journey to be accomplished as far as Meaux.

Ingressus vero cum duobus comitibus lucorum anfractus, non defuere infortunii casus. Nam fallentibus biviis, sex leugarum superfluitate exorbitavimus, Transmisso vero Teodorici castello, parvaredus ante visus bucephalus, fieri coepit asello tardiusculus. Jam sol a mesembrino discesserat, totoque aere in pluvias dissoluto, in occasum vergebat, cum fortis ille bucefalus supremo labore victus, inter femora insidentis pueri deficiens corruit, et velut fulgure trajectus, sexto miliario ab urbe exspiravit.

Entering, indeed, with two companions the windings of the groves, there was no lack of misfortune’s cases. For, the forks being deceptive, by a superfluity of six leagues we deviated from the route; but, the castle of Theodoric having been passed, the post-horse, earlier seen as a Bucephalus, began to become somewhat slower than an ass. Already the sun had departed from midday, and the whole air dissolved into rains, it was inclining to the setting, when that stout Bucephalus, conquered by utmost toil, failing between the thighs of the boy sitting astride, fell, and, as if transfixed by lightning, expired at the 6th milestone from the city.

Quanta tunc fuit perturbatio, quanta anxietas, illi perpendere valent qui casus similes aliquando perpessi sunt, et ex similibus similia colligant. Puer inexpertus tanti itineris difficultatem, fessus toto corpore, equo amisso, jacebat. Impedimenta sine vectore aderant.

How great then was the perturbation, how great the anxiety, those are able to weigh who have at some time endured similar cases and from similars gather similars. The boy, inexperienced in the difficulty of so great a journey, weary in his whole body, with the horse lost, was lying. The baggage was at hand without a bearer.

Imbres nimia infusione ruebant. Coelum nubila praetendebat. Sol jam in occasu minabatur tenebras.

The rains were rushing down in excessive outpouring. The sky was stretching forth clouds. The sun, now in its setting, was menacing darkness.

Inter haec omnia, dubitanti consilium a Deo non defuit. Puerum namque cum impedimentis ibi reliqui; dictatoque ei quid interrogatus a transeuntibus responderet, et ut sommo imminenti resisteret, solo equite Carnotino comitatus, Meldim perveni. Pontem quoque vix de luce videns, ingredior.

Amid all these things, for one doubting, counsel from God was not lacking. For I left the boy there with the impedimenta; and having dictated to him what he should answer if questioned by those passing by, and that he should resist the impending sleep, accompanied only by a horseman of Chartres, I reached Meaux. The bridge too, scarcely seeing it with what light remained, I enter upon.

Et dum diligentius contemplarer, novis iterum infortuniis angebar. Tantis enim et tot hiatibus patebat, ut vix civium necessarii die eadem per eum transierint. Carnotinus inpiger, et in peragendo itinere satis providus, naviculam circumquaque inquirens et nullam inveniens, ad pontis pericula rediit, et ut equi incolumes transmitterentur e coelo emeruit.

And while I contemplated more diligently, I was again tormented by new infortunes. For it lay open with such great and so many yawning gaps that scarcely the citizens’ intimates crossed over it on the same day. The man of Chartres, indefatigable and quite provident in accomplishing the journey, searching everywhere for a little boat and finding none, returned to the bridge’s dangers, and he obtained from heaven that the horses be conveyed across unharmed.

Nam in locis hiantibus equorum pedibus aliquando clipeum subdens, aliquando tabulas abjectas adjugens, modo incurvatus, modo erectus, modo accedens, modo recurrens, efficaciter cum equis me comitante pertransiit. Nox inhorruerat mundumque tetra caligine obduxerat, cum basilicam sancti Pharonis introii, fratribus adhuc parantibus potum caritatis. Qua die sollempniter pranserant, recitato capitulo de cellarario monasterii, quod fuit causa tam serae potationis.

For in the gaping places, sometimes placing a shield beneath the horses’ feet, sometimes joining cast-down planks to them, now bent, now upright, now approaching, now running back, he effectively made his way across with the horses, I accompanying. Night had shuddered forth and had covered the world with a grim caliginous gloom, when I entered the basilica of Saint Pharo, the brothers still preparing the drink of charity. On that day they had solemnly lunched, after the chapter “On the Cellarer of the Monastery” had been recited, which was the cause of so late a potation.

A quibus ut frater exceptus, dulcibus alloquiis, cibisque sufficientibus recreatus sum. Carnotinum equitem cum equis vitata pontis pericula iterum attemptaturum, puero relicto remisi. Arte praemissa pertransiit; et ad puerum secunda noctis vigilia errabundus pervenit.

By whom, received as a brother, I was refreshed with sweet colloquies and sufficient foods. I sent back the Chartrain horseman—about to attempt again, with the horses, avoiding the perils of the bridge—having left the boy behind. By a stratagem laid beforehand he made his way across; and, wandering, he reached the boy at the second watch of the night.

Vixque eum saepius inclamatum repperit. Quo assumpto cum ad urbem devenisset, suspectus pontis pericula, quae pernitioso experimento didicerat, cum puero et equis in cujusdam tugurium declinavit; ibique per totam diem incibati, nocte illa ad quiescendum non ad cenandum collecti sunt. Quam noctem ut insomnem duxerim, et quanto in ea cruciatu tortus sim, perpendere possunt qui cura carorum aliquando vigilasse coacti sunt.

And scarcely did he find him, though repeatedly called to. Having taken him up, when he had come to the city, mistrusting the bridge’s perils, which he had learned by a pernicious experience, he turned aside with the boy and the horses into a certain hut; and there for the whole day unfed, on that night they were gathered to rest, not to dine. How I passed that night sleepless, and with what cruciating torment I was racked in it, can be weighed by those who have at some time been compelled to keep vigil through care for their dear ones.

Post vero optata luce reddita, nimia esurie confecti, maturius affuerunt. Eis etiam cibi illati; annona quoque cum paleis equis anteposita est. Dimittensque abbati Augustino puerum peditem, solo Carnotino comitatus Carnotum raptim deveni.

But after the longed-for light was restored, worn out by excessive hunger, they arrived early. Food too was brought in for them; and provender as well, with chaff, was set before the horses. And sending the boy on foot to Abbot Augustine, accompanied only by the man of Chartres, I swiftly came to Chartres.

Unde mox equis remissis, ab urbe Meldensi puerum revocavi. Quo reducto et omni sollicitudine amota, in aphorismis Yppocratis vigilanter studui apud domnum Herbrandum magnae liberalitatis atque scientiae virum. In quibus cum tantum prognostica morborum accepissem, et simplex egritudinum cognitio cupienti non sufficeret, petii etiam ab eo lectionem ejus libri, qui inscribitur de concordia Yppocratis, Galieni, et Surani.

Whence, soon after dismissing the horses, I recalled the boy from the city of Meaux. When he had been brought back and all solicitude removed, I kept vigilant study in the Aphorisms of Hippocrates under lord Herbrand, a man of great liberality and science. In these, since I had received only the prognostics of diseases, and a simple cognition of illnesses did not suffice for one who desired more, I also requested from him a reading of that book of his which is titled On the Concord of Hippocrates, Galen, and Soranus.

Quod et obtinui; cum eum in arte peritissimum, dinamidia farmaceutica, butanica, atque cirurgica non laterent.

Which I obtained as well; for, as he was most skilled in the art, the pharmaceutical, botanical, and chirurgical dynamidia were not hidden from him.

51. Quod ex querela reprehendentium captionem Arnulfi, regio jussu sinodus habita est. Sed ut jam superioris negotii seriem repetamus, cum de episcopi captione aliqui amicorum indignarentur, nonnulli etiam scolasticorum in ejus defensionem alia scriberent, alia scripta de canonibus proferrent, idque ad, aures regum relatum esset, edicto regio decretum est, ut episcopi Galliae omnes qui valent et maxime qui comprovinciales sunt, in unum conveniant. Qui autem adesse non possent, suam absentiam per legatos idoneos a suspitione purgarent.

51. Because of the complaint of those reproaching the seizure of Arnulf, by royal command a synod was held. But, to resume now the sequence of the prior business, when some of the friends were indignant about the bishop’s seizure, several also of the scholastics wrote other things in his defense, and brought forward other writings from the canons; and when this had been reported to the ears of the kings, by a royal edict it was decreed that all the bishops of Gaul who are able, and especially those who are co-provincials, should convene into one. But those who could not be present should purge their absence from suspicion through suitable legates.

Ibique certis ac firmis decretorum rationibus aut convictum dampnarent, aut pristinae sedis dignitati purgatum restituerent. Collecti sunt ergo in coenobio monachorum sancti Basoli confessoris (Jun. 17), Remorum diocesanei, Remensis quidem metropolitani comprovinciales, Guido Suesorum episcopus, Adalbero Laudunensis episcopus, Herivevus Belvacensis episcopus, Godesmannus Ambianensis episcopus, Rathodus Noviomensis episcopus, Odo Silvanectensis episcopus, Daibertus Bituricensium metropolitanus; Lugdunensis metropolitani comprovinciales, Gualterus Augustudunensis episcopus, Bruno Lingonensis episcopus, Milo Matisconensis episcopus, Siguinus Senonensium metropolitanus, cum suis Arnulfo Aurelianensi episcopo, Herberto Autisiodorensi episcopo.

And there, by sure and firm reasons of decrees, they should either condemn him as convicted, or restore him, purged, to the dignity of his former see. Therefore there were gathered in the coenobium of the monks of Saint Basolus the Confessor (Jun. 17), the diocesans of Reims, namely the comprovincials of the metropolitan of Reims, Guy bishop of Soissons, Adalbero bishop of Laon, Heriveus bishop of Beauvais, Godesmann bishop of Amiens, Rathodus bishop of Noyon, Odo bishop of Senlis, Daibert metropolitan of the Bituriges (Bourges); the comprovincials of the metropolitan of Lyons, Walter bishop of Autun, Bruno bishop of Langres, Milo bishop of Mâcon, Siguinus metropolitan of the Senones (Sens), with their own Arnulf bishop of Orléans, Herbert bishop of Auxerre.

Qui in unum considentes, diversorum locorum abbates qui aderant, post solitariam sui disputationem, secum consedere jusserunt.

They, sitting together in one, ordered the abbots of diverse places who were present, after their own solitary disputation, to sit with them.

52. Deliberatio de dignitate habendi juditii et praelaturae. De habenda igitur sinodo, ratione facta, ordinandum putabant, cui potestas judicandi de singulis conferretur; quem etiam habendarum rationum custodem atque interpretem accommodarent. Judicandi itaque dignitas, Siguino Senonensium metropolitano commissa est, eo quod aetatis reverentia et vitae merito plurimum commendaretur.

52. A deliberation on the dignity of holding judgment and of the prelature. Therefore, as to the synod to be held, the rationale having been made, they thought to ordain one to whom the power of judging on particulars would be conferred; whom they would also fit as custodian and interpreter of the proceedings to be had. Accordingly, the dignity of judging was committed to Siguinus, metropolitan of the Senonensians, for this reason: that he was most highly commended by the reverence of age and the merit of life.

Ordinandi vero facultas ac magisterium interpretandi, Arnulfo Aurelianensi episcopo credita est, eo quod ipse inter Galliarum episcopos, eloquii virtute et efficatia dicendi florebat. His ergo sic habitis, post cleri ingressum, sententiis ad negotium facientibus recitatis, Arnulfus sic praefatus ait:

But the faculty of ordaining and the magisterium of interpreting was entrusted to Arnulf, the Aurelian bishop, forasmuch as he, among the bishops of Gaul, was flourishing by the virtue of eloquence and the efficacy of speaking. These things thus established, after the entrance of the clergy, the opinions conducive to the business having been recited, Arnulf, thus prefacing, said:

53. Elocutio Arnulfi in sinodo. Quoniam, patres reverendi, serenissimorum regum jussu, necnon et sacrae religionis causa huc convenimus, multa fide, multo etiam studio cavendum videtur, ne nos qui gratia sancti Spiritus hic collecti sumus aut odium alicujus, aut amor, a rectitudinis norma exorbitare faciat. Et quia hic in nomine Domini collecti sumus, ante conspectum summae Divinitatis veridicis sententiis debemus omnia agitare; nulli loquendi locum surripere; veritati operam dare; pro veritate vivaciter stare; contra objecta, simplicibus ac puris sententiis et intendere et respondere.

53. The Elocution of Arnulf in the synod. Since, reverend fathers, by the command of the most serene kings, and also for the sake of sacred religion, we have come together here, it seems we must, with much faith and with much zeal, take care that neither the hatred of anyone nor love make us, who are gathered here by the grace of the Holy Spirit, deviate from the norm of rectitude. And because we are gathered here in the name of the Lord, before the sight of the highest Divinity we ought to handle all things with veridical judgments; to steal from no one the place for speaking; to give diligence to the truth; to stand vigorously for the truth; and, against the objections, both to address and to answer with simple and pure judgments.

Unicuique debitus honor servetur; dicendi potestas omnibus sit. Intendendi etiam et refellendi libertas omnibus concessa sit. Nunc deinde quoniam me ante omnes fari voluistis, causam hujus sinodi coram edicendam arbitror, quatinus bene digesta, omnibus ut est videatur.

Let the honor owed to each be observed; let the power of speaking belong to all. Let the liberty also of pressing (points) and of refuting be granted to all. Now then, since you have wished me to speak before all, I judge that the cause of this synod should be publicly proclaimed before you, so that, well digested, it may appear to all as it is.

Clarissima illa Remorum metropolis, proditione nuper pervasa ab hostibus fuit. Sancta sanctorum hostium impetu contaminata sunt; sanctuarium Dei, nefariis quibusque violatum; cives quoque a praedonibus direpti. Quorum malorum ille auctor esse criminatur, qui ab hostibus tutari debuit, Arnulfus ejusdem urbis episcopus.

That most illustrious metropolis of the Remi was recently pervaded by enemies through treachery. The Holy of Holies were contaminated by the assault of the enemies; the sanctuary of God, violated by every nefarious outrage; the citizens also despoiled by brigands. The author of these evils is alleged to be the very one who ought to have defended it from the enemies, Arnulf, bishop of that same city.

Hoc ei intenditur. Ad hoc discutiendum, regalis dignitas hic nos collegit. Elaborate igitur, patres reverendi, ne unius perfidia, dignitas sacerdotatis vilescat.

This is laid to his charge. To examine this, royal majesty has gathered us here. Strive, therefore, reverend fathers, lest through the perfidy of one the sacerdotal dignity be debased.

54. Sermocinatio Daiberti pro juditiondo. Contra haec cum quidam residentium responderent, hujusmodi hominem quantotius convincendum, et sic justo juditio puniendum, Siguinus episcopus non id sese permissurum respondit, ut is qui majestatis reus accusatur, sub discutiendi censura ponatur, nisi ante ex jurejurando promissionem indulgentiae ab regibus et episcopis accipiat. Idque faciendum asserebat ex concilii Toletani capite 31. Quod quia brevitati studemus, omisimus ponere.

54. The sermocination of Daibertus for judging. Against these things, when certain of those sitting replied that a man of this sort ought to be convicted as soon as possible, and thus punished by a just judgment, Bishop Siguinus answered that he would not permit this: that he who is accused as a defendant of lèse‑majesté be placed under the censure of discussion, unless first, by oath, he receive a promise of indulgence from the kings and bishops. And he asserted that this must be done in accordance with Chapter 31 of the Council of Toledo. Which, since we strive for brevity, we have omitted to set forth.

54*. Daibertus Bituricensium archiepiscopus dixit: Cum constet factum, et de nomine facti dubitatio nulla sit, quantum quoque facinus perpendatur, quomodo ex necessitate reo sit indulgendum, penitus non adverto. Hic enim incurrere necessitas videtur, cum juditium promulgandum non sit, nisi prius supplicii indulgentia convincendo concessa fuerit. At si ad secularia jura respiciatur, quodcumque scelus quisque commiserit, secundum sceleris modum, poenitentiae severitati subjacebit.

54*. Daibertus, archbishop of the Bituriges, said: Since the deed is established, and there is no doubt as to the designation of the deed, and likewise the extent of the crime is weighed, how of necessity indulgence should be granted to the defendant I do not at all perceive. For here a necessity seems to be incurred, since judgment is not to be promulgated unless first an indulgence of punishment has been granted to the one to be convicted. But if regard be had to secular laws, whatever crime anyone has committed, according to the measure of the crime, he will be subject to the severity of penitence.

55. Herivevus Belvacensis episcopus dixit: Cavendum summopere est, ne leges divinas forensibus comparemus. Plurimum enim a se different, cum divinarum sit de aecclesiasticis negotiis tractare et secularium secularibus adhiberi. Quarum primae tanto secundas superant, quanto secundae primis inferiores sunt.

55. Herivevus, bishop of Beauvais, said: We must be most carefully on guard not to compare divine laws with forensic ones. For they differ very greatly from each other, since it belongs to the divine to deal with ecclesiastical affairs, and to the secular to be applied to secular matters. Of which the former surpass the latter by as much as the latter are inferior to the former.

Unde et divinis per omnia suus honor servandus est. Si ergo frater et coepiscopus noster Arnulfus majestatis reus convictus fuerit, pro sacerdotali reverentia, et sanguinis affinitate, a serenissimis regibus indulgendum aliquatenus non abnuo. Juditii tamen sententiam omnino non effugiet, si sua confessione indignus sacerdotali dignitate manifestabitur.

Whence also in all things the divine matters must have their own honor preserved. If, therefore, our brother and fellow-bishop Arnulf shall be convicted of lèse-majesté, I do not refuse that, for priestly reverence and the affinity of blood, some indulgence be granted by the most serene kings. Nevertheless, he will by no means escape the sentence of judgment, if by his own confession he is shown unworthy of priestly dignity.

56. Indignatio Brunonis in Arnulfum. Bruno Lingonensis episcopus dixit: Hunc unde hic sermo habetur, in has miserias praecipitasse videor, cum contra multorum bonorum vota, ad honoris culmen provexi. Et hoc non solum propter carnis affinitatem effeci, sed etiam ut ad melioris vitae statum illum attraherem, cum non ignorarem ipsum Laudunensis urbis pervasorem, atque nefariae factionis temerarium principem, sub jure cirographi, regibus fidem spopondisse pro nullo praeterito aut futuro sacramento, fidem promissam sese umquam violaturum; regum hostes pro ingenio et viribus impetiturum; illisque in nullo communicaturum.

56. Bruno’s Indignation against Arnulf. Bruno, bishop of Langres, said: This man, of whom this discourse is here held, I seem to have precipitated into these miseries, when, against the votes of many good men, I advanced him to the summit of honor. And I effected this not only on account of the affinity of flesh (blood-kinship), but also that I might draw him to a state of better life, since I was not unaware that he himself, the invader of the city of Laon and the rash leader of a nefarious faction, under the law of a chirograph, had pledged faith to the kings: that for no past or future sacrament (oath) would he ever violate the promised faith; that he would assail the kings’ enemies according to his nature and strength; and that he would in no way communicate with them.

Sed quia Karolus avunculus meus, regum adversarius patet, cum ei is de quo loquimur communicavit, fidemque sacramento dedit, jus fidei promissae penitus abrupit. An Manasse et Rotgerus regum adversarii dicendi non sunt, qui cum Karolo urbis Remorum pervasores fuere, et sanctae Dei genitricis Mariae basilicam cum armata manu ingressi sunt, sanctuariumque nefario ingressu violaverunt? Hos etiam iste sui consilii custodes, et amicorum praecipuos habebat.

But since Charles, my maternal uncle, is manifestly an adversary of the kings, when the man of whom we speak communicated with him and gave faith by a sacrament, he utterly broke the right of the promised faith. Or are Manasses and Rotger not to be called adversaries of the kings, who together with Charles were invaders of the city of Reims, and with an armed band entered the basilica of holy Mary, the God-bearer, and by a nefarious entry violated the sanctuary? These too this man had as guardians of his counsel, and as his chief friends.

Quod quia evidentissimum est, dicat nunc ipse, cujus impulsione aut suasione istud aggressus sit. Aut certe alii intendet, aut convictus estimoniis labascet. Nullus consanguinitatis amor, nulla habitae familiaritatis gratia, a recti judicii forma me aliquo modo seducent.

And since that is most evident, let him himself now say at whose impulse or persuasion he undertook this. Or else he will point to another, or, convicted by testimonies, he will collapse. No love of consanguinity, no favor of long-held familiarity, will in any way seduce me from the form of right judgment.

57. Laus Godesmanni de magnanimitate Brunonis et ut ab eo juditium constituatur postulatio. Godesmannus Ambianensis episcopus dixit: Novimus venerabilis Brunonis magnanimitatem, quem nullus affinitatis amor, nulla familiaritas a veritate sequestrat, at rigor animi, et morum probitas veridicum et cui credendum sit promptissime indicant. Ergo quia de examinatione reatus fratris et coepiscopi nostri Arnulfi mentio superius facta est, ab eo quaerendum videtur, quale ex hac re habendum sit juditium, eo quod ipsum oporteat juditii temperare censuram, cum ipse sic inter utrumque sit constitutus, ut et regi fidem, et Arnulfo ex consanguinitate dilectionem debeat.

57. Godesmann’s praise of Bruno’s magnanimity and a petition that judgment be constituted by him. Godesmann, bishop of Amiens, said: We know the magnanimity of the venerable Bruno, whom no love of affinity, no familiarity separates from truth, but the rigor of mind and the probity of morals most promptly point him out as veridical and one to whom credence should be given. Therefore, since mention was made above about the examination of the guilt of our brother and fellow-bishop Arnulf, it seems that it should be asked of him what sort of judgment ought to be had from this matter, because it is fitting that he temper the censure of the judgment, since he himself is so placed between the two that he owes loyalty to the king, and to Arnulf, by reason of consanguinity, affection.

Unde et nullius doli suspitione tenendus erit, quem fidelitas domini ad juditium incitabit, et caritas proximi a malivolentia prohibebit.

Whence also he will be held under suspicion of no deceit, whom fidelity to his lord will incite to judgment, and charity toward his neighbor will keep from malevolence.

58. Responsio Brunonis. Ad haec Bruno episcopus: Mentem, inquit, vestram satis plane intelligo. Hic qui reus majestatis accusatur, carnis affinitate mihi conjungitur, utpote avunculi mei Lotharii regis filius.

58. Response of Bruno. To this Bishop Bruno: "Your intention," he says, "I quite plainly understand. This man who is accused of treason against majesty is joined to me by consanguinity, to wit, the son of my maternal uncle, King Lothar."

Unde et vestra benignitas mihi fieri injuriam metuit, si dignum de eo a vobis proferatur juditium. Sed absit ut amorem consanguinitatis Christi amore praeciosiorem habeam. Rem unde agitur, sanctitas vestra subtili indagine mecum discutiat.

Whence also your benignity fears that injury might be done to me, if a worthy judgment about him should be brought forth by you. But far be it that I should hold the love of consanguinity more precious than the love of Christ. Let your Holiness, with a subtle investigation, examine with me the matter at issue.

De condemnatione convicto inferenda nihil metuentes, cum aeque justum sit et reum majestatis damnari, et innocentem laxari.

Fearing nothing about the condemnation to be inflicted upon the convicted, since it is equally just that the accused of treason be condemned, and the innocent be released.

59. Demonstratio Ratbodi, quod libellum infidelitatis episcopi Lothariensium perperam calumnientur. Ratbodus Noviomensis episcopus dixit: Si placet, patres reverendi, libellum fidelitatis, ab Arnulfo quondam regibus de habenda fide porrectum, a vobis nunc discutiendum puto. Videtur enim, quod solus in ejus dampnatione sufficiat, eo quod fidem jurejurando promissam, et manus scripto roboratam sacrilegio perjurii penitus violaverit.

59. Demonstration of Ratbod, that they are wrongly calumniating the libellus of infidelity of the bishop of the Lotharingians. Ratbod, bishop of Noyon, said: If it pleases, reverend fathers, I think the libellus of fidelity, presented by Arnulf once to the kings concerning the holding of faith, ought now to be examined by you. For it seems that this alone suffices for his condemnation, in that he has utterly violated by the sacrilege of perjury the faith promised by oath and strengthened by the writing of his hand.

Sed est quiddam quod remordet, quod scilicet a Lothariensium episcopis ut fertur contra illum disputatur. Calumniantur enim contra leges divinas scriptum, lectum, reconditum. Unde et si placet, jam a vobis discutiendus in medium proferatur.

But there is a certain something that gnaws, namely that, as is reported, the bishops of the Lotharingians are disputing against him. For they calumniate that, contrary to the divine laws, it was written, read, and recondited. Wherefore also, if it please, let it now be brought forth into the midst by you to be discussed.

Sinodus dixit: Proferatur.

The synod said: Let it be brought forth.

60. Textus libelli fidelitatis Arnulfi. Prolatus est itaque hanc textus seriem habens: Ego Arnulfus, gratia Dei praeveniente Remorum archiepiscopus, promitto regibus Francorum Hugoni et Rotberto me fidem purissimam servaturum, consilium et auxilium eis secundum meum scire et posse in omnibus negotiis praebiturum; inimicis eorum nec consilio nec auxilio ad eorum infidelitatem scienter adjuturum. Haec in conspectu divinae majestatis, et beatorum spirituum et totius aecclesiae assistens promitto, pro bene servatis laturus praemia aeternae beatitudinis.

60. The text of Arnulf’s booklet of fidelity. It was brought forward accordingly, having this sequence of text: I, Arnulf, by the prevenient grace of God archbishop of the Remi (Reims), promise to the kings of the Franks, Hugh and Robert, that I will keep for them a most pure faith, that I will furnish counsel and aid to them according to my knowing and being able in all affairs; that I will not knowingly assist their enemies either by counsel or by aid toward their disloyalty. These things, in the sight of the divine majesty, and of the blessed spirits and of the whole Church, I, standing by, promise, being about to receive, for having well kept them, the rewards of eternal beatitude.

Si vero, quod nolo et quod absit, ab his deviavero, omnis benedictio mea convertatur in maledictionem, et fiant dies mei pauci, et episcopatum meum accipiat alter. Recedant a me amici mei, sintque perpetuo inimici. Huic ego cirographo a me edito, in testimonium benedictionis vel maledictionis meae subscribo, fratresque et filios meos ut subscribant rogo.

But if indeed—which I do not wish, and far be it—I should deviate from these, let all my benediction be turned into malediction, and let my days be few, and let another receive my episcopate. Let my friends withdraw from me, and let them be enemies perpetually. To this chirograph issued by me, as testimony of my benediction or malediction, I subscribe, and I ask my brothers and my sons to subscribe.

Ego Arnulfus archiepiscopus subscripsi.

I, Arnulf, archbishop, have subscribed.

61. Arnulfus libellum ex parte probat, et ex parte vituperat. Quo recitato, a sinodo investigatur an alicujus reprehensionis aut defensionis vim habere videatur. Tunc venerabilis episcopus Arnulfus, eo quod officium interpretandi ei commissum erat: Et pro se, inquit, ex parte defensionem continet, et vires ex parte reprehensoribus accommodat.

61. Arnulf in part approves the libellus, and in part vituperates it. When this had been recited, it is investigated by the synod whether it seems to have the force of any reprehension or defense. Then the venerable bishop Arnulf, because the office of interpreting had been committed to him: And, he says, on his own behalf it contains in part a defense, and in part furnishes strength to the reprehenders.

Causa namque ut scriberetur, ejus auctor Arnulfus fuit. Qui cum detestandae cupiditatis morbo nimium laboraret, egit quod reprehendi potest, cum juratus fidem non servavit. Hoc enim reprehensioni succumbit.

For, as to the cause that it was written, its author was Arnulf. Who, since he labored excessively under the disease of detestable cupidity, did what can be reprehended, since, though sworn, he did not keep faith. In this, indeed, he succumbs to reprehension.

Et quod sapientes et boni id effecerunt, quod dolis et astutiae perditissimi hominis contrairet, contra querulos defensioni firmitatem affectat, viresque ministrat. Et quicquid illud sit, testimonio tamen roborandum est. Procedat Adalgerus presbyter.

And that the wise and the good brought this to pass, which would be contrary to the wiles and astuteness of a most perditious man, he strives to give firmness to the defense against the querulous and supplies strength. And whatever it may be, nevertheless it must be corroborated by testimony. Let Adalgerus the presbyter proceed.

Adest namque qui rerum seriem proditionis conscius optime novit. Ille inquam adsit, et vestrae claritudini inauditum scelus edicat, ut et ubi sit vituperatio habenda cognoscatis, et ubi laus concedenda videatis.

For there is present, namely, one who, being conscious of the sequence of the treason, knows it very well. Let him, I say, be present, and declare to your Illustriousness the unheard-of crime, so that you may both learn where vituperation is to be had, and see where praise is to be conceded.

62. Admovetur Adalgerus accusationi. Hic rar.. accusatio. Adalgerus itaque accersitus adest.

62. Adalgerus is brought forward to the accusation. Here rar.. accusation. Therefore Adalgerus, having been summoned, is present.

Super hac re interrogatus et nil moratus respondet: Utinam, patres sancti, in hac vocatione concedatur mihi aliqua remissionis indulgentia. Sed quia ad id deveni, ut si quid quod pro me faciat inveniri possit, id contra me stare videatur, verbis brevioribus quod quaeritis edicam. Dudo, Karoli miles, hortatus est, ut hanc unde hic quaeritis proditionem aggrederer, sic domino meo placere juratus.

Questioned concerning this matter, and delaying not at all, he responds: Would that, holy fathers, in this vocation there be granted to me some indulgence of remission. But since I have come to such a pass that, if anything could be found to act on my behalf, it seems to stand against me, in briefer words I will declare what you seek. Dudo, a soldier of Charles, urged me to undertake this treason about which you inquire here, having sworn that thus it would please my lord.

Unde cum ei non crederem, dominum meum per me interrogavi. Sese id fieri velle respondit. Ut autem hoc dedecus specie honesti velaretur, Karolo manus dedi; ejusque factus, proditionem per sacramentum spopondi.

Whereupon, since I did not believe him, I myself asked my lord; he replied that he himself wished it to be done. But in order that this disgrace might be veiled under the appearance of honesty, I gave my hand to Charles; and, having become his man, I pledged the treachery by the sacrament (oath).

Et feci quidem, sed non injussus. Quod si vobis falsum videatur, paratus sum omnia juditiorum genera subire.

And I did indeed, but not unbidden. But if this seems false to you, I am prepared to undergo all kinds of judgments.

63. Brevis et dilucida demonstratio criminis a Guidone episcopo. Guido Suessionensis episcopus dixit: Ut hic ex ratione hujus intelligitur, unius reatus forte ambo tenentur. Nam cum hic sese effecisse asserat, non est immunis ejus dominus, qui facinus perpetrandum suasit, eo quod sceleris causam se ipsum praebuerit.

63. A brief and lucid demonstration of the crime by Bishop Guido. Guido, bishop of Soissons, said: As is understood here from the reasoning of this matter, perhaps both are held for a single guilt. For since this man asserts that he himself brought it to effect, his lord is not immune, who urged the crime to be perpetrated, in that he himself supplied the cause of the crime.

Quoniam ergo utriusque negotium inditiis evidentibus constat, cum alter facinus suaserit, alter effecerit, juditii censura, vestram paternitatem non latet. Est etiam quod juditio habendo vires praebeat, quod cum ipse episcopus proditionis auctor extiterit, ut suum flagitium melioris zeli fervore tegeret, multae excommunicationis et maledictionis anathemate, a corpore et sanguine Domini separavit, atque ab ecclesia fidelium suspendit, Remensium praedonum auctores, factores, cooperatores, fautores, et a propriis dominis rerum sub emptionis nomine abalienatores. Sed cum tanti mali episcopus auctor existat, anathemate involutus manifestissime patet.

Since therefore the business of both is established by evident indicia, since the one has suggested the crime, the other has effected it, the censure of judgment does not escape your paternity. There is also that which provides strength for holding judgment: that since the bishop himself has stood forth as the author of treason, in order to cover his scandal by the fervor of better zeal, with the anathema of much excommunication and malediction he separated from the Body and Blood of the Lord, and suspended from the Church of the faithful, the authors, doers, co‑operators, favorers of the plunderers of Reims, and the alienators of goods from their proper lords under the name of purchase. But since the bishop is the author of so great an evil, it is most manifest that he is wrapped in anathema.

Quod etiam ad ejus condempnationem non minimum valet.

Which also avails not a little toward his condemnation.

64. Indignatio Gualteri in Arnulfum. Gualterus Augustudunensis episcopus dixit: An male sanae mentis hic episcopus non est qui pro se defensiones nititur, cum regibus et tot patribus ejus iniquitas dilucide pateat, et insuper presbyteri malorum conscii testimonio convincatur? An ipse mali inventor, periculum anathematis evadere potuit, cum ipse mali inventor et fautor, inventores et factores, fautoresque maledictionis telo perfodit?

64. Indignation of Walter against Arnulf. Walter, bishop of Autun, said: Is not this bishop unsound of mind, who strives to make defenses for himself, since to the kings and to so many fathers his iniquity lies clearly open, and, moreover, he is convicted by the testimony of presbyters conscious of the evils? Or could he himself, the inventor of evil, escape the peril of anathema, since he himself, the inventor and abettor of evil, pierces the inventors and factors (doers), and the abettors, with the weapon of malediction?

An ipsam Divinitatem hec perpendere non animadvertit, cum scriptum sit, quod oculi Domini in omni loco contemplantur bonos et malos (Prov. XV, 3)? Et certe arbitror, quia dixit insipiens in corde suo: Non est Deus (Psal. LII, 1). Animadvertite ergo, patres, quam corrupti sunt et abominabiles facti sunt in studiis suis factor et fautor.

Or does he not take note to perpend these things concerning Divinity itself, since it is written that the eyes of the Lord in every place contemplate the good and the evil (Prov. 15, 3)? And surely I judge, since the fool said in his heart: There is no God (Psalm 52, 1). Take note, then, fathers, how corrupt they are and how abominable they have been made in their pursuits—the maker and the fautor.

65. Odonis episcopi admonitio de juditio accelerando. Odo Silvanectensis episcopus dixit: Quoniam religionis causa, et jussu serenissimorum regum, hic collecti sumus, non est differendum habendi juditii examen. Id enim reges praestolantur.

65. The admonition of Bishop Odo concerning accelerating the judgment. Odo, bishop of Senlis, said: Since for the cause of religion, and by the command of the most serene kings, we have been gathered here, the examination of the judgment to be held is not to be deferred. For this the kings are awaiting.

Clerus et plebs idem expectant. Nec est in diversissimis sententiarum rationibus diutius immorandum, cum res sit evidens, et juditii ratio in promptu sit. De quibus non solum patrum statuta legitis, verum etiam per consequentias rerum equitatis censuram proferre non ignoratis.

The clergy and the plebs expect the same. Nor must we linger longer over the most diverse rationales of opinions, since the matter is evident and the rationale of the judgment is at hand. Concerning these you not only read the statutes of the Fathers, but also, through the consequences of the facts, you do not fail to bring forth the censure of equity.

66. Arnulfi persuasio ad defensores ut libere disputent. Arnulfus Aurelianensis episcopusdixit: Licet, patres venerandi, hec certissime se sic habeant, ut de Arnulfo praedicantur, plurimisque sententiis patrum, justo juditio damnari valeat, tamen ne videamur de fratris ruina letantes, et in ejus damnatione absque justo ardentes, statuendum communi decreto arbitror, ut quicumque in ejus defensione aliquid dicere nititur, locum defensandi habeat, revolvat volumina, proferat quot vult sententias, atque omnia quae ad defensionem paravit, hic coram nil metuens effundat. Atque hoc constituendum reor, ut ultra eis defensandi locus non pateat.

66. Arnulf’s persuasion to the defenders that they dispute freely. Arnulf of Orléans, bishop, said: Although, venerable fathers, these matters most certainly so stand as they are proclaimed concerning Arnulf, and although by very many sentences of the fathers he may be able to be condemned by a just judgment, nevertheless, lest we seem rejoicing at a brother’s ruin, and burning without justice in his condemnation, I judge that it should be established by a common decree, that whoever attempts to say anything in his defense may have a place for defending, let him unroll the volumes, bring forth as many sentences as he wishes, and here in our presence, fearing nothing, pour out everything which he has prepared for defense. And I think this must be established: that thereafter no place for defending shall lie open to them.

Hic tantum nunc cogitata edicant. Tunc Siguinus episcopus Arnulfi statutum approbat, ac decretalibus interdictis, violari inhibet. Si quispiam ergo quid dicere habet, ut edicat ammonet.

Here for now let them declare only their considered thoughts. Then Siguinus the bishop approves Arnulf’s statute, and by decretal interdicts forbids it to be violated. If therefore anyone has anything to say, he admonishes him to declare it.

67. Defensio scolasticorum pro Arnulfo. Et cum plures ibi assisterent, qui in defensione niterentur, maximi tamen defensores fuere abbates, Abbo Floriacensis, et Ramnulfus Senonensis, atque Johannes scolasticus Autisiodorensis. Hi enim scientia simul et eloquentia inter suos insignes habebantur Et indicto silentio, librorum multa volumina aperta sunt, multa quoque ex patrum decretis prolata, nonnulla etiam ad defensionem objecta.

67. The defense of the scholastics for Arnulf. And although many were standing by there who strove in defense, yet the greatest defenders were the abbots, Abbo of Fleury, and Ramnulf of Sens, and John, the scholastic of Auxerre. For these were held as distinguished among their own both for science and for eloquence. And, silence having been enjoined, many volumes of books were opened, many likewise were brought forward from the decrees of the Fathers, and some things also were adduced for the defense.

Inter quae quatuor principaliter objiciebant. Aiebant enim, inprimis eum suae sedi restituendum. Deinde legitimam ei vocationem adhibendam.

Among which they principally objected four points. For they said, in the first place, that he must be restored to his own see. Next, that a legitimate summons should be applied to him.

Tum quoque Romano pontifici id innotescendum. Et postremo, pontificis Romani auctoritate, in generali sinodo totum facinus discutiendum. Hoc etiam secundum divinas et humanas leges, approbandum asserebant.

Then too that it must be made known to the Roman pontiff. And finally, by the authority of the Roman pontiff, in a general synod the whole crime was to be discussed. This also, according to divine and human laws, they asserted was to be approved.

68. Infirmatio defensionis. Ab altera vero parte responsum est, eum sedi pristinae non restituendum, eo quod culpis evidentissimis a probabili accusatore convictus, ad flagicia magis praeceps, quam ad religionis honorem et dominorum fidem commodus videretur. Nec jam ultra esse vocandum, cum post proditionis nefas, per sex continuos menses vocatus fuerit, et ad rationem venire contempserit.

68. Infirmation of the defense. But from the other side it was answered that he was not to be restored to his former seat, for the reason that, convicted of most evident faults by a credible accuser, he seemed more precipitate toward flagitious acts than suitable for the honor of religion and the faith owed to his lords. Nor was he now to be summoned any further, since, after the crime of treachery, he had been summoned for six continuous months, and had scorned to come to an accounting.

Romano vero pontifici notificari non posse, eo quod itineris difficultas, atque inimicorum minae id plurimum prohiberent. Id vero sceleris jam non esse discutiendum, cum totum constaret, accusator crimen intenderet, ac firmamentum multiplex afferret; reus vero convictus nil contra valeret. His episcoporum sententiis multa ratione prolatis, defensores cedunt.

But that it could not be notified to the Roman pontiff, because the difficulty of the journey and the menaces of enemies very greatly prevented it. That this crime, in truth, was now not to be discussed, since the whole was settled, the accuser pressed the charge and brought manifold corroboration; the defendant, however, having been convicted, had no strength to prevail against it. These opinions of the bishops, put forth with much reasoning, having been delivered, the defenders yield.

69. Quibus a defensione cessantibus, episcopi nihil aliud superesse, nisi Arnulfum in medium statuendum censebant, ut pro se quae vellet responderet. Vocatus itaque in ordine episcoporum consedit. Cui postquam ab episcopis multa illata fuere, quibus conclusus cessavit, et ille ut potuit alia intendit, alia reppulit, victus tamen, argumentorum rationibus succubuit, et sese reum ac sacerdotio indignum coram confessus est.

69. As they ceased from defense, the bishops judged that nothing else remained except that Arnulf be set in the midst, so that he might answer on his own behalf what he wished. Therefore, when called, he sat down in the order of the bishops. After many things had been brought against him by the bishops, at which, being hemmed in, he fell silent, and he, as he could, advanced some points and repelled others; vanquished, however, he succumbed to the reasoning of the arguments, and confessed before them that he was guilty and unworthy of the priesthood.

70. Regum ingressus in sinodum. Quod cum regibus suggestum est, ipsi cum primatibus sacro episcoporum conventui sese inferunt; gratias episcopis reddentes, eo quod pro se et salute principum diu deliberassent. Petunt quoque gestorum seriem sibi evolvi, et in quo constiterint rationum fine.

70. The entry of the kings into the synod. When this was suggested to the kings, they themselves, with the chief men, enter the sacred assembly of the bishops; rendering thanks to the bishops, because they had long deliberated on their behalf and for the safety of princes. They also request that the series of the acts be unrolled for them, and on what conclusion of the arguments they had settled.

Tunc etiam omnium gestorum series regibus exposita est. Post auditum narrationis ordinem, jam tempus adesse juditii habenti asseverant. Tunc episcopi Arnulfum ut regum genibus provolvatur commonent, reatum quoque suum confiteatur, atque pro sui vita, et membrorum integritate supplicet.

Then also the series of all the deeds was set forth to the kings. After the order of the narration was heard, they asseverate that now the time of judgment is at hand for him who has it. Then the bishops admonish Arnulf to prostrate himself at the kings’ knees, to confess his guilt as well, and to supplicate for his life and the integrity of his members.

Ille mox dominorum pedibus prostratus, crimen confessus est; et sacerdotio se indignum asserens, pro vita et membris suffusus lacrimis postulabat. Unde et universam sinodum in lacrimas coegit. Reges multa pietate flexi, vitam et membrorum integritatem indulgent.

He, soon prostrate at the feet of his lords, confessed the crime; and, asserting himself unworthy of the priesthood, suffused with tears he begged for life and limbs. Whence also he drove the entire synod into tears. The kings, bent by much piety, grant life and the integrity of limbs.

Sub custodia sui, absque ferro et vinculis habendum decernunt.

They decree that he is to be kept under his own custody, without iron and bonds.

71. Decretale. Et a terra erectus, interrogatur an abdicationem sui canonum auctoritate sollempniter velit celebrari. Quod cum episcoporum ordinationi totum committeret, mox decretum est, ut quia se indignum sacerdotio confitebatur, scelusque non tegebat, sicut gradibus provectus fuit, ita gradibus deponeretur.

71. Decretal. And, raised from the ground, he is asked whether he wishes his abdication to be solemnly celebrated by the authority of the canons. Since he entrusted the whole matter to the ordinance of the bishops, it was soon decreed that, because he confessed himself unworthy of the priesthood and did not cover up the crime, just as he had been advanced by degrees, so he should be deposed by degrees.

Suasus ergo, regibus quae ab eis acceperat reddidit, sacerdotales vero infulas episcopis sine mora laxavit. Interrogatus etiam an abdicationis et repudii libellum faceret, ad votum episcoporum omnia sese facturum respondit. Et libellum mox scriptum et oblatum, coram regibus in concilio legit, atque subscripsit.

Persuaded, therefore, he returned to the kings the things he had received from them, and he released without delay the sacerdotal infulae to the bishops. Asked also whether he would make a libellus of abdication and repudiation, he replied that he would do all things to the wish of the bishops. And the libellus, soon written and presented, he read before the kings in council, and he subscribed it.

72. Textus libelli repudii Arnulfi. Textus autem libelli hujusmodi erat: Ego Arnulfus gratia Dei Remorum quondam episcopus, regnoscens fragilitatem meam, et pondera peccatorum meorum, testes confessores meos Siguinum archiepiscopum, Daibertum archiepiscopum, Arnulfum episcopum, Godesmannum episcopum, Heriveum episcopum, Ratbodum episcopum, Walterum episcopum, Brunonem episcopum, Milonem episcopum, Adalberonem episcopum, Odonem episcopum, Widonem episcopum, Heribertum episcopum, constitui mihi judices delictorum meorum, et puram ipsis confessionem dedi, quaerens remedium penitendi, et salutem animae meae, ut recederem ab officio et ministerio pontificali, quo me recognosco esse indignum, et alienum me reddens pro reatibus meis in quibus peccasse secreto ipsis confessus sum, et de quibus publice arguebar, eo scilicet modo ut ipsi sint testes, et potestatem habeant substituendi et consecrandi alium in loco meo, qui digne praeesse et prodesse possit aecclesiae cui actenus indignus praefui. Et ut inde ultra nullam repetitionem aut interpellationem, auctoritate canonica facere valeam, manu mea propria subscribens firmavi.

72. The text of Arnulf’s bill of repudiation. Now the text of the bill was as follows: I, Arnulf, by the grace of God once bishop of Reims, recognizing my frailty and the weights of my sins, having as witnesses my confessors Siguinus archbishop, Daibert archbishop, Arnulf bishop, Godesmann bishop, Heriveus bishop, Ratbod bishop, Walter bishop, Bruno bishop, Milo bishop, Adalbero bishop, Odo bishop, Guido bishop, Heribert bishop, have constituted them judges of my delicts, and I have given to them a pure confession, seeking a remedy of penitence and the salvation of my soul, that I might withdraw from the pontifical office and ministry, for which I recognize myself to be unworthy, and rendering myself alien on account of my liabilities in which I confessed to them in secret that I had sinned, and for which I was publicly accused, namely in such manner that they be witnesses, and have the power of substituting and consecrating another in my place, who may be able worthily to preside over and to profit the church over which until now I have unworthily presided. And so that from it I may henceforth be able to make no repetition or interpellation by canonical authority, by subscribing with my own hand I have made it firm.

Quo ita perlecto, ita subscripsi. Ego Arnulfus quondam Remorum archiepiscopus subscripsi. Necnon et adstantes episcopi ab eo rogati ut subscriberent, subscripserunt, atque sic ei responderent: Secundum professionem et subscriptionem tuam cessa ab officio.

When this had thus been read through, thus I subscribed. I, Arnulf, once archbishop of Reims, subscribed. And likewise the bishops standing by, asked by him to subscribe, subscribed, and thus answered him: According to your profession and subscription, cease from office.

Post hec sacramenti jure hos qui sui fuerant absolvit, atque libertatem transeundi in jus alterius victus concessit.

After these things, by right of the sacrament (oath) he absolved those who had been his, and granted the liberty of passing into the jurisdiction of another household.

73. Depositio Adalgeri presbiteri a gradibus. Dum hec multa consideratione gererentur, Adalgerus presbiter eo quod communione privatus esset regum pedibus provolutus, multa conquestione querebatur, communioni petens restitui, parcius sibi inferendam censuram ratus, eo quod jussus domino obtemperavisset. Quem Arnulfus Aurelianensis episcopus adorsus: Numquidnam inquit juditii expertem te tua conficta hodie facient?

73. Deposition of Adalger the presbyter from the orders. While these things were being handled with much consideration, Adalger the presbyter, because he had been deprived of communion, prostrated himself at the kings’ feet, and with much complaint lamented, seeking to be restored to communion, thinking that a censure should be inflicted on him more sparingly, on the ground that, having been ordered, he had obeyed his lord. Against him Bishop Arnulf of Aurelianum assailed him, saying: “Pray, will your fabrications today make you exempt from judgment?”

Numquid tu es qui Karolo portas aperuisti, et hostiliter cum illo sancta sanctorum ingressus es? Numquid tu es qui adolescentem cum tui similibus perdidisti? Confitere, infandissime! Quo respondente: Negare non possum, ille mox prosecutus: An ideo inquit communioni restituendus es, ut domino tuo lugente, tu, nefandissime, rideas?

Are you the one who opened the gates to Charles, and, hostilely with him, entered the holy of holies? Are you the one who destroyed the adolescent along with your like? Confess, most unspeakable one! When he responded, “I cannot deny it,” he at once continued: “Is it for this, then, that you are to be restored to communion, so that, while your lord is mourning, you, most nefarious one, may laugh?”

Tandem decretum est, duorum incommodorum utrumlibet ab eo eligi, aut a gradibus deponi, aut perpetuo anathemate teneri. Qui apud se plurima pertractans tandem maluit gradibus privari, quam anatthemate perpetuo teneri. Et mox episcoporum jussu, indumentis sacerdotalibus vestitur.

At length it was decreed that, of two inconveniences, either might be chosen by him: either to be deposed from the grades, or to be held under perpetual anathema. He, revolving many things with himself, at last preferred to be deprived of the grades rather than to be held under perpetual anathema. And straightway, at the order of the bishops, he is clothed with sacerdotal vestments.

Quae singula absque ulla miseratione detrahentes, ei singuli dicebant: Cessa ab officio tuo. Laicorum ergo tantum communionem ei reddentes, illum penitentiae subdunt, atque sic a sinodo soluti sunt. Si quis autem plenius scire voluerit, quid quisque eorum de canonibus et patrum decretis in concilio protulerit, quid quoque ab eis ibi sancitum sit, quid etiam a regibus et episcopis Romano pontifici directum, quibus quoque causarum rationibus Arnulfi abdicatio roborata est, legat librum domni et incomparabilis viri Gerberti, hujus Arnulfi in episcopatu successoris, qui omnia haec digesta continens, mira eloquentiae suavitate Tulliano eloquio comparatur.

Removing each individual thing from him without any commiseration, they each said to him: Cease from your office. Therefore, restoring to him only the communion of the laity, they subject him to penitence, and thus they were dismissed from the synod. But if anyone should wish to know more fully what each of them brought forward about the canons and the decrees of the fathers in the council, what also was sanctioned there by them, what likewise was directed by the kings and bishops to the Roman pontiff, by what reasons of the cases also Arnulf’s abdication was corroborated, let him read the book of lord and incomparable man Gerbert, the successor of this Arnulf in the episcopate, which, containing all these things digested, is compared to Tullian eloquence with a wondrous sweetness of eloquence.

Objectionibus namque et responsionibus, conquestionibus atque orationibus, invectivis, conjecturisque et diffinitionibus repletus, luculentissime ac rationabiliter proponit, assumit, atque concludit. Qui non solum sinodalibus causis, sed status rethoricae cognoscentibus utillimus habetur.

For, replete with objections and responses, complaints and orations, invectives, conjectures and definitions, he most lucidly and rationally proposes, assumes, and concludes. He is held most useful not only for synodal causes, but for those cognizant of the statuses of rhetoric.

74. Conquestio Odonis apud suos de Miliduni ereptione. Interea Odo rerum suarum augmentum querebat. Unde et apud suos quornm fidem indubitatam sciebat, castrum Meledunum in suum jus transfundi parabat; sibi inquiens miserrimum fore, quod in Sequana fluvio transmittendis exercitibus nullus sibi transitus pateret; unde et id animo sibi incidisse, quatinus Milidunum, quod est circumfluente Sequana tutissimum, et duplici portu pervium, ad suam partem retorqueret, cum etiam in Ligeri plures sibi portus paterent.

74. Complaint of Odo among his own about the seizure of Melun. Meanwhile Odo was seeking an augmentation of his resources. Whence also among his own, whose faith he knew undoubted, he was preparing that the fortress Melun be transferred into his own right; saying that it would be most wretched for himself, that on the Seine (Sequana) river, for transmitting armies, no passage lay open to him; whence also it had occurred to his mind to bend back Melun—which, with the encircling Seine, is most secure, and, with a double port, passable—unto his own side, since also on the Loire (Liger) several ports lay open to him.

Nec de perjurii facinore formidandum, cum illud jam ab avo possessum sit, et nunc non regis sed alterius habeatur. Unde et omnibus qui fidem spondebant, accelerandum suadebat, ut quacumque ratione valerent, ad sui dominium transferrent.

Nor need the crime of perjury be feared, since that has already been possessed by his grandfather, and now is held not by the king but by another. Wherefore also he urged all who were pledging fealty to hasten, that by whatever means they were able, they might transfer it to his dominion.

75. Inductio ab legato Odonis in praesidem Miliduni. Tunc suorum unus, castri praesidem petens, firmissimam amicitiam simulat, fidemque multam pollicetur. Quod et utrimque sacramento mox firmatum fuit.

75. The inducement by Odo’s legate upon the prefect of Milidunum. Then one of his men, seeking the prefect of the castle, feigns a most firm friendship, and promises much fidelity. Which also on both sides was soon confirmed by an oath.

Presidemque affatus, cujus ante hac castrum fuerit, quaerit. Ille cujus fuerit non abnuit. Iste quoque: Quo inquit ordine ad regium jus accessit?

And addressing the governor, he asks whose the castle had been before this. He did not deny whose it had been. He too: By what order, he says, did it come into the royal right?

Ille quoque idem prosequitur. Et iste: Cur inquit Odoni praejuditium fit, cum sepenumero reddi sibi petierit, et se inferior eo nunc potiatur? Quoniam inquit id regi sic visum est.

He likewise pursues the same. And he: “Why,” says he, “is prejudice done to Odo, since he has oftentimes sought that it be restored to him, and that he now be held inferior to him?” “Because,” says he, “it has thus seemed to the king.”

Et iste: Putasne inquit, ipsam Divinitatem non offendi, cum mortuo patre pupillus absque re patrimonio frustratur? Et ille: Ita inquit. Et non solum id, sed et bonorum desperatio fit.

And he: Do you think, he says, that Divinity itself is not offended, when, with the father dead, a ward is left without means and is defrauded of his patrimony? And he: Yes, he says. And not only that, but even a desperation of the goods results.

Quis enim inter primates Odone potentior? Quis omni honore dignior? Atque ad haec iste: Si inquit ad Odonem transverti velles, numquidnam ampliori potentia tene sublimandum arbitrare?

For who among the primates is more powerful than Odo? Who more worthy of every honor? And to this he: “If,” he says, “you were willing to transfer to Odo, do you think that he ought to be exalted to ampler power?”

Si ejus esses, ejus sine dubio gratiam, consilium, suppetias haberes. Pro uno castro plurima possideres. Unde et tui nominis gloria eo ulterius iret, quo amplius honoris culmen adipiscereris.

If you were his, you would without doubt have his favor, counsel, and succor. In place of a single fortress you would possess very many. Whence also the glory of your name would go the further, the more you should attain a higher summit of honor.

Ille vero: Quomodo inquit absque peccato et dedecore hec fieri posse confidis? Et iste inquit: Si te cum castro Odoni confers, quicquid sceleris nasci putas, meum fiat, meum dicatur. Poenas inde luam, et summae Divinitati rationem reddam.

But he indeed: “How,” he says, “do you trust that these things can be done without sin and dishonor?” And the other says: “If you betake yourself, with the castle, to Odo, whatever crime you think may arise, let it be mine, let it be said to be mine. I will pay the penalties for it, and I will render an account to the Highest Divinity.”

Consule nobilitati tuae. Fac tuarum rerum augmentum. Instat tempus.

Consult your nobility. Make an augmentation of your affairs. The time is at hand.

Oportunitas id suadet, cum inpotentia regnandi rex sit inglorius, et Odonem prosperior semper sequatur successus. Ille rerum promissarum cupidus, sacramentum petit. Iste facit, et pro agendo negotio obsides querit.

Opportunity urges this, since, in the impotence of reigning, the king is inglorious, and more prosperous success always follows Odo. That man, desirous of the promised things, asks for an oath. This one performs it, and, for the conducting of the business, seeks hostages.

Ille multum honorem sese habiturum arbitrans, obsides dare non distulit. Quos iste receptos domum duxit, et Odoni omnia haec retulit.

He, supposing that he would have much honor, did not defer giving hostages. These, once received, the latter led home, and he reported all these things to Odo.

76. Pervasio Miliduni ab Odone. *Odoni itaque ut coeptis instet suadet. Interea ab Odone copiae clam parantur, ut castrum ingrediatur et optineat.

76. The Seizure of Melun by Odo. *He therefore advises Odo to press on with his undertakings. Meanwhile, forces are secretly prepared by Odo, so that he may enter the castle and hold it.

Paratis autem tempore statuto aggressus appetit et ingreditur. Proditorem simulato furore invadit, et carceri mancipat. Qui non multo post carcere emissus, sacramento coram fidem facit, et exinde ad resistendum cum Odone sese parat.

With preparations made, however, at the appointed time he aggresses, assails, and enters. He attacks the traitor with simulated fury and consigns him to prison. Who, not much later, released from prison, by oath in their presence pledges his faith, and thereafter prepares himself to resist together with Odo.

Quae omnia ad regum aures mox delata feruntur. Reges de castri amissione commoti, in hostes milites parant; proponentes ab obsidione non sese discessuros, donec aut expugnatum recipiant, aut si res exposcat cum hoste comminus vires et arma conferant.

All these things are soon reported as brought to the ears of the kings. The kings, moved by the loss of the castle, prepare troops against the enemies; proposing that they will not depart from the siege until they either take it back by storm, or, if the matter requires, they join forces and arms with the enemy at close quarters.

77. Accessus regum ad Milidunum. Paratis itaque copiis, expugnatum accedunt. Et quia castrum circumfluente Sequana ambiebatur, ipsi in litore primo castra disponunt; in ulteriore, accitas piratarum acies, ordinant.

77. The approach of the kings to Milidunum. With the forces thus prepared, they approach to take it by storm. And because the stronghold was encompassed by the Seine flowing around it, they themselves arrange their camp on the nearer shore; on the farther, they draw up the summoned battle-lines of the pirates.

Et ne quo intercideretur obsidio, classes armatas in fluvio circumquaque adhibent. Itaque factum fuit, ut fluviali superficie vecti, castrum navali pugna acriter urgerent. Castrenses non impares, inpugnantibus obnituntur.

And lest the siege be cut off anywhere, they bring in armed fleets in the river on every side. And thus it came to pass that, borne upon the fluvial surface, they pressed the fort hard with a naval battle. The garrison, not unequal, withstand the assailants.

Pro viribus certant. Adversariis nullo modo cedunt. Cumque diutius resistentes, comminus pugnarent, nec cederent, postico quod inferius latebat viribus caedentium eruto, piratae admissi sunt.

They strive with all their might. They in no way yield to their adversaries. And when, resisting longer, they were fighting at close quarters and did not give ground, the postern, which lay hidden below, having been dug out by the strength of the assailants hacking at it, the pirates were admitted.

Et a tergo in muro pugnantibus supervenientes, multa caede in eis debaccati sunt. Sic quoque factum est, ut et reliquus exercitus in litore adhuc persistens, classibus pedester intromitteretur, castrumque repentinus pervaderet.

And coming up from behind upon those fighting on the wall, they raged among them with much slaughter. Thus likewise it came about that the rest of the army, still persisting on the littoral, was admitted by the fleets as infantry, and in a sudden rush overran the fort.

78. Castrenses capti libertati dantur. A quibus castrenses capti, et victi, mox regi oblati sunt. Pro quibus coram rege ab amicis oratione habita, facta regi fide dimissi sunt, cum non tantum rei majestatis regiae, quantum sui domini fideles dicendi essent; ad id etiam non perfidiae vitio, sed multa virtute adductos asserebant.

78. The captured men of the camp are granted freedom. By whom the men of the camp who had been captured, and the vanquished, were soon presented to the king. On whose behalf, a speech having been delivered before the king by friends, they were dismissed upon faith pledged to the king, since they were to be called faithful not so much to the cause of the royal majesty as to their own lord; they asserted, moreover, that they had been led to this not by the fault of perfidy, but by much virtue.

His ergo obsidum jure dimissis, et castro domino priori reddito, proditor cujus dolo hujusmodi infortunium accessit, mox comprehensus, suspendio secus castri portam defecit. Nec minus ejus uxor, inusitato ludibrii genere pedibus suspensa, exuviis circumquaque, defluentibus nudata, atroci fine juxta virum interiit. Cum haec agebantur, Odo cum exercitu haud procul rei eventum opperiebatur; ratus castrum a suis posse contra hostes defendi, insidias piratarum aliquantisper suspectas habens.

Therefore, with these hostages released by right, and the castle restored to its former lord, the traitor by whose deceit such a misfortune had arisen was soon apprehended, and by hanging beside the gate of the castle came to his end. No less his wife, by an unusual kind of mockery, being suspended by the feet, stripped naked as her garments, slipping down on every side, fell away, perished with a cruel end next to her husband. While these things were being done, Odo with the army, not far off, was awaiting the outcome of the matter; thinking that the castle could be defended by his own men against the enemies, harboring for a while some suspicion of the pirates’ ambushes.

Dum ergo herens de eventu nutaret, affuere nuntii, qui castrum captum, suosque comprehensos et inermes factos assererent. Quo audito, exercitum non aequo animo ad sua dimovit. Cui cum a querulis quibusdam intenderetur, propter eum virum consularem suspendio interisse, Odo respondisse fertur, sese amplius lesum suorum comprehensione, quam proditoris suspendio.

While therefore, lingering and wavering about the outcome, messengers arrived who asserted that the castle had been captured, and his men seized and rendered unarmed. On hearing this, he dismissed the army to their own quarters, not with equanimity. And when it was charged against him by certain querulous persons that, because of him, a man of consular rank had perished by hanging, Odo is said to have responded that he was more injured by the apprehension of his own men than by the hanging of the traitor.

79. Rixa Odonis et Fulconis de Britannia. Nec multo post bella civilia reparata sunt. Etenim Fulco qui regum partibus favebat, exercitum in Odonem parabat, quaesiturus ab eo Brittanniae partem, quam non multo ante ei abstulerat.

79. The quarrel of Odo and Fulk concerning Brittany. And not long after, the civil wars were renewed. For indeed Fulk, who favored the party of the kings, was preparing an army against Odo, intending to demand from him a part of Brittany, which not long before he had taken away from him.

Collegit itaque quatuor milia, qui non comminus confligerent, eo quod eorum vires Odonis potentiae non sufficerent, sed ejus terram incendiis et rapinis afficerent. Et tandiu id faciendum arbitrabatur, donec Odo aut tedio victus redderet, aut pro ea aliam non inparem conferret. Preceps itaque fertur, terramque praedis, manubiis, combustionibusque affecit.

Accordingly he assembled four thousand, who would not engage at close quarters, because their forces were not sufficient for Odo’s power, but would afflict his land with fires and rapine. And he judged that this should be done so long, until Odo, overcome by weariness, would yield, or would set against it another not unequal. Headlong therefore he rushes, and he afflicted the land with raids, spoils, and conflagrations.

Et cum apud Blesum loca suburbana succenderet, incendiis aura flante circumquaque erumpentibus, in coenobium monachorum sancti confessoris Laudomari ignis plurimus evolavit. Quod mox combustum dirutum fuit. Cibi quoque consumpti.

And while he was setting the suburban places near Blois ablaze, with the breeze blowing and the fires bursting forth on every side, a very great fire flew into the monastery of the monks of the holy confessor Laudomarus. Which was soon burned and laid in ruins. The provisions too were consumed.

Unde nec monachorum migratio defuit. His exemptis, in loca alia exercitum retorquet, et vastat. Post cujus digressum, Odo in ejus terram versa vice exercitum induxit, sic in ea efferatus, ut nec tugurium vel gallum relinqueret, hostem provocans, et ut dimicaturus veniat invitans.

Whence the migration of the monks too was not lacking. With these removed, he turns his army to other places and devastates. After his departure, Odo, in turn, led an army into his land, so feral therein that he left not even a hut or a cock, provoking the enemy and inviting him to come to fight.

Ille autem copias non sufficere sibi cognoscens, provocanti cessit, atque ad sua rediit. Atque haec fere per biennium.

He, however, recognizing that his forces did not suffice for him, yielded to the one provoking, and returned to his own. And this almost for two years.

80. Oratio legatorum Odonis apud regem de Miliduni pervasione. Odo interea, castro amisso frustratus, etiam in hoc sese cautissimum habebat. Arbitrabatur etenim duplici calamitate se posse torqueri, cum de castri amissione plurimum doleret, et a rege irato non mediocriter valeret urgeri.

80. The oration of Odo’s legates before the king concerning the pervasion of Melun. Odo meanwhile, thwarted with the fortress lost, even in this kept himself most cautious. For he supposed that he could be tormented by a twofold calamity, since he grieved very greatly over the loss of the fortress, and might be pressed not moderately by an irate king.

Unde et regi legatos direxit, per quos sese optime ratiocinari posse de objectis quibuscumque suggereret. Sese in nullo regiam majestatem lesisse ostensurum. Si de Miliduno agatur, contra regem nil mali molitum, cum non regi sed suo commilitoni illud abstulisset.

Whence also he sent legates to the king, through whom he would suggest that he could ratiocinate most excellently concerning whatever things were objected; that he would show himself to have in no way injured the royal majesty. If it be a matter of Miliduno, he had contrived nothing evil against the king, since he had taken that not from the king but from his fellow-soldier.

Regi nihil derogatum fuisse, cum ipse regis aeque sit, ut ille cui abstulit. Nihilque interesse quantum ad regiam dignitatem, quicumque teneat. Sese etiam justis causis id effecisse, cum illud a suis praecessoribus olim possessum, approbari possit.

that nothing had been derogated from the king, since he himself is equally of the king as the one from whom he took it. And that, as regards royal dignity, it makes no difference whosoever may hold it. That he also had effected this for just causes, since it can be approved that it was once possessed by his predecessors.

Unde etiam videri posse, a se dignius teneri debere, quam ab alio quocumque. Tandem si quid piaculi factum est, in sese poenam dedecoris redundasse, tantumque scelus pari ignominia abstersum. Unde et facilius sibi indulgendum, atque in tanta injuria amplius parcendum.

Whence it can also seem that it ought to be held more worthily by himself than by any other whatsoever. Finally, if any piacular offense has been committed, the penalty of dishonor has redounded upon himself, and so great a crime has been wiped away by equal ignominy. Whence also he should be more easily indulged, and, in so great a wrong, spared the more.

Rex orationis vim advertens, legatis satisfacit, benivolentiamque petenti mandat. Haec legati Odoni referunt. Odo itaque regem adiit.

The king, noticing the force of the oration, satisfies the legates, and sends word of benevolence to the petitioner. The legates report these things to Odo. Odo therefore approached the king.

Coram quo oratione utiliter usus, ejus gratia potitus est; tanta affabilitate insignis, ut amicitiam pristinam renovarent, et in nullo suspectus regi haberetur.

In whose presence, having used oration to advantage, he obtained his favor; distinguished by such affability that they renewed their former friendship, and he was held by the king as in no way suspect.

81. Bellum inter Odonem et Fulconem de Britannia. Hac tempestate itidem civilia bella reparata sunt. Nam Fulco Brittanniae parte frustratus, insidias adhuc parare contendebat.

81. War between Odo and Fulk concerning Brittany. At this season likewise the civil wars were renewed. For Fulk, having been frustrated of a part of Brittany, was still striving to prepare ambushes.

Collectoque exercitu, in Brittanniam praeceps fertur, Namtasque appetit. Cujus custodes alios auro corrupit, * alios quibusdam pollicitationibus illexit. Eis quoque usque ad effectum suasit, quo sibi satisfacerent, ut scilicet urbis introitum panderent.

With the army collected, he is borne headlong into Brittany, and makes for Nantes. The guards of which he corrupted some with gold, * others he enticed with certain promises. He also persuaded them even unto accomplishment, so that they might satisfy him, namely that they should throw open the entrance of the city.

Qui suasi, sacramento tempus constituunt. Nec multo post et in urbem admittunt. Ingressusque pervadit, et a civibus jure sacramenti obsides accepit.

They, once persuaded, fix a time by oath. And not much later they admit him into the city as well. And, having entered, he made his way through, and from the citizens, by the right of the oath, he received hostages.

Arcem solam expugnare non valuit, eo quod milites magnanimos haberet. Unde et cessit, sese recedere deliberans, ut copiis amplioribus congressurus rediret, arcemque expugnaret.

He was not able to storm the citadel alone, because it had magnanimous soldiers. And so he yielded, resolving to withdraw, so that, about to engage with larger forces, he would return and storm the citadel.

82. Conanus in exterioribus Brittaniae partibus qui locus Bruerech dicitur, de rebus bellicis apud suos pertractabat, cum ad ejus aures haec delata sunt. Magisque coepto negotio insistens, exercitum congregat, bellumque fieri parat. * Et quoniam obsidioni instandum tempus suadebat, collectum exercitum urbi inducit, eique ad unum latus obsidionem per terram ordinat.

82. Conanus, in the exterior parts of Brittany, a place which is called Bruerech, was handling matters of war among his own, when these things were brought to his ears. And insisting the more upon the business undertaken, he gathers an army, and prepares that war be made. * And since the time was advising that the siege should be pressed, he leads the gathered army up to the city, and on one side of it arranges a siege by land.

Ad alterum vero per Ligerim classes piratarum adhibet. Undique ergo obsidione disposita, a piratis per fluvium, a Brittannis per terram urbani vehementer urgentur. Nec minus qui in arce remanserant, a superioribus jaculorum diversa genera praecipitabant.

But to the other side he brings in fleets of pirates by way of the Loire. And so, with the siege disposed on every side, the townsmen are vehemently pressed—by the pirates along the river, by the Britons over land. And no less, those who had remained in the citadel were from above hurling down diverse kinds of missiles.

Parique inpugnatione superiorum atque inferiorum qui medii erant vexabantur. Nam qui in arce et in obsidione certabant, Conani partes tuebantur. Urbani vero pro Fulconis victoria operam dabant.

And by an equal assault from those above and those below, those who were in the middle were harassed. For those who were fighting in the citadel and in the siege were upholding Conan’s party. The townsmen, however, were applying their effort for Fulk’s victory.

Nec minus Fulco copias parabat, et exercitum tam de suis quam conducticiis congregabat. Audito vero Conanum urbi obsidionem adhibuisse, mox legionem Britanniae infert.

No less did Fulk prepare his forces, and he was gathering an army both from his own men and from mercenaries. But when he heard that Conan had applied a siege to the city, he soon brings in the Breton legion.

83. Dolus Fulconi paratus. Erat campus non valde procul, longitudine sui et latitudine vastus, filicetum in se maximum habens. Hic Conanus locum gerendi belli constituens, insidiarum dolos infodit.

83. A stratagem prepared for Fulk. There was a plain not very far off, vast in its own length and breadth, containing within itself a very great fern-brake. Here Conan, establishing the place for waging war, buried the stratagems of ambuscade.

Nam fossas quam plures ibi inmergens, virgis et viminibus stipulisque earum hiatus desuper operuit, intus surculis defixis, qui superiora continerent et soliditatem superficiei simularent. Et ut simulata superficies penitus lateret, filicem collectam desuper respersit, insidiasque dissimulavit.

For, sinking as many trenches there as possible, he covered the gaps from above with rods, withes, and straw, with little shoots fixed inside, which would hold up the upper parts and simulate the solidity of the surface. And so that the simulated surface might lie completely hidden, he sprinkled collected fern over it from above and disguised the ambushes.

84. Dolus Conani contra hostes. Post insidias ipse acies ordinans, sic fraude usus est, ut diceret se ibi mansurum, nec ulterius hostes quaesiturum. Si hostes urgerent, ibi tantum vitam defensurum.

84. Conan’s stratagem against the enemies. After the ambush, he himself, arranging the battle-line, used fraud in this way: he said that he would remain there, and would seek the enemies no further. If the enemies pressed, he would there only defend his life.

Nec ob metum id facturum, at ut hostes si sese querant et impetant, contra jus id faciant. Sic enim eorum ruina facilius provenire possit, cum sua temeritate quietos et innoxios aggrediantur. Ibi itaque acies ordinavit, insidias in prospectu habens.

Nor would he do that on account of fear, but so that, if the enemies complain and make an onslaught, they may do it contrary to right. For thus their ruin might more easily come about, since by their own temerity they would assail those who are quiet and innocuous. There, therefore, he arrayed the battle-line, having the ambush in view.

Herebat ergo, hostesque excepturus opperiebatur. Fulco Conanum herentem videns, nec ab eo loco exiturum, cum insidias nesciret, suos multo hortatu suadebat, quatinus vehementi conamine impetum facerent, hostesque aggredi non dubitarent. De victoria non diffiderent, cum virium spes optima non desit, si Divinitas aversa non sit.

He therefore stuck fast, and waited, ready to receive the enemies. Fulk, seeing Conan clinging and that he would not go out from that place, since he did not know of the ambush, with much hortation urged his men, that they should make an onset with vehement endeavor, and not hesitate to attack the enemies. Let them not distrust victory, since the best hope of strength is not lacking, if Divinity be not adverse.

Dato itaque signo irruunt. Arbitrati quoque solidum iter, fossis indubitate propinquant.

Thus, the signal having been given, they rush in. Having also deemed the way solid, they without doubt draw near to the trenches.

85. Praecipitatio hostium a Conano. Cumque Brittannos metu herentes arbitrarentur, telis obnitentes ad fossas irruunt; precipitatique cum equis inmerguntur, ac caeca ruina confusi, ad viginti milia inmersi atque compressi sunt. At posterior exercitus, priori precipitato, terga dedit.

85. The precipitation of the enemies by Conan. And when they supposed the Britons to be clinging from fear, bracing themselves with their spears they rush upon the ditches; and, precipitated, they are immersed with their horses, and, thrown into confusion by a blind ruin, up to twenty thousand were immersed and compressed. But the posterior army, the prior having been precipitated, turned their backs.

Unde et Fulco vitae tantum consulens, profugio eripi conahatur.

Whence also Fulk, taking counsel only for his life, endeavored to be snatched away by flight.

86. Interfectio Conani. Quem cum fuga exagitaret, Conanus interim in dumetum cum tribus sese recepit, armisque depositis, corporis fervorem ad auram mitigabat. Quem quidam adversariorum intuitus, facto impetu illum adorsus, gladio transfixit, Fulconisque victoriam extulit.

86. The Killing of Conan. While he was hounding him in flight, Conan meanwhile withdrew into a thicket with three companions, and, his arms laid aside, was mitigating the heat of his body in the breeze. A certain one of the adversaries, having caught sight of him, with an assault attacked him, pierced him through with a sword, and bore off victory for Fulk.

Fulco, animo resumpto, Namtas repetit, atque ingreditur, qui in arce erant acriter vexans. Qui principe destituti pene exanimes, inpugnanti cedunt, fidemque postulati faciunt.

Fulco, with spirit resumed, returns to Nantes and enters, sharply vexing those who were in the citadel. They, deprived of their prince and almost lifeless, yield to the assailant, and make the requested pledge of faith.

87. Repudium reginae Susannae a rege Rotberto. His ita sese habentibus, Rotbertus rex cum in undevicesimo aetatis anno, juventutis flore vernaret, Susannam uxorem genere Italicam, eo quod anus esset, facto divortio repudiavit. Quae repudiata, cum ea quae ex dote acceperat, repetere vellet, nec ei rex adquiesceret, aliorsum animum transvertit.

87. The repudiation of Queen Susanna by King Rotbert. With matters thus standing, King Rotbert, when in the nineteenth year of his age, blossoming with the flower of youth, repudiated Susanna his wife, Italian by birth, for the reason that she was an old woman, a divorce having been made. She, having been repudiated, when she wished to reclaim the things which she had received from the dowry, and the king did not acquiesce to her, turned her mind elsewhere.

A qua etiam die, sua quaerens, regi insidias moliebatur. Nam Monasteriolum castrum quod in dote acceperat, ad suum jus refundere cupiens, cum id efficere non posset, secus eum aliud nomine....... extruxit; rege interim occupato, circa Odonis et Fulconis facinora. Ex cujus munitione arbitrabatur posse omnem navium convectationem prohiberi, cum sibi advenientes sese prius offerrent, unde et eis transitum ulterius inhibere valeret.

From that day as well, seeking her own interests, she was contriving insidious plots against the king. For the castle Monasteriolum, which she had received in dowry, wishing to restore to her own right, when she could not accomplish this, she built near it another by the name .......; the king meanwhile being occupied with the misdeeds of Odo and Fulk. From the fortification of which she supposed that all conveyance of ships could be prohibited, since those arriving would first offer themselves to her, whence she might also be able to inhibit their further transit.

88. Reprehensio repudii. Hujus repudii scelus, a nonnullis qui intelligentiae purioris fuere, satis laceratum eo tempore fuit, clam tamen, nec patenti refragatione culpatum.

88. Reprehension of the repudiation. The crime of this repudiation, by some who were of purer intelligence, was sufficiently lacerated at that time, yet clandestinely, nor was it condemned by patent refutation.

89. Sinodus Chelae habita. Hujus temporis diebus cum a papa Romano B. abdicatio Arnulfi et promotio Gerberti plurimis epistolarum scriptis calumniarentur, episcopi quoque rei hujusmodi auctores simulque et alii cooperatores diversis reprehensionibus redarguerentur, placuit episcopis Galliae in unum convenire, et super hac reprehensione consulere. Quibus Chelae collectis, sinodus habita est.

89. A synod held at Chelles. In the days of this time, since by the Roman Pope B. the abdication of Arnulf and the promotion of Gerbert were being calumniated in very many epistolary writings, and the bishops also, the authors of a matter of this sort, together with other cooperators, were being refuted with various reprehensions, it pleased the bishops of Gaul to convene in one and to consult about this reprehension. When they had been gathered at Chelles, a synod was held.

Cui rex Rotbertus praesedit, considentibus metropolitanis. Gerberto Remensi cui tota sinodalium causarum ratio discutienda commissa fuit, Siguino quoque Senonensi, Erchembaldo Turonico, Daiberto Bituricensi, aliisque horum comprovintialibus nonnullis. In qua postquam ex patrum decretis rationes de statu sanctae aecclesiae promulgarunt, inter nonnulla utilia, constitui et roborari placuit, ut ab ea die, idem sentirent, idem vellent, idem cooperarentur, secundum id quod scriptum est: Erat eis cor unum et anima una (Act.

Over which King Robert presided, the metropolitans being seated. To Gerbert of Reims the whole reckoning of synodal causes to be discussed was committed, and to Siguin of Sens, Erchembald of Tours, Daibert of Bourges, and certain others of their fellow provincials. In which, after they promulgated from the decrees of the fathers the reasons concerning the state of the holy Church, among several useful things it pleased them that it be constituted and ratified, that from that day they should think the same, will the same, cooperate the same, according to that which is written: “They had one heart and one soul (Act.

IV, 32). Decerni et illud voluere, ut si in qualibet aecclesia, quaecumque tirannis emergeret, quae telo anathematis ferienda videretur, id inprimis ab omnibus consulendum, et sic communi decreto agitandum. Et qui anathemate relaxandi forent, decreto communi similiter relaxandos, juxta quod scriptum est: Consilium a sapiente perquire (Tob. IV, 19). Placuit quoque sanciri, si quid a papa Romano contra patrum decreta suggereretur, cassum et irritum fieri, juxta quod Apostolus ait: Hereticum hominem et ab ecclesia dissentientem, penitus devita (Tit.

4, 32). They also wished to decree this: that, if in any church whatever tyranny should emerge, which would seem to be struck by the weapon of anathema, this is first to be consulted by all, and thus to be acted upon by a common decree. And those who were to be relaxed from anathema are similarly to be relaxed by a common decree, according as it is written: “Seek counsel from a wise man” (Tob. 4, 19). It also pleased to be sanctioned, that if anything should be suggested by the Roman pope against the decrees of the Fathers, it be made void and null, according as the Apostle says: “A heretical man and one dissenting from the church, utterly avoid” (Tit.

III, 10). Nec minus abdicationem Arnulfi et promotionem Gerberti, prout ab eis ordinatae et peractae essent, perpetuo placuit sanciri, juxta quod in canonibus scriptum habetur: Sinodo provinciali statutum, a nullo temere labefactandum.

3, 10). No less did it please to be sanctioned in perpetuity that the abdication of Arnulf and the promotion of Gerbert, just as they had been ordained and performed by them, be confirmed, according as it is held written in the canons: A statute of a provincial synod, by no one to be rashly undermined.

90. Impetus Odonis et Fulconis inter se. Hac tempestate bella civilia reparata sunt. Cum enim tirannorum insidiis Odonis et Fulconis de Brittanniae principatu rixa resurgeret, illis dissidentibus reliqui etiam regnorum principes moti dissensere. Rex Fulconis partes tutabat, Odo suorum necnon et piratarum qui rege deserto ad se transierant, Aquitanorumque copiis fretus incedebat.

90. The onset of Odo and Fulk among themselves. At this season civil wars were renewed. For, with the plots of the tyrants, the quarrel of Odo and Fulk over the principate of Brittany was rising again; they being at odds, the remaining princes of the realms also, stirred, dissented. The king was defending Fulk’s party, while Odo advanced, relying on his own men and also on the pirates who, the king being deserted, had gone over to him, and on the forces of the Aquitanians.

Unde Fulco in Odonem praeceps, ejus terram depopulatur, et post in ea non procul ab urbe Turonica oppidum exstruit atque munit; copias ponit; militibus implet; et quia ad hoc diruendum Odonem adventurum sperabat, regem petiit, auxilia imploraturus. Cui cum rex auxilium polliceretur, obstinatiore animo ferebatur. Itaque copias contra hostem congressurus parat; exercitum colligit; bellumque Odonis indicit.

Whence Fulk, headlong against Odo, depopulates his land, and afterwards in it, not far from the city of Tours, constructs and fortifies a town; he posts forces; he fills it with soldiers; and because he was hoping that Odo would come to demolish this, he sought the king, to implore auxiliaries. When the king promised him aid, he was borne with a more obstinate mind. And so, about to engage the enemy, he prepares his forces; he collects an army; and he declares war on Odo.

Odo, pudore tactus, a Gallis Belgis subsidia petit. Si adsint, gratiam sese recompensaturum spondet. Illi liberaliter annuunt, fidemque faciunt.

Odo, touched with shame, asks from the Belgic Gauls for subsidies (aid). He promises that, if they should be present, he will recompense the favor. They assent liberally and give their pledge.

Nec minus Flandrenses accersit, ab eisque tutelam petiit, vicem pollicens, si quod petit non abnuant. Illi quoque animo liberali quesita accommodant. Piratis etiam legatos dirigens, copias sibi non negari deposcit.

No less does he summon the Flemings, and from them he sought tutelage, promising a return in kind, if they do not refuse what he seeks. They too, with a liberal spirit, accommodate the things requested. Sending legates also to the pirates, he urgently demands that troops not be denied to himself.

Tempus et locus omnibus constituitur, quo collecti sese conferant. Odo interim suos placat, colligit et incitat. Ratusque Belgas et piratas tempestivos, cum suorum paucis tanta celeritate in Fulconem fertur, ut in certamine plus quatuor milibus pugnatorum non haberet.

For all a time and place is appointed, to which, once gathered, they should betake themselves. Odo meanwhile placates his own men, collects and incites them; and thinking the Belgae and the pirates timely, with a few of his own he bears down upon Fulk with such celerity that in the encounter he had not more than 4,000 combatants.

Castro tamen obsidionem adhibet, armiferosque disponit. Castrenses multo conatu adurget.

Nevertheless he applies a siege to the castle, and deploys the men-at-arms. He presses the garrison hard with much endeavor.

91. Fulconis supplicatio Odoni per legatos. Fulco regem morantem non auxiliaturum, et Odonis exercitum intolerabilem ratus, remissiori mox animo habitus est. Itaque per legatos Odonis amicitiam expetit; pro Conani interitu centum pondo argenti sese impensurum mandat; loco militis interfecti, filium suum pro eo militaturum offert; castrum extructum in ejus honore sese eversurum, atque a suis evacuaturum; sese quoque ei sponte militaturum, si id regi injuriosum non foret.

91. Fulk’s supplication to Odo through legates. Fulk, thinking that the delaying king would not bring aid, and that Odo’s army was intolerable, soon was of a more relaxed mind. And so through legates he seeks Odo’s friendship; for Conan’s death he sends word that he will expend one hundred pounds of silver; in the place of the slain soldier, he offers that his own son will serve as a soldier in his stead; the castle erected in his honor he will overthrow, and clear it of his men; that he also will serve him of his own accord, if this would not be injurious to the king.

Quod quia absque regis injuria fieri non poterat, ejus filio manus per sacramentum daret; itaque fieret, ut ipse cum nato militaret, cum filium suum Odoni pro Conano daret, et sese Odonis filio militaturos committeret. Daturum se etiam fidem sacramento contra omnium causam, praeter regis, et horum quibus speciali consanguinitate carius addictus est, utpote nati, fratris ac nepotum. His Odo perceptis, suorum usus consilio, haec sese excepturum optime mandat, si Namtas Brittanniae urbem dolo captam reddat, et a suis evacuet.

Because this could not be done without injury to the king, he would give his hand by oath to his son; and thus it would come about that he himself would serve with his son as a soldier, since he would give his own son to Odo in place of Conan, and would commit themselves to serve Odo’s son as soldiers. He would also give his pledged faith by oath against the cause of all, except that of the king, and of those to whom he is more dearly bound by special consanguinity, to wit, his son, his brother, and his grandsons. These things perceived by Odo, making use of the counsel of his men, he orders that he will very well accept these terms, if he give back Nantes, the city of Brittany, taken by guile, and evacuate it of his own men.

Injuriosum enim id videri, si ablata prius non repetat, et non redditis, cum hoste pacem faciat.

For that would seem injurious, if he should not first reclaim what was taken away, and were to make peace with the enemy without their being returned.

92. Abjectio supplicationis ab Fulcone. Haec dum exagitarentur, et Odo exercitum suum paulatim augeri arbitraretur, priusquam copias congrediendi haberet, rex cum duodecim milibus affuit, cum Fulconem sex milia suorum stiparent. Quibus mixtis, exercitus armatorum densatus est.

92. Rejection of supplication by Fulk. While these things were being agitated, and Odo judged his army to be augmented little by little, before he had forces for engaging, the king was present with twelve thousand, while six thousand of his own were thronging about Fulk. When these were commingled, the army of armed men was thickened.

Unde et Fulco insolentior factus, quae ante supplex obtulerat spernit. Ut bellum fiat, fervidus instat; et ut vada Ligeris qui eis interfluebat pertranseant, hostemque impetant, hortatur atque suadet. Odo suos ut spoponderant non venisse advertens, eo quod exercitibus colligendis hujus temporis brevitas non sufficeret, animo nimis turbato ferebatur.

Whence even Fulk, made the more insolent, spurns what he had earlier, as a suppliant, proffered. He ardently presses that war be made; and he exhorts and advises that they cross the fords of the Loire, which flowed between them, and attack the enemy. Odo, noticing that his men had not come as they had pledged, because the shortness of this time did not suffice for mustering the armies, was borne along with a mind too troubled.

Attamen cum quatuor milibus refragratus, vada Ligeris prohibebat.

Nevertheless, with four thousand in opposition, he barred the fords of the Loire.

93. Rex vadi incessu prohibitus, ad Ambatiam castrum retorquet exercitum, quod non procul in eodem litore fluminis inter rupes eminenebat, ut ibi transiens et post obliquatus, hostibus a tergo inprovisus adsistat, eosque adurgeat. Odo regis exercitum non sustinens, legatos ei dirigit: hostem suum, non regem sese impetiisse mandans; nec contra regem quicquam moliturum, at contra inimicum. Si rex jubeat, se mox ulterius iturum et sibi de omnibus satisfacturum.

93. The king, prohibited in his advance at the ford, redirects the army to the castle of Ambatia, which not far off on the same shore of the river stood out among the crags, so that by crossing there and then, having wheeled obliquely afterward, he might come upon the enemies from the rear unexpected and press them hard. Odo, not able to sustain the king’s army, sends envoys to him, declaring that he had attacked his enemy, not the king; and that he would undertake nothing against the king, but against his adversary. If the king should command, he would straightway go further and would render him satisfaction in all things.

Rex rationis consequentiam advertens, tantum virum absque causa a se laesum, suspectum habebat. Unde et ne penitus a se deficeret, ab eo obsides sub pace sequestra accepit; de omnibus quae ei intenderet, post rationem ab eo auditurus. Unde et exercitum reducens, Parisium devenit.

The king, adverting to the consequence of reason, held in suspicion so great a man, by himself injured without cause. Whence also, lest he should utterly defect from him, he received hostages from him under a sequestral peace, being thereafter to hear from him the rationale concerning all that he might allege against him. Whence also, leading back the army, he came to Paris.

Odo quoque nihil amittens, indempnis Meldim cum suis devenit. Inde etiam post dies non multos, castrum quod Dunum dicitur, sua dispositurus petiit.

Odo also, losing nothing, came unharmed to Meaux with his men. Thence too, after not many days, he made for the castle which is called Dunum, intending to dispose his own affairs.

94. Obitus Odonis. Unde cum de suis quos sub pace sequestra regi delegaverat, plurima consultatione deliberaret, humorum superfluitate pro temporis immutatione vexatus, in egritudinem quae a phisicis synantica dicitur decidit. Quae cum intra gulae interiora sedem habeat, ex fleumatis reumatismo progressa, tamen aliquando ad maxillas et genas, aliquando ad toracem et pulmones tumorem cum dolore gravi immittit.

94. The Death of Odo. Whence, while he was with much consultation deliberating concerning his own men whom he had delegated to the king under a sequestral peace, vexed by a superfluity of humors on account of the change of the season, he fell into a sickness which is called by the physicians synantica. Which, since it has its seat within the inner parts of the gullet, having advanced from a rheumatism of phlegm, nevertheless sometimes sends a swelling with grievous pain to the jaws and cheeks, sometimes to the thorax and lungs.

Quibus tumentibus atque ferventibus excepta initii die, post diatritum, patientem perimit. In hanc igitur Odo lapsus, infestis gulae doloribus circumquaque pulsabatur; arteriarum quoque fervor, sermonis intercisionem operabatur. Nec petiit hujusmodi dolor capitis superiora, at praecordia pertemptans, pulmonem et epar peracuto dolore stimulabat.

With these swelling and seething, sparing only the day of onset, after the diatritus (third day) it kills the patient. Into this, then, Odo having fallen, he was beaten on all sides by hostile pains of the throat; the heat of the arteries too was working an interruption of speech. Nor did a pain of this sort seek the upper regions of the head, but, thoroughly trying the praecordia, it was goading the lung and the liver with very acute pain.

Fuit itaque militum luctus, famulorum clamor, feminarum frequens exclamatio, eo quod dominum inconsultum amittebant, et natis dominandi spes nulla relinqueretur, cum reges patri adhuc animo irato perstarent, et Fulco insolentiae spiritu, pacem multifariam turbaret. Et tamen in brevi victurus, regibus legatos celeres misit, qui pro se supplices suasorie rogarent, et pro injuriis illatis justissimam recompensationem sponderent. Rex veteranus malorum correctionem ab legatis excipere volens, a filio indignante inhibitus est.

Thus there was the lament of the soldiers, the clamor of the servants, the frequent outcry of the women, because they were losing their lord without counsel, and no hope of dominion was left to his sons, while the kings still persisted with an angry mind against the father, and Fulk, in a spirit of insolence, was disturbing the peace in many ways. And yet, with little time to live, he sent swift legates to the kings, to beg on his behalf as suppliants persuasively, and to pledge the most just recompense for the injuries inflicted. The veteran king, wishing to receive from the legates a correction of the wrongs, was inhibited by his indignant son.

Unde et legatorum allegationem penitus sprevit, atque illos immunes redire coegit. Quibus in itinere moram agentibus, antequam redissent die quarta natae synanticae facta, Odo monachus factus defecit, atque sic vitae finem habuit; ad sanctum Martinum delatus, et in loco quod Majus monasterium dicitur, cum multo suorum obsequio sepultus.

Whence also he utterly spurned the envoys’ allegation, and compelled them to return unharmed. As they were lingering on the journey, before they had returned, when, on the fourth day after the synanche (quinsy) had arisen, Odo, having been made a monk, failed and thus had an end of life; carried to Saint Martin, and in the place which is called the Greater Monastery, he was buried with much attendance from his own.

95. Johannes papa Leonem abbatem in Gallias mittit ut Arnulfi abdicationem dissolvat. Per idem tempus cum a Germanorum episcopis domno Johanni papae per epistolas saepe-numero suggestum foret, ut Gerberti Remorum metropolitani promotionem abdicaret, et Arnulfi abdicationem praeter jus factam indignaretur, a papa in Germaniam tunc directus est Leo monachus et abbas, qui vicibus papae potitus, cum episcopis Germaniae atque Galliarum hujus negotii et indaginem faceret, et juditium diligens inde proferret. Qui humanissime ab episcopis exceptus, de habenda sinodo super hoc negotio cum eis tractabat.

95. Pope John sends Abbot Leo into Gaul to dissolve the abdication of Arnulf. At the same time, since by the bishops of the Germans it had very often been suggested through letters to lord Pope John that he should abdicate the promotion of Gerbert, metropolitan of Reims, and be indignant at Arnulf’s abdication done contrary to right, Leo, a monk and abbot, was then sent by the pope into Germany, who, acting in the pope’s stead, might, with the bishops of Germany and of the Gauls, conduct an investigation of this business and bring forth from it a diligent judgment. He, being received most humanely by the bishops, was treating with them about having a synod on this business.

A quibus Gallorum regibus, Hugoni videlicet ejusque filio Rotberto, legati directi sunt, qui papae mandatum, necnon et episcoporum voluntatem super hoc aperiant, eisque ut cum suis episcopis conveniant, rationabiliter suadeant; locum etiam tempusque quo et quando conveniendum esset a regibus discerent, eorumque animum ex hoc sibi referrent.

By whom legates were sent to the kings of the Gauls, namely Hugh and his son Robert, who should lay open the pope’s mandate, as well as the will of the bishops concerning this, and reasonably advise them to convene with their bishops; they were also to learn from the kings the place and the time where and when it ought to be convened, and to report their disposition in this matter back to them.

96. Quod regibus nuntiatum sit, episcopos Germaniae in synodum convenire. Legati igitur directi sunt. Legatio quoque prolata.

96. That it was announced to the kings that the bishops of Germany are convening into a synod. Legates therefore were directed. The legation also was brought forward.

Quam etiam reges serenissima mente excipientes, papae et episcoporum mandatis in nullo tunc refragati sunt; sese consilium super hoc quaesituros respondentes, atque aequitatem de omnibus facturos. Legatis itaque abductis, per quosdam regibus indicatum est, Adalberonem Laudunensem episcopum, haec dolo ordinasse; omnino etiam apud Odonem illud pridem pertractasse. Eorum utrumque in voto habuisse, ut Ottonem regem Galliis inducerent, et reges ingenio et viribus foras expungerent.

Which the kings also, receiving with a most serene mind, did not then gainsay in anything the mandates of the pope and the bishops; replying that they would seek counsel about this, and would do equity in all things. Accordingly, the legates having been conducted away, it was indicated to the kings by certain persons that Adalbero, bishop of Laon, had ordained these things by guile; indeed that he had long since thoroughly discussed that matter in the presence of Odo. That both of them had it in their vow to introduce Otto as king into Gaul, and to expel the kings by ingenuity and by force.

Episcopos quoque Germaniae, ideo convenire, ut dolum quaesitum expleant. Reges itaque, fraude percepta, episcopis jam ad locum designatum convenientibus per legatos indicavere, sese illuc non ituros, eo quod suorum praecipuos penes se non haberent, sine quorum consilio nihil agendum vel omittendum videbatur. Indignum etiam sibi videri, si correctioni episcoporum Germaniae suos subdat, cum isti non minus nobiles, non minus potentes, aeque etiam aut amplius sapientes sint.

That the bishops of Germany also convene for this purpose: to complete the sought-out fraud. Therefore the kings, the fraud having been perceived, with the bishops already assembling at the designated place, signified through legates that they would not go thither, because they did not have with them their chief men, without whose counsel nothing seemed to be done or omitted. It also seemed unworthy to them to subject their own men to the correction of the bishops of Germany, since these are no less noble, no less powerful, and equally or even more wise.

Ipsi ergo si indigent, in Gallias properent, unde volunt edicant. Alioquin, redeant, et sua ut libet curent. Horum ergo res in contrarium relapsa est.

Therefore, if they themselves are in need, let them hasten into Gaul, and from wherever they wish let them issue edicts. Otherwise, let them return, and tend to their own affairs as it pleases them. Therefore, the matter of these men relapsed into the contrary.

Adalbero enim qui horum ministrum sese praebuerat, cum delationis nescius reges moneret, ut occurrentibus obveniret, rex veteranus fraudium non ignarus, Ludovicum Karoli filium ab eo reposcit, quem in captione Lauduni captum, ei custodiendum commiserat. Repoposcit etiam ejusdem urbis arcem, quam similiter commiserat.

For Adalbero, who had shown himself the minister of these men, while, ignorant of the delation, he was advising the kings to go to meet those approaching, the veteran king, not ignorant of frauds, demanded back from him Louis, son of Charles, whom, taken in the seizure of Laon, he had entrusted to his keeping. He also demanded back the citadel of that same city, which likewise he had entrusted.

97. Adalbero totius fraudis causa reprehenditur. Quo credita reddere reniso, regii stipatores animo indignante subinferunt: Cum tu, o episcope, in perniciem regum et principum, apud Ottonem regem et Odonem tirannum plurima quaesieris, quomodo hic ante dominos tuos reges tam magnifica confingere non vereris? Quid Ludovicum et arcem reddere metuis, si fidem regibus te servasse non dubitas?

97. Adalbero is reprehended as the cause of the whole fraud. When he refused to return the things entrusted, the royal bodyguards, their spirit indignant, subjoin: Since you, O bishop, for the ruin of kings and princes, have sought many things with Otto the king and Odo the tyrant, how do you not fear to fabricate such magnificent things here before your lords the kings? Why do you fear to return Louis and the citadel, if you do not doubt that you have kept faith with the kings?

Quid ergo est credita nolle reddere, nisi contra reges infausta moliri? Evidentissime fidem abrupisti, cum apud Ottonem de regum interitu tractasti, eorumque honorem subruere temptasti. Unde et perjurii reatu detineris.

What, therefore, is it to refuse to render the things entrusted, if not to machinate ill-omened designs against the kings? Most evidently you have broken faith, since with Otto you treated concerning the destruction of the kings, and you attempted to subvert their honor. Whence also you are held under the charge of perjury.

Legationem etiam tamquam ab eis missam Ottoni regi pertulisti, ac apud eum dolose ordinasti, ut ipse cum paucis adveniret, et militum multitudinem non longe expeditam haberet. Regibus quoque nostris adversario cum paucis occurrere suasisti, atque nihil mali ex hoc proventurum spopondisti. Hanc etiam collocutionem, utrimque utillimam fieri dicebas, cum hos et illum de communibus et privatis familiariter collocuturos simulabas.

You even conveyed to King Otto a legation as though sent by them, and deceitfully arranged with him that he himself should arrive with a few, and should have a multitude of soldiers in readiness not far off. You also advised our kings to meet the adversary with a few, and you pledged that nothing evil would result from this. You kept saying that this colloquy, most useful on both sides, would be held, since you were feigning that these men and that man would converse familiarly about matters both common and private.

Verum aliter tibi visum erat, cum hoc ideo praetendebas, ut ab Ottone rege dominos tuos reges comprehendi faceres, regnumque Francorum in jus illius transfunderes, ut tu videlicet Remorum metropolitanus, Odo vero Francorum dux haberetur. Idque tunc nobis omnino patuit, sed ad tempus suppressum fuit. Et o summae Divinitatis miserationem inestimabilem, quantis miseriis erepti, quanto ludibrio subtracti sumus!

But it seemed otherwise to you, since you were putting this forward for this reason, namely, that you might cause your lords, the kings, to be apprehended by King Otto, and transfer the kingdom of the Franks into his right, so that you, to wit, would be held metropolitan of Reims, and Odo indeed duke of the Franks. And this was then altogether evident to us, but for a time it was suppressed. And O the inestimable compassion of the supreme Divinity, from what miseries we were rescued, from what derision we were withdrawn!

Instat tempus quo paratae insidiae effectum promittant. Episcopi etenim sub specie religionis ac si de promotione et abdicatione Gerberti atque Arnulfi episcoporum quaesituri, praemissis legatis adveniunt. Otto quoque rex Metti adest; a quo non longe exercitus collectus praedicatur.

The time is at hand when the prepared plots promise to take effect. For the bishops, under the guise of religion and as if about to inquire concerning the promotion and abdication of the bishops Gerbert and Arnulf, arrive with envoys sent ahead. King Otto also is present at Metz; and not far from him an army is proclaimed to be assembled.

Si ergo imus, aut pugnabimus, aut capiemur. Si vero non imus, perjurii arguemur. Sed ire reges non expedit, eo quod militum copia sufficiens eis non sit.

If therefore we go, either we shall fight, or we shall be captured. But if indeed we do not go, we shall be charged with perjury. Yet it is not expedient for the kings to go, because they do not have a sufficient supply of soldiers.

Perjurii vero reatus in te redundabit, cum tu solus regibus nesciis juratus sis.

But the guilt of perjury will redound upon you, since you alone have been sworn, the kings being ignorant.

98. Ad haec episcopus erubescens, obmutuit. Quem cum unus suorum his exterritum vidit, contra haec responsurus surrexit, et sic oblocutorem adorsus est: Horum omnium objector mihi loquatur. Adsum qui pro criminato rationem reddo.

98. To these things the bishop, blushing, fell silent. When one of his own saw him terror‑stricken by these things, he rose, about to respond against these, and thus he assailed the interlocutor: Let the objector of all these things speak to me. I am present, I who render an account on behalf of the accused.

Unus tantum haec proferat. Caput quoque suum meo objiciat. Arma quoque armis comparet.

Let one man only bring these things forth. Let him also oppose his head to mine. Let him also compare arms with arms.

Necnon et vires viribus conferat. Hunc pro domino suo insanientem et fervidum, Landricus comes sic alloquitur: O optime miles, harum ut video fraudium penitus es ignarus. Quae licet te ignorante, tamen ut praedicantur quaesitae sunt.

And let him also compare strength with strength. This man, raving and fervid on behalf of his lord, Count Landricus thus addresses: O most excellent soldier, of these frauds, as I see, you are utterly ignorant. Which, although you are ignorant, nevertheless have been sought out in order that they may be proclaimed.

Unde et tempera animum, mitiga fervorem. Belli necessitatem non tibi imponas. Non te impellas, unde ingressus redire non poteris.

Wherefore also, temper your spirit; mitigate your fervor. Do not impose upon yourself the necessity of war. Do not impel yourself into that from which, once you have made ingress, you will not be able to return.

Sed nunc meo usus consilio, paululum hinc secede, dominumque tuum de his an vera sint, interroga. Si te ad pugnam hortatur, congredere. Si dicit cessandum, furori parce.

But now, making use of my counsel, withdraw a little from here, and interrogate your lord about these matters, whether they are true. If he exhorts you to battle, engage. If he says there must be a cessation, spare your fury.

Secessit ergo, dominumque vocatum an sic res habeatur interrogat. Episcopus utpote a conscio convictus, rem ita esse quaerenti confessus est. Unde et pugnam inhibuit.

Therefore he withdrew, and, with his lord summoned, he asks whether the matter stands thus. The Bishop, as indeed convicted by one privy to it, confessed to the inquirer that the matter was so. Whence also he inhibited the combat.

Sedato itaque tanto fervore militis, res penitus innotuit. Detentus ergo regum jussu, utpote desertor custodibus datur. Cujus milites mox regibus sacramento alligati sunt.

Accordingly, the soldier’s great fervor having been calmed, the matter became thoroughly known. Detained therefore by the command of the kings, as a deserter he is handed over to the guards. His soldiers were soon bound to the kings by sacrament (the military oath).

99. Synodus quae pro Arnulfo Mosomi habita est. Dum haec agerentur, cum Galliarum episcopi ab regibus prohibiti essent, ut ad sinodum statutam non venissent, episcopi tamen Germaniae ne doli arguerentur si non accederent, statuto tempore Mosomum conveniunt, domni papae legatum secum habentes. Collecti ergo in basilica sanctae Dei genitricis Mariae ordinatim more ecclesiastico consedere, scilicet Sugerus Mimagadvurdensis, Leodulfus Treverensis, Nocherus Leodicensis, et Haimo Virdunensis.

99. The synod which was held at Mosomus on behalf of Arnulf. While these things were being transacted, since the bishops of the Gauls had been prohibited by the kings, so that they did not come to the appointed synod, the bishops, however, of Germany, lest they be accused of guile if they did not approach, at the set time gather at Mosomus, having with them the lord pope’s legate. Gathered therefore in the basilica of Saint Mary the God-bearer, they sat in order according to ecclesiastical custom, namely Sugerus of Mimagadvurda, Leodulfus of Trier, Nocherus of Liège, and Haimo of Verdun.

Horum medius abbas Leo resedit, vicesque domni papae obtinuit. Contra quos etiam Gerbertus Remorum metropolitanus, qui solus ex Galliarum episcopis regibus etiam interdicentibus advenerat, pro se responsurus ex adverso resedit. Consederunt quoque diversorum locorum abbates, ac clerici nonnulli.

Among these, Abbot Leo sat in the middle, and held the vicariate of the lord pope. Over against them likewise Gerbert, metropolitan of Reims, who alone of the bishops of Gaul had come, even with the kings forbidding, sat opposite to answer for himself. Abbots of various places also took their seats, and several clerics.

Laici etiam Godefridus comes cum duobus filiis suis, atque Ragenerus Remensium vicedominus.

Also the laymen Godfrey the count with his two sons, and Ragenerus, vicedominus of Reims.

100. Praelocutio Haimonis Virdunensis episcopi de causa sinodi. Quibus circumquaque silentibus, episcopus Virdunensis eo quod linguam Gallicam norat, causam sinodi prolaturus surrexit: Quoniam inquiens ad aures domni papae saepissime perlatum est, Remorum metropolim pervasam, et praeter jus et aequum proprio pastore frustratam, non semel et bis litteris suggessit, quatinus nobis in unum collectis, tantum facinus justa lance utrimque pensaremus, et sua auctoritate per nos correctum ad normam reduceremus.

100. The prelocution of Haimo, bishop of Verdun, concerning the cause of the synod. With all round about being silent, the bishop of Verdun, because he knew the Gallic tongue, rose to bring forward the cause of the synod: saying, Since to the ears of the lord pope it has most frequently been conveyed that the metropolis of Reims has been usurped, and, contrary to law and equity, has been deprived of its own pastor, he has suggested by letters, not once or twice, that, with us gathered into one, we should weigh so great a crime on a just balance on both sides, and, corrected by his authority through us, we should bring it back to the norm.

Sed quoniam impediente rerum diversitate id facere distulimus, nunc post tot ammonitiones domnum hunc abbatem Leonem et monachum mittere voluit, qui vices suas teneat, et rem memoratam nobis oboedientibus discuciat. Per quem etiam scriptum suae voluntatis allegavit, ut si quid oblivio derogaret, scripto commendatum haberetur. Quod et impraesentiarum audire utile est.

But since, the diversity of affairs impeding, we deferred to do that, now after so many admonitions he wished to send this lord Abbot Leo, a monk, who may hold his vicariate and thoroughly discuss the aforesaid matter with us being obedient. Through whom also he adduced a writing of his will, so that if oblivion should derogate anything, it might be held commended to writing. Which also it is useful to hear for the present.

Et statim protulit scriptum, atque in aures considentium recitavit, quod quia brevitati studemus, et nobis minus fuit accommodum, nostris scriptis inserere vitavimus.

And immediately he produced the document, and recited it into the ears of those seated; which, since we strive for brevity, and it was less convenient for us, we have avoided inserting into our writings.

101. Oratio Gerberti pro se in consilio recitata. Post cujus recitationem, Gerbertus surrexit, atque orationem pro se scriptam in concilio mox recitavit.

101. Gerbert’s oration on his own behalf recited in the council. After the recitation of which, Gerbert rose, and at once recited in the council the oration written on his own behalf.

Satisque apud illos luculenter peroravit. Sed hanc addere hic placuit, quod plena rationibus plurimam lectori utilitatem comparat. Cujus textus hujusmodi est:

And he perorated quite luculently among them. But it has pleased us to add this here, because, full of reasons, it furnishes to the reader the very greatest utility. The text of which is of this sort:

102. Exordium. Semper quidem, reverentissimi patres, hanc diem prae oculis habui, spe ac voto ad eam intendi, ex quo a fratribus meis admonitus, onus hoc sacerdotii non sine periculo capitis mei subii.

102. Exordium. Indeed always, most reverend fathers, I have had this day before my eyes, with hope and with a vow I have aimed toward it, since, admonished by my brethren, I undertook this burden of the priesthood not without peril to my head.

Tanti erat apud me pereuntis populi salus, tanti vestra auctoritas, qua me tutum fore existimabam. Recordabar praeteritorum beneficiorum, dulcis atque affabilis benivolentiae vestrae, qua saepenumero cum multa laude prestantium usus fueram. Cum ecce subitus rumor vos offensos insinuat, vitioque dare laborat, quod magna paratum virtute inter alios constabat.

So great with me was the safety of the perishing people, so great your authority, by which I deemed that I should be secure. I was recalling past benefactions, your sweet and affable benevolence, of which I had many times availed myself, with much commendation from the outstanding. When lo, a sudden rumor insinuates that you are offended, and strives to impute as a fault that which stood established among others as having been prepared with great virtue.

Horrui, fateor; et quos ante formidabam gladios, prae indignatione vestra posthabui. Nunc quia propitia Divinitas coram contulit, quibus salutem meam semper commisi, pauca super innocentiam meam referam, et quonam consilio urbi Remorum praelatus sim edisseram. Ego quippe post obitum divi Otthonis augusti, cum statuissem non discedere a clientela patris mei beati Adalberonis, ab eodem ignorans, ad sacerdotium praeelectus sum; atque in ejus discessu ad Dominum, coram illustribus viris futurus ecclesiae pastor designatus.

I shuddered, I confess; and the swords which beforehand I feared, in comparison with your indignation I set aside. Now, since kindly Divinity has brought face to face those to whom I have always committed my safety, I will relate a few things concerning my innocence, and I will explain by what counsel I was preferred as prelate to the city of the Remi. For I, after the death of the deified Otto Augustus, when I had resolved not to depart from the clientage of my father, Blessed Adalbero, was, without his knowledge, pre-elected to the priesthood; and, at his departure to the Lord, in the presence of illustrious men I was designated to be the future pastor of the church.

Sed Simoniaca haeresis, in Petri soliditate me stantem inveniens, reppulit, Arnulfum praetulit. Cui tamen plus quam oportuerit, fidum obsequium praebui, donec eum per multos et per me apostatare palam intelligens, dato repudii libello, cum omnibus suis apostaticis dereliqui; non spe, nec pactione capessendi ejus honoris, ut mei aemuli dicunt, sed monstruosis operibus territus, in effigie hominis latitantis. Non inquam ideo illum dereliqui, sed ne illud propheticum incurrerem: Impio praebes auxilium, et iis qui oderunt me amicitia jungeris, et idcirco iram quidem Domini merebaris (II Paral.

But the Simoniacal heresy, finding me standing upon Peter’s solidity, repelled me and preferred Arnulf. To whom, nevertheless, more than was fitting, I rendered faithful obsequium, until, learning openly—from many and from myself—that he was apostatizing, a libellus of repudiation having been given, I abandoned him with all his apostatic followers; not from hope, nor from a pact of seizing his honor, as my rivals say, but terrified by monstrous works, lurking under the effigy of a man. Not, I say, for that reason did I leave him, but lest I incur that prophetic word: You give help to the impious, and you are joined in friendship with those who hate me, and therefore you were indeed deserving the wrath of the Lord (2 Chronicles

XIX, 2). Deinde sanctionibus ecclesiasticis, per longa temporum spatia peractis, legeque perhemptoria consummata, cum nihil aliud restaret, nisi ut judiciaria principis potestate coherceretur, et tanquam seditiosus ac rebellis a principali cathedra removeretur, lege Africani concilii, iterum a fratribus meis et regni primatibus conventus et commonitus sum, ut excluso apostata curam discissi et dilaniati susciperem populi. Quod quidem et diu distuli, et postea non satis sponte acquievi, quoniam quae tormentorum genera me comitarentur, omnimodis intellexi. Haec est viarum mearum simplicitas, haec innocentiae puritas, et coram Domino et vobis sacerdotibus in his omnibus munda conscientia.

19, 2). Then, the ecclesiastical sanctions, carried through long spans of time, having been performed, and the peremptory law consummated, since nothing else remained except that he be coerced by the judicial power of the prince, and, as though seditious and rebellious, be removed from the principal cathedra, by the law of the African council, again I was convened and admonished by my brothers and the primates of the realm, that, the apostate being excluded, I should assume the care of the riven and lacerated people. This indeed I both deferred for a long time, and afterwards I acquiesced not quite of my own accord, since I understood in every way what kinds of torments would accompany me. This is the simplicity of my ways, this the purity of innocence, and before the Lord and you priests, in all these things, with a clean conscience.

103. Particio. Sed ecce, ex adverso occurrit calumpniator; vocum novitatibus, ut major fiat invidia, delectatus obloquitur: Dominum tuum tradidisti, carceri mancipasti, sponsam ejus rapuisti, sedem pervasisti!

103. Partition. But behold, from the opposite side a calumniator comes up; delighted with novelties of words, so that the envy may be greater, he pours out obloquy: You betrayed your Lord, you consigned him to prison, you have ravished his bride, you have usurped the seat!

104. Confirmatio et reprehensio alternatim digestae. Itane ego dominum, cujus numquam servus fuerim, cui etiam nullum sacramenti genus unquam prestiterim?

104. Confirmation and reprehension arranged alternately. Is it thus that I betrayed a lord, whose servant I have never been, to whom I have also never rendered any kind of sacrament—any oath?

Etsi enim ad tempus famulatus sum, fecit hoc imperium patris mei Adalberonis, qui me in Remensi ecclesia commorari praecepit, quoadusque pontificis in ea sacrati mores actusque dinoscerem. Quod dum operior, hostium praeda factus sum, et quae vestra munificentia magnorumque ducum largitas clara et praecipua contulerat, violenta praedonum manus abstulit, meque pene nudum gladiis suis ereptum doluit. Denique postquam illum apostatam dereliqui, vias et itinera ejus non observavi, nec quolibet modo ei communicavi.

Although indeed I served for a time, this was done by the command of my father Adalbero, who ordered me to remain in the church of Reims until I might discern the manners and acts of the pontiff consecrated in it. While I was awaiting that, I was made prey of enemies, and what your munificence and the renowned and preeminent largess of great dukes had conferred, the violent hand of brigands took away, and I was left, despoiled by their swords, almost naked, to my sorrow. Finally, after I abandoned that apostate, I did not observe his ways and journeys, nor did I in any way hold communion with him.

Quomodo ergo eum tradidi, qui, ubi tunc temporis fuerit, nescivi? Sed neque eum carceri mancipavi, qui nunc nuper sub praesentia fidelium testium seniorem meum conveni, ut propter me nec ad momentum ulla detineretur custodia. Si enim auctoritas vestra pro me staret, in tantum Arnulfus vilesceret, ut mihi minimum voleret obesse.

How then did I hand him over, I who did not know where he was at that time? But neither did I consign him to prison, I who quite recently, in the presence of faithful witnesses, met with my liege, that on my account no custody at all should be detained even for a moment. For if your authority were to stand on my behalf, Arnulf would be so cheapened that he would be least willing to harm me.

Quod si contraria mihi, quod absit, sententia vestra decerneret, quid mea interesset, utrum Arnulfus, an alius Remorum constitueretur episcopus? Jam de sponsa rapta sedeque pervasa quod dicitur, ridiculosum est. Dico enim primum, numquam illius fuisse sponsam, quam pro legitima donatione spiritualis dotis collatis ante beneficiis expoliavit, proscidit, ac dilaniavit.

But if, God forbid, your sentence were to decree the contrary against me, what would it matter to me whether Arnulf, or another, were established bishop of the Remi? As for what is said about a bride carried off and a see violated, it is ridiculous. For I say first that she was never his bride, whom, instead of a lawful donation of a spiritual dowry—together with benefices previously conferred—he despoiled, ripped up, and lacerated.

Necdum sacerdotali anulo insignitus erat, et jam omnia quae denominatae sponsae fuisse videbantur, satellites Symonis vastaverant. Dico etiam, si concederetur quolibet modo illius sponsa fuisse, utique esse desiit, postquam eam pollutam et violatam, et, ut ita dicam, adulteratam suis predonibus prostravit. Num igitur eam, aut quam non habuit aut quam suo scelere perdidit, illius sponsam rapui?

Nor had he yet been invested with the sacerdotal ring, and already the henchmen of Simon had ravaged everything that seemed to have belonged to the denominated bride. I say further, even if it were conceded in any way that she had been his bride, she certainly ceased to be, after he cast her down polluted and violated, and, so to speak, adulterated by his own robbers. Did I then snatch her, as his bride, her whom either he did not have or whom he lost by his own wickedness?

Sedem autem populorum multitudine refertam advena et peregrinus, nullis fretus opibus, pervadere qui potui? Sed forte apostolica sedes nobis opponitur, tamquam ea inconsulta summum hoc negocium discussum sit, vel ignorantia, vel contumacia. Certe nihil actum vel agendum fuit, quod apostolicae sedi relatum non fuerit, ejusque per decem et octo menses expectata sententia.

But how could I, a newcomer and pilgrim, relying on no resources, have overrun a seat crammed with a multitude of peoples? But perhaps the Apostolic See is brought against us, as though this highest business had been discussed without taking its counsel, either through ignorance or contumacy. Certainly nothing was done or ought to have been done which was not reported to the Apostolic See, and its sentence was awaited for eighteen months.

Sed dum ab hominibus consilium non capitur, ad filii Dei supereminens eloquium recurritur: Si oculus inquit tuus scandalizat te et reliqua (Matth. V, 29). Et fratrem peccantem, coram testibus coramque ecclesia commonitum, et non obaudientem, decernit habendum tamquam ethnicum et publicanum. Conventus ergo Arnulfus, et commonitus litteris et legatis episcoporum Galliae, ut a coepto furore desisteret, et, si valeret, quoquo modo se a perditionis scelere purgaret, dum monita salubria contemnit, habitus est tamquam ethnicus et publicanus.

But when counsel is not taken from men, recourse is had to the supereminent utterance of the Son of God: “If your eye,” he says, “scandalizes you, and the rest (Matt. 5, 29).” And he decrees that a sinning brother, admonished before witnesses and before the church, and not obeying, is to be held as an ethnic (that is, a Gentile) and a publican. Therefore Arnulf, having been summoned and admonished by the letters and legates of the bishops of Gaul to desist from the fury he had undertaken, and, if he were able, by whatever method to purge himself from the crime of perdition, while he scorns the healthful admonitions, was held as an ethnic and a publican.

Nec tamen idcirco dijudicatus ut ethnicus, ob reverentiam sedis apostolicae sacerdotiique sacri privilegia, sed a se ipso in se ipsum damnationis sententia prolata, hoc solum eum in omni vita sua preclare egisse dijudicatum est; quia nimirum, si eum se, ipso damnante, episcopi absolverent, poenam sceleris ejus incurrerent. Si, inquit magnus Leo papa, omnes sacerdotes et mundus assentiat damnandis, damnatio consentientes involvit, non praevaricationem consensus absolvit. Hoc enim Deus omnium indicavit, qui peccantem mundum generali diluvio interemit.

Nor, however, on that account was he adjudged as an ethnic, out of reverence for the apostolic see and the privileges of the sacred priesthood; but, a sentence of condemnation pronounced by himself upon himself, this alone was judged that he had done excellently in his whole life: namely, because indeed, if, he himself condemning himself, the bishops should absolve him, they would incur the penalty of his crime. “If,” says the great Pope Leo, “all the priests and the world should assent to those to be condemned, the condemnation involves the consenting; consent does not absolve prevarication.” For God of all has indicated this, who destroyed the sinning world by a general deluge.

Et papa Gelasius: Error qui semel est cum suo auctore damnatus, in participe quolibet pravae communionis effecto execrationem sui gestat et poenam. Excluso itaque illo a Remensi ecclesia, mihi reluctanti, multumque ea quae passus sum et adhuc patior formidanti, a fratribus meis Galliarum episcopis hoc honus sacerdotii sub divini nominis obtestatione impositum est. Quod si forte a sacris legibus quippiam deviatum est, non id malicia, sed temporis importavit necessitas.

And Pope Gelasius: The error which once has been condemned together with its author, when anyone has been made a participant in a perverse communion, bears about the execration of itself and the penalty. Therefore, with that man excluded from the church of Reims, though I resisted, and greatly fearing the things which I have suffered and still suffer, this burden of the priesthood was imposed upon me by my brothers, the bishops of Gaul, under the obtestation of the divine name. But if perchance anything has deviated from the sacred laws, it was not malice, but the necessity of the time that brought it about.

Alioquin tempore hostili omne jus, omneque licitum cavere, quid est aliud quam patriam perdere et necem inferre? Silent equidem leges inter arma; quibus ille feralis bestia O ita abusus est, ut reverendissimos sacerdotes Dei, quasi vilia mancipia caperet, nec ab ipsis sacrosanctis altaribus temperaret, commeatus publicos intercluderet.

Otherwise, in a time of hostility to safeguard every right and everything licit—what is it but to lose the fatherland and to bring in slaughter? The laws indeed fall silent amid arms; and them—O!—that funereal beast so abused, that he would seize the most reverend priests of God as if cheap chattels, would not restrain himself even from the sacrosanct altars themselves, and would cut off the public supply-lines.

105. Epilogus. Redeo ad me, reverentissimi patres, cui specialiter ob salutem pereuntis populi totiusque rei publicae curam mors furibunda cum omnibus suis incubuit copiis.

105. Epilogue. I return to myself, most reverend fathers, upon whom, in particular, for the salvation of the perishing people and of the whole republic, furious Death has pressed with all its forces.

Hinc dira egestas, horreas et apothecas armata manu sibi vindicat, illinc foris gladius et intus pavor, dies ac noctes reddiderunt insomnes. Sola vestra auctoritas, ut tantorum malorum levamen fieret, expectata est; quae tantum vim habere creditur, ut non solum Remensi, sed etiam omni ecclesiae Gallorum desolatae, et pene ad nihilum redactae, subsidio esse valeat; quod Divinitate propitia expectamus, et ut fiat, omnes in commune oramus.

Hence dire want, with armed hand, claims granaries and storehouses for itself; from there, outside, the sword, and within, dread, have made days and nights sleepless. Your authority alone has been awaited, that it might become an alleviation of such great evils; which is believed to have such force that it may avail to be a help not only to Reims, but also to the whole church of the Gauls, desolated and almost reduced to nothing; which we await with Divinity propitious, and, that it may come to pass, we all pray in common.

106. Quam perlectam, legato papae mox legendum porrexit. Tunc episcopi omnes cum Godefrido comite qui eis intererat simul surgentes, orsumque seducti, quid agendum inde esset deliberabant.

106. Which, when it had been read through, he forthwith proffered to the legate of the pope to be read. Then all the bishops, together with Count Godfrey, who was present with them, rising together and withdrawn apart, deliberated what ought to be done thereupon.

Et post paululum ipsum Gerbertum invitant. Cui cum post aliquot sermones a domno papa corpus et sanguinem Domini, ac sacerdotale officium sub praesentia legati prohibere vellent, ille mox ex canonibus et decretis confidenter astruxit, nulli hoc imponendum, nisi aut ex crimine convicto, aut post vocationem venire ad concilium vel rationem contempnenti. Huic penae non sese esse obnoxium, cum ipse etiam prohibitus accesserit, et cum nullo adhuc crimine convictus sit.

And after a little while they invite Gerbert himself. And when, after several speeches, they wished, by the lord pope, to forbid to him the Body and Blood of the Lord and the sacerdotal office, under the presence of the legate, he straightway, from the canons and decretals, confidently asserted that this is to be imposed on no one unless either convicted of a crime, or, after a citation, on one contemning to come to the council or to render a reason. That he is not liable to this penalty, since he, even though forbidden, has presented himself, and since he has not yet been convicted of any crime.

Simulque hoc ex Africano et Toletano conciliis asserebat. Sed ne domno papae omnino reniti videretur, a missarum celebratione sese cessaturum usque in alteram sinodum spopondit. Et statim his dictis sessum reversi sunt.

And at the same time he asserted this from the African and Toledan councils. But lest he should seem to resist the lord pope altogether, he pledged that he would desist from the celebration of masses until another synod. And immediately, these things having been said, they returned to their seats.

107. Quibus considentibus Virdunensis episcopus iterum surgens eo quod sinodi interpres habebatur, ad alios qui episcoporum consilio non interfuere, sic concionatus ait: Quoniam inquiens hoc unde hic agitur, diffiniri nunc non potest, eo quod controversiae pars altera deficit, placet his domnis episcopis ut vobis demonstretur, presentis rationis causam, in aliud tempus transferendam, ut ibi qui intendat, et qui refellat ante judicem consistant, ut singulorum partibus discussis, recti judicii proferatur censura. Ab omnibus conceditur et laudatur.

107. As they were sitting, the bishop of Verdun, rising again because he was held as the interpreter of the synod, to the others who had not taken part in the counsel of the bishops, thus haranguing said: Since, he said, this matter about which is being dealt here cannot now be defined, because the other party of the controversy is lacking, it pleases these lord bishops that it be demonstrated to you that the cause of the present case is to be transferred to another time, so that there both he who prosecutes and he who refutes may stand before the judge, so that, the parts of each having been discussed, the censure of a right judgment may be delivered. It is conceded and lauded by all.

Destinatur ergo locus Remis apud coenobium monachorum sancti Remigii; tempus quoque die 8 post natale sancti Johannis Baptistae. Quibus constitutis et dictis, sinodus soluta est.

Therefore the place is appointed at Reims, at the coenobium of the monks of Saint Remigius; the time also, on day 8 after the Nativity of Saint John the Baptist. With these things established and said, the synod was dissolved.

Post Historiae finem in codice ms. notitiae aliquot manu Richeri scriptae leguntur, quae pro fundamento operis exigendi habendae esse videntur; sunt autem hae:

After the end of the History, in the manuscript codex several notices written by the hand of Richer are read, which seem to be to be held as the foundation for completing the work; now these are:

(995) Tempore statuto Silvanecti sinodus episcoporum collecta est, ubi etiam inter Gerbertum et Arnulfum praesentaliter ratio discussa est sub praesentia Leonis abbatis et monachi legati aliorumque quamplurium. Berta Odonis uxor suarum rerum defensorem atque advocatum Rotbertum regem accepit. Richardus pyratarum dux apoplexia minore periit.

(995) At the appointed time at Senlis a synod of bishops was gathered, where also between Gerbert and Arnulf the matter was discussed in person in the presence of Leo, abbot and monk-legatus, and of very many others. Bertha, wife of Odo, received Robert the king as defender and advocate of her affairs. Richard, duke of the pirates, died of a lesser apoplexy.

Hilduinus quoque vinolentia.

Hilduin likewise, through drunkenness.

Sinodus quinque episcoporum in monte sanctae Mariae habita est. [Heinricus quoque dux obiit]. Alia item sinodus apud Engleheim indicta est sanctae Agathes festivitate habenda, quae et suo tempore habita est (996, Febr. 5).

A synod of five bishops was held on the Mount of Saint Mary. [Duke Henry likewise died.] Another synod likewise at Engleheim was convoked to be held on the feast of Saint Agatha, which also was held in its proper time (996, Febr. 5).

Berta Rotberto nubere volens Gerbertum consulit, ac ab eo confutatur.

Berta, wishing to marry Rotbert, consults Gerbert, and by him is confuted.

Gerbertus Romam ratiocinaturus vadit, ac ibi ratione papae data cum nullus accusaret, alia sinodus indicitur.

Gerbert goes to Rome to argue his case by ratiocination, and there, with the rationale given to the pope, since no one accused, another synod is convoked.

Hugo rex papulis toto corpore confectus, in oppido Hugonis Judeis extinctus est.

King Hugh, afflicted with papules over his whole body, was killed by the Jews in the town of Hugh.

Rotbertus rex patri succedens, suorum consilio Bertam duxit uxorem (Oct. 23) ea usus ratione, quod melius sit parvum aggredi malum, ut maximum evitetur.

Robert the king, succeeding his father, by the counsel of his own men took Berta to wife (Oct. 23), employing this rationale: that it is better to aggress a small evil, so that the greatest may be avoided.

(997) Rotbertus rex ducta Berta uxore, in Fulconem qui Odonis adversarius fuerat fertur, et ab eo urbem Turonicam et alia quae pervaserat vim recipit.

(997) King Robert, having taken Berta as wife, advances against Fulk, who had been Odo’s adversary, and from him by force he recovers the city of Tours and other things which he had occupied.

Rotbertus rex in Aquitania ob nepotem suum Wilelmum obsidione Hildebertum premit.

King Robert in Aquitaine, on account of his nephew William, presses Hildebert with a siege.

Gerbertus iterum Romam adit, ibique cum moram faceret, Arnulfus a Rotberto rege dimittitur.

Gerbert goes to Rome again, and there, while he was making a delay, Arnulf is dismissed by King Robert.

Gerbertus cum Rotberti regis perfidicam dinosceret, Ottonem regem frequentat, et patefacta sui ingenii peritia, episcopatum Ravennatem ab eo accipit (998).

Gerbert, when he discerned the perfidy of King Robert, frequented King Otto, and, the expertise of his ingenium laid open, received from him the Ravennate bishopric (998).

Gregorius papa tandiu permittit Arnulfo officium sacerdotale, donec in temporibus racionabiliter aut legibus adquirat aut legibus amittat.

Pope Gregory allows Arnulf the sacerdotal office for so long, until in time he shall either reasonably or by the laws acquire it, or by the laws lose it.